Exxon Valdez Oil Spill, Cleanup, and Litigation:

A Collection of Social-Impacts Information and Analysis

Final Report, Volume I: 

Final Comprehensive Report 

Prepared for: 

Michael Baffrey, Contracting Officer’s Technical Representative

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Environmental Studies Section

949 East 36th Avenue, Suite 300

Anchorage, Alaska 99508-4363

Prepared by: 

Impact Assessment, Inc. 

2166 Avenida de la Playa, Suite F 

La Jolla, California 92037 

John C. Russell, Ph.D. 

Michael A. Downs, Ph.D. 

Betsy R. Strick, Ph.D. 

Michael S. Galginaitis 

August 2001 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 

1.0 INTRODUCTION

1.1 PURPOSE OF THE REPORT

1.2 LIMITATIONS OF THE REPORT

2.0 BACKGROUND: CONTEXT AND EVENT CHARACTERISTICS

2.1 ESSENTIAL FACTOR: BIOPHYSICAL CONTEXT

2.2 ESSENTIAL FACTOR: SOCIOCULTURAL CONTEXT

2.3 A SUMMARY OF EVENT CHARACTERISTICS

3.0 COMMUNITY BY COMMUNITY SUMMARY

3.1 NONNATIVE COMMUNITIES

3.1.1 Valdez

3.1.2 Cordova

3.1.3 Whittier

3.1.4 Seward

3.1.5 Seldovia

3.1.6 Homer

3.1.7 Kenai

3.1.8 Kodiak

3.2 NATIVE COMMUNITIES

3.2.1 Kodiak Island Native Communities

3.2.2 Alaska Peninsula Communities

3.2.3 Kenai Peninsula Native Communities

3.2.4 Prince William Sound Native Communities

4.0 COMMUNITIES AND CONFIGURATIONS OF SOCIAL FACTORS

4.1 NATIVE PATTERN

4.2 FISHING DEPENDENT ECONOMY PATTERN

4.3 DIVERSIFIED COMMUNITY ECONOMY PATTERN

4.4 INDUSTRIAL COMMUNITY PATTERN

4.5 SUMMARY OF SOCIAL FACTOR CONFIGURATIONS

5.0 LESSONS LEARNED, EVENT DEMANDS, ANDRECOMMENDATION

5.1 COMMUNITY CULTURE

5.1.1 Differences Between Native and Non-Native Culture Resulted in Different

Assessments of the Event and Its Impacts

5.1.2 Differences in Organizational and Community Culture Complicated Response

Efforts

5.1.3 Values About Place and Natural Resources Contributed to How Communities

Perceived and Experienced Impacts

5.1.4 Community/Traditional Ecological Knowledge Implied Different Outcomes

Than Those Assessed by Government and Exxon

5.1.5 Traditional and “Expert” Cultural Constructs Determined Explanations of the

Environmental and Health Effects of the EVOS

5.1.6 Culture Was Not “Lost” or “Damaged”

5.1.7 “Culture” is a Better Explanation of Different Responses to the EVOS than

Either Ethnicity or Class

5.1.8 Archaeological and Historical Resources Were Vulnerable to Lossor Damage
5.1.9 Demands on Community Culture

5.1.10 Recommendations Regarding Culture

5.2 LESSONS LEARNED: SUBSISTENCE

5.2.1 Native and Non-Native patterns of subsistence are different in Alaskan

communities

5.2.2 Subsistence as an institution in Native communities has multiple overlapping

connections with other cultural, social, and economic institutions

5.2.3 The Contamination of Natural Resources Disrupts the Pattern of Subsistence in

Native Communities

5.2.4 Disruption of Subsistence Raises Concerns about the Effects on Transmission of

Cultural Knowledge to Children

5.2.5 Contamination of Resources Created Unfamiliar Conditions for Subsistence

Hunters and Fishers

5.2.6 Cultural Imperatives Exist for Consumption of Wild Foods in Native Diets

5.2.7 The Contamination of Subsistence Resources Results in Concerns about Food

Safety

5.2.8 Damage to Subsistence Resources Results in Economic Costs to Native

Communities

5.2.9 EVOS Damages to Subsistence Resources Alienated Natives From Connections

with other Social, Cultural, and Psychological Elements of Native Life

5.2.10 Subsistence: Demand Conditions

5.2.11 Subsistence: Recommendations

5.3 LESSONS LEARNED: SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

5.3.1 The Political Structure of Communities Provided Different Resources for

Community Response to the EVOS

5.3.2 The Disruption of Governance and Municipal Functions by the EVOS Cleanup

had Adverse Effects on Communities

5.3.3 Leaders Were Essential to Effective Community Response to the EVOS, but

They were Often Exhausted by the Demands of EVOS Response Efforts

5.3.4 Unfamiliarity with the Political Structures and Processes of Native Communities

Resulted in Misunderstandings and Conflicts between Natives and Outsiders

5.3.5 Federal or State Agencies within Communities were Important Assets for

Disaster Response Activities

5.3.6 Multi-Agency Coordinating Committees, Incident Command Systems, and

Emergency Service Councils were Effective Response Organizations

5.3.7 Information Dissemination Meetings about the EVOS were Essential for

Community Information Gathering and Rumor Control

5.3.8 The Social Organization of Native Communities Buffered Some Social Impacts

from the EVOS

5.3.9 Changes in Traditional Roles and Status in Native Communities During the

Cleanup Created Social Tensions

5.3.10 Social Statuses within Fishing Communities Were Disrupted by the Cash

Received from Cleanup Employment

5.3.11 Emergent Groups Were A Source of Solidarity as Well as Conflict

5.3.12 Demand Conditions for Social Organization

5.3.13 Recommendations For Social Organization

5.4 LESSONS LEARNED: SOCIAL HEALTH

5.4.1 Mental Health Conditions Vary with Exposure to the Effects of the EVOS,

Occupation, Resource Dependence, Culture, and Gender

5.4.2 EVOS Related Psychosocial Problems Contributed to Social Disruption

5.4.3 Native and Non-Native Patterns of Mental Health Problems are Different
5.4.4 Children Were Adversely Affected by the EVOS

5.4.5 Stress Resulted from the Direct Effects of the EVOS and the Social Disruption

Associated with the Cleanup

5.4.6 Community Resources were Limited for Response to Mental Health Needs

5.4.7 Cleanup and Disaster Response Personnel Are Prone to Stress Related

Psychosocial Problems

5.4.8 The EVOS Changed Residents Perceptions of Their Vulnerability to Oil Spill

Event

5.4.9 Social Conflicts Undermined Community Solidarity and Social Support

5.4.10 The “Therapeutic Community” Process was Undermined by the Nature of the

Cleanup

5.4.11 Promote Recovery

5.4.12 Baseline Information about Social Health is Limited

5.4.13 Demand Conditions: Social Health

5.4.14 Recommendations: Social Health

5.5 LESSONS LEARNED: ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS

5.5.1 Community Economic Structure Buffered the Economic Impacts on Affected

Communities

5.5.2 Some Businesses Prospered and Some Floundered Because of the EVOS

5.5.3 Small Businesses Were Highly Vulnerable to Economic Loss

5.5.4 Economic Losses Among Commercial Fishermen Were Unevenly Distributed

5.5.5 Assessing the Long-Term Economic Effects on Commercial Fishing is Complicated

5.5.6 The “Money Spill” Created Social Impacts and Did Not Mitigate All the Economic Losses

5.5.7 Local Governments Experienced Fiscal Impacts Related to the EVOS

5.5.8 Economics: Demand Conditions

5.5.9 Economics: Recommendations

6.0 OBSERVATIONS: LITIGATION ISSUES AND THE EVOS

6.1 LITIGATION IS INEVITABLE

6.2 LITIGATION IS DIVISIVE

6.3 LITIGATION INHIBITS RESOLUTION OF THE EVOS

6.4 LITIGATION MAY NOT FAIRLY COMPENSATE ALL AFFECTED

6.5 LITIGATION CAN INHIBIT DATA COLLECTION OR PREVENT PUBLIC RELEASE OF DATA

6.6 CONFIDENTIALITY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE DATA DOES NOT HAVE STANDING IN THE COURTS

6.7 SOCIAL SCIENCE RELATED TO EVOS LITIGATION IS CONTROVERSIAL

7.0 GENERAL RECOMMENDATIONS

7.1 INFORMATION RECOMMENDATIONS

7.2 PLANNING RECOMMENDATIONS

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

LIST OF ACRONYMS 

ADF&G Alaska Department of Fish and Game

CESD Center for Epidemiologic Studies of Depression

EVOS Exxon Valdez oil spill event, including the clean up phase

GAD Generalized Anxiety Disorder

MMS United States Department of the Interior, Minerals Management Service

PTSD Post Traumatic Stress Disorder
1.0 INTRODUCTION 

An element of the legacy of the Exxon Valdez oil spill event (EVOS) is awareness of the risks and costs to 

human communities of oil transport in Alaska. In the Spring of March 1989, there were a few vigilant 

fishermen and other Alaskans who understood the potential consequences of a catastrophic oil spill. 

Many other Alaskans did not expect and could not foresee the effects of a grounded supertanker on Bligh 

Reef. Fishermen and other residents of Kodiak Island and the Alaska Peninsula were concerned about 

competition for fish, salmon prices, summer recreation, and the details of life in rural Alaskan fishing 

communities. In Native villages throughout the region, the concerns were about fishing, hunting, visiting 

with friends and relatives, and the cycles of life built around harvesting fish, game, plants, and berries. 

For Natives and non-Natives alike, an oil spill was a distant threat, a relatively unknown risk. An oil spill 

in Prince William Sound was far away and would likely be someone else’s problem. 

1.1 PURPOSE OF THE REPORT 

The events of March 24, 1989 changed perceptions about who is at risk as well as the costs and 

consequences to all Alaskans of a major oil spill. What should not have happened, did. What could have 

been prevented was not. A low probability of occurrence event became a reality. The “big one” happened 

and set in motion unpredictable events with consequences for human and biological communities in the 

Alaskan ecosystem. Neither the most vigilant fisherman nor the most concerned stewards of Alaska’s 

resources could predict the range of impacts from nearly 11 million gallons of oil spilled into a complex 

ecosystem with commercial, spiritual, and cultural importance for Alaska’s residents. With hindsight, 

there are lessons to carry forward about the human and social dimensions of these effects. In this 

Comprehensive Report we examine some of these lessons as indicated by our analysis of the published 

literature about the oil spill and its aftermath presented in the Factor by-Factor Analysis. We also develop 

the implications of these lessons for those who live in Alaska’s at risk communities and for those who are 

the developers, managers, and stewards of Alaska’s natural resources. 

These “implications” are presented as recommendations to natural resource managers and others who 

need information about how social factors affect the response of communities to a technological disaster 

such as the EVOS. To construct these recommendations, we summarize the major analytical points about 

each social factor (culture, social organization, subsistence, social health, and economics) and then derive 

“demand conditions. ” For our purposes a demand condition is the responses required by social and 

cultural resources for adaptation to the EVOS event. These demand conditions are simply an intermediate 

step in deriving recommendations that are based on the nature of the EVOS and the particular 

characteristics of social factors in Alaskan communities. We then suggest “information” and “action” 

recommendations based on our assessment of demand conditions and the “lessons learned.” Since any 

future event is likely to have a different context and different characteristics, any set of recommendations 

we can propose should be more general than specific. That is, in proposing recommendations our 

intention is to foster a process of how to think about social factors rather than to make highly specific 

recommendations that may not fit the context or characteristics of any future event. We intend to suggest 

a “way of thinking” about social effects that can be applied to any future circumstances where agencies 

must respond to the social as well as the biophysical consequences of a technological disaster event. 

1.2 LIMITATIONS OF THE REPORT 

Our discussion of “lessons learned” and recommendations in this report expresses the work of western 

social scientists that conducted studies of the effects of the EVOS on Alaskan communities. Here and in 

the Factor-by-Factor Analysis Report we have used quotations of persons who participated in these 

studies that express their experience with the EVOS. However, these limited quotations and even the 
more extensive quotations in the sources consulted (e.g., IAI 1990c; Reynolds 1993; Endter-Wada et al. 

1993) should not be construed as the whole story of the spill as experienced by those who lived it from 

March 24, 1989 through the present. This report does express our assessment of the analysis of primarily 

western social scientists who attempted to understand and characterize the social effects of the EVOS. 

Those of us who listened to and observed those affected by the EVOS have noted how deeply moved 

Natives and non-Natives alike were by the oil-fouled birds, seals, otters, shorelines, and the important 

places in which people live their lives. We do not presume here to tell their story, which should be told in 

their own narratives and with their own accounts the effects of the EVOS have had on their economic, 

social, cultural, and spiritual lives. This task is yet to be done. 

2.0 BACKGROUND: CONTEXT AND EVENT CHARACTERISTICS 

The EVOS occurred within a specific social, cultural, historical, and biophysical context. This context is 

essential to understanding how social factors interacted with specific event characteristics to result in 

community impacts. Context illustrates the broader set of connections that assist in interpreting how 

communities were affected by both the oil spill and cleanup. Another important aspect of background 

concerns the characteristics of the oil spill as a technological disaster. The structure and process of this 

particular event, that is its characteristics, interacted with community social factors. Consequently, here 

we present a brief summary and overview of event characteristics that affected community responses to 

the EVOS. These are developed in more detail in the factor-by-factor analysis report. Here our intention 

is to offer a brief summary to serve as background for developing the “lessons learned” and 

“recommendations” sections that are the substance of this report. 

2.1 ESSENTIAL FACTOR: BIOPHYSICAL CONTEXT 

Prince William Sound and the Gulf of Alaska are part of a rich and complex coastal marine ecosystem in 

Alaska. This ecosystem is characterized by rich and diverse marine life and the coastal flora and fauna 

are varied. Marine mammals (e.g., orcas, harbor seals, sea lions, sea otters, and whales) exist throughout 

this region. Fish and other marine resources are diverse and generally abundant. These resources include 

five species of Pacific salmon, halibut, a wide variety of other groundfish (e.g. Pacific Cod, black cod, 

pollock, sablefish, yellowfin sole, rockfish), steelhead, several varieties of commercially important crabs 

(e.g., opilio, tanner, king), shrimp and numerous other commercial and non-commercial marine species. 

Intertidal and subtidal areas are home to a diversity of invertebrates including clams and mussels and 

other resources that have importance for Native subsistence users. Bird resources are numerous and 

diverse, including bald and golden eagles, a variety of seabirds (e.g., marbled murrelets, auks, kittiwakes) 

and shorebirds. In fact, the Copper River Delta in Prince William Sound is home to one of the greatest 

concentrations of shorebirds in this hemisphere. The land mammals of this region include caribou, brown 

bears, black bears, moose, deer, wolves, and a variety of small mammal species. The flora of the region is 

as diverse as its fauna. In some areas there are large stands of spruce, fir, and hardwoods. High grasses, 

willows, and tundra characterize other areas. South of Bligh Reef, there are several major islands (e.g., 

Montague, Latouche, Knight) before Prince William Sound opens into the Gulf of Alaska. Deep fjords 

distinguish the coastal areas in some parts of the region (Prince William Sound, Kenai), but in other areas 

there are vast stretches of open beaches. 

