#### THE MARY, Stafford, mastf

*Msent....Tom), J.*

The condomsd'w menu's prnpertj^for ■want of a pre>’iiceanthe ■claim for her hstiu competent for tile Claimant of the cargo to controvert the feet that the vessel was enemy’s property, so far as pbejudiee'his^ «laim.

One Claimant /ured0tby6thé contumacy of

0f ,a. bottomry bond /Jannpt .Court of'prize. TOsset^saiUrT fiam England in Aug. 1812, &CtKe°repeal af the British pelled by dangers of the seas to put into Ireland, where she was ncces«ritif Aprn,ed 1813, when she sailed a-United States, under the pro-British Ucease, *127°n the voyage ¿^privateer” was protected F“'uc tions of the continuity oí' the voyage

*126APPEAL from the sentence of the Circuit Court for blie disti'ict <»f Rhode Island,'condemning the cargo of the Mary, as prize to the privateer, *Paul Jones.*

This cause vyas argued at last term by Stockton and Pinkney for the Claimants, and J. Woodward for the Captors, *('ante, vol. 8, p. 388,)*.when leave was given bv this Court, for further proof, by affidavits, on the fo}low¡ng points.' °

As to the citizenship of N. J. Yisscher. .

*%.*As to the names of the other heirs of general Fisuer> w^° are interested in the property; the place of their residence, and their national character. '

3» As to the time when N. J. Visscher, went to England; the object he had in view in going thither ; how í°nS *ie resided there; when the cargo was purcliaséd; and when he returned to the United States.

4. As to the iustructipns which the. Paul Jonesliad on k°ard^ie time of the capture of the Mary; and particplarly whether the president’s instruction of the 28th of August, 1812, liad been delivered to the captain, -or *ia^ come-to his knowledge, at the time of the capture; or whether the Paul Jones had been in port, after the of August, 1812, and before the capture.

The captors also had leave to make further proof as , ,» * ‘ . , * to the same points. ■

*'*The further proof now offered consisted of the affidavits of the Claimant, N. J. Yisscher, Jacob S. Pruyri, and David Gelston, collector of the customs for the port of New York. The affidavit of N. J. Visscher stated, in substance, that he, and sundry other persons, (whose names and places of residence are mentioned, and wh<? citizens aiid residents ofthe United States,) are *127the sole heirs at law and personal representatives of the late general Garret Fisher, who died in London intestate. That he, in behalf of himself and as agent for the other heirs, went to England, (having first obtained leave from the war. department, he being a military officer the service of the United States,) in consequence of an agreement between him and the other heirs, dated June 19th, 1811, (which original agreement is annexed to the affid avit.) He- arrived in England on the 22d of August, 1811, and obtained letters of administration on the estate of general Fisher, collected the effects, converted. them into cash, paid the debts, and was prepared to remit the balance to the United States long before the war was known in England j and was waiting, for a opportunity of investing the same in property that could be advúitageously sent to. the United States, the'balance of exchange being then greatly against him, and not being able to invest the whole in United States’ stock. That as sdon as the revocation of the English orders in council took place, supposing that it would be followed by the repeal of the non-importation law of the United States,, he gave orders for the purchase of British goods to nearly the Whole amount of the balance remaimhg in his hands, which purchase, including; the goods how in question,was made by. Harman Visger, his Agent, *before-the war was known in*England, who caused them to be sent to Bristol to be shipped, where they arrived in July ánd August; whence' they were shipped early in August oil hoard the American brig Mary. That the goods were the solé property of the Claimant^ for himself and the other heirs of general Fisher. That he left England as sodn as his business was settled, and arrived in the United States, on the 19th of October, 1812.

The affidavit of Mr. Frayn confirms that of Mr. YisS-Cher, as to the residence and citizenship of the Claimant1 and the others interested in the cargo.

The affidavit of Mr. Gelston states the fact that a copy of the president’s instruction of the 28th of August, 1812, was given to the commander of the *Paul ■Jonesj*before she sailed on the cruize in which she captured the Mary.

No .further proof was offered on the part of the. Captors.

*128Stocton, *for the Claimant,*

. After reading the further proof offered by the Claimant, said he should rest the case, in the opening) upon the argument formerly made.

¿.Woodward, *for the Captors,*

Was directed by thfe. Court to show, wherein this case differs from that of the *Thomas Gibbons,*decided at last teto, upon the effect of the president’? instruction of the 28 th ,pf August, 1812.

Woodward. . The *Thomas Gibbons*was an American vessel and sailed 'So early as to be presumed, to have sailed in consequence of the repeal of the orders in coum» cil. But we contend tliat the Mary,'sailing from Ireland, under a British license, as ]ate as April, 1813, (which license was obtained for the vessel and cargo, by a. British subject in his own name.) and laden with British goods, must be taken to be a British vessel, and not as sailing in consequence of the repeal of the British.orders in council, within the meaning of the instruction of the 28th of August. But the fact that the vessel has not been claimed, is clear proof that she was British.

The voyage from Ireland in April, 1813, *as far as respects those instructions,*is a voyage *de novo,*whatever it may be considered to be upon more general principle» of law..

