About the Report

In Haiti, education both promotes and ameliorates conflict. 

This report describes the education sector before the 2010 

earthquake, then presents recommendations on how Haiti 

and the international community can increase access to and 

the quality of Haitian schools and modernize the organization 

and function of the national education sector. Although 

these recommendations were initially developed before the 

earthquake occurred, the basic problems are unchanged, and 

the recommendations are relevant for “building back better,” 

in UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon’s words.

Ketty Luzincourt is chief executive officer of the Haitian 

Institute of Peace in Port-au-Prince, and Jennifer Gulbrandson 

is a program officer at Freedom House in Washington, D.C. 

The report was funded by the United States Institute of Peace’s 

Education and Training Center and supplements the work of the 

Institute’s Haiti Working Group, which has convened 

public forums and produced in-depth analyses of developments 

in Haiti and in U.S.-Haitian relations since 2006.

1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063

Special Report 245 August 2010

© 2010 by the United States Institute of Peace. 

All rights reserved.

Ketty Luzincourt and Jennifer Gulbrandson

Education and Conflict 

in Haiti

Rebuilding the Education Sector after the 

2010 Earthquake

Summary

•	 The massive earthquake of January 2010 devastated almost every aspect of Haitian society, 

but it also presented an excellent opportunity to address the problems of the largely 

dysfunctional education sector.

•	 Education has not only served to prevent, mitigate, and resolve conflict in Haiti, it has also 

functioned as an underlying cause of, contributor to, and trigger for violent conflict. These 

issues must be addressed if Haiti’s rebuilding efforts are to succeed.

•	 The Haitian authorities need to implement substantial structural reforms to address past 

policies of exclusion and overcentralization, as well as financial and language barriers.

•	 Primary education for all children under the age of fourteen should be free and compulsory. 

Substantial investment is needed in vocational training, as well as in adult education and 

civic and peace education.

•	 Teacher and technical education should be promoted through campaigns to improve the 

status of these professions, incentives to participate in pre-service and in-service programs, 

and financial and other awards.

•	 Curriculum and training options need to reflect the number and types of jobs that may 

be available after students graduate, providing the skills necessary to support a modern 

economy.

•	 The state should work with the private sector in expanding public-private partnerships, for 

example in the areas of school construction, scholarships, trainee programs, long-distance 

radio programs, and internships. 

•	 Haiti needs to do much more to develop students’ and teachers’ capacities to manage 

conflict peacefully by making teaching methods more student-centered, promoting critical 

United States Institute of Peace www.usip.org

SPECIAL REPORT

Contents

Introduction 2

Challenges to the Education Sector 2

Recent Reform Efforts 5

The Links Between Education and Conflict 6

Education as a Tool of Conflict Prevention 10

and Resolution 10

Notes 19
2

thinking and creative problem solving, and reforming curriculum to encourage tolerance 

and inclusion.

•	 The international community must recognize that long-term security and development 

depend on a well-functioning education system. The international community can help by 

assisting with the establishment of a clear strategic plan for education, including ways to 

monitor and assess reform.

Introduction

The massive earthquake of January 2010 devastated almost every aspect of Haitian society. 

The first priority, of course, was to rescue the injured and trapped, and to provide medical 

care, food and water, and shelter. But the long process of rebuilding has also begun. This 

report argues that reform of the largely dysfunctional education sector is crucial to the success of efforts to rebuild Haitian society as well as to the country’s longer-term security and 

stabilization needs. Indeed, without substantial reform of the education sector, rebuilding 

efforts are unlikely to succeed.

Even before the earthquake, Haiti was facing a crisis in its education sector. The internal conflict that resulted in the overthrow of the Jean-Claude Duvalier regime in 1986 has 

continued in various forms since then, further weakening the underdeveloped education 

sector. Education itself has contributed in some ways to Haitian political and social conflict, 

exacerbating tensions and triggering destructive unrest. To deal with Haiti’s many pressing 

challenges, it will be necessary to develop a new approach to education based on equity, 

inclusion, and diversity, an approach that will not only improve the education sector but 

also lead to increased security. 

Challenges to the Education Sector

A number of problems plague the education sector in Haiti. The sector is given very 

little financial support. Many schools use outdated curricula, while others implement the 

reformed curriculum of the 1997 National Plan of Education and Training (NPET) only partially. The high dropout rates and low enrollment rates in Haitian schools are due to economic 

hardship, high repetition rates (repeating a grade), and linguistic barriers. The quality of 

education also suffers because of a dearth of materials, expertise, proper management, and 

organization. All these deficiencies have been exacerbated by the recent earthquake.

With the state’s lack of institutional strength and capacity to provide basic services to 

the Haitian masses, the education sector has become increasingly privatized. According to 

the 2002–03 education census cited by the World Bank, only 8 percent of Haitian schools 

were public, while approximately 92 percent were privately owned and financed, meaning 

they were tuition-based in most cases. Because of Haiti’s extreme poverty, most schools 

were unaffordable and therefore inaccessible to the majority of families. In fact, only 55 percent of children aged six to twelve were enrolled in school, and less than one-third of those 

enrolled reached the fifth grade. According to “Making a Qualitative Leap Forward,” the 

Haitian government’s 2007 Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, of the 123,000 

students admitted to Haitian secondary schools in 2004, only 82,000, or 67 percent, were 

able to receive secondary schooling, and most of those who completed their secondary 

schooling were unable to find a place in the universities.1

The difficult economic situation in Haiti has rendered many families incapable of meeting the direct and indirect costs of education, leading to the withdrawal of children, especially girls, from school. Some parents have resorted to dividing one education between 

two children. In this situation, children take turns going to school. This phenomenon has 

The views expressed in this report do not necessarily 

reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace, 

which does not advocate specific policy positions.

To request permission to photocopy or reprint materials, 

e-mail: permissions@usip.org

About the Institute

The United States Institute of Peace is an independent, 

nonpartisan institution established and funded by Congress. 

Its goals are to help prevent and resolve violent conflicts, 

promote post-conflict peacebuilding, and increase conflict 

management tools, capacity, and intellectual capital worldwide. The Institute does this by empowering others with 

knowledge, skills, and resources, as well as by its direct 

involvement in conflict zones around the globe.

Board of Directors

J. Robinson West (Chair), Chairman, PFC Energy, Washington, 

D.C. • George E. Moose (Vice Chairman), Adjunct Professor 

of Practice, The George Washington University, Washington, 

D.C. • Anne H. Cahn, Former Scholar in Residence, American 

University, Washington, D.C. • Chester A. Crocker, James R. 

Schlesinger Professor of Strategic Studies, School of Foreign 

Service, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. • Ikram U. 

Khan, President, Quality Care Consultants, LLC., Las Vegas, 

Nev. • Kerry Kennedy, Human Rights Activist • Stephen D. 