The coastal and open waters of Prince William Sound and the Gulf of Alaska were considered relatively 

“pristine” before the EVOS (Short and Harris 1996:17). Currents circulate water from the Gulf into the 

Sound and then back out into the Gulf. These types of ocean currents contribute to the “pristine” 

character of the ocean waters in this region and also worked to distribute the oil from the EVOS into far 

distant areas. The beaches and other coastal regions of the Sound and Gulf are also relatively unpolluted. 

The beaches of this region have some specific characteristics that predispose them to hydrocarbon 

contamination. Large rocks and gravel over loosely compacted sediment characterize the structure of 
these beaches. Underneath these layers there is another layer of densely compacted sediment and then 

bedrock. The depth of the first three layers varies from beach to beach depending on the nature of the 

specific beach, the high tide lines, and the depth of the bedrock. Tides mix the cobble rock and gravel as 

the waters rise and fall. In the intertidal zone these materials can mix with the layer of loosely compacted 

sediment to depths ranging from several inches to several feet. The surf action also grinds up materials 

brought in by the tides such as kelp and debris and distributes this throughout the upper and sediment 

layers. These characteristics of beaches in the spill-affected area were important because they distributed 

oil from the top layers down through the second and third layers of sediment. The surface rocks and 

sandy areas of beaches became coated with oil as well and the sediment layers also became contaminated. 

Furthermore, wave action and tides took surface oil back out to sea where incoming tides redeposit the 

oil, starting the cycle all over. Importantly, some of these intertidal zones are habitat for clams, mussels, 

crabs, and other plants and animals used by Alaska Natives for subsistence purposes. 

ESSENTIAL FACTOR: SOCIOCULTURAL CONTEXT 

Native and non-Native communities have instrumental, as well as cultural and spiritual, connections to 

the natural resources of this region. Salmon and other fish have commercial value and are essential to the 

economics of many communities. Fishing also establishes the routines and practices of much of the social 

life in coastal communities that depend on these natural resources. Gathering bidarkis, hunting seals, 

gathering berries, and other subsistence practices are activities that are central to the social life in Native 

communities. The geophysical features of beaches, coastlines, and vast expanses of water are constituted 

as “places” that have commercial, cultural, and spiritual values for Natives and non-Natives. These types 

of connections tie natural resources with the social and cultural life of Alaskan communities. Further, 

these connections – which establish the sociocultural context of natural resources – makes these resources 

meaningful for human communities. This context is essential background for assessing community 

impacts. They provide the means through which social factors and natural resources interact. When these 

connections are damaged or otherwise impacted, then communities will experience damages. 

Establishing the social context of natural resources is essential to how to think about not only the EVOS 

but also any future technological disaster event. 

For our purposes, two major types of context connections can be distinguished in the Prince William 

Sound/Gulf of Alaska region. One is the “Native” context and the other is the “non-Native” context. The 

Native context is one in which there are multiple and overlapping connections among community social 

and cultural institutions and the natural resources of the region. These connections are linked with a long 

historical tradition of dependence upon natural resources as a source of food, materials, and spiritual 

inspiration. In the Native context, social life is organized around the taking and use of foods and 

materials that exist in the natural environment. Children learn about their culture through participation in 

the activities of subsistence harvesting and processing. Social bonds among kinsmen and other 

community members are reinforced through the sharing of processed resources and, in some instances, 

through cooperative hunting and fishing. Hunting and fishing for subsistence resources also affects 

seasonal travel to camps for temporary residence. Some natural resources have spiritual importance, 

expressing the religious beliefs and providing the substance for rituals and other religious practices. In 

the Native context, historical, social, cultural, and instrumental ties connect communities with natural 

resources in complex and overlapping ways. This Native context also has a long and complex historical 

relationship with non-Native society. This historical context itself is significant for understanding the 

Native context and its interaction with the EVOS (cf. Wooley 1995). 

The “non-Native” pattern lumps together the adaptations and lifestyles of many different types of 

communities such as Valdez, Whittier, Cordova, Kodiak, and Seward. Each of these communities has 

distinct sociocultural characteristics, but they share some common features in their attachments to natural 

resources. These connections with natural resources have a duration that extends from late in the last 

2.2
(19th) century. Instrumental uses predominate among non-Native attachments to natural resources. 

Commercial fishing for salmon, groundfish, herring, shellfish, and other species is a major instrumental 

use of these resources. The economy of these communities is focused around the harvesting, processing, 

and export of these resources. Similarly, timber harvesting is another major instrumental use of natural 

resources. Although not as extensive a contribution to local economies as fishing, this use of natural 

resources further expresses the instrumental uses in the non-Native pattern. However, these instrumental 

uses also structure social life and the annual round of activity among many groups in these communities. 

Spiritual attachments to these resources exist in the non-Native pattern, but they are not as extensive nor 

are they necessarily of the same character as Native attachments. Among non-Natives, these attachments 

are to specific places, particular wildlife, or the overall “wild” or “pristine” character of the landscape. 

The natural environment is not attributed with the same type of spiritual presence, although there remains 

important spiritual value to particular resources. Furthermore, non-Natives in Alaska also practice 

subsistence hunting and fishing and these activities also are a significant connection to natural resources. 

However, the practice of subsistence has different cultural meanings for non-Natives in comparison to 

Natives (cf. Jorgensen 1995a). Overall, the non-Native pattern represents fewer types of attachments 

between natural resources and community institutions than in Native communities, but these are 

nonetheless complex. That is, they express multiple types of attachments in the social, cultural, 

economic, political, and spiritual life of these communities. 

In summary, sociocultural context suggests examination of the nature, types, and complexity of ties 

between community life and natural resources. In the case of the EVOS, both Natives and non-Natives 

had numerous types of instrumental, spiritual, and cultural connections with natural resources in Prince 

William Sound and the Gulf of Alaska. An event that damaged these natural resources was therefore 

likely to affect communities in many different social and cultural dimensions. Appreciation of how the 

patterning of social factors affected the response of communities to the EVOS is essential for 

understanding the interaction of specific communities with the EVOS. The oil that covered the beaches 

in Tatitlek was the same as the oil that washed ashore in Seward, but the meanings of the effects of that 

oil contamination are determined by configurations of social factors. 

2.3 A SUMMARY OF EVENT CHARACTERISTICS 

Every disaster event is unique. These unique characteristics provide the particular circumstances that 

interact with the social factors and their biophysical context. Here we cannot list all of the characteristics 

of the EVOS, but the following are well reported and capture the uniqueness of this particular event. 

• The tanker Exxon Valdez grounded on Bligh Reef on March 24, 1989 spilling nearly 11 

million gallons of crude oil into Prince William Sound. 

• More than 140 miles of beaches had heavy oiling. More than 1,500 miles of shoreline 

had some oiling. Those areas oiled included National Forest lands, four National Wildlife 

Refuges, three National Parks, five State Parks, four State Critical Habitat Areas, and a State 

Game Sanctuary. 

• The spilled oil spread south and west from Bligh Reef in Prince William Sound, 

eventually reaching Kodiak Island and the coast of the Alaska Peninsula. Eventually the oil 

spread nearly 600 miles from Bligh reef. For comparison purposes, the slick covered an area 

roughly equivalent to the distance between Cape Cod, Massachusetts and the coast of South 

Carolina. 

• Marine mammals, seabirds, fish, and other elements of the marine ecosystem were killed 

outright or contaminated by the spilled oil. The causalities included: 
- Between 100,000 and 645,000 sea birds are estimated to have 

died from direct exposure to the oil spill. More than 150 bald eagles carcasses were 

recovered and it is estimated that nearly 300 bald eagles died. 

- About 300 of the 2,200 estimated harbor seals of Prince William 

Sound were killed outright. About 2,800 to 5,500 of the estimated 10,000 sea otters were 

also killed. About 22 killer whales “disappeared” in the immediate aftermath of the spill. 

At least 25 gray whales died from exposure to the crude oil. 

- Plankton and other microscopic sea life, that is part of the food 

chain in this ecosystem, was killed or contaminated 

- Intertidal invertebrates, shellfish, and plant life such as seaweed 

were also killed or contaminated. 

- Salmon, herring, and other fish were killed in unknown numbers, 

but there were no apparent massive deaths from exposure. However, several species 

show the presence of hydrocarbons in their livers. 

• As a result of possible contamination, several fisheries were closed, including shrimp, 

black cod, herring, and salmon. This disrupted commercial fishing in Prince William Sound and 

portions of the Gulf of Alaska. 

• Layers of sediment on some beaches in Prince William Sound and the Gulf of Alaska 

were heavily contaminated by the crude oil. 

• Chenega Bay, Kodiak, Seward, Nanwalek (previously English Bay), Larsen Bay, 

Ouzinkie, and other communities were directly oiled. Other areas used for subsistence purposes 

by Native communities as well as areas used by commercial fishermen in Native and non-Native 

communities were oiled. 

• Exxon assumed responsibility for cleaning up the spill. A privatized cleanup was 

organized. Valdez was the major center for cleanup operations. Exxon and its contractors 

administered funds for cleanup. 

• Exxon contractors hired individuals from affected Alaskan communities to work on the 

cleanup. However, the possibility of relatively high paying cleanup work also attracted persons 

from other Alaskan communities and from the lower 48 states 

• Cleanup began in April of 1989. The last major cleanup efforts ceased in 1992. Exxon is 

said to have spent more than 2 billion dollars on cleanup efforts. Priority for cleanup jobs and 

contracts was given to Natives, commercial fishermen, and other Alaskans in other communities 

affected by the spill. 

• Several cleanup methods were used: boom was used to contain oil in the open water; 

skimmers as well as blotters and similar methods were used to collect oil on the water; cold and 

hot high pressure hoses were used to clean beaches and shorelines. Bioremediation was also used 

on some beaches. Dispersants had limited use. Arguments existed about the overall effectiveness 

of some cleanup methods, especially the use of hot water high-pressure hoses on beaches. 
• Competition for cleanup work and contracts among commercial fishermen and arguments 

about participation in what was perceived to be more of a “PR [public relations] effort” than a 

cleanup resulted in conflicts among individuals and groups in affected communities. 

• Some Archaeological resources were damaged or stolen during the cleanup process. 

Cleanup crews and others violated other sites that have historical and cultural importance for 

Alaska Natives 

In sum, these characteristics indicate a unique event. However, the EVOS is also a classic “technological 

disaster:” North Slope crude oil – a toxic substance – spilled into an ecosystem and threatened natural 

resources with sociocultural importance for nearby communities. The EVOS shares some specific 

characteristics with other technological disasters that assist in interpreting its meaning and effects on 

affected communities. These characteristics are as follows: 

• A preventable accident involving complex technology controlled by private industry and 

regulated by government agencies. 

• Natural resources of importance to nearby communities were contaminated. 

• Uncertainty existed about the short and long-term effects on ecosystems and human 

communities exposed to contaminated resources. 

• Publics evaluated the risks and consequences of exposure to the contamination differently 

than Exxon or government agencies. 

• Issues of blame and responsibility were prevalent in public discourse about the event. 

• Communities and Exxon differentially evaluated the nature and extent of damages. 

• Social conflicts regarding the event and its aftermath resulted in the loosening of 

community bonds. 

• Individuals and groups experienced stress and other psychosocial consequences from the 

event and its aftermath. 

• A weakened “therapeutic community” formed but social conflicts and loosened 

community bonds diminished the availability of social support. 

• The sense of place and evaluations of home as “safe” were threatened if not changed by 

the circumstances of the event. 

• Groups and individuals that were highly dependent on the damaged resources 

experienced the most distress. 

• The cultural values and lifestyles of a minority population were not taken into 

consideration in formulating response and recovery efforts. 

These commonalties with other technological disasters suggest there may be some common processes that 

occur when failed technology damages resources of importance to human communities. The nature of 

these processes, their expression in the EVOS, and their implications for future events are the substance 

for the remainder of this Report. 
3.0 COMMUNITY BY COMMUNITY SUMMARY 

A significant lesson of the EVOS is that it was not a uniform event for each exposed community. This 

can be illustrated by describing for each community salient interactions of social factors and the event as 

reported in the existing scientific literature. This literature gives more descriptive and analytical attention 

to some communities more than others; and this uneven reporting does not necessarily reflect the degree 

or intensity of impacts experienced by different communities. Rather it is more an issue of the nature of 

the research conducted than any other factor. For example, there is relatively limited information 

available about Whittier, but significant information about Cordova. Similarly, less information exists 

about Valdez than Cordova or even Kodiak. Overall, there is more information about Native than 

non-Native communities, although these discussions address a more narrow range of social factors, 

usually focusing on subsistence issues. Furthermore, much of the research was structured to aggregate 

information from different communities to make analytical findings. This severely limits our ability to 

analyze the role of social factors in most exposed communities. However, this community-by-community 

summary is useful for indicating the range and types of impacts reported in the literature. These 

summaries are presented by describing some basic background information about geography, 

demography, economy, and political organization and then presenting a synopsis of the major research 

literature that addresses social impacts in these communities. Each synopsis addresses the most salient 

points in the literature. The full text of each source should be consulted for a developed discussion of the 

impacts indicated in our summary discussion of the source. 

3.1 NONNATIVE COMMUNITIES 

3.1.1 Valdez 

There are several major sources of descriptive information about the interaction of Valdez with the 

EVOS. These are: the Oiled Mayors Study (Impact Assessment, Inc. [IAI] 1990a-d); the Mineral 

Management Service (MMS) Social Indicator’s Study (TR 155 Volume IV. Post Spill Key Informant 

Summaries); the MMS subsistence study (TR 160 Chapter III), the Valdez Counseling Center study of 

psychosocial impacts (Donald et al. 1990); and descriptive information in Davidson (1990) and Keeble 

(1991). 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Valdez is located at the northern most end of Prince William 

Sound and it is well known as the terminus of the Alaska Pipeline. A road connects Anchorage and 

Valdez and there is also air service and a ferry. The community has primary and secondary schools as 

well as a Junior College. Other major facilities include a teen center, hospital, and community center. 

Demography. In 1989 its population was about 4,000 persons, although there appeared to be considerable 

seasonal variation with about 3,000 during the winter and more than 4,000 during the summer months 

(IAI 1990c: 200; Miraglia and Tomrdle 1995: III-3). Approximately 9% of this population are Alaska 

Native (Miraglia and Tomrdle 1995: III-3) 

Economy. Valdez has an industrial economy focused around oil transport. Primary employers are 

federal, state, and local government and Alyeska (the pipeline company). Commercial fishing and 

tourism were also other major sources of employment and local income at the time of the EVOS. 