The intent of these instructions was to protect American vessels and their cargoes, sailing • from England under the impression that the repeal of the orders iij council would have been followed by a. repeal of otli nOn-importation law, and a cessation of hostilities *;*but not to protect vessels sailing with' a full knowledge that those consequences had not, and probably would not follow the. repeal of the orders in council. , At the time the MaiT sailed all such expectations liad ceased. The instructions are derogatory to the rights of war, and the party wishing to protect himself thereby must bring himself strictly within their meaning, and intent The vessel and cargo were safe at Waterford, and the political relation between the two countries was then well un*129derstood, there was no necessity of her sailing from thence; she knew that the war was raging with increased violence.

The new license although it refers to the ohl one bears a very different character. The old one was innocent because it was not then the license of a belligerent, and did not give a Belligerent character to what it protected $ but the new had all the characters of a belligerent li-J cense, notwithstanding its connexion with the ojd. When she sailed, she knew, or might have knpwn, and taken' warning by the act of congress of the 2d of January, 1813, which extends the protect on of the. instructions only to vessels sailing before the l£th -of September, 1812. The instructions merge in, or are controled by. the provisions of that act. A vessel could not be protected by the instructions unless she sailed not only in consequence of the repeal of the orders in council, but before the 15th of September, 1812.

The necessity tor a new license shews that it was a new voyage. She was obliged to, take new papers pnd a new clearance. But if a voyage,be legal in its commencement, and before it be finished,become illegal, and the party has an opportunity to put an end to it, he is bound to do so. The prosecution of the voyage, after a knowledge of its illegality, andv after an opportunity given to abandon it, must be considered as.placing the party *in delicto.*

If this property was purchased after knowledge ofthe war had reached England, it is liable to condemnation. The invoices are dated the 13th of August, and the war was known in Liverpool on the 18th of July. By the order for further proof the Claimant is called upon to prove *the time when the*cargo was purchased. No such proof is offered. The affidavit of Mr. Yisscher, if it could be considered as *proof,*does not state the time, but merely states in general terms that the purchase was made before the war was known in England. This is not such *proof*as the order requires. The proof of the fact if It exist, is in England, why-has it not been obtained ? It is the most material fact in the case. The voluntary affidavit of the party himself, who is so deeply interested in the cause cannot be evidence. At the last term *130the Court wanted further evidence of that fact. They have not obtained it, nor is it shown that it was out of the power of the Claimant. to produce it. It was in his power. But it was not in our power to produce evidence of the Contrary, it is not. probable that the witnesses would have consented to a voluntary examination on our part and we had no means to compel them to testify. We rely upon this defect of evidence.

Emmett, *m the same*side.

The condemnation of the *vessel,*is final and conclusive* there being no appeal. Part of the cargo is in the same condition: 160 bundles of steel, worth about 1000 dollars, are- unclaimed and of course no appeal was taken and they.belong to the Libellants, Visscher filed two claims, ami therefore had time to rectify the mistake if any were made.

It is clear therefore that there were articles on.hoard which did not belong to N. J, Visscher, and that he- intended to disclaim certain parts of the cargo.

This case is not within the reason of the decision ifi the case of the *ThoMas; Gibbons.*TÍie intention of the instructions was to exempt the property from capture, not to give it an entire immunity. This could be done only fry the legislative power. ' The object of the instructions was to suspend the prize act in this particular until the legislature .could interfere. In the case of the Thomas Gibbons,, this Court, in delivering its opinion has connected' the instructions with .the. act of congress of 2d January, 1813, and seems to hold out the idea that the time of sailing of a vessel must he limited to'the 15th of September, in order to be protected by the instruc Rons The act of congress had made that definite which the i; structions had left undefined. If the instructions, and the act are not thus to be connected and construed together, there is no time limited, and a vessel may at any period of the w ar be protected by those instructions.

Does this vessel come within those instructions ? Is she a vessel owned by citizens of the United States ? She. has been condemned as. enemy’s property. From that. Sentence there has been no appeal. It is conclusive,

*131But although that objection seems conclusive, yet ■there is a still stronger ground of condemnation. She did not sail from Waterford until nine months after war was declared. Here was ample time for counternfiandhigher voyage after knowing that the repeal of the orders in council would not produce a c» ssation of hostilities. Can such a case be protected by the instructions.

The further proof furnishes irresistable evidence of trading with the enemy. The order for further proof calls for evidence of the national character of Yisscher, and those interested with him in the claim, and of the *lime when the goods were purchased,*as well as with regard to the question whether the instructions were on board the privateer. It is clear therefore that the Court were not *then*satisfied as to any of those points.

No further competent evidence has been produced rs to the *time*of purchase. The Court will not receive as proof the affidavit of the interested party himself, when it is clear that better evidence must have been in his power. Why did he not produce the affidavit of his agent who made the purchases, or the bills of parcels, which he must have in his possession, by which to settle, with the other heirs. These bills of parcels also would have shown whether other parts of the cargo as well as the 160 bundles of steel, did not belong to Harman Yisgcr. ■

. But this was a clear case of trading. Visselier was only to collect and remit the proceeds of the estate. Instead of which he goes to trading with it for his own benefit, not that of the heirs. By undertaking to ship goods he took the risk on himself, and if lost, he must account to the other heirs.

