U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE

WASHINGTON : 

1 

49–011 2015

114th Congress, 1st Session – – – – – – – – – – – – – House Document 114–1 

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS BEFORE A JOINT SESSION 

OF CONGRESS 

MESSAGE 

FROM

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 

TRANSMITTING

THE PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS BEFORE A JOINT SESSION OF 

CONGRESS 

JANUARY 21, 2015.—Message and accompanying papers referred to the 

Committee on the Whole House on the State of the Union and ordered 

to be printed 


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To the Congress of the United States: 

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: 

We are 15 years into this new century. Fifteen years that 

dawned with terror touching our shores; that unfolded with a new 

generation fighting two long and costly wars; that saw a vicious recession spread across our Nation and the world. It has been, and 

still is, a hard time for many. 

But tonight, we turn the page. 

Tonight, after a breakthrough year for America, our economy is 

growing and creating jobs at the fastest pace since 1999. Our unemployment rate is now lower than it was before the financial crisis. More of our kids are graduating than ever before; more of our 

people are insured than ever before; we are as free from the grip 

of foreign oil as we’ve been in almost 30 years. 

Tonight, for the first time since 9/11, our combat mission in Afghanistan is over. Six years ago, nearly 180,000 American troops 

served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, fewer than 15,000 remain. 

And we salute the courage and sacrifice of every man and woman 

in this 9/11 Generation who has served to keep us safe. We are 

humbled and grateful for your service. 

America, for all that we’ve endured; for all the grit and hard 

work required to come back; for all the tasks that lie ahead, know 

this: 

The shadow of crisis has passed, and the state of the Union is 

strong. 

At this moment—with a growing economy, shrinking deficits, 

bustling industry, and booming energy production—we have risen 

from recession freer to write our own future than any other nation 

on Earth. It’s now up to us to choose who we want to be over the 

next 15 years, and for decades to come. 

Will we accept an economy where only a few of us do spectacularly well? Or will we commit ourselves to an economy that generates rising incomes and chances for everyone who makes the effort? 

Will we approach the world fearful and reactive, dragged into 

costly conflicts that strain our military and set back our standing? 

Or will we lead wisely, using all elements of our power to defeat 

new threats and protect our planet? 

Will we allow ourselves to be sorted into factions and turned 

against one another—or will we recapture the sense of common 

purpose that has always propelled America forward? 

In two weeks, I will send this Congress a budget filled with ideas 

that are practical, not partisan. And in the months ahead, I’ll crisscross the country making a case for those ideas. 

So tonight, I want to focus less on a checklist of proposals, and 

focus more on the values at stake in the choices before us. 


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It begins with our economy. 

Seven years ago, Rebekah and Ben Erler of Minneapolis were 

newlyweds. She waited tables. He worked construction. Their first 

child, Jack, was on the way. 

They were young and in love in America, and it doesn’t get much 

better than that. 

‘‘If only we had known,’’ Rebekah wrote to me last spring, ‘‘what 

was about to happen to the housing and construction market.’’ 

As the crisis worsened, Ben’s business dried up, so he took what 

jobs he could find, even if they kept him on the road for long 

stretches of time. Rebekah took out student loans, enrolled in community college, and retrained for a new career. They sacrificed for 

each other. And slowly, it paid off. They bought their first home. 

They had a second son, Henry. Rebekah got a better job, and then 

a raise. Ben is back in construction—and home for dinner every 

night. 

‘‘It is amazing,’’ Rebekah wrote, ‘‘what you can bounce back from 

when you have to—we are a strong, tight-knit family who has 

made it through some very, very hard times.’’ 

We are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some 

very, very hard times. 

America, Rebekah and Ben’s story is our story. They represent 

the millions who have worked hard, and scrimped, and sacrificed, 

and retooled. You are the reason I ran for this office. You’re the 

people I was thinking of 6 years ago today, in the darkest months 

of the crisis, when I stood on the steps of this Capitol and promised 

we would rebuild our economy on a new foundation. And it’s been 

your effort and resilience that has made it possible for our country 

to emerge stronger. 