Political Structure. Valdez is a home rule city with an elected mayor and city council. A city manager 

and staff conduct the business of the city. At the time of the spill Valdez did not belong to a borough. 
Oiled Mayors Study. The specific discussion of Valdez in the Oiled Mayors Study (IAI 1990c: 

200-244) discusses a range of social effects from the EVOS. The most salient issues in this discussion are 

as follows. 

Valdez became the center of cleanup operations for the EVOS. There was an influx of personnel from 

Exxon, the U.S. Coast Guard, various state and federal agencies, volunteers, and other “outsiders” many 

of whom were seeking cleanup employment. Estimates were that Valdez had a population of about 

11,000-12,000 during the EVOS. These outsiders placed significant demands on community and 

municipal services. For example, peak water flow increased to 3.6 millions of gallons per day from a 

previous high of 2.5 million gallons per day, residential and commercial construction permits doubled 

between 1988 and 1989, civic center events increased by 82%, airport traffic increased 2,400%, camp 

grounds exceeded capacity by more than 100%. There was substantially more demand for housing than 

supply. Demands for child-care, related to oil spill employment, also increased significantly. Many 

community facilities were used for oil spill response activity. It was nearly impossible to escape the 

reality of the oil spill for Valdez residents because of the intensity of response activity centered in Valdez. 

However, the only oil from the event to reach Valdez was carried in on the hulls of cleanup vessels. 

Public safety and community health resources were strained by increased demands. For example, from 

the prior year there was a 115% increase in demand for ambulance service; a 50.8 % increase in demand 

for fire call-outs;124% increase in hospital emergency room visits; 81.7% increase in visits to the Valdez 

counseling center; and a 118.3% increase in visits to services provided for victims of domestic violence. 

Police calls increased 63.8% over the pre-spill year and there was an increase of 123.6% in arrests, 44.2% 

increase in man-days in jail, and statistics regarding specific types of crimes also showed significant 

increases from the pre-spill year. 

The demands of the EVOS disrupted the normal routines of family and community life. Recreational 

programs were disrupted, day care became problematic, and the usual work routines were disrupted 

because of the nature of oil spill response activities. 

The usual activities of local government were disrupted because of oil spill response activity. The Mayor, 

City Manager, City Council, and other essential personnel of that ensure operation of the city were 

consumed by meetings, planning, responding to media, and other oil spill response activities. Disruption 

of the normal business of local government is evident across all departments. 

Social conflicts and divisiveness became salient social issues within the community. The divisiveness 

developed among those who were oil industry employees and the rest of the community. Some conflicts 

concerned those local residents and “outsiders.” 

Economically, some businesses in Valdez experienced a boom because it was the center for response 

operations. Other businesses had difficulty retaining employees because of competition with high paying 

oil spill response work. Fish processors in Valdez were among those who experienced adverse economic 

consequences because of the spill. 

Valdez Counseling Center Study. The Valdez Counseling Center (Donald et al. 1990) conducted a 

three phase mail survey in Cordova and Valdez which started in May of 1989 and was completed about 

one year later. The study administered self-report measures of depressive symptoms (Center for 

Epidemiological Studies of Depression [CESD]), a measure of stress (Frederick Reaction Index), and a 

perceived social support measure. The sampling procedures yielded a total of 93 respondents. Initially 53 

Cordova residents were recruited of whom, 43 completed all three phases; and, in Valdez 64 respondents 

were initially recruited, of whom 50 completed all three surveys (Donald et al. 1990: 16). 
The Valdez Counseling Center survey produced the following major findings: 

• For residents of Cordova and Valdez, the EVOS was an extreme stressor that caused 

emotional distress for residents. 

• Cordova had a higher intensity and duration of emotional distress than did Valdez. 

• Perceived social support was a mediating factor in Valdez, but not in Cordova. 

• No relationships were found between emotional distress and occupation, age, gender, and 

other demographic variables (Donald et al. 1990: 20ff). 

In reviewing respondent comments about the nature of the stresses related to the EVOS, Donald et al. 

note: “In Valdez the most frequently expressed concern (n=11) was convergence related, i.e., crime, 

transients, crowds, and traffic that al increased as a result of the spill. Concern about the Native impact of 

the spill on the environment (n=5) was the second most frequent expressed comment. In Cordova 

concern about the negative impact of the spill on the environment (n=1)) and social disruption caused by 

perceived greed or jealously as a result of spill related income (n=10) were the most frequent comments. 

Concern about the future of the fishery was Cordova’s second most frequent comment” (Donald et al. 

1990: 18-19). 

The study also reported on the influx of “outsiders” and its social consequences for Valdez residents as 

indicated in the following quotation: 

In addition to the influx of oil spill workers, a host of other groups and 

individuals converged on Valdez, including: the mass media, Exxon bureaucrats, security 

guards, representatives of state and federal agencies, bird and otter rescue groups, 

scientists, environmentalists, tourists, street vendors, the unemployed, and the 

unemployable. This rapid population influx disrupted normal social patterns, as the 

population of Valdez swelled from 3,500 to an estimated 7,000 in a matter of weeks. 

Along with this rapid population influx came a variety of social ills: a fourfold increase in 

crime and consequence increase in fear for personal safety; a critical housing shortage 

that lead to all manner of unusual living arrangements; traffic congestion; long lines at 

the post office, stores, and restaurants. City services were overwhelmed. ... Media 

coverage of the spill and clean up effort was intense and video images of dead or dying 

wildlife, oil blackened sea and shoreline as well as the high impact, labor-intensive 

invasion of the Sound were a constant reminder to residents that they were suffering a 

catastrophic event (Donald et al. 1990: 2-3). 

MMS Social Indicators Study TR 155. This work is part of a larger study of social indicators in 

Alaskan communities that includes some selected work on the social effects of the EVOS. TR 155 

reports on information developed from key informant interviews in particular communities. There are 

several key findings about the interaction of the EVOS with this community. 

• Social conflicts did not appear to be as intense in Valdez as in other communities such as 

Cordova. This appears to be related to increase opportunities for spill-related employment, 

decreased dependence of residents on the use of marine resources (fishing and tourism), and the 

absence of threats from direct damages from the spilled oil. Conflicts between residents and 

outsiders were present, but the most animosity was toward the heavy hand of Exxon’s actions 

with the community and its residents. 
• Divisiveness among oil industry workers and the rest of the community was present prior 

to the spill, but the EVOS exacerbated these tensions. Tension and divisiveness also resulted 

from different opportunities to gain spill-related contracts and employment. Other tensions and 

divisiveness concerns those who benefitted from the spill and those who lost (e.g., some 

commercial fishermen and fish processors). 

• The conflicts, tensions, and divisiveness that resulted from the spill inhibited 

participation in public life. 

• A sense of alienation resulted from the desire for an effective cleanup, but no control over 

ensuring that one took place. 

• Past experiences with the pipeline construction and prior periods of rapid social change 

were precursors to the development of stress reactions among residents. 

• As a result of the EVOS residents have more ambivalence and distrust about oil transport 

and Alyeska in particular. 

• As a result of the EVOS community residents perceive their community is less cohesive 

and social bonds are more strained. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). The focus of this work is the effects of the EVOS on 

subsistence harvests and uses, although there are demographic data that address changes during the study 

years: 1991, 1992, and 1993. Among all of the communities included in the Social Indicators Study, 

Valdez shows a unique pattern. In comparison to other study communities, there is less concern about 

resource contamination of resources from the EVOS, fewer perceptions of decreased resource availability, 

and more support for future offshore (outer continental shelf) oil development (Miraglia and Tomrdle 

1995: III-17). In comparison to other communities, Valdez residents did not identify the EVOS as effect 

resource harvests, sharing, or quality of life in the community. Further, Valdez residents were also less 

likely to report post-EVOS dissatisfaction with their community and their desire to live there. During the 

first year of the study 23.9% of respondents reported contamination fears about wild foods and 29.5% 

were unsure if these foods were safe to eat (MMS TR 160 III-14). Contamination fears were also related 

to perceived chronic pollution from operations of the Alyeska pipeline. It is suggested that the context of 

the Alyeska operations in Valdez is a factor in local attitudes to the EVOS and its effects on local 

populations. 

Descriptive Sources. Several popular accounts report observations of impacts in Valdez (Davidson 

1990; Keeble 1991). These include: rapid increase in population related to oil spill response activity; 

increase used of infrastructure facilities; labor shortages for local businesses; conflicts with outsiders; 

concerns about public health from the influx of outsiders and their living conditions; fears for public 

safety related to the volume and character of the outsiders in the community; pervasive presence of Exxon 

“security guards” and their restriction of access to places and facilities normally used by community 

members; inflation of costs for lodging, food, and other essentials; increase in stress for families and 

individuals; and Exxon’s “heavy handedness” in relations with individuals, businesses, and local 

government. Overall, the effect described is a community which lost control of its daily life because of 

the actions of the Exxon Corporation and the influx of a variety of outsiders. Also, there are descriptions 

of the disillusion among community residents about the assurances by Alyeska of safe operations of the 

oil terminal and the concern for community welfare. 

3.1.2 Cordova 
The sources of information for Cordova are the same as those for Valdez with the addition of other work 

by the University of Southern Alabama. 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Cordova is located on the eastern side of Prince William Sound 

on Orca Inlet. Most of the land around community belongs to the Chugach National Forest or the Eyak 

Corporation. There is no road connection to Cordova, but there is jet service from Anchorage and it is 

also accessible by ferry. There are also several charter airplane and boat services. Cordova has a 

hospital, primary and high schools, and a community center. Both commercial and recreational boaters 

use the harbor. 

Demography. The 1990 population of Cordova is about 2,800, although this community has a highly 

seasonal population pattern that corresponds with the salience of commercial fishing in the local 

economy. Some fishermen and other residents reside in Cordova only during fishing season. During the 

winter it is estimated the population decreases to about 2,000. Approximately 18% of Cordova’s 

population is Alaska Native (Eyak). 

Economy. The economy of Cordova is a fishing based economy. At the time of the EVOS there were 

634 commercial fishing permits in Cordova as opposed to 85 in Valdez. Salmon is the focus of the 

Cordova fishery. At the time of the EVOS there were other fishing activities, including shrimp, 

groundfish, and herring. But the focus of the fishing economy of Cordova is salmon fishing on the Copper 

River Flats and adjacent waters for wild fish. The Prince William Sound Aquaculture Corporation 

operates hatcheries for pink salmon. Four major and one smaller fish processors operate in Cordova. 

More than half the jobs in Cordova are related to the fishing industry. Other major employers are federal, 

state, and local governments. The retail business in Cordova is oriented to support of the fishing industry. 

Political Structure. Cordova is a home rule city with an elected mayor and city council. A city manager 

and staff implement city government functions. Additionally, the Eyak Native Corporation is centered in 

Cordova. Although not a political entity, Cordova District Fishermen United (a local union) has been an 

important organizational and community resource for addressing political and economic concerns of local 

fishermen. 

Alaska Oil Spill Commission/McClintock Report. Cordova has a history of opposing oil development 

in Prince William Sound. Represents of Cordova District Fishermen United have been active in 

expressing concerns about the threats of oil transport and development for the Alaska fishing industry. 

The community was not directly oiled by the spill, but areas used for commercial fishing and subsistence 

purposes were oiled. The spill also threatened fish hatcheries operated by the Cordova-based Prince 

William Sound Aquaculture Corporation. Cordova fishermen were among the first to respond to the 

EVOS. Cordova District Fishermen United played a central role in organizing the Cordova response 

effort. Initially, this was a volunteer effort that focused on protecting hatcheries and critical habitat and 

rescuing wildlife. The city supported formation of a community Oil Spill Response Office that produced 

a “Fact Sheet” that informed residents of EVOS developments. The city also initiated the Disaster 

Response Committee composed of citizens, the mayor, members of the chamber of commerce, fish 

processors, the local Native organization, and Cordova District Fishermen United. The community was 

not satisfied with the initial response of Exxon to community requests for assistance. This resulted in 

people getting angry with Exxon for its slow and ineffective response to the spilled oil. Some individuals 

simply took initiative and began collecting oil in 5-gallon buckets. 

The usual business of local government was suspended by oil spill response activities. The city also 

incurred substantial costs in initiating response efforts. Over one million dollars was spent of the four 

million-dollar city budget. Exxon did not reimburse the city for some expenses and this had adverse 
effects on city operations. Municipal services were disrupted between the day of the spill and the end of 

August of 1989. 

Fishermen and other businesses experienced economic gains and losses related to the EVOS. About 60% 

of the community benefitted and about 40% lost. Fish processors and their employees were among those 

who lost income. Fishermen and others who lost money because of closed fisheries were unhappy with 

the claims process offered by Exxon. It did not address the factors that were important for assessing losses 

and there were feelings that Exxon was being unfair in its dealings with fishermen and businesses. 

Tourism and local retailers also suffered economically. 

Child care services became a problem and there was stress and disruption in family life. The community 

experienced social disruption and a loss of trust in the parties responsible for protecting them from the 

threats of oil transport. 

Oil Mayor’s Study. Cordova experienced no direct oiling from the EVOS. However, there was oiling of 

areas used for commercial fishing and hatcheries that belong to the Prince William Sound Aquaculture 

Corporation. Additionally, Cordovans were among the first responders for volunteer cleanup efforts 

including organizing efforts to rescue injured wildlife. Local government experienced a range of impacts 

related to the EVOS. These impacts include: (1) the usual business of local government was displaced 

with oil spill response work; (2) staff workload increased and duties and responsibilities changed; (3) 

labor shortages related to competition with oil spill cleanup work resulted in some delays and increased 

costs for municipal projects; and (4) staff as well as other community leaders experienced stress and 

burnout, ultimately resulting in decreased participation in community activities. The quality of life in 

Cordova was adversely affected by an in-migration of persons associated with the EVOS cleanup; 

increased prices for gas, food, and rent; decreased availability of housing; decreased availability of 

child-care; and, the replacement of the fishing lifestyle with cleanup employment. Additionally, 

community bonds were loosened among Cordova residents as a result of public disagreements over 

participation in the cleanup. “Purists” and “Exxon Whores” were groups that became distinguished 

according to their moral, ethical, and economic arguments for participation or not the cleanup. Social 

bonds were also affected by evaluations of neighbors and friends as exploiting the cleanup situation and 

exhibiting “greed” in a time of community need. These loosened community bonds are argued as 

decreasing the availability of social support. Mental health suffered in Cordova as indicated by data from 

the Oiled Mayors Household Survey, the Valdez counseling center study, and reports of local mental 

health counselors. 

MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155). Like non-Native Cordovans, Natives felt as if there concerns 

and the effects on Native culture, ways of life, and economy were unrecognized by Exxon and state and 

federal agencies. Natives expressed a range of concerns about the effects of the EVOS, including: safety 

of subsistence foods exposed to the oil spill; looting and damage to Archaeological sites; adverse health 

effects from participation in cleanup work; increased costs of living; effects on gathering, sharing, and 

consumption of subsistence foods; and, the adverse social effects resulting from the overall disruption of 

the subsistence lifestyle. It is also argued that personal identity was adversely affected because of the 

disruption of the subsistence lifestyle; and, Eyak spiritual connections with the natural world were 

damaged when wildlife were killed and natural areas contaminated with oil. 

Among non-Natives in Cordova, there was also a range of concerns related to the EVOS. These need to 

be considered against a history of concern about offshore oil development and oil transport operations 

among Cordova fishermen. Community members were distressed by the loss of control of the cleanup to 

Exxon and other agencies outside the community. Similarly, residents were especially concerned about 

an apparent policy to substitute “spill cleanup costs for spill damage payments” (TR 155 Vol 4: 226). 

Fishermen and other residents were distressed by Exxon’s unwillingness to allow them to engage in early 
cleanup activities. Despite being ready and willing to engage in wildlife rescue and oil cleanup activities, 

Cordovans were held back by Exxon which cited concerns about liability and “amateurs” engaging in oil 

spill cleanup work. Ultimately, Cordova District Fishermen United worked with Exxon to organize local 

spill response efforts. Social conflicts were among the most salient social effects of the EVOS. The 

substance of these conflicts included: money earned from participation in the cleanup; perceived 

favoritism in awarding contracts for cleanup work; the compromising of moral principles regarding 

participation in cleanup work; the effectiveness of the cleanup; and, the health consequences of 

participation in cleanup work. 

Fishermen had a specific set of concerns regarding the EVOS. Among the most salient of these concerns 

were Exxon’s voluntary settlement policy that fostered some suspicion and resentment about the equity of 

the proposed settlements. Specific concerns about these settlements included: prices offered by Exxon 

were considered considerably lower than expected by fishermen; effects of public perceptions about fish 

quality after the EVOS and its effects on price and demand; and, assessments of the volume of fish that 

could have been harvested had the EVOS not occurred. In fact, fishermen expected a banner year for 

both volume and price and they perceived these expectations were not seriously considered by Exxon. 

The non-fishing sectors of the Cordova economy had different issues in negotiating damage claims 

against Exxon than did fishermen. Exxon had to be convinced that the local economy was 

fishing-dependent. Businesses experienced uncertainty over the short and long term effects on the fishing 

industry. Some perceptions existed that Exxon fostered conflict within the business community to delay 

or avoid paying claims for damages. Conflicts between the Chamber of Commerce and the Cordova 

Business Owners Association eventually spilled over into political conflicts with the City and a lawsuit by 

the former Chamber president against the City that had costs for Cordova in excess of $500,000. 

Additionally, there were shortages of labor, gasoline, housing, and other essentials as well as concerns 

about timely payments for services rendered to VECO, Exxon’s contractor for clean up services. 

In addition to incurring costs related to the law suit by the former Chamber of Commerce president, 

Cordova also experienced lost bond opportunities, breakdowns in normal business operations, lost raw 

fish taxes, and other operational impacts on city government. 

Like their Native counter-parts, Cordovans have spiritual attachments to the natural resources of Prince 

William Sound. The attachments include the ideas that (1) nature is inspirited; (2) spirits in Nature can be 

directly sensed; (3) nature is omnipresent; and (4) nature cannot be owned by humans (Endter-Wada et al. 

1993 Vol 4: 316). These express aspects of cultural attachments to natural resources that indicate more 

than 

Valdez Counseling Center Study. This study compared Valdez and Cordova. One of the working 

hypotheses of the study was that Cordova – a fishing-dependent community – would experience more 

stress than Valdez. Although the numbers and methods of this study may not allow broad 

generalizations, the findings suggest differences between these two communities and the occurrence of 

stress related symptoms among Cordova residents. The findings, noted for Valdez, are replicated below. 

• For residents of Cordova and Valdez, the EVOS was an extreme stressor that caused emotional 

distress for residents. 

• Cordova had a higher intensity and duration of emotional distress than did Valdez. 

• Perceived social support was a mediating factor in Valdez, but not in Cordova. 
• No relationships were found between emotional distress and occupation, age, gender, and other 

demographic variables (Donald et al. 1990: 20ff). 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). Alaska Natives in Cordova expressed concern about the 

safety of subsistence foods that persisted into 1991. Although, these concerns did not have the same 

intensity in comparison to Chenega Bay or Tatitlek, these were nonetheless salient areas of distress about 

the EVOS and this Native community. Natives in Cordova expressed less satisfaction with their 

community after the spill than other Native communities. Stress, financial problems, social disruption, 

and community violence were contributors to the dissatisfaction residents experienced in the post-spill 

years. Alaska Natives in Cordova were not as likely as Natives in other communities to attribute to the 

EVOS declines in subsistence harvests, sharing, and participation of children in subsistence activities. 

University of Southern Alabama Studies. Picou and Gill (1997 and 1996) report on essentially similar 

information about stress among commercial fishermen in Cordova. Picou, Gill, Dyer, and Curry (1992) 

present information about stress and social disruption in both Cordova and Valdez. The Picou et al. 

(1992) describes Cordova as an isolated community that is highly dependent on renewable natural 

resources. Commercial fishing and subsistence lifestyles among Alaska Natives connect the community 

to natural resources. Indicators of social disruption are assessed for family life, work, personal plans, and 

assessments of community satisfaction. Data for both 1989 and 1990 indicate that Cordova experienced 

social disruption in all areas. Furthermore, residents of Cordova also experienced symptoms of stress as 

measured by the Impacts of Events Scale. A pattern of relationship exists between measures of social 

disruption and psychological stress. These findings suggest the EVOS has resulted in long-term social 

disruption and psychological stress in the community. Picou and Gill (1996) examines the relationship 

among psychological stress, community stress, and occupation. Stress, as measured by the Impacts of 

Events Scale, showed that residents of Cordova had more stress than residents of Valdez or Petersburg 

(control community). Further, commercial fishermen showed more indicators of stress than other 

occupations. Those who live in resource-dependent communities such as Cordova and who practice an 

occupation dependent on the use of those resources will experience the most stress in an event such as the 

EVOS. Picou and Gill (1997) examines similar issues regarding occupation, stress, and residence in 

renewable resource dependent communities. 

3.1.3 Whittier 

Aside from some incidental comments in newspaper and some of the popular descriptive works (e.g., 

Davidson 1990) the Alaska Oil Spill Commission (McClintock 1989) and the Oiled Mayors Study are the 

primary sources of information about their interaction of the EVOS with this community. 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Located 75 miles southeast of Anchorage on the Kenai 

Peninsula. There is no direct road to Whittier, although there is ferry service and the Alaska Railroad 

serves the community from Portage. A small airstrip is not maintained in the winter. 

Demography. Whittier had a population of about 200-300 year round residents at the time of the oil spill. 

Most of this population is non-Native. During the summer months, visitors swell the local population as 

do some summer residents who live in condominiums and other seasons residences. 

Economy. Fishing is the primary economic activity in Whittier. Other major sources of employment are 

municipal government and the Alaska Railroad. 

Political Structure. Whittier is a second class city with an elected mayor and city council. As in many 

other rural Alaskan communities, a city manager and staff deliver the majority of municipal services to 

the community. 
Alaska Oil Spill Commission/McClintock Report. Whittier residents were ready to respond to the 

EVOS almost immediately. However, insufficient boom and other materials to implement a response 

effort frustrated residents. Eventually, VECO appeared in Whittier to hire residents for cleanup 

operations. The frustration of volunteer and community-initiated efforts frustrated local residents. The 

City expended funds on response efforts. This resulted in insufficient funds to meet the demands for 

delivering other City services. Additionally, some staff was lost to oil spill cleanup operations further 

adding to problems in delivering City services. An influx of “outsiders” was a source of adverse impacts 

for the community. The boat harbor was filled to capacity and tourism resources were consumed by oil 

spill response activities. The closure of the fishing season had adverse economic impacts for local 

government revenues, fish processing plants, and local fishermen. 

Oil Mayors Study. Two groups initiated the first response efforts: (1) an Emergency Operations 

Committee composed of six community volunteers and (2) the Deckhands Association. VECO, some 12 

or so days after the spill, arrived to implement response efforts and subsequently subsumed the 

Emergency Operations Committee and its work. The Deckhands Association was composed primarily of 

deckhands and fish processing plan workers displaced from their usual work because of fishing season 

closures. The Deckhands Association provided information about local conditions that was useful for 

implementing response efforts. 

Municipal impacts included increased costs for oil spill response efforts, increased work hours and 

workload for all municipal staff, loss of opportunities to prepare necessary grants for municipal 

development and functions, and decreased staffing to perform the necessary work of the City. Local 

businesses and the City each lost workers to the higher paying VECO cleanup jobs. Public safety/law 

enforcement services, emergency medical services, mental health services, harbor operations, and other 

municipal functions all showed increases in demand. 

Whittier was not in the main communication loop for information about oil spill activities and status. 

Residents were concerned about the lack of available information and about their safety from future oil 

spills. 

Although this is a community accustomed to an influx of summer visitors, no one in the community was 

prepared for the influx of outsiders that invaded Whittier during the summer of 1989. This 

“overwhelmed” the community. Additionally, the style of Exxon/VECO in their interactions with the 

community left many perceiving that they had lost control of their daily lives and ownership of their 

community. 

3.1.4 Seward 

The Oiled Mayors Study is the primary sources of information about effects of the EVOS on Seward. 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Seward is situated on Resurrection Bay on the southeast coast 

of the Kenai Peninsula. It is 80 air miles and 125 highway miles south of Anchorage. The community is 

also accessible via the Alaska Central Railway. As the gateway to the Kenai Fjords National Park, 

passenger ships also frequent Seward. There are three schools as well as a vocational/technical college. 

Other facilities include a hospital, harbor, and offices of the National Park Service that provides oversight 

of the Kenai Fjords National Park. 

Demography. At the time of the oil spill the population of Seward was approximately 2,400, mostly 

non-Native. 
Economy. This is a diversified economy. In addition to some fishing and fish processing, other important 

economic sectors include tourism, a State Prison, and, port facilities. State, federal, and local government 

are major employers along with tourism related businesses and the fishing industry. 

Political Structure. Seward is a home rule city and its part of the Kenai Peninsula Borough. 

As in other community’s, the business of local government was disrupted by oil spill response activities. 

The issues associated with oil spill response included increased work load, budget shortfalls because of 

expending funds on spill response activities, in the inability to deliver some municipal services because of 

staff involvement with oil spill response activities. However, Seward fared better than some other 

communities because it was able to draw resources from the Kenai Peninsula Borough. Also, a 

Multi-Agency Coordinating Group (locally called the ‘MAC group’) was formed and this group assumed 

significant responsibility for oil spill response activities that in other communities were performed by 

municipal staff. The Multi-Agency Coordinating Group was composed of members from the National 

Park Service, City of Seward, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Chugach Alaska Corporation, Alaska 

Department of Fish and Game, Department of Natural Resources, and representatives from commercial 

fishing groups. The Multi-Agency Coordinating Group offered significant resources to the community 

and, significantly, its authority to integrate the interests and concerns of multiple interests groups was 

important for responding to Exxon and VECO. Because of the Multi-Agency Coordinating Group, 

Seward retained more control over cleanup operations than occurred in communities where such a 

resource did not exist. Although this community also experienced the sense of being overwhelmed and 

overrun by outsiders, the Multi-Agency Coordinating Group assisted in allowing the community to retain 

a sense of control over a threatening event. 

Mental health in Seward suffered as a result of the EVOS. Issues included “stress”, domestic violence, 

marital difficulties, and problems among children dealing with the effects of the spill. Demands for 

mental health services increased and some volunteer staff were unavailable because of oil spill response 

work. 

3.1.5 Seldovia 

The major sources of information about the interaction of the EVOS with Seldovia are the Alaska Oil 

Spill Commission Report and the Oil Mayor’s Study. 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. This community is located on the southern Kenai Peninsula on 

the south shore of Kachemak Bay. It is a 45 minute flight from Anchorage. Totally surrounded by 

water, Seldovia is also accessible by ferry service of the Alaska Marine Highway. 

Population. At the time of the spill the population of Seldovia was between 350 and about 450 persons. 

In 1997 The Alaska Department of Community and Regional Affairs certified the population as about 

239. About 24% of this population is Alaska Native, although the 1990 census estimates indicates 15.2%. 

Economy. Seldovia is primarily a fishing community, although logging and tourism-related businesses 

are also sources of employment. 

Political Structure. Seldovia is a first class unincorporated city. It also belongs to the Kenai Peninsula 

Borough. 

Oil Mayor’s Study. Seldovia developed a grass-roots response effort that united some of the diverse 

political and social factions in the community. Response plans were developed and community initiated 

actions to protect their shorelines and waters. This exemplifies development of a “therapeutic” 
community that can provide essential social support during disaster events. However, when VECO crew 

arrived in Seldovia, they “took over” and in some instances disregarded local knowledge and expertise, 

including many of the response plans developed locally. Also, whereas local action was perceived as 

relatively effective and efficient, Seldovian’s interpreted VECO’s actions as slow and inefficient. The 

sincerity and effectiveness of VECO cleanup efforts was questioned. These types of actions began to 

undermine the “therapeutic community” that previously developed. Residents who contracted with 

VECO were pleased with the money they made, although there were tensions and anger regarding the 

distribution of cleanup money. 

Stress became a factor for individuals and families. Children were among those most affected because 

parents were often working long hours on the cleanup. Childcare was problematic. Children sometimes 

went unsupervised. There were limited mental health resources for responding to stress-related problems. 

Resources usually available for Natives, including a well-utilized alcohol and substance abuse services 

program for the south Kenai Peninsula area, were unavailable because those staff took cleanup related 

jobs that paid higher wages than their service provision work. 

Seldovian’s did not receive the same influx of outsiders experienced by some other communities. 

However, the oil spill brought the realities of the outside world to community members. This affected 

world-views of some that lived in the community: notions of living in a place protected from the threats 

of a technological world were dispelled and technological threats became real. This motivated some to 

become more politically involved and engaged in activities to prevent future events. Others lost trust and 

faith in the ability of governments to protect them from these types of events. 

Local government operations became focused on spill response activities. Other activities of local 

government were either postponed or else given to less experienced temporary labor to do. Some 

criticized the city for not anticipating the approach of the spill since oil actually reached Seldovia’s 

shores. There was also concern that the city had not prepared an adequate response plan whereas local 

volunteers had. There were also conflicts over the expenditure of cleanup funds. The City Manager 

became embroiled in these controversies and eventually resigned this position. Other conflicts emerged 

over the role and actions of a City staff person assigned to the Homer Multi-Agency Coordinating Group. 