It is immaterial, however, whether the goods were purchased before or after knowledge of the war. 8 T, *M.*55&, the case of *8L Philip*cited in *Potts Bell,*from the MS. notes óf *sir E. Simpson,*

Livingston, *J,*Was not this point settled in the case of the Rapid *I*

Emmett, I think it was j but lest it should not *132have been, I refer the Court to the case of the *Jnffrow Louisa Murgaretha.*1 *Rob.*170, *(Jlmer. Ed.J*-cited in the case of *the hoop.*— 1 *Rob.*177, *The Eemgheid.*— ± *Rob.*178, *The Fortuna.*— 1 *Rob.*181, *sir William Scott’s in the Hoop,*where he doe's not allow an excuse either of convenience or necessity. A license from the government of the United States ought to have been obtained for the Mary, or the voyage abandoned. 1 Rob. 180,- *The William:,*

4 distinction , is attempted to be taken between this oasé atid that of the *Rapid,.*It is said this vessel was *in motion..*

If a vessel has been in motion so far that there is ho opportunity of countermanding the voyage, this distinction might be relied upon. But here there was time for countermanding. , Upon this point see again the case of ' the *Fortuna.*When was the Mary in motion? War was published in London on the 26th of July. This vessel did not bégin to load till August, and did not sail from Bristol till three weeks after knowledge of the War. N. J. Visscher himself was present and might have countermanded the voyage, which-is a circumstance of great importance. *5 Rob.*142, *(Eng. Ed.J Juffrow Catha-*■ *rina.*

Story, *J.*The case of the Rapid differs from this. She went from this country to that of the. enemy after knowledge of the war.

Emmett. As to the Rapid, the cóndemnátion was owing to the presence of Hárrisnn, who might have countermanded the voyage, but did not. Whether .the party be in the country at the time of the breaking out of the war, or goes there afterward is immaterial *y*in each casé he is equally bound to countermand the Voyage. ' The present case therefore is precisely t hat of the *Rapid.*

But N. J. Visscher was in England long after the Mary put into Waterford. He did not leave England till the 7th of September $ the Mary arrived at Waterford in August. He knew that the vessel rhust remain there till the spiring, and that she could not arrive in the Uni*133ted States until nearly a year after the declaration of war. Why did he not apply to the United States for a license ?

The sailing from Waterford M as a new voyage. We are to consider the transaction, not in a commercial po.nt of view, but as it is affected by public policy and Rational law. To ever} belligerent purpose it was a voyage *de novo.*It is not protected by the act of congress' of 2d January, 1813. That act requires that the vessel should have sailed before the 15th of September, 1812. arid should have sailed in consequence of the. repeal of the orders in council. The act has no *prospective*view. Vissrher knew that it d'd not protect this vessel. He graded at his peril, l *Rob.*181, *The Hoop.*

But if. contrary to expectations, this property should be restored we trust it will be with costs. There was no proof of property on board. She was foimd sailing with a British license dated long after the war was knoM'n. She had sailed long after-the 15th of September, and -did not appear by any documents on board to be within the president’s instructions of the 28th of August, 1812. It is not usual to give costs after an order for further proof. If the papers withheld, had been produced it is probable a great deal more of the property would be found to belong to Harman Visger.

PiNKNjpr, *in reply.*

It is said that Mr. Vissrher has been trading for-his' own benefit, upon the funds he received. There is no foundation for such an assertion. The letters of Hais man Visger, and. all the documents-show that the goods M ere purchased and shipped for the joint benefit of all the heirs. . He did. the best for the interest of all concerned, according to his judgment, and agreeably to the agreement of the parties, which contemplates and provides for the case of his being obliged to remit goods, and binds him to cause them to be insured.

. Two questions arise in this case,

1. Was the Mary the property of an American citizen. ?-

*1343. tf so, was she, when captured, sailing in consequence of the repeal of the British orders in council ?

1. Was the Mary the property -of an American citizen ?

All the documentary evidence shews that she was ?

But it is contended that she was the property of one *Smith*a Scotsman, and this assertion depends upon tlie evidence of the *cook,*who says he believed it because Smith ordered the men about. But it appears that this cook wras shipped just as the vessel sailed.

It is said also that the ship, not having been claimed, was condemned, and no appeal has been prayed, whiefe shows conclusively that she was British property,

The reason why she was not claimed appears in the evidence. . She was hypothecated for more than she was worth.- If lost by capture the owner is not personally liable, but if he should claim, and the vessel should be restored, he would be liable for the amount of the bottomry bond. Visscher, who' held the bond, could not claim in his own name, for it has bepn decided that such a lien on the ship wili not support a claim, and he could not use the name of the owner without his consent, which lie would certainly not give to impose a liability on himself. ft was Ins interest to make it a total loss. A sentence of condemnation founded upon the want of claim accounted for in such a manner, cannot surely bo conclusive &YÍ(-eílce the ship was not bona fide owned by an.Americán citizen.

3. Was she sailing in consequence of the repeal of the orders in council ?

This voyage, unquestionably had its inception in consequence of that repeal. We think this case falls precisely within the principles decided in that of the *Thomas*Gibbons. But it .is said that the deviation to Waterford makes it a new voyage. That this was a continuation of the yoyage *at the common law,*is admitted / but not *in a Court of prim.*Why should there, in this respect, be a difference between the law merchant and the law of *135fiations ? We contend that the law.of nations, being nriore enlarged, is less rigid than the law merchant.