Krasner, Graham H. Stuart Professor of International Relations at Stanford University • Jeremy A. Rabkin, Professor 

of Law, George Mason University, Arlington, Va. • Judy Van 

Rest, Executive Vice President, International Republican 

Institute, Washington, D.C. • Nancy Zirkin, Executive Vice 

President, Leadership Conference on Civil Rights 

Members Ex Officio

Michael H. Posner, Assistant Secretary of State for 

Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor • James N. Miller, 

Principal Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Policy •

Ann E. Rondeau, Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy; President, 

National Defense University • Richard H. Solomon, 

President, United States Institute of Peace (nonvoting) 
3

contributed to the problem of high repetition rates. Repetition, in turn, increases the cost 

of education to families. As a result, some families are less willing or unable to spend what 

little money they have on school fees, uniforms, and textbooks. The high dropout rate is 

generally not reflective of a Haitian disregard for or disinterest in education; rather, it is an 

unfortunate consequence of limited family resources.2

In addition to financial barriers, there are also linguistic barriers. French and Creole are 

both official languages of Haiti. Most Haitians speak Creole, but only the most advantaged 

Haitians speak French. Since French is the principal written and administrative language 

of Haiti, it is required for any person wishing to engage as a full citizen of Haiti. The current practice of using French rather than Creole in the classroom discriminates against the 

lower socioeconomic classes. Instead, schools should educate Creole speakers in their own 

vernacular while preparing them for full French proficiency.

Even if families are able to pay for their children’s schooling and students understand 

and speak the language of instruction, there is no guarantee that these young people will 

get a decent education. Many Haitian schools are incapable of providing quality education, 

and those private schools that serve the poor have little financial incentive to do so, since 

poorer parents are unable to pay very much.3

The dearth of qualified teachers contributes to the low caliber of many Haitian schools. 

Only 60 percent of non-public school teachers are recognized as appropriately trained.4 This 

is due partly to poor remuneration and the migration of trained Haitians abroad. The lack of 

teacher training is especially problematic in disciplines such as physics and chemistry, where 

instructors may be unable to conduct even basic laboratory experiments.

An acute shortage of textbooks, desks, chairs, and teaching materials and inadequate 

infrastructure are among the most significant problems for teachers and students alike. 

There are not enough school buildings to accommodate all of the school-age youth in 

Haiti, and the lack of technology in the schools (computers, Internet access) further limits 

learning. Again, these shortages and substandard facilities were made worse by the recent 

earthquake, which destroyed large parts of the infrastructure that did exist. 

At the university level, resource and facility shortages have been exacerbated by ruling 

governments’ efforts to control or censor student activities. These clampdowns have sometimes resulted in mass demonstrations, university closings, and the destruction of buildings, 

school materials, and equipment. 

Organization and Structure

Education in Haiti, even though now mostly private, is still a function that is supposed to be 

regulated by the Haitian Ministry of National Education and Professional Training (Ministère 

de l’Education Nationale et de la Formation Professionnelle, or MENFP). The ministry’s mission is twofold: (1) to provide educational services to its citizens and (2) to play a normative 

and regulatory role. However, most observers agree that MENFP has not been able to fulfill 

its mandate.5

Compounding the challenges of providing quality education is the inability of MENFP to 

distinguish between schools that perform above or below basic quality standards. Seventy 

percent of Haitian schools lack accreditation. MENFP does not have the capacity to meet its 

mandate of monitoring, evaluating, and reporting on the academic performance of schools 

primarily because it is overstretched and without adequate support. There is now approximately one inspector responsible for providing accreditation, pedagogical supervision, and 

administrative support for every six thousand students. The World Bank also reports little 

effective cooperation between MENFP and the schools.6

The high dropout rate is 

generally not reflective of 

a Haitian disregard for or 

disinterest in education; rather, 

it is an unfortunate consequence 

of limited family resources.
4

Another challenge to providing quality education, especially in the rural areas, is MENFP’s 

management and administrative structure. It is highly centralized and bureaucratic, and has 

a strong urban bias. Rural Haiti, with 70 percent of the country’s population, receives only 

20 percent of educational expenditures. In 2007, twenty-three communal sections lacked a 

school, and 145 were without a public school.7

Educational Governance

Educational governance has always been subject to a high level of political involvement, 

which fosters distrust and lack of confidence in the education sector overall. Appointments 

to key senior education ministry posts are driven mostly by political patronage or ideological consideration. MENFP remains the primary agent of policy planning in school matters. 

It plays a significant role in the determination of curricular content, regulations, validation 

of degrees and certificates, and inspections. Despite its incapacity even to monitor and 

evaluate schools, MENFP has responsibility for all organizational aspects of the education 

sector. The present organizational structure does not adequately separate the functions of 

governance and policymaking from the functions of management. There is no strong and 

independent policymaking body. 

Management

The decree of 1998 laid out the structure and composition of the Ministry of Education, 

which includes departments (Haiti’s ten geographic regions), school district offices, and 

inspection zones. This legislation declared that the government would be responsible for 

the financing, initiation, development, implementation, and supervision of educational 

policies. In an effort to decentralize the education sector, a limited amount of responsibility and authority has been given to departments and district offices. The departments are 

responsible for the implementation and follow-up of educational policies and plans, the 

recruitment and management of teaching staff, and the supervision of schools. Parentteacher associations are acknowledged in the 1997 NPET; however, little has been done 

to encourage their active participation in the decision-making process, leaving a known 

resource relatively untapped. 

In 2003, with the aid of the European Union and others, Haiti put in place the Program for the Improvement of the Quality of Education (PARQE). Its main achievement was 

the creation of seventeen Core Application Schools and Center for Educational Support 

(EFACAP) and associated schools, which compose the new system of primary schools, secondary schools, and teacher training centers. These seventeen EFACAPs are part of a program 

for the rehabilitation and construction of 360 schools and the training of three thousand 

teachers. They can accommodate 110,000 students. School facilities and teacher training 

centers with libraries, computer labs, and housing were built in four departments (North, 

Grande Anse, South, and Centre), and from these schools emerged parent associations and 

school boards.

In 2006 the Bureau of Youth, Sports, and Civic Service, which used to be part of MENFP, 

became the Ministry of Youth, Sports, and Civic Action (MJSAC). Its mission is to implement 

and support extracurricular activities that contribute to the quality of life through the 

practice of sports and other leisure activities, extend good citizenship and skills training, 

and encourage the development of community life.

MJSAC programs have three main components: (1) civic action, through the deployment 

of school brigades that provide an institutional framework for youth to resolve certain issues 

that affect their community, such as road safety, deforestation, natural disasters, and HIV/

AIDS; (2) workforce development in both urban and rural areas, with projects such as the 

Rural Haiti, with 70 percent 

of the country’s population, 

receives only 20 percent of 

educational expenditures.
5

development and modernization of fish farming, the revival of agriculture, and the manufacturing of sporting and sociocultural materials; and (3) youth development and promotion, 

including the National Academy of Sports, which was created to provide training in soccer 

and to organize local and nationwide competitions. 

Recent Reform Efforts

Despite the severe deficiencies of the Haitian education sector, many Haitian leaders have 

identified education as an important national goal. The country has attempted two major 

reform efforts in recent years, the Bernard Reform of 1978 and the NPET of 1997.