Such conflicts created an atmosphere of divisiveness and further undermined the “therapeutic 

community” within Seldovia. 

Alaska Oil Spill Commission/McClintock Report. Residents knew that the spilled oil would reach 

their community because of their knowledge of local currents. People were shocked at the initial lack of 

response by Exxon to the spilled oil and its potential effects on Seldovia. Several areas in and around 

were heavily oiled. Residents developed a major volunteer effort to protect their community. More than 

150 people participated in this work which included developing and deploying log booms and conducting 

reconnaissance for oil. Early efforts to get Exxon to assist were not successful, and the volunteer effort 

proceeded with success. VECO arrived in Seldovia April 12, 1989 and began hiring people to work on 

their cleanup effort. This interrupted the local volunteer effort. The VECO cleanup was not positively 

evaluated and community spirit plummeted as the volunteer effort diffused. 

Income lost because of the closed fishing season was somewhat offset by oil spill cleanup employment. 

However, there was intense competition for a few jobs and this resulted in some hostility and resentment. 

City finances were strained by the cleanup effort and there were also issues with adequate staffing 

resources to do city work and respond to the spill. The City and residents found that interactions with 

Exxon/VECO about financial and other operational issues was too bureaucratic to be effective. 
Children experienced stress related to the oil spill and their disruption of their families and community. 

There were insufficient resources to respond to these stresses. 

MMS/ADF&G TR 160. In comparison to other communities included in this study, Seldovia showed 

overall low effects on the disruption of subsistence harvests, sharing of subsistence foods, and effects on 

the enculturation of (i.e., the transmission of cultural knowledge to) children. Similarly, Seldovia 

residents did not report perceptions of lowered resource availability for the spill year, but there were 

reports of perceptions of decreased populations of salmon and seabirds for the second and third study 

years. In comparison to other study communities there were relatively flow levels of concerns about 

contamination of subsistence and information available about such contamination. 

Residents believed that the small town atmosphere that makes Seldovia an attractive place to live was 

disrupted during the EVOS. Although it may have brought the community together for a period of time, 

there was also social conflict over “greed.” Economically, there was some disruption of commercial 

fishing, but there was also the opportunity for oil spill cleanup employment. Other economic effects 

included competition for labor between local businesses and the cleanup and decreased spending by 

commercial fishermen on upkeep, repair, and new construction. Salmon prices also declined in 1989. 

TR 155 Social Indicators Study of Alaskan Coastal Villages. IV Postspill Key Informant 

Summaries. Two categories of impacts are identified: (1) immediate disruptions and displacements and 

(2) subsequent effects that resulted from these disruptions and displacements (McNabb 1993:535). The 

immediate effects were the mobilization of elements of the community to respond to the impending crisis 

of possible oil contamination of nearby shorelines and beaches. Other disruptions included the closure of 

schools so students could assist in cleanup efforts. Subsequently, local officials became concerned about 

the effects of the EVOS on tourism and the health effects of bioremediation efforts in the cleanup. The 

EVOS was a source of employment for between 13 and 110 local residents. The type 2 subsequent 

effects included: (1) disruption of municipal functions and a focus on EVOS issues rather than 

community issues; and (2) increases in caseloads for domestic abuse and alcohol abuse; domestic 

dislocations and childcare problems. There were fiscal and economic effects related to deferring 

municipal and local business. Cleanup employment may have offset losses related to fishing closures, but 

it does not appear that this employment resulted in any more income than if the spill had not occurred. 

Municipal and community affairs were disrupted by the EVOS. Municipal staff became burned out 

because of long hours and added workload. Additionally, there was nearly a complete turnover in the city 

council that is attributed to factionalism and social conflict related to the spill. 

3.1.6 Homer 

The major sources of available information about the effects of the EVOS on Homer are in the Oiled 

Mayors Study, Gregory Button’s Ph.D. Dissertation (1993), and Davidson’s 1990 description of the 

effects of the oil spill on the Kachemak Bay region of Alaska. 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Homer is located on the terminus of the Sterling Highway some 

227 road miles from Anchorage. It is on southwestern end of the Kenai Peninsula and the north shore of 

Kachemak Bay. It has 8 schools, a hospital, and there is a full range of services including electric power, 

sewage, and waste disposal. There is an airport as well as a deep water dock in Homer. 

Demography. At the time of the EVOS Homer had a population of about 3,500. Between 3.5 and 4% of 

this population is Alaska Native. 
Economy. Commercial fishing, fish processing, and tourism are major economic sectors in Homer. This 

community also is a regional service center. 

Political Structure. Homer is a first class city with an elected mayor and council. It is also part of the 

Kenai Peninsula Borough. 

Oil Mayor’s Study. Initially there was some skepticism that oil from the EVOS would threaten Homer, 

but when oil entered Kachemak Bay, Homer residents became alarmed. Exxon did not initially share the 

resident’s concern that the oil would threaten the city. A Multi-Agency Coordinating Group – similar to 

the one in Seward – was formed of diverse groups and agencies including: representatives from Port 

Graham, English Bay, Seldovia, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Alaska Department of Environmental 

Conservation, Alaska Department of Natural Resources, Chugach Alaska Corporation, Alaska 

Department of Emergency Services, and the North Pacific Fisheries Management Council. This group 

organized response efforts including procuring, manufacturing, and installing boom for oil protection. 

Efforts were made by the Multi-Agency Coordinating Group and other Homer interests to persuade 

Exxon that the oil threatened the community, but Exxon paid little attention to requests for assistance. 

Once Exxon/VECO entered the cleanup, there were perceptions that it was being inefficient if not 

insincere in its cleanup efforts. There was some open public hostility and anger toward Exxon/VECO 

officials, including some threats to execute a citizen’s arrest at a Multi-Agency Coordinating Group 

meeting. Some volunteer organizations were funded by Exxon to aid in animal recovery and other 

cleanup activities. 

Local government experienced increased demands for service, disruption of normal business operations, 

increased use of municipal facilities, and increased costs associated with response activities. Associated 

with an influx of outsiders, there were increases in crime, traffic, and requests for emergency services. 

Police and court services experienced high demands for their services. VECO, Exxon, the Multi-Agency 

Coordinating Group, and other response organizations used schools and other municipal facilities. The 

city experienced some coordination problems with the Alaska Department of Environmental 

Conservation, the U.S. Coast Guard, Exxon, and other entities in the response effort. Jurisdiction and 

communication issues predominate these types of problems. 

Exxon/VECO hired local persons to work on the cleanup. There were divisions within the community 

about the moral acceptability of working on the cleanup. Some argued it was necessary to replace lost 

income, others argued that it was wrong to make money off the spill, especially with an insincere cleanup 

effort. Those who “profited” from the cleanup were said to have “sold out” to Exxon. These individuals 

used their cleanup income to buy new boats and fishing gear and this gave some a competitive advantage. 

Those who did not work on the cleanup resented those who did. Divisiveness and conflict was created 

and this undermined community bonds and solidarity that developed during the initial community 

responses to the EVOS. 

A changed sense of place existed after the EVOS. Some residents perceived their community had been 

“raped” and “violated” whereas others experienced Homer and its environs as a “spoiled” place. For 

others the EVOS resulted in an increase in political activity and awareness about oil transport and other 

environmental issues. Others lost trust and faith in government oversight agencies and in the oil transport 

industry. 

Social and economic life was disrupted by the EVOS. Recreational activities, normal seasonal fishing 

cycles, and the usual routines of daily life were disrupted. Small businesses incurred increased costs and 

fishermen could not fish. The “artificial economy” created by cleanup work also resulted in competition 

for labor that became scarce. Some businesses closed as a result of the EVOS. 
The EVOS and its effects on social disruption in Homer resulted in various mental health problems. 

These included domestic violence, substance abuse, family problems, anger, grief, frustration, and stress. 

There were increased demands for mental health services, but there was not enough staff to respond to 

these demands. Other individuals with existing mental health problems appeared to experience an 

increase in the severity of their symptoms during the EVOS. 

Button (1993). Based on research in Homer, Alaska, this dissertation addresses the topics of social 

cohesion and conflict, and the formation of emergent groups. The dissertation disputes the idea proposed 

by some researchers that, while natural disasters promote social cohesion and thereby contribute to the 

formation of emergent groups, there is social conflict in the aftermath of technological disasters which 

limits the formation of emergent groups. The research finds that while there was considerable social 

conflict in Homer, there was also social cohesion sufficient to facilitate the formation of emergent groups. 

Certain factors contributed to both social conflict and the formation of emergent groups, including a 

widely experienced sense of “loss of control” and uncertainty about significant facts surrounding the oil 

spill and cleanup, including uncertainty about who was ultimately in control of the cleanup, and which 

cleanup technologies were most effective and most necessary. The dissertation argues that the formation 

of emergent groups is inevitable in circumstances in which there is a sense of urgency and the common 

perception that authorities were unwilling and unable to respond. The report concludes that local and 

disaster-response authorities should recognize the constructive role that emergent groups fill in the 

aftermath of disasters. 

In the Wake of the Exxon Valdez (Davidson 1990). Davidson provides a descriptive account of 

community response and resident reactions to the EVOS. He notes that initially Exxon was slow to 

respond to community concern that the oil was going to foul local shores. The Multi-Agency 

Coordinating Group was formed and responded to local concerns, organizing efforts to deploy boom to 

protect critical habitat and major salmon streams. The Multi-Agency Coordinating Group worked to get 

funds to implement the response effort with the aid of the Kenai Peninsula Borough. Exxon did provide 

some initial funds, but their overall response was not timely and its form and character angered local 

residents who perceived they were threatened and Exxon did not care. Local effort and not Exxon’s 

response provided the most important initial response to the spill. Eventually oil found its way to local 

beaches, including the famous Homer Spit. Exxon claimed 500 feet of beach was oiled while the Homer 

Center for Disaster Assistance said about 2 miles of beach were oiled. These types of disparities resulted 

in substantial anger toward and distrust of Exxon. This anger and distrust increased when Exxon failed to 

keep its promise to cleanup beaches on Gore Point. Eventually, Exxon was forced into a major cleanup 

effort by the ongoing complaints and the intervention of government officials. Anger and distrust also 

resulted from Exxon scaling back on cleanup efforts because, some argued, they did not have the capacity 

to dispose of the oil being collected. Replacing shovels with trowels to decrease the amount of oil 

collected incensed residents who saw beaches fouled and wildlife killed because of the volume of oil in 

the area. 

Residents experienced a range of emotions and reactions to the EVOS. People were frustrated by the 

insincerity of the cleanup and they felt betrayed and dismayed by the damage done to resources they love 

and value. There was exhaustion from long hours of cleanup work and the intense focus on what was 

happening to their landscape. People experienced a sense of “loss of control” over their environment and 

their lives. Betrayals, anger, the loss of valued places, and stress were other emotions experienced. Some 

also felt devalued because Exxon and VECO rejected their experience and expertise in their response 

efforts. Others were stressed by the nature of their cleanup employment, including one man who was 

hired to shoot oiled seals and sea otters while still in the ocean. 

Despite the Exxon/VECO cleanup, some volunteer efforts remained in tact in Homer. Rather than cede 

responsibility to Exxon for all cleanup, some individuals began cleaning up oiled beaches near Gore 
Point. Eventually, Exxon joined in this volunteer cleanup effort, but residents later became disenchanted 

with the quality and character of this participation. Volunteers kept working on valued areas long after 

the paid Exxon cleanup crews had gone home. 

3.1.7 Kenai 

The major sources regarding the EVOS and Kenai are the Oiled Mayors Study and the MMS Social 

Indicators Study (TR 155). 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Kenai is located on the western side of the Kenai Peninsula on 

Cook Inlet. It is some 150 road miles from Anchorage via the Sterling and Kenai Spur Highways. There 

is an airport with direct air service to Anchorage, some 65 air miles distant. There is a city dock and boat 

ramp located on the Kenai River. Hospital facilities are in Soldotna. Four schools serve the community. 

Demography. At the time of the oil spill the population of Kenai City was about 6,500 of which about 

8.5% are Alaska Natives. 

Economy. Kenai has an industrial economy based on oil extraction and refining. Other important 

economic sectors include tourism, sport and commercial fishing, fish processing, timber, construction, 

and transportation. However, Kenai serves as the center for the oil and gas industry in this region of 

Alaska. 

Political Structure. Kenai is a home rule city with an elected mayor and city council. The community is 

part of the Kenai Peninsula Borough, which has offices in the city of Soldotna. 

Oiled Mayors Study. Kenai and nearby Soldotna experienced limited effects from the EVOS. 

Fishermen were affected by the closure of the drift-net fishery, but local fish processors were able to 

remain open by processing fish from Bristol Bay. Some argued that closure of the commercial salmon 

fishery resulted in increased salmon in the Kenai River. This attracted more sports fishermen to the 

region. Some increases in municipal services and increases in park usage are attributed to more sports 

fishermen rather than direct EVOS cleanup operations. The only direct effect of the EVOS on municipal 

services was in the operation of the City dock. Closure of the drift net fishery resulted in about $40,000 

worth of losses of which about $32,000 was recovered in a claim to Exxon. 

The Kenai Peninsula Borough did experience some direct impacts, primarily in its role in support of more 

directly impacted communities. The Borough dispensed funds to communities such as Seward, Homer, 

English Bay (Nanwalek), and Port Graham. A liaison position was created to respond directly to Exxon 

and VECO and to work for affected communities. Borough staff worked on the Multi-Agency 

Coordinating Groups and other EVOS response projects. Some Borough work was delayed or did not get 

accomplished because of staff involvement with the EVOS. Public works, emergency management, 

finance, and personnel were among the most affected departments of the Borough. 

MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155). Kenai residents reported different types of impacts. Decreases 

in crime because transients and others were working on the cleanup. There were also fewer in-migrants 

during the summer seeking work in the oil and gas industry because of the opportunity for oil spill 

employment work. Otherwise, the EVOS is said to have “hurt the peninsula’s image” and there was some 

increase in awareness about environmental issues and specifically the potential effects of future oil spills. 

Community responses to the EVOS also resulted in the need for all levels of government to coordinate 

and communicate and this had beneficial consequences for local and Borough governments. The major 

effects on businesses and households resulted from closure of the drift-net fishery because of the EVOS. 

Businesses that depended on this fishery lost income. Still other businesses were affected by the 
competition for labor with the Exxon/VECO cleanup. Jobs paying more than $16.00/hour attracted labor 

away from other local businesses especially in the fish processing, fast-food, and other businesses that 

paid lower wages. Much of this competition for labor dissipated by 1990 and 1991. 