But as to prize law, the English Courts of prize al* ways connect voyages of this kind. *Continuity*is the favorite doctrine of a prize Court. The British Courts of. prize, on the subject of contraband of war, seem to have been enamored of this doctrine of continuity ? they condemn vessels returning with. the proceeds of *contraband;*thereby making the homeward voyage the outward voyage, and the proceeds of contraband the contraband itself. •

But it is said that this vessel was bound on an illegal Voyage, and therefore cannot plead distress. She acted on the belief that the repeal of the orders in council would produce peace, as all others did, and if she was in error, *communis error facit jus.*

The president’s instructions and the. act of congress go on the ground that this error was excusable.

This vessel is within the benefit of the maxim *nóhis Bet nemini facit injuriam.*She would certainly have been pro, tecled by that maxim, if she had been all that tíme driven about the Atlantic by storms and contrary winds j and her case is still the same; she was still *in Hiñere.*It is said that the instructions were a subslittite for a legislative act, and that the act of congress has superceded the instructions. This we do not admit. They may both stand together — their objects are different.

But we are referred to the policy of the instructions and it is said that this vessel was not within that policy. The adventure v as undertaken in the belief that the war would *cease;*the going to Waterford and tiie detention there were necessary *to*the prosecution *oí' the voyage.*

But it is said there was *locus penitentioc.*That Visscher knew how long the vessel would be detained there, and therefore ought to have abandoned the voyage. There is no evidence of that fact if it were material. But if he did know it, he knew also that the voyage was innocent in its inception, and that its continuity eoiild Dot be broken by this necessary deviation-

*136As to his obtaining a second.British' license, it was .necessary-; he could not, leave Waterford without it. It was not a voluntary act, He acted u.nder a *vis major.*The second license was only a renewal of the Íirsí.; if he had authority to go at all, he might lawfully use the means. After his return to the United States, he did not apply lor an American license because he was daily expecting the arrival of the Mary ; besides he knew that she was protected by the president’s instructions.

The opposite argument is raised upon the. supposition that she (mist not only *commence*her voyage under an impression that vvar had ceased, but must continue under the same impression during the whole voyage. Must she return, if, in the midst of the Atlantic, she is undeceived ?

The. voyage was commenced under a oenef that war had ceased, and wras continued under the impression that she would he protected by the instructions of the president. Although there was war between the United States and Great Britain, yet tlwre was peace between the United States and this adventure. This case, in principle, is exactly that of the. *Thomas Gibbons.*

But vve are accused of not having produced sufficient further proof of the proprietary interest in the cargo and the time of purchase. 1'hey say the o.n!y evidence is the affidavit ofN. J. *Visscher*— testis *in propria causa.*Such' testimony is, and always must be admitted in prize causes. N. J. Visscher is a man of fair character. But his testimony was matter of supererogation. Every document and paper showed before that, the property was American.

But they say that as we undertook to furnish further proof we ought to have done so — that we were in possession of the bills of parcels and ought to have proel uced them. The fact is not so, nor can it, in the nature of commercial transactions be so. We had the invoices, but not the bills of parcels, they were the vouchers of Harman Visger, who made the purchases; they remained in England and it could'not be expected that we should send there for them. N. J. Visscher has produced his. test affidavit, which is all that could be expected.

*137But there is an objection to the omission to claim 160 bundles of steel. By a comparison of the ships papers with the claim it will be found that he meant to claim, and did claim, the whole of the cargo. The omissl •* uf this item was by mistake.

The rule that *every*trading with an enemy subjects to confiscation, will not, I trust, be sanctioned by this Court.

AH thp essential parts of this transaction took place in peace, or in *imagined*peace.. The rule of trading with an enemy is not absolutely inexorableSee the case of the *Madonna del Grade,*and the principles stated by sir W..Scott in *the Hoop.*Tile danger of treasonable intercourse is the ground of the rule. But here was no such danger. Another ground,of condemnation of goods is said to be their adherence to the enemy. But here, Instead of, adhering to the enemy, the goods . were withdrawn by the earliest opportunity, it was Certainly for the interest of the United States, that the goods should be withdrawn from the power of the enemy. . But it is said that it. was contrary to his allegiance. Is it contrary to his allégiance to do that, the forbearance of which would be for the-advantage of the. enemy ? Why should we give a new face of terror to the principles of war ?

The case of the Rapid was essentially different. *There*Vas opportunity for treasonable intercourse. She sailed from this country after the war was declared. Let not the rule be made an iron rule. It has been carried far enough.1 There is not a shadow of authority for condemnation in a case like this, where a mere remittance of funds acquired before the war was intended to made at the first knowledge of the war.