Bernard Reform

The Bernard Reform of 1978 was an attempt to modernize the system, make it more efficient, and build its capacity to satisfy vast educational needs, given the economic limitations. The new curriculum that resulted from the Bernard Reform attempted to align the 

school structure with labor market demands by introducing technical and vocational classes 

into secondary schools. In addition, the Bernard Reform restructured and expanded the 

secondary school curriculum by separating it into academic and technical tracks. 

One of the major innovations of the Bernard Reform was the use of the Haitian vernacular in formal education. Haitian Creole became the language of instruction in the first four 

grades of primary school.

Unfortunately, the Bernard Reform made little headway. The curriculum in use before the 

reform is still applied throughout the country, and it still follows the classical model, which 

provides a general education without consideration for the labor market. 

The Bernard Reform failed for two reasons: lengthy delays in the implementation of 

the new curriculum and inadequate resources and infrastructure to support the proposed 

changes. At the tertiary level, the majority of parents preferred to see their children attend 

universities because technical schools were considered low-prestige institutions. As a result, 

the labor market lacked sufficient jobs for new graduates of liberal arts programs, and remuneration lagged behind expectations.

National Plan of Education and Training 

The NPET of 1997 marked a shift from the French educational model—an authoritarian 

system, designed and monitored by a highly centralized bureaucracy, that was teachercentered and saw students as passive learners—to a model of participatory learning based 

on student-centered approaches. The NPET also shifted to a new paradigm of citizenship 

education aimed at developing civic knowledge and attitudes that would promote unity and 

an appreciation of diversity in Haitian society, providing the foundation for an inclusive 

national identity. 

Education authorities have shown political will and commitment to reaching all the 

prescribed goals, even though the goals have not been fully realized. The Ministry of Education has partially decentralized the process of service provision. However, such efforts have 

not been matched by any substantive modernization and decentralization of MENFP. There 

is fear as well that the decentralization process will lead to fragmentation rather than help 

solve the problems of social polarization.

Despite the promising features of the NPET, several issues still need to be resolved. The 

goal of making education free and compulsory at the primary level has not been met. Since 

families must pay fees before each academic year, primary education remains beyond the 

reach of most Haitians. Further, the increasing demand for higher education has not led to 
6

the creation of new or significantly expanded state universities. With respect to content, 

although the curriculum does offer a peace education component as part of citizenship 

education, peace education needs to be discussed more concretely and take into account 

the intractable characteristics of the Haitian conflict. Finally, with few exceptions, the NPET 

has not been successful in creating space for communities to express their opinions through 

parent-teacher associations or other mechanisms.

The Links between Education and Conflict

Education has not only served to prevent, mitigate, and resolve conflict, it has also functioned as an underlying cause of, contributor to, and trigger for violent conflict in Haiti. 

Many elements of the education sector have also suffered as a result of social and political 

unrest. The multifaceted links between Haitian education and conflict, including those 

found in the current period of insecurity, are rooted in events that occurred long before 

independence.

Colonial Legacy of Violence and Exclusion in Education

The colonial system from which Haiti emerged has had a profound and lasting impact on 

Haitian education. The overriding lesson that colonialism taught the inhabitants was that 

the use of violence and elitism are the most effective means to obtain what you want.

Throughout the period of Spanish dominance over the island of Quisqueya, 1492–1697, 

Columbus and others used brute force to exploit and nearly eliminate the island’s native 

Taino-Arawak Indians. After the near extinction of the native people, the Spanish brought 

in Africans, whom they forced to work as slaves, beginning in the early 1500s. The Black 

Code of 1685 outlawed education for blacks.

From 1697 to 1803 the French controlled the western side of the island. At this point the 

population was composed of three major groups: the higher- and lower-class white colonists 

(grand blancs and petits blancs), free blacks (mulattoes—people of mixed black and white 

ancestry—and black freedmen), and slaves. The French gave more social, economic, and 

legal liberties to those with lighter complexions and cultural ties to France, especially those 

with knowledge of the French language. With the advantages of skin color and access to the 

dominant French culture, along with the ability to progress through hard work, the mulattoes grew in economic status to the point that some were wealthier than the poorer white 

colonists and had slaves of their own.

Even after independence and the official end of slavery, stubborn social and economic 

divides were, and continue to be, maintained through cultural, religious, and linguistic 

systems of exclusion.8

Education as a Victim of Conflict

Over the years, political instability and popular unrest have had a variety of negative effects 

on education in Haiti. Political leaders and those vying for power have targeted professors, 

teachers, students, and community leaders. For example, during François “Papa Doc” Duvalier’s regime, Duvalier’s Tonton Macoutes imprisoned students who had supported secondary 

schoolteachers in a 1959 strike. The Tonton Macoutes, whose name means “boogeymen,” 

were a Haitian militia, controlled by Duvalier, that used brutal violence to suppress political 

resistance. The 1959 teachers strike was implemented to protest the embedding of Tonton 

Macoutes in the ranks of teachers. In response to this public show of resistance, Papa Doc 

not only arrested the students, he also abolished all youth groups, including the Boy Scouts; 

bombed education facilities; and surrounded the university and schools with police.9

The overriding lesson that 

colonialism taught the 

inhabitants was that the use 

of violence and elitism are the 

most effective means to obtain 

what you want.
7

But François and his son, Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, were not the only leaders to 

target educational institutions and individuals. Fanmi Lavalas, the party of former president 

Jean-Bertrand Aristide, formed grassroots organizations called organisations populaires. They 

were composed of party militants and had the original aim of community empowerment. 

Later they became heavily armed political gangs that terrorized the population. On December 5, 2003, pro-Aristide gangs, such as the chimères (ghosts), and police attacked the State 

University, where students were holding antigovernment protests. They ransacked buildings, 

gutted two departments, and injured dozens of students and administrators.10

Students and teachers in many areas of Haiti have suffered and continue to suffer from 

a general lack of security. With Haiti’s ongoing political instability and widespread violence, 

going to school is not a safe journey for children.11 Even when students and teachers do 

arrive at school safely, the general feeling of insecurity surely detracts from their ability to 

concentrate on school matters.

With the increase in violent conflict in Haiti over the past few decades, many from the 

middle class, including the better-trained teachers, have emigrated from the country, resulting in a severe shortage of trained instructors. A lack of respect, status, and training, as well 

as low salaries, has also contributed to low morale among schoolteachers. 

Education as Cause of and Contributor to Conflict

Education has contributed to conflict in Haiti in a number of ways. Both the curricular content 

and the lack of access to education for many people have increased tensions between competing socioeconomic classes. Although various laws have declared education a universal right, 

it has been monopolized primarily by whichever group is in power. Throughout much of Haiti’s 

history, the elite, primarily French-speaking mulattoes, have sought to maintain power in this 

way. This has contributed to resentment on the part of the rest of society and led to noirisme, 

a black power movement that sought to invert the power balance in Haiti, giving privilege to 

the majority blacks, or at least the elite blacks, over the minority mulattoes. 