As a result of the discovery of oil in Cook Inlet, ADF&G closed the drift-net fishery and about 700 

commercial set-net fishermen south of Anchor Point were also affected by the fishery closure. However, 

the set-net fishery in Kenai still resulted in a catch of about 5 million salmon in 1989. Fishermen affected 

by this closure experienced some family stress and lost opportunities for enculturation into the fishing 

lifestyle as a result of the EVOS. The unequal opportunities for fishing among drift and set netters 

resulted in some animosity and hard feelings. There were also some hard feelings among those that did 

and did not work on the cleanup. These sentiments mirror those in other communities where the moral 

character of participation in the cleanup was a point of public debate and a source of divisiveness. 

Commercial fishermen and fish processors were generally pleased with the settlements. Exxon offered 

for damages related to the event. Payments were generally timely and met expectations of those affected. 

3.1.8 Kodiak 

There are multiple sources of information regarding the interaction of the EVOS with the community of 

Kodiak. The major sources are: the MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155); the MMS ADF&G (TR 

160); the Oiled Mayors Study; and Davidson (1990). 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Kodiak Island is located in the Gulf of Alaska. It is the largest 

island in Alaska. About 1.9 million acres of Kodiak and nearby Afognak are part of the Kodiak National 

Wildlife Refuge. Kodiak City is the largest municipality on the island. It is located near the eastern end 

of the Island. Kodiak City is 250 air miles from Anchorage. Kodiak has a jet airport that is served by 

several different air carriers. It is also served by Ferry via a 12-hour trip from either Seward or Homer. 

The Harbor is home to major fishing fleets for the Gulf of Alaska and the Bering Sea. Kodiak is also 

home to the largest U.S. Coast Guard base in North America. 

Demography. At the time of the oil spill the population of Kodiak Island was approximately 13,300 

persons. Kodiak City had a population of about 6,300. Fourteen percent of this population was Alaska 

Native. Filipinos, Hispanics, and Samoans are also important ethic groups that reside in Kodiak City. A 

characteristic of Kodiak’s demography is transience related to seasonal residence among fishermen and 

fish processors, personnel rotation at the U.S. Coast Guard base, and seasonal residence among those who 

live in out-lying villages. 

Economy. Kodiak has a diverse fishing economy. Groundfish, salmon, crab, cod, halibut and other 

species form the basis for a diverse fish processing and harvesting industry. In the past, Kodiak has been 

the highest port for volume of seafood and among the highest for the value of products produced. Local 

government, the federal government, and state government are other major employers in Kodiak. 

Political Structure. Kodiak City is a home rule city with an elected mayor and city council. The Kodiak 

Island Borough offices are located within Kodiak City boundaries. 

MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155). The oil spilled in Prince William Sound moved south through 

the Shelikof Straights that separate Kodiak Island from the Alaska mainland. This is also an important 

fishing area for the Kodiak based fishing fleet. Kodiak was exposed to the oil and its effects on the 

Alaska fishing industry. Although Kodiak experienced prior disasters (e.g., the 1964 earthquake), the 

uncertainty of the effects of the EVOS was a new experience. The effects of the spill in Kodiak are also 
related to the timing of when oil reached Kodiak shores, some 3 weeks after the Exxon Valdez grounded 

on Bligh Reef. 

The nature of Exxon’s response in Kodiak affected resulted in differential impacts on individuals, 

increased frustrations, and hindered community involvement in response efforts. However, Kodiak’s 

response efforts began by invoking its disaster plan and implementing a Emergency Services Council 

composed of the Borough Mayor, City Mayor, and the commander of the local U.S. Coast Guard 

installation. An important activity of the Emergency Services Council was holding daily meetings for the 

community to both gather input and dispense information about spill-response issues. As in other 

communities, when Exxon arrived in Kodiak they assumed responsibility for cleanup activity. However, 

the Emergency Services Council remained active in dealing with Exxon and in providing information to 

Kodiak Island residents. 

Local government experienced fiscal and operational impacts as well as psychological effects on staff. 

The Kodiak Island Borough as well as the city lost staff to higher paying cleanup work and some staff left 

their job because of the strain of excessive work. Response to the EVOS resulted in time and effort 

diverted from other work. Fish tax, income tax shares, and property tax revenues decreased because of 

the spill. Other fiscal impacts resulted from lost opportunities, using reserves and investments to pay 

cleanup costs and unreimbursed costs related to increased service delivery. Infrastructure projects were 

put on hold or delayed resulting in some increased costs. Staff and elected officials worked long hours on 

both cleanup and municipal/borough resulting in personal strains and stress. 

Differences in culture and expectations affected municipal/borough interactions with Exxon and VECO. 

Local officials tried to be proactive and anticipate the arrival and effects of the oil, but Exxon delayed 

some response efforts because it did not believe Kodiak would be affected. Furthermore, Exxon 

continually underestimate the extent and effects of the EVOS on Kodiak, resulting in tensions and 

conflicts between local governments and the responsible parties. Timeliness of payments, arguing about 

what constituted reimbursable expenses for cleanup, and the sincerity of the cleanup effort were also areas 

of conflict between local officials and Exxon. Exxon also made attempts to circumvent environmental 

regulation further exacerbating tensions with local government. 

Another major source of tensions was perceptions of unequal treatment of communities and individuals 

by Exxon. Kenai Peninsula Borough received $2 million dollars for response efforts where as the Kodiak 

Emergency Services Council received only $500,000 despite arguments that Kodiak was more affected. 

Exxon also restricted hiring local fishermen and others for cleanup work whereas in Prince William 

Sound there were no such restrictions. There were also perceptions that Native communities received less 

attention than non-Native communities. Some argued that Exxon deliberately established a policy of 

different treatment to promote conflict among communities and to offer support to those who responded 

favorably to Exxon. A major source of perceptions of inequity was boat contracts in Kodiak. Chignik 

fishermen were offered lesser rates than Kodiak fishermen were; and there were also other individual 

inequities. 

Economic impacts were felt most directly in the fishing and fish processing sectors of the Kodiak 

economy. Closure of the salmon fishery, which constituted more than 50% of the value of the Kodiak 

fishery, was a substantial blow, but this was mitigated some by the diversity of the Kodiak fishing 

economy. Cleanup work offset some of the losses for fishermen and cannery workers, but not everyone 

received cleanup work sufficient to offset losses. Tourism experienced some decline because of 

unavailable rooms and services that were consumed by oil spill response work. The service and support 

sectors of the economy associated with the fish and fish processing sectors lost income. Some of this lost 

income was offset by oil spill response work. Inflation related to cleanup work had a more widespread 

and short-lived effect on the local economy. 
Cooperation among community members for response work was undermined by conflicts generated by 

Exxon’s divisive policies. These same policies resulted in tensions between out-lying villages and 

Kodiak. Perceived unfairness by Exxon in dealing with residents and local government was an important 

source of tension that resulted in loosened community bonds. These loosened community bonds occurred 

simultaneously with increased stress-related problems. Demand for services for alcohol, drug, and 

domestic violence as well as mental health services increased. Families experienced stress-related 

problems. Crime increased along with other types of social disturbances. 

The emotional stress of the spill is related to various factors. These include: uncertainty about the 

immediate and future effects of the EVOS; loss of usual and customary routines and activities; the death 

and pollution that resulted from the spilled oil; perceptions of a changed and spoiled place; feelings of 

helplessness to cleanup or prevent future spills; and rage against a preventable accident. Another 

significant source of stress was the process of dealing with Exxon. Exxon devalued local knowledge and 

expertise. Exxon did not appear to be involved in a sincere cleanup, rather image and public relations 

appeared to be more important. Exxon violated local expectations about fairness and responsibility. 

Exxon’s arrogance and its complicated claims process further alienated local residents and government 

officials. Exxon’s overall control of the process also promoted a sense of “loss of control” among 

residents and others involved in the process. 

Follow-up work conducted in 1991 indicates several types of short- and long-term impacts to individuals 

and institutions. By the spring of 1991, the EVOS was experienced as a historical event. Short-term 

memories of anger, hostility, divisiveness, moral compromises, greed and excessive spending, selected 

economic losses, and the insincerity of Exxon’s cleanup predominate among individuals. Businesses lost 

employees to the cleanup and some lost income. Longer term there were some individuals who reaped 

substantial benefits from the EVOS whereas most did not. Some conflicts among fishermen remain, but 

overall bonds among community members are more or less the same as before the spill. There has been 

some increase in participation in community leadership as well as an increase in environmental awareness 

and activism. Some concerns about the effects of oil on subsistence foods remained. In some villages 

and in Kodiak there was also increased disaster planning and preparedness. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). For the three years of this study the participation rates in 

subsistence activities for Kodiak City residents is in excess of 90%. Salmon, halibut, invertebrates, sea 

mammals, bird eggs, and land mammals (primarily deer) are the major types of subsistence foods. Year 

three results typify the nature of subsistence activity in Kodiak: 

Participation continued to be high. In 1993 an estimated 99.1% of all Kodiak City households used at 

least one wild resource, 90.5% attempted to harvest at least one resource, and 87.6% succeeded in 

harvesting at least one resource. About 97.1% reported receiving at least one resource, and 83.8% 

reported giving away at least one resource. The mean number of resources received per household was 

7.0, and the mean number of resources given away was 4.5. Both of these numbers represent slight 

increases over Year Two. In 1993 Kodiak City households used an average of 11.8 resources and 

harvested an average of 7.4 resources out of the 26 reported (Mishler, Mason, and Barnhart 1995:15). 

Importantly, a significant number of study participants perceive sports harvesting and subsistence activity 

as synonymous. 

Few residents indicate any concerns about food safety associated with the EVOS. This may be a result of 

the structure of study participants, many of whom have moved to the area since 1989. However, 33% of 

participants felt that clams were not safe to eat and another 15% were unsure (Mishler, Mason, and 

Barnhart 1995: 22). Perceptions about resource abundance, assessments of leadership, evaluations of 

food safety, and other measures of social effects in this study appear to show minimal effects of the 
EVOS and subsistence in this community. Again, this may be a function of sampling or other intervening 

variables. 

Oiled Mayors Study. The Emergency Services Council, part of Kodiak’s disaster response plan, was 

activated before oil reached Kodiak shores. The Emergency Services Council convened daily public 

meeting to keep citizens informed about EVOS issues. A community-wide volunteer also began in 

concert with Emergency Services Council activities. The Emergency Services Council was able to get 

timely reports about oil movement because of U.S. Coast Guard overflights of the Gulf of Alaska and 

contacts of the local U.S. Coast Guard base commander who also sat on the Emergency Services Council. 

Exxon did not respond to initial assessments of Kodiak that the oil would reach their shores. Exxon 

arrived in Kodiak only after the local response effort was underway and then they largely ignored the 

local volunteer efforts. Exxon/VECO’s cleanup effort frustrated locals because people did not believe it 

was sincere or effective. The loss of control over the cleanup effort and perceptions that Exxon was 

inhibiting local efforts for cleanup further added to frustrations and mistrust of Exxon. 

Both Kodiak City and the Kodiak Island Borough were consumed by oil spill response activity. The 

Kodiak Island Borough assisted the city by providing funds for response work that the city could not 

replace. There were increases in demands for most city and Kodiak Island Borough services. Staff did 

not have the time to conduct their usual work plus spill response work. Staff and elected officials became 

burned out because of excessive work loads and time away from their families. 

Animosity was created within the community and especially among fishermen because of what appeared 

to be random or unfair hiring for cleanup work. Some fishermen who did not necessarily need the 

cleanup work received lucrative boat contracts whereas other who could not fish and needed the income 

did not receive boat contracts. Boat owners and crew also experienced some conflicts because crewmen 

did not always receive consideration in settlements or cleanup hiring. Divisiveness and conflict 

characterized many social relationships in Kodiak. These were primarily related to how VECO and 

Exxon instituted its cleanup operations. Some local groups formed as a result of the EVOS. The “crude 

women” exemplifies of developing social solidarity just as the conflicts among fishermen illustrate the 

loosening of social solidarity. 

Life routines, especially those in the fishing industry changed because of fisheries closures and oil spill 

response work. 

Economically, the lost of fishing income had wide spread effects among fishermen and supporting 

businesses. Service oriented businesses in Kodiak lost employees to the cleanup. Local government 

incurred significant costs that were not reimbursed. The loss of subsistence opportunities resulted in 

expenditures for groceries that were already in short supply or suffering from spill-related inflation. 

Other goods and services also showed spill-related inflationary costs. 

Mental health and family problems increased because of the EVOS. Family routines were disrupted with 

many males at home whereas they would usually be fishing. Day care presented a problem for some 

families and other families experienced stress because of the parents working long hours on the cleanup. 

Children encountered dead or dying wildlife. Some children experienced behavioral problems. Some 

mental health resources experienced significant increases in demands for services, however the Kodiak 

Women’s Resource Center showed a decrease in clients. This decrease may be related to oil spill 

employment. There were increased calls to the Women’s Resource Center crisis line, especially from 

outlying rural communities. Programs of the Kodiak Council on Alcoholism were compromised because 

staff left for cleanup work. The Kodiak Island Borough mental health center reported increased clients 

served, more emergency visits, and increases in group counseling. Crisis interventions and incidents of 

substance abuse also increased. Uncertainty and frustration were argued as possible causes for the 
increased stress experienced by some community members. The Kodiak Area Native Association mental 

health and health services experienced increases in demands for services and increased workloads among 

staff. Children and families had special needs, especially those families with members working on the 

cleanup. 

Overall, the lifestyle of Kodiak residents was disrupted. The realities of the threats of technology were 

made apparent to Kodiak residents. This disturbed residents who moved to the Island to be away from 

modern society and the “outside” world. 

Alaska Oil Spill Commission Oiled Communities Response Investigation Report (McClintock 

1989). Kodiak’s prior experience with the 1964 earthquake and the tsunami that damaged Kodiak 

resulted in preparedness plans for future disasters. Kodiak had in place a disaster plan and was prepared 

to respond to the EVOS, although this proved to be more of an ongoing disaster than a time-limited single 

event natural disaster. 

Initially Kodiak residents did not believe they would be affected by ‘the Prince William Sound’ spill. 

However, the oil did reach local shores and caused pollution, the killing of vast numbers of wildlife, and 

closing fishing seasons. The impact on the fishing economy was significant. More than 300 boats were 

unable to fish and other set-net fishermen also lost income because they could not fish. Local businesses 

that provided goods and services to fishermen lost income. Many also lost workers to the cleanup that 

paid more than businesses could afford to match to keep their workers. Service businesses did better than 

their normal income, but labor shortages were a wide-spread issue. The cleanup resulted in higher than 

normal incomes for some wage earners, but lower incomes for some fishermen and those in the fish 

processing industry that did not work on the cleanup. The claims process for those who lost money 

because of the spill was confusing and inadequate. There were inequities in the payment and processing 

of claims. Negotiations between the Oiled Mayors and Exxon for reasonable and uniform settlement of 

claims failed. This resulted in a loss of faith regarding equitable and fair settlement of claims against 

Exxon. 