We believed we could reverse the tide of outsourcing, and draw 

new jobs to our shores. And over the past 5 years, our businesses 

have created more than 11 million new jobs. 

We believed we could reduce our dependence on foreign oil and 

protect our planet. And today, America is number one in oil and 

gas. America is number one in wind power. Every three weeks, we 

bring online as much solar power as we did in all of 2008. And 

thanks to lower gas prices and higher fuel standards, the typical 

family this year should save $750 at the pump. 

We believed we could prepare our kids for a more competitive 

world. And today, our younger students have earned the highest 

math and reading scores on record. Our high school graduation 

rate has hit an all-time high. And more Americans finish college 

than ever before. 

We believed that. sensible regulations could prevent another crisis, shield families from ruin, and encourage fair competition. 

Today, we have new tools to stop taxpayer-funded bailouts, and a 

new consumer watchdog to protect us from predatory lending and 

abusive credit card practices. And in the past year alone, about ten 

million uninsured Americans finally gained the security of health 

coverage. 

At every step, we were told our goals were misguided or too ambitious; that we would crush jobs and explode deficits. Instead, 

we’ve seen the fastest economic growth in over a decade, our defiVerDate Sep 11 2014 02:46 Jan 22, 2015 Jkt 049011 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6602 E:\HR\OC\HD001.XXX HD001

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cits cut by two-thirds, a stock market that has doubled, and health 

care inflation at its lowest rate in 50 years. 

So the verdict is clear. Middle-class economics works. Expanding 

opportunity works. And these policies will continue to work, as long 

as politics don’t get in the way. We can’t slow down businesses or 

put our economy at risk with Government shutdowns or fiscal 

showdowns. We can’t put the security of families at risk by taking 

away their health insurance, or unraveling the new rules on Wall 

Street, or refighting past battles on immigration when we’ve got a 

system to fix. And if a bill comes to my desk that tries to do any 

of these things, it will earn my veto. 

Today, thanks to a growing economy, the recovery is touching 

more and more lives. Wages are finally starting to rise again. We 

know that more small business owners plan to raise their employees’ pay than at any time since 2007. But here’s the thing—those 

of us here tonight, we need to set our sights higher than just making sure Government doesn’t halt the progress we’re making. We 

need to do more than just do no harm. Tonight, together, let’s do 

more to restore the link between hard work and growing opportunity for every American. 

Because families like Rebekah’s still need our help. She and Ben 

are working as hard as ever, but have to forego vacations and a 

new car so they can pay off student loans and save for retirement. 

Basic childcare for Jack and Henry costs more than their mortgage, 

and almost as much as a year at the University of Minnesota. Like 

millions of hardworking Americans, Rebekah isn’t asking for a 

handout, but she is asking that we look for more ways to help families get ahead. 

In fact, at every moment of economic change throughout our history, this country has taken bold action to adapt to new circumstances, and to make sure everyone gets a fair shot. We set up 

worker protections, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid to protect ourselves from the harshest adversity. We gave our citizens 

schools and colleges, infrastructure and the internet—tools they 

needed to go as far as their effort will take them. 

That’s what middle-class economics is—the idea that this country 

does best when everyone gets their fair shot, everyone does their 

fair share, and everyone plays by the same set of rules. We don’t 

just want everyone to share in America’s success—we want everyone to contribute to our success. 

So what does middle-class economics require in our time? 

First—middle-class economics means helping working families 

feel more secure in a world of constant change. That means helping 

folks afford childcare, college, health care, a home, retirement—and 

my budget will address each of these issues, lowering the taxes of 

working families and putting thousands of dollars back into their 

pockets each year. 