Violence and Inequality in the Curriculum: The following statement, which appears in history textbooks in Haiti, reveals how education can play a role in nurturing violence in the 

minds of Haitian pupils. Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre, Haitian writer and historian and author of 

the Haitian Act of Independence, is quoted as saying, “To write this act of Independence we 

must have a white man’s skin for parchment, his skull for an inkwell, his blood for ink, and 

a bayonet as pen.”12 Whether Boisrond-Tonnerre meant his words literally or not, inflammatory statements of this sort encourage a culture of violence against others based on color. 

The United States also contributed to tensions and inequality in Haiti during its occupation from 1915 to 1934. Many in Haiti identified racism, classism, and repression in 

some U.S. education policies. Contentious policies included (1) supporting technical and 

agricultural training over liberal arts education, (2) using money earmarked for student 

scholarships to pay the salaries of foreign “experts,” (3) giving more money to technical and 

urban schools than to universities and rural and girls’ schools, and (4) giving more support 

to primary education in states such as Puerto Rico and the Philippines, whose populations 

were not predominantly African American.

These policies fed into Haitian wariness that the educational reforms were not so much 

part of a development strategy that would further them collectively as a nation but rather an 

exploitative effort by yet another foreign white power that sought a partnership with the elite 

minority and access to cheap labor and raw materials. Many Haitians believed that the U.S. 

emphasis on technical and agricultural training meant that U.S. Americans viewed Haitians 

as intellectually inferior and wanted to keep them in a subordinate position academically and 

economically. 

Although various laws have 

declared education a universal 

right, it has been monopolized 

primarily by whichever group is in 

power.

Many in Haiti identified racism, 

classism, and repression in some 

U.S. education policies. 
8

Although the U.S. policy was flawed, there was an important truth at the heart of it: 

there is a genuine danger in not diversifying curriculum and training options according to 

the number and types of jobs that may be available after students graduate.

Emergence of the Black Legend and the Ideology of Noirisme: In response to mulatto 

elitism, a number of well-educated black Haitians, notably Jean Price Mars, initiated the 

Haitian ethnological movement in the 1930s. This movement emphasized an appreciation 

for and embracing of African culture and a rejection of European values and the belief that 

psychological makeup is based on genetics and not on environment. 

Inspired by the ethnological movement, the advocates of noirisme took the Afrocentric 

mentality a step further and developed a political theory that encouraged a small number of 

rising black leaders to take power away from the mulatto elite. Noiriste leaders insisted that 

a representative government or democracy was just a facade that allowed elite mulattoes 

to exploit the majority. They argued that Haiti would do far better under a strong black 

leadership. Furthermore, they called for Haiti to be limited to blacks only, with Creole as the 

principal language medium and voodoo the spiritual practice.13

The results of noirisme for Haitian society were mixed. The movement was accompanied 

by a heightened focus on black awareness and pride as part of a conscious effort to promote 

a social identity, if an exclusive one. Noiriste leaders—typically those who were not from 

elite families but who had received an education—were convinced the only way to promote 

the nascent black middle class and positively influence the destiny of black Haitians was 

through higher education. That was a leitmotif of both Duvalier administrations as father 

and son undertook reforms in the education sector.

Unfortunately, the new policy changes did not make education available to all Haitians. Rather, it exchanged one type of exclusion for another. Students from the lower 

economic strata, children of blue-collar workers or farmers, gained access to the prestigious disciplines of law, medicine, and engineering in large numbers for the first time. The 

new class of professionals mostly served in public administration, the biggest employer 

of graduate labor.

Many of the newly excluded class of students—the elites—had the financial means 

to gain an education elsewhere, which created other tensions. Traditionally, an education 

obtained outside Haiti has been valued more highly than the education earned in Haitian 

schools. Consequently, better remuneration is provided to those holding foreign diplomas. 

The situation is exacerbated by the fact that only a small number of college graduates can 

be accommodated in suitable positions in the Haitian economy. 

Despite the noiriste acknowledgment of education as a primary means to promote its 

agenda, there was also a fear of education and intellectuals as possible threats to noiriste

power. One reason for this fear was the close connection between the education sector and 

the Roman Catholic Church. Papa Doc and other noiristes saw the existing Catholic institutions as perpetuating “cultural terrorism” against black Haitians. The noiristes argued that 

religious schools promoted a sense of inferiority among blacks and endorsed dependence on 

foreign white powers. These factors, and the understanding that schools have often been 

hotbeds of opposition around the world, led the Duvalier regimes to attack educational 

institutions in an attempt to neutralize likely threats to their power.

Education as a Trigger for Conflict: Education has not only served as a cause of conflict, 

it has also been at the heart of events that have marked the beginning and escalation of 

revolts. As in many countries, the public universities have typically been highly politicized. 

Public university students, followed sometimes by high school students, have often initiated 

political or social crises in Haitian history.

One such example of an education-related event that helped escalate violence was the 

massive antigovernment demonstration in 1985. Protests had been occurring for sustained 

Noiriste leaders insisted that 

a representative government or 

democracy was just a facade 

that allowed elite mulattoes to 

exploit the majority.
9

periods of time before this demonstration, but after soldiers shot and killed four students, 

the protest movement gained strength. This event marked a change in the conflict in that 

it unified popular protest against the state, resulting eventually in the toppling of the JeanClaude Duvalier regime.

Another example of this phenomenon took place on December 5, 2003, when the police 

and chimères attacked the State University. Even though these pro-government forces had 

previously stoned civic leaders and hit demonstrating women with urine-filled bottles, 

“many believe that it was [the attack] . . . on the State University that ultimately mobilized 

civil society against the government.” Thereafter there was a nearly unanimous call from 

organized civil society for Aristide’s departure.14

The Likelihood of Conflict Escalation: Some of the ways in which education has historically 

led to conflict have been adduced here, including a disconnect between preferred education 

programs and labor market needs, linguistic inaccessibility, and lack of concrete support for 

and implementation of reforms by the state.

There are also historically new factors, such as the proliferation of small arms, that 

amplify the violence surrounding Haitian education today. Arms, drug, and human trafficking have increased in Haiti, in part because international criminals have taken advantage 

of Haiti’s weak state and porous borders. This criminal activity in turn has added to violent 

instability because it has made tools of violence accessible to people in economically desperate circumstances. 

Poverty alone, however, even the extreme poverty found in Haiti, does not always lead 

to violent unrest. People are unlikely to revolt when the situation, even if desperate, is what 

people expect. The likelihood of protest increases when popular expectations exceed reality 

by a critical degree. 