Food shortages resulted because local stores were emptied to supply the cleanup. Subsistence foods were 

in short supply because of concerns about contamination. Housing and workspace, already in limited 

quantities in Kodiak, became scarce. Domestic violence, increased stress, reports of suicide, high 

demands for mental health services, and other social disruptions were attributed to the EVOS. 

The Emergency Services Council performed an important role for the community. It provided 

information about the status of the spilled oil in relationship to Kodiak and it provided a channel for 

publics to ask questions and receive information about topics of concern. The Emergency Services 

Council also provided a link between the outlying Native communities and Kodiak regarding EVOS 

information. Subsequently, the Emergency Services Council was effective in organizing community 

response efforts. The local Native Corporation assisted in bringing Native issues to the attention of 

Exxon and the Emergency Services Council. 

In the Wake of the Exxon Valdez, Davidson (1990). Oil hit the shores of Kodiak Island some three 

weeks and 400 miles after it was spilled in Prince William Sound. Exxon failed to mobilize any response 

efforts in Kodiak until oil actually came ashore. Before that time community members and local 

governments organized and implemented a response effort. The locally instituted cleanup response was 

derailed when Exxon arrived in Kodiak. Community members and local government officials felt as if 

they had lost control over the cleanup process. Furthermore, there was considerable skepticism about the 

sincerity and effectiveness of Exxon’s cleanup effort. People’s individual experiences of seeing otters 

swimming in oil and observing other dead and dying wildlife contrasted with statements from Exxon 

about minimal to no effects from the oil for Kodiak. 
As Exxon implemented its cleanup, fishermen became conflicted over participation in the cleanup or 

remaining independent of Exxon but financially broke. Others wanted to participate in the cleanup, but 

Exxon did not hire all who wanted to participate and the criteria for hiring boats and cleanup workers 

seemed arbitrary or influenced by other factors. The spill was a large payday for many fishermen who 

participated in the cleanup, but for others it resulted in lost income because of closed fisheries. These 

disparities resulted in divisiveness and hostility among some fishermen. In fact, there was strong 

suspicion that Exxon employed a “divide and conquer” strategy in order to deflect criticism away from 

them. 

Fishermen lost faith and trust in the oil industry and government oversight agencies. For some, 

grass-roots environmentalist organizations became attractive because of their concern for the 

environment. 

Those who did work on the cleanup experienced frustrating delays in receiving payment for their services, 

materials, and labor. Cannery workers, fishermen, and businesspersons made claims to Exxon for lost 

income or wages. There was little faith that Exxon would be fair in its dealings with Kodiak residents 

with claims against the company. 

Residents experienced a range of social effects including fear, jealousy, selfishness, uncertainty, 

helplessness, and disillusionment. Anger and tensions over money and boat contracts created 

divisiveness. 

A “false economy” was created by the employment of persons for cleanup work. Many people left their 

jobs to work for higher cleanup wages. This affected many small businesses in the community. 

A legacy of the EVOS for Kodiak is awareness that oil transport has costs even for those who are distant 

from the oil fields and transport lanes. 

3.2 NATIVE COMMUNITIES 

This section presents a summary of information about the interaction of the EVOS and Alaska Native 

communities. The major sources that provide scientific information regarding the EVOS and Alaska 

Natives are used to construct these summaries. Not necessarily every source that may mention a 

particular community is included in these summaries. Also, we have not included some of the sources 

that aggregated data from various communities to make generalizations about the impacts of the EVOS 

on Alaska Natives. Again, we focus solely on specific communities and how impacts to these 

communities are presented in selected sources that focus on describing particular communities. 

What these summaries indicate is both commonalties and differences in the interaction of communities 

with the EVOS. Many of the dimensions of difference and similarity are those Braund & Associates and 

Usher (1993) succinctly summarize in their analysis of the impacts of the EVOS on Alutiiq peoples and 

their culture. These major dimensions of similarity and difference are as follows: 

• decline in the quality of the environment and the quality and quantity of subsistence resources; 

• uncertainty about the safety of consuming subsistence resources; 

• invalidation of traditional knowledge regarding the environment; 

• uncertainty about the future of subsistence resources and community ways of life based on 

subsistence; 

• declines in subsistence harvests, sharing of subsistence resources, and the enculturation of 

children into a subsistence lifestyle; 
• declines in the integrity of place and community; 

• changes in the sense of personal and community autonomy; and 

• changes in personal and cultural identity (Braund & Associates and Usher 1993:68-109). 

Other significant areas indicated in other collective analyses are: 

• social disruption of community activities and processes; 

• disruption of the functions and activities of governance institutions and processes; 

• fiscal damages to individuals and institutions; 

• loss of valued communal solidarity; 

• alienation of the cultural values and social processes that make Native lifestyles meaningful; and 

• changes in sharing and visiting that reinforce social bonds (cf. IAI 1990d; Russell et al. 1996; 

Picou, Gill, and Cohen 1997; Jorgensen 1995b; Wooley 1995). 

These areas suggest the categories of social and cultural impacts experienced by Native communities. 

In presenting these community summaries three major groupings are distinguished: Kodiak Island Native 

communities; Kenai Peninsula Native communities; and Prince William Sound Native communities. 

3.2.1 Kodiak Island Native Communities 

The major settlements of Kodiak Island and vicinity are primarily Native communities. The major 

settlements are Ouzinkie, Larsen Bay, Port Lions, Larsen Bay, Karluk, Akhiok, and Old Harbor. As with 

the non-Native municipalities, the coverage of these communities in the literature is variable, but in 

general, there are more sources for these communities than for non-Native communities. Below we 

present these communities according to their geographic location, starting with Old Harbor and then 

proceeding “clockwise” around Kodiak. 

3.2.1.1 Old Harbor 

The major sources of information about this community are: the Alaska Oil Spill 

Commission/McClintock 1989 study; the MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155); the MMS/ADF&G 

Subsistence Study (TR 160); and Davidson’s descriptive account that contains some limited information 

about Native villages that applies across all Kodiak Native villages. Although Old Harbor is not 

specifically mentioned. 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Old Harbor is located on the southeastern coast of Kodiak 

Island. There are no roads to Old Harbor, but there is a gravel airstrip. The community is some 70 air 

miles southwest from Kodiak and about 320 miles from Anchorage. There is a boat harbor that serves the 

local fishing fleet. 

Demography. At the time of the oil spill the population of Old Harbor was about 280 persons. There is 

some seasonal residence in Old Harbor with residents traveling to Kodiak, Anchorage, or other areas 

during winter months. About 90% of the community population is Alaska Native. 

Economy. At the time of the oil spill Old Harbor was primarily a fishing village that coexists with a 

Native subsistence economy. Tourism is a developing sector of the economy. 

Political Structure. The community is a second class city that exists within the Kodiak Island Borough. 

There is also a village council and the Old Harbor Village Corporation. 
Alaska Oil Spill Commission/McClintock Study. This report contains only two brief paragraphs 

regarding Old Harbor. This work reports that Natives directly observed dead bear and deer that ingested 

oil polluted kelp. During July of 1989, mousse and oil was observed in the bays and inlets around Old 

Harbor. The Village Council had developed a cleanup proposal that entailed more work hours than the 

cleanup activity that was eventually implemented by Exxon/VECO. Their cleanup effort was observed to 

accomplish little and resulted in only 1⁄4 the hours of actual work than proposed by the Village council 

plan. 

MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155). Three “levels” of effect are identified. The first is related to 

those that occurred during the oil spill and cleanup. The second level effects are those that emerged after 

the EVOS. The third level effects are those that were directly related to the first level effects. For 

individuals and families the first level effects were primarily financial and emotional/spiritual. The 

financial effects were related to closure of the fisheries because of the EVOS. Some Old Harbor 

fishermen who fish for Herring in Bristol Bay Sea did not experience the same effects as those who fished 

locally. A portion of local fishermen, primarily the “smaller” operators, accepted a $30,000 settlement 

from Exxon with the understanding that this would be “partial” payment for loses. The 

“emotional/spiritual” first level impacts for individuals and houses focus on subsistence food safety. 

Individuals became concerned about the effects of oiling of foods used for subsistence purposes, 

especially among older residents. Residents were unsure about what foods were and were not safe to eat. 

Second level effects concern perceptions among children that traditional foods were not desirable. This is 

said to have adverse effects for enculturation of children into Native culture. Other effects include 

“tensions” among family members and community members. Some of these tensions were related to 

waiting for cleanup employment and uncertainty regarding the possibility of replacing lost income. 

Depression and anxiety is said to have increased among adults. Normal routines and life activities “did 

not happen” and the usual patterns of activity and interaction were lost in family relationships and in 

relationships among community members. 

Non-fishermen who worked on the cleanup perceived this opportunity as an “economic boom.” 

Fishermen viewed their cleanup work as necessary for replacing lost fishing income. Fishermen and 

non-fishermen perceived the event differently and this resulted in tensions and conflicts. Some local 

businesses may have received increased earnings related to EVOS cleanup work. Second level effects for 

fishermen and others concern the loss of fishing opportunity, lost fishing income, and the disruption of 

normal routines which led to some disrepair of fishing equipment, especially among older fishermen. 

Ultimately this resulted in loss of boats and lost income. For some who received the $30,000 payments, 

they had later tax difficulties because they did not understand the tax implications of these settlements. 

Small fishing operators who did not receive payments are among the most damaged group of Old Harbor 

fishermen. A “third-level” effect was increased competition on fishing grounds resulting from Kodiak 

fishermen. Those who worked on the cleanup and invested the income in capital expenditures were more 

effective fishermen and this caused increased competition. Old Harbor fishermen lost to these newly 

capitalized Kodiak vessels. 

Village institutions experienced the following types of first level effects: (1) village officials were 

overwhelmed by the work load of responding to the EVOS; (2) the city lost money to cleanup operations; 

(3) rumors and social conflicts occupied city officials and this displaced their usual work tasks; (4) grants 

opportunities were missed because of spill response activities; and (5) village council operations were 

shut down because of EVOS response activities. Second level effects include the “potential loss of 

revenue” resulting from closed fishing seasons. A third level effect on the city was the was costs 

associated with delays in housing projects and loss of face by the Village Council and the people of Old 

Harbor. 
MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). Old Harbor has one of the highest levels of subsistence 

participation on Kodiak. Residents report a decline in subsistence harvest for the year of the spill, but by 

the 1991 and 1992 years of the study, harvests returned to near pre-spill levels. A “relatively large 

percentage” of study participants (social effects) indicated they perceived lower populations of some 

resources (clams and sea ducks) whereas others perceived that subsistence resources were about the same 

as before the spill. Some respondents (38.5%) indicate a decrease in sharing of resources in the year of the 

spill whereas about 49% indicate no change. There was some increase (~26%) in sharing of money and 

about 45% report sharing money about the same. A relatively low percentage of residents expressed 

concerns about oil contamination of subsistence foods. Similarly, perceptions of children’s participation 

in subsistence activity indicate relatively low concern in comparison to Ouzinkie and other villages in 

Prince William Sound. Residents did predict that Offshore oil development would result in decreased 

populations of marine mammals, birds, invertebrates, and fish. Some also said that lower land mammals 

would result from Offshore oil development. A majority of residents did not believe that another major 

oil spill could be successfully cleaned up. 

3.2.1.2 Akhiok 

The major sources of information regarding Akhiok are MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160); 

Alaska Oil Spill Commission/McClintock (1989); and the Oiled Mayors Study (IAI 1990c). 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Akhiok is located on the southern end of Kodiak Island at 

Alitak Bay. There is a dirt air strip which is the only access to the community other than skiff or boat 

travel from Kodiak City. 

Demography. The population of Akhiok at the time of the oil spill was between 56 and 93 persons most 

of whom are Alaska Natives. 

Economy. Akhiok has a subsistence economy, although there are a few commercial fishermen and there 

is some public employment. 

Political Structure. Akhiok is a second class city within the Kodiak Island Borough. There is also a 

Village Council and a Village Corporation. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). Akhiok is a community that appears to be highly 

dependent on subsistence harvests. There appears to have been some “slight” effect on subsistence 

production in 1989 resulting from the EVOS. Average household incomes in the 1992/93 years of the 

study are less than half of the 1989 average incomes which suggests that Akhiok residents earned a 

substantial amount from cleanup employment as compared to other sources of employment and income. 

Oiled Mayors Study. There was some direct oiling of the shorelines around Akhiok, but not as much as 

some of the northern and eastern Villages on Kodiak. VECO implemented a cleanup effort in Akhiok. 

Not everyone who wanted to work on the cleanup was hired. Some animosity and social conflict resulted 

because of accusations of unfair hiring for lucrative cleanup jobs in a community with limited wage 

earning opportunities. Local government business was put aside while the cleanup became the focus of 

efforts. Some of the mostly part-time staff for the city took cleanup employment that increased the 

workload of others. The regular daily business of local government stopped to respond to the oil spill. 

Other local projects such as board walks for fuel delivery, erosion control, and buildings improvements 

were delayed or canceled because of problems in getting labor and the community to focus on these 

projects rather than oil spill response. Although there was some social disruption related to conflict, a 

major social impact of the spill was the disruption of the community sobriety movement. Some residents 

returned to drinking and this caused conflicts with those who maintained sobriety. These types of 
conflicts and the disruption of a movement that had united the community resulted in feelings of 

alienation among community members. 

Cleanup employment compensated some for the closed fishing season in Akhiok. The Borough and 

Exxon also provided some food to the community. However, subsistence harvests were disrupted and the 

cultural activities and meanings that accompany them were not addressed by the food provided to the 

community. Parents spent less time with children as a result of EVOS cleanup employment. Child abuse, 

domestic violence, domestic disturbances, and family conflict occurred and indicate social disruption in 

Akhiok related to the EVOS. 

Alaska Oil Spill Commission/McClintock Report. At first residents were unsure the oil would reach 

their shores, but during April 1989 tar balls and dead birds began washing up on local beaches. People 

were emotionally affected by the death of wildlife they observed, especially the community elders. 

Residents viewed the disruption of subsistence activity as one of the most adverse outcomes of the EVOS. 

About 15 residents were employed on the initial cleanup that began in mid May of 1989. Not everyone 

who wanted to work was hired. This resulted in some conflicts and hard feelings among those who did 

and did not get cleanup employment. Those who did work earned about $25,000 in four months, a 

substantial sum for a community with limited wage earning opportunities. Most of the city staff took 

cleanup employment. City business became focused on oil spill response issues and the usual business of 

government was delayed. 

Spring and summer subsistence activities in Akhiok were severely limited. Residents were afraid 

consuming subsistence foods because of conflicting reports about food safety. Exxon and the Borough 

did provide some canned foods to residents who were unable to gather subsistence foods. 

Prior to the spill 85% of Akhiok residents were involved in a community sobriety movement. After the 

summer cleanup, the participation rate dropped to 55%. The increased drinking resulted in the need for 

hiring a Village Public Safety Officer and it also caused some social conflicts within the community. The 

routines of daily life were disrupted, especially those subsistence activities that organize life in Native 

communities. Parents who worked on the cleanup left their children home since childcare was in short 

supply. There was concern that children would experience the most effects from the EVOS. 