Here’s one example. During World War II, when men like my 

grandfather went off to war, having women like my grandmother 

in the workforce was a national security priority—so this country 

provided universal childcare. In today’s economy, when having both 

parents in the workforce is an economic necessity for many families, we need affordable, high-quality childcare more than ever. It’s 

not a nice-to-have—it’s a must-have. It’s time we stop treating 


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childcare as a side issue, or a women’s issue, and treat it like the 

national economic priority that it is for all of us. And that’s why 

my plan will make quality childcare more available, and more affordable, for every middle-class and low-income family with young 

children in America—by creating more slots and a new tax cut of 

up to $3,000 per child, per year. 

Here’s another example. Today, we’re the only advanced country 

on Earth that doesn’t guarantee paid sick leave or paid maternity 

leave to our workers. Forty-three million workers have no paid sick 

leave. Forty-three million. Think about that. And that forces too 

many parents to make the gut-wrenching choice between a paycheck and a sick kid at home. So I’ll be taking new action to help 

States adopt paid leave laws of their own. And since paid sick leave 

won where it was on the ballot last November, let’s put it to a vote 

right here in Washington. Send me a bill that gives every worker 

in America the opportunity to earn seven days of paid sick leave. 

It’s the right thing to do. 

Of course, nothing helps families make ends meet like higher 

wages. That’s why this Congress still needs to pass a law that 

makes sure a woman is paid the same as a man for doing the same 

work. Really. It’s 2015. It’s time. We still need to make sure employees get the overtime they’ve earned. And to everyone in this 

Congress who still refuses to raise the minimum wage, I say this: 

If you truly believe you could work full-time and support a family 

on less than $15,000 a year, go try it. If not, vote to give millions 

of the hardest-working people in America a raise. 

These ideas won’t make everybody rich, or relieve every hardship. That’s not the job of Government. To give working families 

a fair shot, we’ll still need more employers to see beyond next quarter’s earnings and recognize that investing in their workforce is in 

their company’s long-term interest. We still need laws that 

strengthen rather than weaken unions, and give American workers 

a voice. But things like child care and sick leave and equal pay; 

things like lower mortgage premiums and a higher minimum wage 

these ideas will make a meaningful difference in the lives of millions of families. That is a fact. And that’s what all of us—Republicans and Democrats alike—were sent here to do. 

Second, to make sure folks keep earning higher wages down the 

road, we have to do more to help Americans upgrade their skills. 

America thrived in the 20th century because we made high 

school free, sent a generation of GIs to college, and trained the best 

workforce in the world. But in a 21st century economy that rewards knowledge like never before, we need to do more. 

By the end of this decade, two in three job openings will require 

some higher education. Two in three. And yet, we still live in a 

country where too many bright, striving Americans are priced out 

of the education they need. It’s not fair to them, and it’s not smart 

for our future. 

That’s why I am sending this Congress a bold new plan to lower 

the cost of community college—to zero. 

Forty percent of our college students choose community college. 

Some are young and starting out. Some are older and looking for 

a better job. Some are veterans and single parents trying to transition back into the job market. Whoever you are, this plan is your 


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chance to graduate ready for the new economy, without a load of 

debt. Understand, you’ve got to earn it—you’ve got to keep your 

grades up and graduate on time. Tennessee, a state with Republican leadership, and Chicago, a city with Democratic leadership, 

are showing that free community college is possible. I want to 

spread that idea all across America, so that 2 years of college becomes as free and universal in America as high school is today. 

And I want to work with this Congress, to make sure Americans 

already burdened with student loans can reduce their monthly payments, so that student debt doesn’t derail anyone’s dreams. 

Thanks to Vice President Biden’s great work to update our job 

training system, we’re connecting community colleges with local 

employers to train workers to fill high-paying jobs like coding, and 

nursing, and robotics. Tonight, I’m also asking more businesses to 

follow the lead of companies like CVS and UPS, and offer more 

educational benefits and paid apprenticeships—opportunities that 

give workers the chance to earn higher-paying jobs even if they 

don’t have a higher education. 

And as a new generation of veterans comes home, we owe them 

every opportunity to live the American Dream they helped defend. 