All the cases- cited against us, are to be found in the. Case of *the Hoop,*except one referred to in *Potts and Bell.*Not one of them includes the present case. 1. *The Ringende Jacob,*.was a clear case of mercantile trailing in open war. ‘2. The *Lady Jane.*This case is relied upon because the cargo was the produce of goods sent to Spain before the war. But the-commercial advent''re was planned and concocted *during*the war. 3. The *138*Deergardm of Stockholm,*was a case of trade with the memy wholly originating during war. 4. *The Elizabeth Of Ostend,*was another clear case of trading during war. 3. *Fhe Juffrouw Louisa Margareiha.'*According to the 1 statement of Shis case in Bosanquet and Puller *(EscotPs*casé) part of the goods were purchased' long after the war had broken out, and the adventure was projected, in the heat of the war. One part of the cargo was considered as infected by the other. 6. The *St. Louis*or *El Mlesmnd.ro.*In 1 hat case the goods were shipped in the midst of the wai, and were bound to, the port of am enemy. 7. In the case of the *Comjite de Wohronzoff,*the goods were shipped long after the existence and knowledge of the war, and in the regular prosecution of trade. 8. So in the *Expedite von Rotterdam,*the exportation of goods was from the enemies country in the midst of the war. 9. In the case of the *Bella.Gnidita,*tlie voyage was ■ direct to an enemy country with provisions. 10. *In the Eenigheid,*the voyage yvas *to,*not from, the enemy’s country, ami was after the knowledge of the war. In that case there might he treasonable intercourse, but *here*there could be none. 11. *The Fortuna,*was the case of a voyage *to*the enemy’s country; which might have been countermanded after knowledge of the war. 12.. In the case of *the Freeden,*the voyage was also *to,*an enemy’s port after notice of the war. 13. In the William, which is a-case much relied on by the opposite counsel, it appears in 8, T. *R.*5(50 that the sugars in question were received by the British merchant’s agent fronrthe enemy, after the war broke out, and were received in *the course of a general trade,*which is the feature ttiat distinguishes this case of the *Mary*from all that have been cited.

The Claimants in those cases were general merchants in the regular prosecution Of their trade; but ours is a Single case of accidental remittance funds, constituting no part of a general trade. To this long list of cases sir John Nicholl *in Potts and, Bell,*8, T. I?,. 556, has added one *more*— The *St. Philip,*in 1747, where the lords refused evidence that the goods were bought before the war, being of opinion that the effects of British subjects, taken trading with the enemy, are. good prize./ This is certainly a hard case. It is very briefly stated ; Hone of the particular circumstances being mentioned. *139It docs not appear how long after the breaking out of the. war the goods were shipped, w hich would he a v< ry import, rit consideration in the innocence or guilt of the transaction.

This Court it is presumed will not push the law of war to its utmost extent, and certainly not farther than it has been extended by the English Courts.

As to costs. If the Mary was within the president's instructions, the captors are not entitled, to costs and expenses.

Story, *J.*When further proof has been ordered, arc not costs and expenses to be allowed of course ?

Pinicney, 1 think not.

*February 25th.*

*Msent....Tova, J.*

Marshall, *Gh. J.*

delivered the opinion of the Court as follows:

Nanning J. Visscher, an American citizen, administrator of general Garret Fb-lier, deceased» went to Great Britain in the year 1811, for the purpose of collecting the estate of the said general Garret Fisher in that country, and remitting it to the United States for those who were entitled to it by lawn Immediately after the repeal of the orders in council, the said Nanning J. Vissclier invested a considerable portion of the funds of the said estate in British merchandize, and engaged the brig Mary, a vessel having an American register, to convey it to the United States. The Mary was engaged at Woolw ich and came round to Bristol, where her cargo was procured. She began to take it on board on the 3d of August, 1812$ and.on the 15th of August, having completed her lading, she sailed from the port of Bristol for the United States, having on hoard a British license dated on the 8th of July, ±812. While-prosecuting her voyage she encountered such severe weather, and received such damage, as to be under the necessity, in order to avoid the danger of foundering at sea, to put into the port of Waterford, in Ireland, for the purpose of being repaired.. While lying in Water, *140ford and undergoing repairs, she was also detained by a general embargo, imposed on all American vessels in the ports of Great Britain. The Mary, being released by the high Court of admiralty, and her repairs being completed, her license was renewed on the 27th of March, 1815, and she sailed from Waterford, for Newport, in Rhode Islam], on the 7th of the following month. On the 22d day of April she was captured by the American privateer Paul Jones-, captain Taylor, and brought into Newport, Rhode Island, where the vessel and cargo were libelled as enemy property. No claim being put in for the vessel, she was *condemned;*but the cargo. which wa i claimed by.N.anning J. Yisscher, for himself and the" other heirs of general Fisher, was restored. From this sentence the captors appealed. In the Circuit Court the sentence of thp District Court was reversed and the cargo was condemned. From this sentence of condemnation an appeal was taken to this Court, arid the case was argued at the last term.

The president’s instructions of the 28th of .August, 1812, were tiien for the first time relied on, but it was not admitted on the part of the captors, that these instructions vi'ere known to captain Taylor. For the ascertainment of this important fact, it was necessary to admit further proof;

It being uncertain how this fact would appear, the. Court also directed further proof on other points which were involved in some degree of doubt.

It is now proved inoontestibly that the instructions of the. 28th of August were on board the Paul Jones at the time of the capture. These additional instructions direct “ the public and private armed vessels of the United *“*States not to intercept any vessels belonging to citi- *“*zens of the United States, coming from British ports *“*to the United States, laden with British merchandize, *“*in consequence, of the alleged repeal of the British or- « ders in council.”

The effect and operation of these instructions were settled in the case of the *Thomas Gibbons.*The only enquiry to be made in this case is, do they apply to the Mary ?

*141To sustain their application it must appear,

4. That the Mary belonged, at the time of. capture, to a citizen of the United States.

. 3. That she was coming ft om a British port to the United States; laden with'British merchandize, in consequence of the alleged repeal of the British orders in council.

4. Was the Mary the property of an American citizen r

She carried an American register, which represented her as the property of James B.- Kennedy, a citizen of the United States'. .