The inequality and insufficiency of Haitian education leaves many Haitian families 

extremely frustrated, especially lower-income Haitians. As the World Bank report on Haiti 

notes, “Compared to their peers from upper income quintiles, Haitian children from lower 

income households get less and worse education,” even though their families pay a much 

higher percentage of their household revenues for schooling.15

Frustration with the political leadership is also at a high level. The current government 

may be in particular peril should it fail to make meaningful improvements to the education 

sector. The Préval administration made grand verbal commitments to the National Strategy 

for Education for All (EFA). However, according to World Bank figures, Haitian public support 

of education in FY 2007 was only 2.5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). This was the 

lowest rate of public support for education in the Latin America and Caribbean region, which 

averages 5 percent of GDP. It was also much lower than the average sub-Saharan African rate 

(3.9 percent). The Haitian government’s financial support was only 11 percent of the total 

budget, far short of the 20 percent that is the World Bank’s EFA benchmark.16

In this situation, diminishing patience with the slow pace of change under democratically elected governments has caused some Haitians to argue for the return to an authoritarian regime, which led some people to be nostalgic for the Duvalier regime.17 But Baby Doc is 

not the only political and economic entrepreneur feared by the current administration. Drug 

dealers and other smugglers have been accused of manipulating the frustrations of average 

Haitians, for example during the food riots of April 2008, to further weaken the state and 

give themselves freer rein.18

Massive unemployment, low school enrollment rates, and other problems have created 

large numbers of resentful youth who embrace divisive political rhetoric and contribute to 

cyclical violence. Gangs such as the chimères terrorize large areas of Port-au-Prince, “a legacy 

of Aristide’s policy of arming groups of disaffected youth in the slums; most of these youth 

are today hardened gang leaders who quickly abandoned allegiance to Aristide to embrace 

Diminishing patience with 

the slow pace of change 

under democratically elected 

governments has caused some 

Haitians to argue for the return 

to an authoritarian regime, 

which led some people to be 

nostalgic for the Duvalier 

regime.
10

lucrative criminal ways that they will not easily abandon,” according to the World Bank’s 

background paper on Haiti.19

In these and other ways, lack of access to education contributes to a dangerous and 

often deadly mix of youth and violence. When youth are removed from the classrooms they 

flow into the streets and consequently are more exposed to armed gangs, drug dealers, 

sexual predators, and other criminal elements. Youth are, overall, more vulnerable either to 

becoming victims of such elements or to being co-opted into the groups that perpetrate 

violence against others. 

Girls are especially vulnerable to sexual and other forms of violence because, if there is 

limited money, they are more likely to be kept out of school than boys are. “According to 

the UN, 50 percent of young women in the violent shantytowns of Haiti have been raped 

or sexually assaulted.”20 Among the few who report such crimes, one-third are under the 

age of thirteen. Many reasons have been cited for the high rate of gender-based violence 

in Haiti, but high on the list are poverty, lack of jobs, and lack of education, all of which 

contribute to the breakdown of societal norms that allows gangs to get away with using 

rape as a weapon of control.21

Education as a Tool of Conflict Prevention and Resolution

Although education has both suffered from and contributed to violent conflict in Haiti, it 

can also be a tool to help mitigate violence.

The term “peace education” may sound utopian, but its goal and varied approaches are 

quite pragmatic. Rather than attempting to eliminate conflict, peace education teaches 

students to deal with conflict in nonviolent and creative ways. This is achieved through 

affording students experiences that reshape their values, attitudes, knowledge, and skills 

in ways that equip them to help resolve disputes and prevent violence from erupting or 

expanding. The aims of peace education are outlined in table 1.

Because peace education has been defined in such broad terms, it can be used in a 

variety of contexts: in primary and secondary schools, youth and community centers, trade 

schools, adult literacy programs, homes, and workplaces. For example, by modifying teaching methods to be more student-centered and encouraging students to actively participate 

in group activities, teachers can create a safe space where students feel empowered to think 

critically and creatively. This approach should lead to better educational outcomes, but it 

may also instill in students an understanding of the importance of respect, communication, 

and cooperation, which would be expected to have positive effects beyond the classroom.

Many countries have used peace education as a tool to help reduce, resolve, and prevent 

conflict. Examples of programs that may support peace education include curriculum reform 

and development activities, pre-service and in-service teacher training programs, youth 

camps, sports and recreation programs, youth groups, training for community leaders, 

workshops for parents, media training activities, traveling theater and puppet programs, 

television and radio shows, public relations campaigns, contests, and exhibitions. But as a 

UNICEF Educational Section paper notes, “Because lasting behavior change in children and 

adults only occurs over time, effective peace education is necessarily a long-term process, 

not a short-term intervention.”22

One way to maximize the chances for success is to address the causes of and possible 

resolution of intergroup tensions. For example, education should offer students an intense 

study of the reasons for violent competition between elites and the masses rather than 

just mixing students from different socioeconomic backgrounds together and hoping for 

the best. Teaching students how to resolve disputes among themselves as individuals is 

insufficient when they are surrounded by stubborn structural and violent conflict. Another 

When youth are removed from 

the classrooms they flow into 

the streets and consequently are 

more exposed to armed gangs, 

drug dealers, sexual predators, 

and other criminal elements. 
11

suggestion is to lead students through studies of non-Haitian conflicts so that they learn 

about similar disputes, which may give them an increased ability to understand if not appreciate opposing perspectives.23

While merely increasing the diversity in classrooms is insufficient for achieving maximum gains from peace education, mixing students of different economic, racial, linguistic, 

religious, and social backgrounds in shared classrooms may help increase respect and appreciation among youth from different backgrounds. This is especially true if similar steps are 

taken in a strategic and semipermanent fashion throughout the country and in concert with 

other reforms that address larger intergroup tensions. 

One way to address these tensions is through new approaches to teaching history. Even 

with biased textbooks, teachers can instruct students in how to think critically, and in particular how to recognize stereotypes, their historic origins, and the economic and political 

motivations of those perpetuating them. As the author of the UNICEF Educational Division 

paper observes, “This is sometimes referred to as ‘reading against the text.’”24 Students could 

then more compellingly express their opinions on stereotypes, classism, racism, sexism, and 

other subjects in the form of letters to local newspapers, textbook publishers, or appropriate 

government offices. The study of Haitian folktales that include messages about nonviolent 

conflict management and power sharing would complement the historical studies, with the 

additional benefit of showing how narratives about friendship or enmity are constructed.

If implemented in a long-term, holistic fashion, peace education may also help to promote Haitian identity reflective of a unified but diverse society. The way to deal with social 

division is not to replace one form of exclusion with another, as has been done in the past. 

Knowledge •	 Understanding the nature of conflict and peace

•	 Ability to identify causes of conflict, and nonviolent means of resolution

•	 Enhancing knowledge of community mechanisms for building peace 

and resolving conflict

•	 Understanding rights and responsibilities

•	 Awareness of cultural heritage

•	 Recognition of prejudice

Skills •	 Ability to cooperate

•	 Critical thinking (e.g., the ability to deconstruct stereotypes and 

prejudices)

•	 Creative problem-solving

•	 Dealing with emotions

•	 Participate in society on behalf of peace

•	 Ability to live with change

Attitudes •	 Self-respect, positive self-image

•	 Tolerance, acceptance of others, respect for differences

•	 Bias awareness

•	 Gender equity

•	 Empathy

•	 Reconciliation

•	 Solidarity

•	 Social responsibility

•	 Sense of justice and equality

Table 1. Aims of Peace Education

Source: Fountain, "Peace Education in UNICEF," 14–16.