Already, we’ve made strides towards ensuring that every veteran 

has access to the highest quality care. We’re slashing the backlog 

that had too many veterans waiting years to get the benefits they 

need, and we’re making it easier for vets to translate their training 

and experience into civilian jobs. Joining Forces, the national campaign launched by Michelle and Jill Biden, has helped nearly 

700,000 veterans and military spouses get new jobs. So to every 

CEO in America, let me repeat: If you want somebody who’s going 

to get the job done, hire a veteran. 

Finally, as we better train our workers, we need the new economy to keep churning out high-wage jobs for our workers to fill. 

Since 2010, America has put more people back to work than Europe, Japan, and all advanced economies combined. Our manufacturers have added almost 800,000 new jobs. Some of our bedrock 

sectors, like our auto industry, are booming. But there are also millions of Americans who work in jobs that didn’t even exist 10 or 

20 years ago—jobs at companies like Google, and eBay, and Tesla. 

So no one knows for certain which industries will generate the 

jobs of the future. But we do know we want them here in America. 

That’s why the third part of middle-class economics is about building the most competitive economy anywhere, the place where businesses want to locate and hire. 

Twenty-first century businesses need 21st century infrastructure—modern ports, stronger bridges, faster trains and the fastest 

internet. Democrats and Republicans used to agree on this. So let’s 

set our sights higher than a single oil pipeline. Let’s pass a bipartisan infrastructure plan that could create more than thirty times 

as many jobs per year, and make this country stronger for decades 

to come. 

Twenty-first century businesses, including small businesses, need 

to sell more American products overseas. Today, our businesses export more than ever, and exporters tend to pay their workers higher wages. But as we speak, China wants to write the rules for the 

world’s fastest-growing region. That would put our workers and 


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businesses at a disadvantage. Why would we let that happen? We 

should write those rules. We should level the playing field. That’s 

why I’m asking both parties to give me trade promotion authority 

to protect American workers, with strong new trade deals from 

Asia to Europe that aren’t just free, but fair. 

Look, I’m the first one to admit that past trade deals haven’t always lived up to the hype, and that’s why we’ve gone after countries that break the rules at our expense. But 95 percent of the 

world’s customers live outside our borders, and we can’t close ourselves off from those opportunities. More than half of manufacturing executives have said they’re actively looking at bringing jobs 

back from China. Let’s give them one more reason to get it done. 

Twenty-first century businesses will rely on American science, 

technology, research and development. I want the country that 

eliminated polio and mapped the human genome to lead a new era 

of medicine—one that delivers the right treatment at the right 

time. In some patients with cystic fibrosis, this approach has reversed a disease once thought unstoppable. Tonight, I’m launching 

a new Precision Medicine Initiative to bring us closer to curing diseases like cancer and diabetes—and to give all of us access to the 

personalized information we need to keep ourselves and our families healthier. 

I intend to protect a free and open internet, extend its reach to 

every classroom, and every community, and help folks build the 

fastest networks, so that the next generation of digital innovators 

and entrepreneurs have the platform to keep reshaping our world. 

I want Americans to win the race for the kinds of discoveries 

that unleash new jobs—converting sunlight into liquid fuel; creating revolutionary prosthetics, so that a veteran who gave his 

arms for his country can play catch with his kid; pushing out into 

the Solar System not just to visit, but to stay. Last month, we 

launched a new spacecraft as part of a re-energized space program 

that will send American astronauts to Mars. In two months, to prepare us for those missions, Scott Kelly will begin a year-long stay 

in space. Good luck, Captain—and make sure to Instagram it. 

Now, the truth is, when it comes to issues like infrastructure and 

basic research, I know there’s bipartisan support in this chamber. 

Members of both parties have told me so. Where we too often run 

onto the rocks is how to pay for these investments. As Americans, 

we don’t mind paying our fair share of taxes, as long as everybody 

else does, too. But for far too long, lobbyists have rigged the tax 

code with loopholes that let some corporations pay nothing while 

others pay full freight. They’ve riddled it with giveaways the 

superrich don’t need, denying a break to middle class families who 

do. 