She sailed from Charleston, in South Carolina, as an American vessel, commanded by captain Stafford, a native. American citizen, who continued to cbmmand. her until her capture, and who always supposed her tó be the property of Mr. Kennedy. H.er first license, which was granted before intelligence of the declaration of war had reached'England, was granted to her as al* American vessel; and m the .renewed license, she was; still considered as an American vessel.»

In opposition of this testimony is th'e deposition of one of the mariners, who supposes one Smith,,a British subject, to be a part owner of the, Mary, because the captain so informed him, and .because Smith ordered the people about as much as Mr. Kennedy or the captain.

So much of this deposition as refers to me information of the captain, is not very probable 5 and if true, must either discredit the captain’s testimony, orbe.considered as a. communication made for some particular purpose while the vessel was in a British -port. That part of it which states Smith to have ordered the people about as much as Mr. Kennedy, is not very intelligible, since Mr. Kennedy, the,owner of the Mary, does not appear to have been on hoard the vessel, or at Bristol, or at Waterford.

*142Had a claim been put in for the Mary, this tesHmony, opposed to the proof furnished by the register and the deposition of the captain, would have been light indeed.

But no claim was filed for the Mary, and she was consequently, according to the course of the Court of admiralty, condemned as enemy property.

This sentence is now relied on by the captors as establishing the fact. The argument has been' pressed with great earnestness, and is certainly entitled to serious consideration.

Tlie conclusive ciFct which the captors would give to this sentence is founded in part on reasoning which is technical, and in part on the operation which the fact itself ought'to have oil the human mind in producing a conviction, that,the claim was not filed because it could not be sustained.

A sentence of *p*Court of admiralty is. said not only to hind the subject -matter on which it is pronounced, but to prove conclusively the facts which it asscrio. This principle has been maintained in tlie Courts of England, particularly as applying to cascs-of insurance, -and has been adopted by this Court in the case of *Croudson and others v. Leonard.*Its application'to the ease at bar will be considered.

The Mary was not condemned by the sentence of a foreign Court of admiralty in a case prior to and distinct from that in which the cargo was- libelled. Site Was comprehended in the same libel with the cargo.

The whole subject formed but one cause, and the-whole came on together before the same judge. By the rules of -the Court the condemnation of tlie vessel was inevitable j not because'in fact she was British property, but because the fact was charged and was not repelled by the owner, he having failed to appear and to put in his claim. The judge could not close his,eyes on this circumstance; nor could he, in common justice, subject the cargo, which was claimed according to the pourse of the Court, to the liabilities incurred by being *143imported in a hostile1 bottom. In tlie same cause, a fact, not controverted by one party, who does not appear, and therefore as to him taken for confessed,, ought not, on that implied admission,* to be brought to bear upon another who *does*appear, does controvert, and does prove it. The owners of the cargo had no control over the owner of the vessel. Yisscher could not force Kennedy to file a claim *■,*nor could Yisscher file a claim lor him.

The evidence that the vessel was American property could not he looked into so far as respected the rights of Kennedy, because he was in contumacy ; but Yisscher was not in contumacy. He was not culpable for, and therefore ought not to suffer for, the contumacy of Kennedy. That contumacy, in reason and injustice, ought not to have prevented the District Court from looking, into .the testimony concerning proprietary interest in the vessel, so far as the rights of other Claimants depended on that interest. Not* is the Court informe,d of a legal principle which shquhl have restrained the district judge from looking into this testimony. If we reason from analogy, we find no principle adopted by the Courts of law or equity, width in its application to Courts of admiralty, would seem to subject one. Claimant to injury from the contumacy of another.

A judgment against one Defendant for the want of a plea, or a decree against one Defendant for want of an answer, does not prevent. any, other Defendant fr >m contesting, so far as respects himself, tlie véry fact which is admitted by the absent party.

No reasSn is perceived why a different rule should prevail in a Court of admiralty, nor is the Court informed of any case in which a different rule has been established.

If the Ristricf Court was not precluded by the non-claim of the owner of the vessel from examining the fact of ownership, so far as that fact could affect the cargo, it will not be contended that an Appellate Court may not likewise examine it.

This case is to be distinguished from .those which *144have been decided on policies of insurance, not only by the circumstance that the cause respecting the vessel and the cargo came on at the same time before the same Court, but by other differences in reason and . in law, which appear to be essential.

The decisions of a Court of exclusive jurisdiction áre necessarily conclusive on ali other Cruets, because the subject matter is hot examinable in them. With respect to itself no-.rteasOri is perceived for yielding to them a further conclusiveness than is allowed to the judgments and decrees of Courts of common law and equity. They bind the subject matter as between parties and privies.