The way to deal with social 

division is not to replace one 

form of exclusion with another, 

as has been done in the past. 
12

Rather, plans designed to promote social unity work best.25 Universal primary education will 

be intrinsic to any inclusive education plan.

Inclusivity extends to the realm of language as well. Language programs that feature 

both French and Creole at the primary level should help create positive links between Haitians regardless of class. Educating a generation of bilingual children might go far in increasing a sense of unified Haitian pride as well as an increased capacity to communicate with 

each other. Foreign languages such as Spanish and English are taught at the secondary level, 

but most students, even after seven years of study, are unable to use those skills properly. 

Additional French, Spanish, and English classes might be offered at the tertiary level to 

equip future generations to bridge the gap between Haiti and the outside world.

But inclusivity is about much more than just languages; it means an appreciation of differences and the development of a plural identity. Such an identity is perhaps best embodied in the term Créolité (Creoleness), which embraces the diversity of the Caribbean region, 

including indigenous Taino-Arawak Indian, African, European, and Arab influences, and for 

Haiti, the French political and cultural legacy. By highlighting the accomplishments of black 

people and exploring cultures from around the world, the school system would augment the 

ability of students to appreciate and accept differences among Haitians and others. Again, 

peace education can facilitate this pride in Haitian heterogeneity in a number of subjects, 

from history and social studies to the arts and sports, based on the needs of the school and 

the community it serves. 

Recommendations

Although Haiti faces daunting challenges, the rebuilding process already under way presents 

an excellent opportunity to address the largely dysfunctional education sector. It will be 

important to involve all stakeholders in the process. Working from that premise, the Préval–

Pierre-Louis administration in 2008 created the Working Group on Education and Training 

to develop strategies and initiatives to increase access to and the quality of Haitian schools 

and to modernize the organization and function of the national education sector. The plan 

was to produce a new document, provisionally called “Agenda 2030,” launching a presidential initiative for an education pact covering the period 2008–30. The working group 

established a Web site (www.commissioneducation.ht) and has produced several reports and 

working papers. It is not clear where the process stands after the earthquake, but it might 

be a good place to start as Haiti moves forward in rebuilding its education sector.

To the Haitian Education Authorities and Government Officials

• Develop an inclusive and integrated education system

The education sector must serve as the foundation for real attitudinal and behavioral changes in Haitian society. Schools must take into account the pluralistic dimension of Haitian 

society and develop participatory methods of learning in order to give students a means of 

dealing with conflict constructively. These practices will serve as the foundation of good 

citizenship, respect for self and others, democratic values, and tolerance of differences.

The role of the Haitian government should be to guarantee equal access to education 

for all groups. In this respect, greater attention should be devoted to rural communities, 

which are rarely consulted or included in any institutional settings. At the tertiary level, 

universities should establish a fair student admission and scholarship selection process that 

balances merit-based and needs-based criteria.

The education sector also needs to offer more flexible arrangements, especially for rural 

students and those with special needs, and provide greater opportunities for adult learners. 

Educating a generation of 

bilingual children might go 

far in increasing a sense of 

unified Haitian pride as well 

as an increased capacity to 

communicate with each other. 
13

The education sector should also develop more active parent-teacher associations as a 

way to elicit the views of parents on education content and delivery. For instance, it would 

be reasonable to let those communities whose economies are based on agriculture and 

fishing adjust their school calendar and subject matter to more closely reflect their needs. 

The creation of local school boards would also encourage the community to become more 

involved in school matters. 

The MJSAC has the potential to reach nontraditional students and other hard-to-reach 

youth by incorporating recreational activities and civic awareness into its extracurricular 

programming. Both ministries, MJSAC (sports and civic action) and MENFP (education), need 

to go farther in their efforts, not only with the National Academy of Sports, where MNEFP 

provides the teaching and the pedagogical materials for young soccer athletes selected for 

this program, but also in developing prevocational and vocational education and training at 

the upper secondary level, as prescribed in the 1997 NPET.

• Change the curriculum to enable students to manage conflict better

Haiti needs to do much more to develop students’ and teachers’ capacities to manage 

conflict peacefully. Haitian pupils need to develop new skills and be instilled with new 

values that change their perception of the other. They need to be aware of the importance 

of respectful communication and creative problem solving in interpersonal relationships. 

Students need to learn in the classroom how to resolve disputes peacefully and how to 

achieve consensus or reach compromise. More broadly, peace education programs focusing 

on constructive problem solving should be supported as an investment in conflict prevention and conflict management, as described earlier in this report.

MJSAC’s youth programs should also include a peace-building component. Youth can be 

challenging to reach in a way that truly engages them in learning, dialogue, and action. 

There are many benefits to peace education that forge positive connections with members 

of groups. MJSAC might be instrumental in the creation of youth peer mediation systems, 

for example. It could set a stage for peace-building behavior by granting young people 

opportunities to enjoy success.

In addition, curriculum development needs to take into account a dual system that 

combines school-based and work-based elements, as the MJSAC training program does. This 

cooperation is necessary to create a generation of skilled nationals in accordance with the 

needs of the business sector and the different aspirations, training, and access to resources 

of young people. In addition to job-related skills, vocational programs must equip students 

with the social and communication skills necessary to improve their success in the workplace.

Timely implementation of curriculum change is important, since it will boost citizen 

confidence in the government and build the momentum required for sustaining reform.

• Improve training for both teachers and students

A well-trained workforce is critical to Haiti’s economic development. Teacher and technical 

education should be promoted through campaigns that improve the status of these professions. For example, teachers could be offered meaningful incentives to participate in both 

pre-service and in-service programs. Outcome-based financial and other awards might help 

raise morale and retention rates. 

The government should work with the private sector to determine how best to prepare 

students for existing and expected jobs in Haiti. Vocational training should be accessible 

to those who are illiterate and should also include a basic reading component that supports 

broader intellectual development.

Students need to learn in 

the classroom how to resolve 

disputes peacefully and how 

to achieve consensus or reach 

compromise.
14

It will, however, be important to train leaders—promising youth from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds—as well as followers. Liberal arts education programs might be 

structured to prepare a new generation of leaders to work in the government, judiciary, law 

enforcement, and civil arenas and in the private sector. Otherwise, people might conclude 

that a nation of youth is being trained for dead-end jobs that merely provide cheap labor 

for wealthy countries. But there is a danger to training too many people for jobs that don’t 

yet exist in Haiti. Annual job forecasts should be widely distributed so that students can 

understand their employment prospects and make well-informed decisions when planning 

their education.

• Increase public investment in education

Fees to attend publicly maintained primary schools must be abolished and arrangements 

made to provide free secondary education. Primary education for all children under the age 

of fourteen years must be free and compulsory. A substantial investment needs to be made 

in vocational training, adult education, and civic and peace education. The government 

should create a special fund to invest in particular areas that might improve educational 

quality and access and give impetus to the necessary structural changes.26 In light of the 

devastating effects of the recent earthquake, which reduced to rubble a number of private 

schools and universities, the reconstruction effort should increase the percentage of public 

schools or provide financial support to private schools.