This year, we have an opportunity to change that. Let’s close 

loopholes so we stop rewarding companies that keep profits abroad, 

and reward those that invest in America. Let’s use those savings 

to rebuild our infrastructure and make it more attractive for companies to bring jobs home. Let’s simplify the system and let a small 

business owner file based on her actual bank statement, instead of 

the number of accountants she can afford. And let’s close the loopholes that lead to inequality by allowing the top 1 percent to avoid 

paying taxes on their accumulated wealth. We can use that money 


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to help more families pay for childcare and send their kids to college. We need a tax code that truly helps working Americans trying 

to get a leg up in the new economy, and we can achieve that together. 

Helping hardworking families make ends meet. Giving them the 

tools they need for good-paying jobs in this new economy. Maintaining the conditions for growth and competitiveness. This is 

where America needs to go. I believe it’s where the American people want to go. It will make our economy stronger a year from now, 

15 years from now, and deep into the century ahead. 

Of course, if there’s one thing this new century has taught us, 

it’s that we cannot separate our work at home from challenges beyond our shores. 

My first duty as Commander in Chief is to defend the United 

States of America. In doing so, the question is not whether America 

leads in the world, but how. When we make rash decisions, reacting to the headlines instead of using our heads; when the first response to a challenge is to send in our military—then we risk getting drawn into unnecessary conflicts, and neglect the broader 

strategy we need for a safer, more prosperous world. That’s what 

our enemies want us to do. 

I believe in a smarter kind of American leadership. We Lead best 

when we combine military power with strong diplomacy; when we 

leverage our power with coalition building; when we don’t let our 

fears blind us to the opportunities that this new century presents. 

That’s exactly what we’re doing right now—and around the globe, 

it is making a difference. 

First, we stand united with people around the world who’ve been 

targeted by terrorists—from a school in Pakistan to the streets of 

Paris. We will continue to hunt down terrorists and dismantle their 

networks, and we reserve the right to act unilaterally, as we’ve 

done relentlessly since I took office to take out terrorists who pose 

a direct threat to us and our allies. 

At the same time, we’ve learned some costly lessons over the last 

13 years. 

Instead of Americans patrolling the valleys of Afghanistan, we’ve 

trained their security forces, who’ve now taken the lead, and we’ve 

honored our troops’ sacrifice by supporting that country’s first 

democratic transition. Instead of sending large ground forces overseas, we’re partnering with nations from South Asia to North Africa to deny safe haven to terrorists who threaten America. In Iraq 

and Syria, American leadership—including our military power—is 

stopping ISIL’s advance. Instead of getting dragged into another 

ground war in the Middle East, we are leading a broad coalition, 

including Arab nations, to degrade and ultimately destroy this terrorist group. We’re also supporting a moderate opposition in Syria 

that can help us in this effort, and assisting people everywhere who 

stand up to the bankrupt ideology of violent extremism. This effort 

will take time. It will require focus. But we will succeed. And tonight, I call on this Congress to show the world that we are united 

in this mission by passing a resolution to authorize the use of force 

against ISIL. 

Second, we are demonstrating the power of American strength 

and diplomacy. We’re upholding the principle that bigger nations 


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can’t bully the small—by opposing Russian aggression, supporting 

Ukraine’s democracy, and reassuring our NATO allies. Last year, 

as we were doing the hard work of imposing sanctions along with 

our allies, some suggested that Mr. Putin’s aggression was a masterful display of strategy and strength. Well, today, it is America 

that stands strong and united with our allies, while Russia is isolated, with its economy in tatters. 

That’s how America leads—not with bluster, but with persistent, 

steady resolve. 

In Cuba, we are ending a policy that was long past its expiration 

date. When what you’re doing doesn’t work for 50 years, it’s time 

to try something new. Our shift in Cuba policy has the potential 

to end a legacy of mistrust in our hemisphere; removes a phony excuse for restrictions in Cuba; stands up for democratic values; and 

extends the hand of friendship to the Cuban people. And this year, 

Congress should begin the work of ending the embargo. As His Holiness, Pope Francis, has said, diplomacy is the work of ‘‘small 

steps.’’ These small steps have added up to new hope for the future 

in Cuba. And after years in prison, we’re overjoyed that Alan Gross 

is back where he belongs. Welcome home, Alan. 