..The whole world, it is said, are parties in. an admi,ralty causej and, Ibcrcf-¡re, the whole world is bound by the decision. The reason on which, this *dictum*stands will determine its extent, Every person may .make himself a party, and appeal from the *sentence;*but notice of the controversy is necessary in order to become a p^irty, and it is a principle of natural justice, of universal obligation, that before the rights of an individual be bound by a judioial sentenc.e, .he shall have notice, either actual or implied, of the proceedings against liinp Where these proceedings are against the person, notice is served personally, or by publication$ where they are *in rcm,*notice is served .upon the thing itself,. Tliis is.necessarily notice to all those who have any interest iri $be thing, and is reasonable because it is necessary, aird because it is the part of common prudence for all those who have any interest in it, to guard that interest by. persons win) are in, a situation to protect it. Every person, therefore, who could*assert any title to'the. Mary, has constructive notice of her seizure, and may "'fairly be considered as a party to'the libel. But those who have no interest in the vessel which cotild b.e asserted in the .Court of admiralty, have no notice of her seizure, and can, on no principle of justice or reason, be considered as parties in the cause so far as respects the vessel. . When such person is brought before a Court in which tlic tact is examinable, no sufficient reason is perceived for precluding him from reexamining it. The judgment of a Court of common lawy dr the decree of a Court of equity; would; under such. *145circumstances, be re-exaiftinable in a Court of common law, or a Court of equity } and. no reason is discerned ■why the sentence of a Court of admiralty^ under the same circumstances, should not be re-examinable in a Court of admiralty.

. This reasoning is not at variance with the decision that the sentence of a, foreign Court of admiralty, condemning a vessel or cargo' as enemy property, is conclusive in an action against the underwriters on a policy in which the propérty is warranted- to be neutral.

It is not at variance with that decision, because the. question of prize is one of which' Courts of law have no direct cognizance, and because the owners of the vessel and cargo were narties to the libel against them,

In the case of *Croudson and al. v. Leonard,*two judges expressed their opinions. Those who were silent, but who concurred in the opinion of the Court, undoubtedly acquiesced in the reasons assigned by those judges. On the conclusiveness of a foreign sentence, *judge Jhhnson*said, « The doctrine appears to ‘me to rest on" three *a*very obvious considerations: the propriety of leaving «the cognizance of prize questions exclusively to «-Courts of prize jurisdiction} the very great incon- « veniencc, amounting nearly to an impossibility,_.o£ « fully investigating such cases in á Court of common «íaw} and the impropriety of revising the / decisions « of the maritime Courts of other nations, whose juris- « diction is co-ordinate, throughout the world.”

These reasons undoubtedly support the opinion founded oh them} butitwillbe readily perceived that they would not apply to the case before the Court.

. After státing the cbhclusivéness of the sentence of. Courts of exclusive jurisdiction, judge Washington said, « This- rule, when, applied to the sentences of Courts of « admiralty, whether foreign or domestic, produces the «doctrine which I am now considering, upon the «ground that all the world are parties in an admiralty «cause. The proceedings are *in.rent;*but any person « having an interest in the property may interpose, a « claim, or may prosecute an appeal from the sentenee. *146*“*The insured is emphatic lly a party, and. in every in- « stance has an opportunity to controvert the alleged “ grounds of condemnation, by proving, if he can, the <■ neutrality of the property.. The master is his immediate agent, and he is also bound to act for the benefit « of all concerned; so that in this respect he also, repre- “ sents the insurer.”

The very foundation of this opinion that the insured is bound by the sentence of condemnation is, that he was in law a party to the suit, and had a full opportunity to assert his rights. This decision cannot be applicable to one in which the person t°' be affected by the sentence of condemnation was not, and could not be a party pit.

Jf the sentence condemning the Mary did not technically preclude the owners of the cargo from asserting in the. Court of admiralty her American character, the weight of the evidence'on that point is to be fairly estimated.

In support of her American character, the documentary evidence is complete and unequivocal; and the corroborative testimony is calculated to strengthen a belief in the verity of the register. In support of her hostile character the- omission of the owner to file his claim is chiefly relied on. The. importance of this circumstance is not to be controverted. Its weight, however* is mpch diminished by the consideration fjhat tlie case affords no reasonable ground, for believing that the owner could have been restrained from making his claim by the apprehension of failing to support it. There is no testimony, and there is no re s in to suspect that .any testimony was attainable which could have successfully opposed the register. This consideration gives plausibility to the argument that the worthlessness of the vessel, the bottomry bond, with which she was charged, the expectation that the eordemna bin would relieve him from that debt, might be the motives for not resisting that condemnation. It is possible, too, that in point of fact, he might not have actnal notice of the proceedings. This is not to be nr suméd, and is not to benefit the owner; but it is passible; and may be taken into the *147account m estimating the effect of this negligence on persons who are not culpable for it.

It has been said that the owners of the cargo, and that Nanning J. Visscher, who held the bottomry bond, ought to have filed a claim. But the interest under the bottomry bond could not have been asserted ; noy had the owners of the cargo any right to the vessel. Had they known that they were to be, in any manner,' affected by the character of the vessel, they might, and most probably would have exerted themselves to have brought forward Kennedy as a Claimant, or to have accounted for his silence *;*but in the District Court the president’s instructions were unknown, and their effect unthought- of. The owners of fee cargo, therefore, neither troubled themselves about the vessel, «rife attempted to account for thp claim to her not being! filed. When afterwards in this Court the bearing of those instructions was discovered, and further proof was directed! that direction did not extend to proof which might account for the failure of Kennedy to assert his title to the vessel. This may excuse the Claimants for not producing testimony to that point.

Upon the best consideration we have been able to bestow upon the subject, the Court is of opinion that the Mary, in this claim, must be deemed to have been the property of an American citizen.