• Develop a plural identity based on the concept of Créolité

Throughout all areas of education, instructors, administrators, and parents should work 

together to reinforce and instill in youth a plural identity based on the concept of Créolité. 

Ernest Pépin, a poet and novelist from Guadeloupe, has argued that Créolité is basically a 

“mosaic identity.”27 Haitians who view themselves through this prism should more easily 

appreciate the various contributions to Haiti’s history and culture made by the state’s different inhabitants, including the indigenous Taino-Arawak Indians, Europeans, Africans, and 

Arabs.

Developing a plural identity based on Créolité and cultivating in Haitian youth a sense of 

accommodation and an appreciation of differences should help them work toward national 

unity while peacefully embracing diversity. The definition of national culture and identity 

can be achieved through language policies and social studies that embrace the diversity of 

Haitian society.

• Modify the governance and management structure and improve monitoring

The current governance and management structure needs to be modified and monitored. 

Table 2 presents the current functions, current monitoring, proposed functions, and proposed monitoring of important governmental bodies in Haiti.

The Haitian authorities need to commit themselves to a real decentralization and further 

regionalization of the education sector. Decision making must be shifted to those closer 

to the community and school, so that decisions are made that are more responsive to local 

conditions and needs. Local authorities, for instance, can play a greater role in school supervision, community relations, and school management. 

The Ministry of Education needs to narrow its focus to the role of regulation and general 

organization of the education sector. This is an immensely important task that absorbs 

many resources and should receive the sole attention of the ministry. Required are, first, 

the development of an education strategy, and second, the creation of an autonomous 

multifunctional entity to implement that strategy. The autonomous entity would govern 

Developing a plural identity 

based on Créolité and 

cultivating in Haitian youth a 

sense of accommodation and 

an appreciation of differences 

should help them work toward 

national unity while peacefully 

embracing diversity.
15

Body Current 

Functions

Current 

Monitoring

Proposed 

Functions

Proposed 

Monitoring

Ministry of 

National Education 

and Professional 

Training (MENFP)

Education policy 

and regulations

Education finance

Preparation of 

national plan 

and budget

Planning

Development of 

standards for facilities, curriculum, 

and teachers

Research and 

development

Monitor expenditures and payments 

to institutions

Monitor national 

examinations

Design and implementation of tools 

and methods for 

yearly evaluation 

of the education sector

Creation of basic 

laws and policies

Setting the overall direction of 

development and 

preparation of 

national plans

Regional coordination programs

Research and 

development

Development of regulation and quality control instruments

Improvement of budgetary procedures and 

supervision and training of inspectors

Accreditation and 

evaluation methods

Supervision strategy

Monitoring education 

outcomes and dissemination of information

Departments 

(geographic 

regions)

Main responsibility for secondary schools

Implementation 

of education 

plans, policies, 

and procedures

Administration and 

management of 

secondary education, length of 

schooling, yearly 

enrollment, supply of textbooks 

Coordinate and 

oversee policy for 

primary schools 

through the 

school districts 

and Bureau of 

Inspection

Supervise secondary schools

Establishment 

of education 

policies that are 

consistent with 

national policies

Decision making 

and budgetary 

responsibilities

Mobilization of 

local resources

Stronger monitoring and evaluation 

skills, and support for 

information systems

Bureau of 

Inspection

Organization of 

examinations

Academic supervision of primary 

education

Assess schoollevel qualityAcademic supervision of both 

primary and secondary schools

Development of indicators 

for school performance

School districts Main responsibility 

for primary schools

Assurance of proper 

functioning of 

primary schools

Monitor public 

and private primary schools

Oversee all school 

district activities and Bureau 

of Inspection

Oversee national 

examinations

Academic 

supervision

Independence 

as a municipallevel entity

Mobilization of 

local resources

Management and 

administration of 

secondary schools

Establishment of community relations to review 

district-level programs 

State University Higher education policy

Development of 

regulations

Research and 

development

Curriculum policy

University staffing levels

Quality assurance

Evaluation and 

accreditation of 

private universities

More effective 

accreditation 

of quality and 

innovation in private educational 

institutions

Regulation of educational standards 

and outcomes

New partnership 

with private providers participating 

in policy formulation and dialogue 

Creation of private 

education think tank to 

monitor progress and 

to reach objectives 

Table 2. Governance and Management Functions
16

Body Current 

Functions

Current 

Monitoring

Proposed 

Functions

Proposed 

Monitoring

Ministry of Youth, 

Sports, and 

Civic Action

(MJSAC)

Responsible for 

extracurricular 

activities

Policy development and implementation 

Management of 

facilities and 

equipment

Accreditation

Quality assurance

Monitoring of 

youth organizations 

Establishment of 

more programs 

targeting vulnerable groups

Development of a 

stronger cooperation with MENFP

Creation of public and 

private youth associations 

to review policy setting 

and quality standards

Parent associations Promotion of welfare of students 

and schools, and 

bringing parents 

into closer relation with school

Source of support 

for quality education and standards

Mobilization of 

community for 

school assistance 

National Office 

for Partnership 

in Education

(ONAPE, not yet 

operational)

Improve accessibility to education 

at primary level

Promote public-private partnerships

Administer public 

and international funds

Serve as intermediary between MENFP 

and partnerships

Could be extended 

to secondary level

Consortium of Professional Organizations in Education

Quality and 

equity support 

for education in 

private schools

Building unity 

and legitimacy

Advocacy for 

funding 

Quality assurance, standards, 

and outcomes

Assurance of 

attendance and 

enrollment 

Official and legitimate counterpart 

of the Ministry 

of Education

Policy formulation 

and dialogue

Management and supervision of quality standards

Assessment of schoollevel quality

Setting and managing standards for its 

affiliated members

National Literacy 

Secretariat

Facilitation 

and building 

partnerships

Coordination and 

orientation of 

civil society initiatives on literacy

Expansion of 

adult literacy

Curriculum 

development

Teacher training

Implementation of adult 

literacy centers

Distribution of 

certificates of 

recognition

Annual audit

Quarterly reports 

and yearly financial reports

Creation of a 

coherent policy 

framework across 

government 

activities

Enhancement of 

information sharing 

and coordination

Development of a 

partnership with civil 

society organizations

to review policy setting 

and quality standards

Development of literacy policy including 

performance standards

Table 2. Governance and Management Functions (continued)
17

specific aspects of the education sector, such as assessment, curriculum and standard setting, and inspection.

The government needs to significantly increase the capacity of the Ministry of Education 

to monitor schools and effectively manage a system of accreditation, which should create 

incentives to schools to provide quality education that meets national standards.

The state must also articulate a vision for education reform as well as realistic short-, 

medium-, and long-term goals. The government needs to be forthright about the fact that 

some reforms will require a long time to achieve, and it must set up a system of benchmarks and other accountability mechanisms. Raising the expectations of the public without 

meeting these expectations will increase the level of disappointment and frustration to a 

dangerous level. The benchmarks should be clearly measurable by the public (e.g., new textbooks, new schools in marginalized areas) to demonstrate the state’s growing capabilities 

and commitment to education reform.