Our diplomacy is at work with respect to Iran, where, for the 

first time in a decade, we’ve halted the progress of its nuclear program and reduced its stockpile of nuclear material. Between now 

and this spring, we have a chance to negotiate a comprehensive 

agreement that prevents a nuclear-armed Iran; secures America 

and our allies—including Israel; while avoiding yet another Middle 

East conflict. There are no guarantees that negotiations will succeed, and I keep all options on the table to prevent a nuclear Iran. 

But new sanctions passed by this Congress, at this moment in 

time, will all but guarantee that diplomacy fails—alienating America from its allies; and ensuring that Iran starts up its nuclear program again. It doesn’t make sense. That is why I will veto any new 

sanctions bill that threatens to undo this progress. The American 

people expect us to only go to war as a last resort, and I intend 

to stay true to that wisdom. 

Third, we’re looking beyond the issues that have consumed us in 

the past to shape the coming century. 

No foreign nation, no hacker, should be able to shut down our 

networks, steal our trade secrets, or invade the privacy of American families, especially our kids. We are making sure our Government integrates intelligence to combat cyber threats, just as we 

have done to combat terrorism. And tonight, I urge this Congress 

to finally pass the legislation we need to better meet the evolving 

threat of cyber-attacks, combat identity theft, and protect our children’s information. If we don’t act, we’ll leave our Nation and our 

economy vulnerable. If we do, we can continue to protect the technologies that have unleashed untold opportunities for people 

around the globe. 

In West Africa, our troops, our scientists, our doctors, our nurses 

and healthcare workers are rolling back Ebola—saving countless 

lives and stopping the spread of disease. I couldn’t be prouder of 

them, and I thank this Congress for your bipartisan support of 

their efforts. But the job is not yet done—and the world needs to 

use this lesson to build a more effective global effort to prevent the 


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spread of future pandemics, invest in smart development, and 

eradicate extreme poverty. 

In the Asia Pacific, we are modernizing alliances while making 

sure that other nations play by the rules—in how they trade, how 

they resolve maritime disputes, and how they participate in meeting common international challenges like nonproliferation and disaster relief. And no challenge—no challenge—poses a greater 

threat to future generations than climate change. 

2014 was the planet’s warmest year on record. Now, one year 

doesn’t make a trend, but this does—14 of the 15 warmest years 

on record have all fallen in the first 15 years of this century. 

I’ve heard some folks try to dodge the evidence by saying they’re 

not scientists; that we don’t have enough information to act. Well, 

I’m not a scientist, either. But you know what—I know a lot of 

really good scientists at NASA, and NOAA, and at our major universities. The best scientists in the world are all telling us that our 

activities are changing the climate, and if we do not act forcefully, 

we’ll continue to see rising oceans, longer, hotter heat waves, dangerous droughts and floods, and massive disruptions that can trigger greater migration, conflict, and hunger around the globe. The 

Pentagon says that climate change poses immediate risks to our 

national security. We should act like it. 

That’s why, over the past 6 years, we’ve done more than ever before to combat climate change, from the way we produce energy, to 

the way we use it. That’s why we’ve set aside more public lands 

and waters than any administration in history. And that’s why I 

will not let this Congress endanger the health of our children by 

turning back the clock on our efforts. I am determined to make 

sure American leadership drives international action. In Beijing, 

we made an historic announcement—the United States will double 

the pace at which we cut carbon pollution, and China committed, 

for the first time, to limiting their emissions. And because the 

world’s two largest economies came together, other nations are now 

stepping up, and offering hope that, this year, the world will finally 

reach an agreement to protect the one planet we’ve got. 

There’s one last pillar to our leadership—and that’s the example 

of our values. 