2. Did she sail from a British port in consequence of the alleged repeal of the British orders in council i

That the voyage in its inception was produced by the opinion that the repeal. of the British orders in council would terminate the differences between the two nations, is too clear for controversy. Had the Mary proceeded directly from Bristol to her .port of destination in the' United States, the counsel for the captors would not contend that it was not a voyage described by the instructions of the 28th of August, But the delay in the port of ^Vaterfoyd, it is said, has broken the continuity of the voyage, and in deciding-on its character,'the departure-from Waterford, not the departure from Bristol, must be considered as its commencement,

*148It is not denied that; in a commercial sense, this Is one continued voyage, to take its date at the departure of the Mary from Bristol. • But it is urged that where the lights of war intervene, a- different construction must take place.

The Court does not accede to the correctness of this distinction. '

The Mary was forced into Waterford by irresistible necessity, and w’as detained there by the operation of causes she could not control. Had her deptuMure been from a neutral port, and she had been thus forced^ during the voyage, into a hostile port, would it be alleged that she had incurred the liabilities of a vessel sailing from a port of the enemy ? It is believed that this allegation could not be sustained, and that it would not be made. But as between the Captors and the captured in this case, the, voyage was, in its commencement, as innocent as if made from a friendly port. The detention at Waterford., then, can no more affect the character of the voyage in the one case than in the other,

But it is said that the owners of the cargo ought to have applied to the American government for a license to bring it into the United States.

So far as respects the captors, thpre could he no necessity for a license, since the vessel was already protected. from them by the orders of the president un„er which they sailed ; and for any other purpose a license was unnecessary, provided-the importation, if the voyage had been immediate and direct from Bristol, could bg justified.

If a cargo be innocently put on board in an enemy Country, if at that time it be lawful to import it into the United States, the importation cannot be rendered Unlawful by a detention occasioned, in the course of the voyage, either by the perils of the sea, or the act of the enemy, unless this effect be produced by some positive act of t he legislature.

There is no such act.

*149' It has been contended that the act for the mansion of fines, penalties and forfeitures in certain cases, passed on the 2d of January, 1813 controls the .instructions given by the president on the 28th of AugHSt, 1812, and limits thé-iperátion of those instructions to,the specific cases described by congi-ss *•,*arid as that act protects only t¡«os'* importations which were made previous to its passage, it has been argued that the president’s instructions can go no further.

Independent of the-war, all British merchandize was .excluded from the ports of the United Spates by a systpm of policy supposed to have been founded on the Brit Ah orders in council.

The secretary of-the treasury had power to remit forfeitures incurred under these laws. When the orders in council were repealed, large shipments were made of British merchandize by American merchants in the full confidence that the American restrictive system would fall with the orders which produced it. This opinion and the proceedings in consequence of it, were thought excusable both by the executive and legislative departments of government. The president-instructed the. cruizers of the United States not to molest vessels of this description, “but on the contrary, to give aid and assistance to the same; in order that such vessels *“*and their cargoes may be dealt with on their arrival, « as may be decided by the competent authorities.”

These instructions act solely on the rights of war, and regulate, the. conduct of the public and private armed vessels of the United States.

The legislature passed an act on the 2d of January 1813, taking away the discretion of the secretary of the. treasury, and directing him absolutely to remit, all penalties and forfeitures incurred by violating the nou-in tercourse iaws, in all cases of importation made before the passage of the act, in American vessels, provided the goods were the property of citizens of the United States, and the vessels departed from any port of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland between the 23d da of June and the 15th of September then, preceding.

*150This act does not contemplate the conduct of captors, or the, rights of war. its sole object is to remit certain penalties already incurred by a violation-of municipal law1. The legislature docs not appear to have had in the instructions given by the president to the armed vessels of the United States, much less to have intended to control those instructions.

But, in effecting these different objects, .the executive and the legislature were impelled by the same motive — ■ the peculiar hardship, of exposing the citizens of the Unítéd States in such a case to the penalties either of war, or of municipal law. The one intended to protect from capture, the other from forfeiture, property which had been shipped in the reasonable confidence that peace and commercial intercourse between, the. two countries were the fruits of the repeal of the British orders in council. The president recognized the principle, but left the time within which it should .operate, to be decided by the, arnu'd vessels and by the Courts, according to the circumstances .of each case. The legislature prescribed certain limits within which it should operate. This Court, in construing, the less explicit instructions of the president, with respect to the departure .of a vessel from a British port, has respected the more explicit language of the legislature on the same subject. But the instructions of the president relate oply to the departure of the vessel. They do not extend to the timp of its,arrival. In this respect there is nothing to be explained. Consequently the act of congress can furnish no aid in their construction. That the instructions were intended to protect from capture all vessels whit'li had sailed in that c< nfidence which was inspired by the repeal of the British orders in council, however the voyage might bo protracted, is apparent from their language,- and from the fact that they continued to be delivered to the armed vessels of the United States after the passage of the act of the 2d of January, 1818.

It is the unanimous opinion of the . Court that the Mary was, at the time of her capture, .protected by the instructions under which the captor sailed.

This opinion renders all inquiry into the character of the cargo unnei jssary,

*151The counsel for the captors have claimed their costs and expenses, on the ground that there was probable cause of capture,

This claim is sustained by the Court. Further has been required, and the latehess of. the period at which the Mary vvas found on the ocean, justified a suspicion that her case wás not one to which the instructions of the president extended.

The sentence of the Circuit Court condemning the cargo of the Mary is reversed, and the cause is remanded to that Court with directions to dismiss the libel so far as respects the cargo, and to restore the same to the Claimants, and to allow the captors their reasonable ■sosts and expenses.