The state should work with the private sector in exploring, developing, and expanding 

public-private partnerships, for example in the areas of school construction, scholarships, 

trainee programs, long-distance radio programs, and internships.28

The Haitian government should make operational the National Office for Partnership 

in Education (ONAPE).29 ONAPE’s main mission is to promote and maintain programs to 

improve accessibility to primary education in Haiti. Composed of nine members, ONAPE is 

an autonomous body that could take over some of MENFP’s responsibilities, particularly the 

administration of public and international funds for primary education. It would also be an 

appropriate intermediary between MENFP and public-private partnerships. ONAPE could also 

establish a policy dialogue that would be transparent and accountable.

To Civil Society

• Help focus public debates around education issues

Civil society should act now to create discussion forums on education. In addition, for 

student and community organizations to play their proper roles, they need to advocate for 

the creation of education councils in which local groups and individuals would continue to 

be involved in school matters. Nonprofit organizations can help supplement the work of the 

schools and the Ministry of Education by providing technical advice and funding specific 

projects. For example, some media projects have experienced success in reaching nontraditional and remotely located students via long-distance radio programs. The media can also 

play a part in tempering public expectations of education reform while at the same time 

articulating the measurable successes achieved by government policies.

Business associations have wanted to create think tanks that would research issues 

related to the business and education sectors. This would be a way to establish greater 

collaboration between education and business. This interaction would give the education 

sector the opportunity to adjust itself to the labor market and restore the business sector’s 

confidence in the education sector. The private sector may also be helpful in developing 

proposals to present to municipal governments for public-private partnerships in school 

construction, teacher training programs, mentoring, and language tutoring programs.

To the International Community

• Assist the Ministry of Education in a process of empowerment

The international community must recognize that, as pressing as humanitarian issues are, 

long-term security and development depend on a well-functioning education system. The 

international community can help implement new models of education management by 

The international community 

must recognize that, as 

pressing as humanitarian issues 

are, long-term security and 

development depend on a wellfunctioning education system. 
18

assisting with the establishment of a clear strategic plan on education, including the means 

to monitor and assess reform. Accountability and success may be improved through the 

creation of performance-based programs and better monitoring and evaluation systems. 

Haitians should be involved at each step, to gain the hands-on training necessary to ensure 

the sustainability of education reforms. 

International actors can also assist in developing and implementing instruments and 

processes for conflict impact analysis for the education sector. This will need long-term 

financial and technical support for the Haitian Ministry of Education and other bodies to 

build their capacities for their redefined roles.

In addition, the international community must improve its communication and coordination with other donors, nongovernmental organizations, the Haitian government, and the 

Haitian diaspora to harmonize assistance strategies and avoid unnecessary overlap between 

the country’s efforts and those of donors.
19

Notes

1. World Bank, Haiti: Options and Opportunities for Inclusive Growth (Washington, DC: World Bank, June 1, 2006), 

121–22; “Making a Qualitative Leap Forward,” Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, DSNCRP (2008–10), 

Ministry of Planning and External Cooperation, Port-au-Prince, November 2007, www.mpce.gouv.ht./dsrp.htm.

2. World Bank, Haiti, 122–26.

3. Ibid., 126.

4. Ibid., 126–27.

5. Ibid., 126.

6 Ibid., 127.

7. “Making a Qualitative Leap Forward.”

8. Jamil Salmi, “Equity and Quality in Private Education: The Haitian Paradox,” LCSHD Paper Series no. 18 

(Washington, DC: World Bank, May 1998).

9. Robert Debs Heinl and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492–1971 (Boston: 

Houghton Mifflin, 1978), 610.

10. “Background Paper on Haiti: Addressing the Issue of the Departure of Former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide,” 

Canadian Catholic Organization for Development and Peace, March 2006, 5, www.devp.org/devpme/documents/

eng/pdf/Haiti-March-2006_ENG.pdf.

11. Klaus Seitz, Education and Conflict: The Role of Education in the Creation, Prevention, and Resolution of Societal 

Crises—Consequences for Development Cooperation (Eschborn, Germany: German Technical Cooperation, 2004), 

www2.gtz.de/dokumente/bib/05-0160.pdf. 

12. Mark Danner, “Beyond the Mountains,” part II, New Yorker, December 4, 1989.

13. David Nicholls, “Ideology and Political Protest in Haiti, 1930–46.” Journal of Contemporary History 9, no. 4 

(1974): 3–26.

14. “Background Paper on Haiti,” 5–6.

15. World Bank, Haiti, 126.

16. Ibid., 124.

17. Marc Lacey, “Haiti’s Poverty Stirs Nostalgia for Old Ghosts,” New York Times, March 23, 2008.

18. “Food Riots Turn Deadly in Haiti,” BBC News, April 5, 2008, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7331921.stm.

19. “Background Paper on Haiti,” 7.

20. Alex Renton, “The Rape Epidemic,” Guardian, December 2, 2007, www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2007/dec/02/

women.features3.

21. Ibid.

22. Susan Fountain, “Peace Education in UNICEF,” Working Paper Series, Program Division, Educational Section (New 

York: UNICEF, June 1999), 16–23, 1.

23. Haggai Kupermintz and Gavriel Salomon, Lessons to Be Learned from Research on Peace Education in the Context 

of Intractable Conflict: Theory into Practice (New York: Routledge, 2005), 293–302.

24. Fountain, “Peace Education in UNICEF,” 29.

25. Tony Gallagher, Education in Divided Societies (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).

26. Charles Clermont, “Funds for the Development of Education in Haiti,” Working Paper for the Working Group on 

Education and Training, Port-au-Prince, Haiti, January 2009, www.commissioneducation.ht.

27. Ernest Pépin, “Il ne faut pas opposer négritude et créolité,” interview by David Cadasse, Third Festival on Gospel 

and Roots, Cotonou, Benin, August 3, 2004, wwww.afrik.com.

28. Jean J. Moisset, “Governance and Public-Private Partnerships in Education in Haiti,” Working Paper for the 

Working Group on Education and Training, Port-au-Prince, Haiti, July 2009, www.commissioneducation.ht.

29. Laurence Wolff, Education in Haiti: The Way Forward (Washington, DC: Partnership for Educational Revitalization 

in the Americas, 2008), www.thedialogue.org/page.cfm?pageID=32&pubID=1605.
United States 

Institute of Peace

1200 17th Street NW

Washington, DC 20036

www.usip.org

An online edition of this and related 

reports can be found on our Web site 

(www.usip.org), together with additional 

information on the subject.

Of Related Interest

•	 The International Donors' Conference and Support for Haiti's Future by Robert Maguire and 

Casie Copeland (Peace Brief, May 2010)

•	 Why Youth Join al-Qaeda by Colonel John M. “Matt” Venhaus (Special Report, May 2010)

•	 Haiti: A Republic of NGOs? by Madeline Kristoff and Liz Panarelli (Peace Brief, April 2010)

•	 The Rule of Law in Haiti After the Earthquake by Vivienne O’Connor (Peace Brief, April 

2010)

•	 Education and Conflict in Côte d’Ivoire by Joseph Sany (Special Report, March 2010)