As Americans, we respect human dignity, even when we’re 

threatened, which is why I’ve prohibited torture, and worked to 

make sure our use of new technology like drones is properly constrained. It’s why we speak out against the deplorable anti-Semitism that has resurfaced in certain parts of the world. It’s why we 

continue to reject offensive stereotypes of Muslims—the vast majority of whom share our commitment to peace. That’s why we defend 

free speech, and advocate for political prisoners, and condemn the 

persecution of women, or religious minorities, or people who are 

lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender. We do these things not only 

because they’re right, but because they make us safer. 

As Americans, we have a profound commitment to justice—so it 

makes no sense to spend three million dollars per prisoner to keep 

open a prison that the world condemns and terrorists use to recruit. Since I’ve been President, we’ve worked responsibly to cut 

the population of GTMO in half. Now it’s time to finish the job. 


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And I will not relent in my determination to shut it down. It’s not 

who we are. 

As Americans, we cherish our civil liberties—and we need to uphold that commitment if we want maximum cooperation from other 

countries and industry in our fight against terrorist networks. So 

while some have moved on from the debates over our surveillance 

programs, I haven’t. As promised, our intelligence agencies have 

worked hard, with the recommendations of privacy advocates, to increase transparency and build more safeguards against potential 

abuse. And next month, we’ll issue a report on how we’re keeping 

our promise to keep our country safe while strengthening privacy. 

Looking to the future instead of the past. Making sure we match 

our power with diplomacy, and use force wisely. Building coalitions 

to meet new challenges and opportunities. Leading—always—with 

the example of our values. That’s what makes us 17 exceptional. 

That’s what keeps us strong. And that’s why we must keep striving 

to hold ourselves to the highest of standards—our own. 

You know, just over a decade ago, I gave a speech in Boston 

where I said there wasn’t a liberal America, or a conservative 

America; a black America or a white America—but a United States 

of America. I said this because I had seen it in my own life, in a 

nation that gave someone like me a chance; because I grew up in 

Hawaii, a melting pot of races and customs; because I made Illinois 

my home—a state of small towns, rich farmland, and one of the 

world’s great cities; a microcosm of the country where Democrats 

and Republicans and Independents, good people of every ethnicity 

and every faith, share certain bedrock values. 

Over the past 6 years, the pundits have pointed out more than 

once that my presidency hasn’t delivered on this vision. How ironic, 

they say, that our politics seems more divided than ever. It’s held 

up as proof not just of my own flaws—of which there are many— 

but also as proof that the vision itself is misguided, and naive, and 

that there are too many people in this town who actually benefit 

from partisanship and gridlock for us to ever do anything about it. 

I know how tempting such cynicism may be. But I still think the 

cynics are wrong. 

I still believe that we are one people. I still believe that together, 

we can do great things, even when the odds are long. I believe this 

because over and over in my 6 years in office, I have seen America 

at its best. I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates from New 

York to California; and our newest officers at West Point, Annapolis, Colorado Springs, and New London. I’ve mourned with grieving families in Tucson and Newtown; in Boston, West Texas, and 

West Virginia. I’ve watched Americans beat back adversity from 

the Gulf Coast to the Great Plains; from Midwest assembly lines 

to the Mid-Atlantic seaboard. I’ve seen something like gay marriage go from a wedge issue used to drive us apart to a story of 

freedom across our country, a civil right now legal in States that 

seven in ten Americans call home. 

So I know the good, and optimistic, and big-hearted generosity 

of the American people who, every day, live the idea that we are 

our brother’s keeper, and our sister’s keeper. And I know they expect those of us who serve here to set a better example. 


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So the question for those of us here tonight is how we, all of us, 

can better reflect America’s hopes. I’ve served in Congress with 

many of you. I know many of you well. There are a lot of good people here, on both sides of the aisle. And many of you have told me 

that this isn’t what you signed up for—arguing past each other on 

cable shows, the constant fundraising, always looking over your 

shoulder at how the base will react to every decision. 

Imagine if we broke out of these tired old patterns. Imagine if 

we did something different. 

Understand—a better politics isn’t one where Democrats abandon their agenda or Republicans simply embrace mine. 

A better politics is one where we appeal to each other’s basic decency instead of our basest fears. 

A better politics is one where we debate without demonizing each 

other; where we talk issues, and values, and principles, and facts, 

rather than ‘‘gotcha’’ moments, or trivial gaffes, or fake controversies that have nothing to do with people’s daily lives. 

A better politics is one where we spend less time drowning in 

dark money for ads that pull us into the gutter, and spend more 

time lifting young people up, with a sense of purpose and possibility, and asking them to join in the great mission of building 

America. 

If we’re going to have arguments, let’s have arguments—but let’s 

make them debates worthy of this body and worthy of this country. 

We still may not agree on a woman’s right to choose, but surely 

we can agree it’s a good thing that teen pregnancies and abortions 

are nearing all-time lows, and that every woman should have access to the health care she needs. 

Yes, passions still fly on immigration, but surely we can all see 

something of ourselves in the striving young student, and agree 

that no one benefits when a hardworking mom is taken from her 

child, and that it’s possible to shape a law that upholds our tradition as a nation of laws and a nation of immigrants. 

We may go at it in campaign season, but surely we can agree 

that the right to vote is sacred; that it’s being denied to too many; 

and that, on this 50th anniversary of the great march from Selma 

to Montgomery and the passage of the Voting Rights Act, we can 

come together, Democrats and Republicans, to make voting easier 

for every single American. 

We may have different takes on the events of Ferguson and New 

York. But surely we can understand a father who fears his son 

can’t walk home without being harassed. Surely we can understand 

the wife who won’t rest until the police officer she married walks 

through the front door at the end of his shift. Surely we can agree 

it’s a good thing that for the first time in 40 years, the crime rate 

and the incarceration rate have come down together, and use that 

as a starting point for Democrats and Republicans, community 

leaders and law enforcement, to reform America’s criminal justice 

system so that it protects and serves us all. 

That’s a better politics. That’s how we start rebuilding trust. 

That’s how we move this country forward. That’s what the American people want. That’s what they deserve. 

I have no more campaigns to run. My only agenda for the next 

2 years is the same as the one I’ve had since the day I swore an 


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oath on the steps of this Capitol—to do what I believe is best for 

America. If you share the broad vision I outlined tonight, join me 

in the work at hand. If you disagree with parts of it, I hope you’ll 

at least work with me where you do agree. And I commit to every 

Republican here tonight that I will not only seek out your ideas, 

I will seek to work with you to make this country stronger. 

Because I want this chamber, this city, to reflect the truth—that 

for all our blind spots and shortcomings, we are a people with the 

strength and generosity of spirit to bridge divides, to unite in common effort, and help our neighbors, whether down the street or on 

the other side of the world. 

I want our actions to tell every child, in every neighborhood: your 

life matters, and we are as committed to improving your life 

chances as we are for our own kids. 

I want future generations to know that we are a people who see 

our differences as a great gift, that we are a people who value the 

dignity and worth of every citizen—man and woman, young and 

old, black and white, Latino and Asian, immigrant and Native 

American, gay and straight, Americans with mental illness or 

physical disability. 

I want them to grow up in a country that shows the world what 

we still know to be true: that we are still more than a collection 

of red States and blue States; that we are the United States of 

America. 

I want them to grow up in a country where a young mom like 

Rebekah can sit down and write a letter to her President with a 

story to sum up these past 6 years: 

‘‘It is amazing what you can bounce back from when you have 

to . . . we are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through 

some very, very hard times.’’ 

My fellow Americans, we too are a strong, tight-knit family. We, 

too, have made it through some hard times. Fifteen years into this 

new century, we have picked ourselves up, dusted ourselves off, 

and begun again the work of remaking America. We’ve laid a new 

foundation. A brighter future is ours to write. Let’s begin this new 

chapter—together—and let’s start the work right now. 

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless this country we love. 

BARACK OBAMA. 

THE WHITE HOUSE, January 20, 2015. 

Æ 


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