The social conflict and disruption of daily life was addressed by a healing workshop sponsored by the 

Kodiak Area Native Association. Some felt this happened too late. Others believed that many that 

needed to be there were not. Although problems in the community were identified early, the healing 

workshop was not initiated until after the problems became worse. 

3.2.1.3 Karluk 

The major sources of information regarding the EVOS and Karluk are the Alaska Oil Spill 

Commission/McClintock Report; MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160); MMS Social Indicators 

Study (TR 155); and, the Oiled Mayors Study. 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Karluk is located on the west side of Kodiak Island near the 

mouth of the Karluk River. The community has a paved air strip. 

Demography. At the time of the oil spill the population of Karluk was about 90 persons. This is 

primarily a Native community. 
Economy. Subsistence is the basis for Karluk’s economy. There is some limited commercial fishing and 

public employment. 

Political Structure. Karluk was not an incorporated city at the time of the spill. There is a Village 

Council and Village Corporation. 

Alaska Oil Spill Commission/McClintock Report. About 19 Karluk residents were hired by VECO for 

cleanup employment. Not everyone who wanted to work was hired and this created some conflict and 

divisiveness within the community. About 1/3 of the village population “left in disgust” over the 

perceived favoritism and preferential hirings. 

Karluk did not receive the same treatment as other communities. Contracts for boats were less, monies 

paid for cleanup work were less, and training for the cleanup was late or inadequate. Overall, there was 

some distrust of Exxon and VECO because promises were not kept and people were not treated 

respectfully. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). Historically, Karluk appears to have had a high level of 

participation in subsistence activities. Fish and invertebrates harvests are the most common subsistence 

foods while marine mammal harvests are relatively low in comparison to other Native villages in this 

study. During the year of the spill subsistence harvests declined substantially, but by 1991 harvests were 

near pre-spill levels. There were limited concerns about contamination and food safety among Karluk 

residents. Overall, there appear to be very limited effects on subsistence harvests and practices among 

Karluk residents who participated in this study. 

3.2.1.4 Larsen Bay 

The major sources of information regarding the EVOS and Larsen Bay are the Alaska Oil Spill 

Commission/McClintock Report; MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160); and the Oiled Mayors 

Study. 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Larsen Bay is located on the northwestern side of Kodiak 

Island. It is 60 miles southwest of the City of Kodiak and 283 miles southwest of Anchorage. The 

community has a gravel air strip and a boat dock. Regular air service is available to Larsen Bay and a 

cargo vessel from Seattle, Washington docks about every 5-6 weeks. 

Population. At the time of the oil spill the population of Larsen Bay was about 160 persons. About 85 % 

of the population is Alaska Native. 

Economy. There is a salmon packing plant in Larsen Bay that provides some wage employment, although 

most jobs are taken by students from outside the area. Government wages, commercial fishing and some 

tourism related facilities are the major sources of cash income. Otherwise Larsen Bay has a subsistence 

economy. 

Political Structure. The community is a second class city and part of the Kodiak Island Borough. There 

is also a Village Council and a Village Corporation. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). During the first two study years (1991/92) 100% of the 

households surveyed used subsistence resources. This is a community with a high degree of participation 

in the subsistence activities. Salmon, halibut, invertebrates (clams, octopus, bidarkies, crab), sea 

mammals (seals and sea lions), deer, bird eggs, plans and berries are the primary subsistence foods. 

Subsistence practices were adversely affected by the EVOS, but in the study years there was a strong 
increase in harvesting and subsistence participation. There is some concern expressed about 

abnormalities in natural resources related to the EVOS, although little expressed concern regarding oil 

contamination. In general, questions regarding the social effects of the EVOS indicate minimal 

consequences for subsistence practices (harvesting, participation, sharing, enculturation) for this 

community. 

Alaska Oil Spill Commission/McClintock Report. Oil came down the Shelikof Straight and into Uyak 

Bay and in the immediate vicinity of Larsen Bay. Residents directly observed the oil on their shores and 

in the clam beds where subsistence harvesting takes place. People were shocked and upset by the 

appearance of the oil. Residents wished to cleanup the oil whatever the circumstances and mounted their 

own beach cleanup effort. However, Exxon/VECO instituted cleanup, but initially offered residents only 

10.00/hour rather than the 16.69/hour paid in other communities. 

Most functions of local government were disrupted by the cleanup. Construction of a hydroelectric plant 

was delayed, an erosion control project was put on hold, and road repair work all went uncompleted 

because of EVOS response activity. Freight supplies to the community did not happen because vessels 

were involved in cleanup activities. Larsen Bay residents lost income from commercial fishing that was 

not replaced by cleanup work. The influx of cleanup wages resulted in some increase in alcohol and drug 

use. Social disruption related to this abuse increased. Residents were also disheartened by what was 

perceived to be an inadequate if not insincere cleanup effort by VECO of shorelines they highly valued. 

Residents had a difficult time acquiring necessary equipment for their own volunteer cleanup efforts as 

well as those of the VECO cleanup. 

Oiled Mayors Study. This was the most heavily oiled Village area on Kodiak. Soon after the oil 

appeared a local volunteer cleanup effort was initiated. Community representatives had difficulty 

reaching and convincing Exxon officials that oil was on their shores and in their waters. Almost all city 

employees left their positions to work on the cleanup. The Mayor was involved in response activities as 

well as activities with the Oiled Mayors. The usual business of city government was displaced by oil spill 

response work. Project suffered as a result. Several important projects were delayed. Both the Tribal 

government and the City government were involved in negotiations with Exxon. This created some 

confusion and tensions among village members and governments. 

Divisiveness developed in the community regarding hiring of boats, oil spill cleanup employment, the 

respective authority and responsibility of Tribal and municipal governments in dealings with VECO, and 

the presence of outsiders who took cleanup work in the village. Commercial fishing was disrupted and 

the activities associated with subsistence were curtailed. Subsistence and commercial fishermen were 

uncertain about the future of fish populations in the region. Oil spill employment resulted in some 

residents having income to make capital purchases or to develop new tourism facilities that otherwise 

would not have happened. Children had less parental supervision and family roles were sometimes 

strained because of cleanup employment. 

There were increases in domestic violence, substance abuse, and overall domestic stress related to the 

EVOS. Local resources usually available to respond to mental health needs were unavailable because 

they took cleanup employment. Meetings of Alcoholics Anonymous were suspended and other support 

resources, including medical care, were unavailable during the summer of 1989. Some residents, 

especially younger persons, who worked on the cleanup and made more money than usual, had raised 

expectations about acceptable wages for future employment. 

3.2.1.5 Port Lions 
The two major sources of information about Port Lions are the Oiled Mayors Study and the 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Port Lions is located on the North Coast of Kodiak Island about 

20 miles northwest of Kodiak 250 air miles southwest from Anchorage. There is a gravel air strip and a 

boat dock. The community is only accessible via air and boat. A ferry stops in Port Lions from May to 

October. 

Demography. At the time of the EVOS there were about 220 persons residing in Port Lions. About 67% 

of this population is Alaska Native. 

Economy. Commercial fishing, tourism, and government employment are the major sources of cash 

wages in Port Lions. 

Political Structure. This is a second class city that is also a member of the Kodiak Island Borough. 

There is also a Village Council and a Village Corporation. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). This is a community that has a high degree of subsistence 

participation. In years after the EVOS there was a decline in the use of subsistence resources associated 

with contamination fears and time lost to cleanup activities. By 1993, the only study year for this 

community, subsistence use had rebounded to almost pre-spill levels. 

Oiled Mayors Study. Oil reached the shores of Port Lions and its effects were directly visible to 

community residents. A local volunteer effort coordinated by the Village Council and the Corporation 

used local resources for cleanup operations. Exxon/VECO operations later came to the community, but 

there were problems coordinating the volunteer effort with the Exxon/VECO operation. Residents felt as 

if they lost control of cleanup operations to Exxon/VECO. There was animosity about VECO hiring 

practices and frustrations in dealing with what was perceived to be an overly bureaucratic and inefficient 

cleanup operation. Residents believed that local knowledge and expertise was under-valued if not 

ignored. 

Local government operations were completely disrupted by cleanup activities. The Village Council and 

City Council did not meet regularly, projects were put on hold because of insufficient labor, municipal 

resources were used for the cleanup but not always compensated, maintenance was neglected, and the city 

dump was overused. Grants were not written and the Tribal Council required technical assistance that 

was not received because of EVOS activity. 

Social disruption was common in the community. This was associated with conflicts about cleanup 

employment, long hours of work on the cleanup, and changes in roles (younger people assuming 

leadership roles on the VECO cleanup and telling older people what to do). Some people left the 

community because of ongoing tensions and conflicts. 

The community also showed solidarity in opposing an incinerator to burn cleanup waste. There was 

collective and cooperative action by residents who received help from the Kodiak Island Borough staff to 

stop the building and operation of this incinerator. 

Commercial fishing and subsistence activity was suspended as a result of the EVOS. Subsistence use was 

interrupted by concerns about the safety of subsistence foods. The presence of oil in the water and on 

nearby beaches raised concern about the possible short- and long-term effects of consuming foods 

exposed to oil. There was some increased consumption of store-bought foods and increased cash 

expenditures to pay for this food. The usual routines of community life were disrupted by the EVOS 
incident, including changes in family roles and routines, and there were also problems with childcare. 

The overall loss of control of their community and way of life was stressful for Port Lions residents. 

3.2.1.6 Ouzinkie 

The major sources of information about this community are the Oiled Mayors Study and the 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. This village is located on Spruce Island northeast of Kodiak 

Island and some 10 miles from Kodiak City. There is a gravel air strip and boat dock. The community is 

serviced by two air carriers from Kodiak, a 7 minute plane ride away. 

Demography. At the time of the EVOS there were about 200 persons residing in Ouzinkie. The majority 

of this population is Alaska Native. 

Economy. Commercial fishing, government or Village Corporation/Council, and dividends from 

Corporation profits represent the major sources of cash income in Ouzinkie. Otherwise, this community 

has a subsistence economy. 

Political Structure. This community is a second class city within the Kodiak Island Borough. There is 

also a Village Council and Village Corporation. 

Oiled Mayors Study. The Village Council and Village Corporation had leadership that developed a 

strong volunteer response effort. Contacts were made with outside resources that assisted the community 

in assessing threats and developing cleanup procedures. Logs owned by the Village Corporation were 

used to build booms to stop the oil from invading critical habitat and prime subsistence areas. 

Exxon/VECO set up a command center in Ouzinkie and there was cooperation with the local cleanup 

effort. Exxon/VECO did not overwhelm the strength and organization of the local cleanup effort. Local 

government operations continued without a major loss of employees to cleanup operations. Some worked 

part-time on the cleanup, but overall municipal operations did not suffer because of labor problems. 

Close cooperation between Tribal government and City government ensured that Ouzinkie had an 

efficient cleanup operation that maintained local control. 

A lottery was used to select local persons for participation in the Exxon/VECO cleanup. Although there 

was some dissension about selection for cleanup employment, the lottery system appears to have 

minimized conflicts. However, Exxon settlements with crews on fishing vessels that could not fish 

because of closed seasons did generate some hard feelings. Moreover, there was some friction when 

younger persons or friends were hired as supervisors over cleanup crews. 

The solidarity of the Village Corporation, Village Council, and municipal government assisted Ouzinkie 

to maintain a sense of control during the cleanup operation. Its ability to garner outside resources to 

implement a locally initiated cleanup effort also assisted in residents maintaining a greater sense of 

control than existed in other communities. 

Subsistence activities were curtailed in the summer and fall of 1989 because of the EVOS. Residents 

expressed some concern about the multiple studies asking questions regarding subsistence practices and 

the EVOS. Others were concerned about the short and long term effects of oil on subsistence resources 

and the health implications of consuming resources exposed to oil. 

Domestic violence increased some during the EVOS and there was also some concern about increased 

alcohol use. Senior meal programs were suspended because of cleanup operations, although these 
returned to normal during the fall of 1989. Working long hours and the changes in normal routines in 

combination with concerns about subsistence issues resulted in some increased stress in Ouzinkie. Local 

resources were available to respond to those in need of mental health services. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). Ouzinkie residents have high rates of participation in the 

subsistence lifestyle. Salmon, halibut, deer, invertebrates, sea mammals, bird eggs, and plants and berries 

are among the most important subsistence resources. Abnormalities were observed in wild resources, but 

there was no clear consensus about their cause. However, residents had strong concerns about the safety 

of consuming subsistence resources exposed to oil contamination. The report makes the following 

observation about the effects of the EVOS on subsistence: 

Of all the villages affected by the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill, Ouzinkie showed 

the most dramatic decline in subsistence harvests; Ouzinkie's harvest in 1989 was 76.6% 

less than its average in previous study years (Fall 1991). The spill clearly devastated 

Ouzinkie’s subsistence-based economy for that year. In 1990/91 there was a hopeful sign 

of recovery when per capita harvests of wild resources climbed up to 205.2 pounds, but 

in 1991/92 the harvest remained nearly static and averaged 209.3 pounds per capita 

(Mishler, Mason, and Vanek1995: 15). 

Post-spill residents perceived a decline in seals, butter clams, and sea urchins. Other aspects of 

subsistence practices (e.g., sharing and enculturation) do not appear to have had effects beyond the first 

summer/fall of 1989. Residents primary concerns are about food safety. 

3.2.2 Alaska Peninsula Communities 

3.2.2.1 Chignik 

There are three major sources of information regarding the interaction of the EVOS with the community 

of Chignik (Chignik Bay). These are the Oiled Mayors Study; the MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 

160); and, the MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155). 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. This community is located on Anchorage Bay on the southern 

side of the Alaska Peninsula. It is about 450 miles southwest of Anchorage and 260 miles southwest of 

Kodiak. There is a gravel runway and small boat harbor. The community can only be reached via air and 

sea. There is no regular ferry service to Chignik. 

Demography. At the time of the oil spill the population of this community was about 120 persons, 

although during fishing season this population can increase to more than 1,000. Alaska Native comprises 

about 42% of the population. 

Economy. Commercial fishing and fish processing are the major source of cash income in this 

community. Otherwise subsistence is an essential part of the way of life of local residents. 

Political Structure. This is a second class city and currently a member of the Lake and Peninsula 

Borough. There is also a Village Council and Village Corporation. 

Oiled Mayors Study. Initially residents were not concerned about the oil reaching their vicinity, but 

when it became apparent that such oiling was possible the Village Public Safety Officer began monitoring 

Kodiak Emergency Services Council meetings. These meetings were rebroadcast to the community. The 

Village Public Safety Officer became the community coordinator for EVOS response activities. A local 

volunteer effort was initiated, but two months after the EVOS Exxon/VECO established a presence in 
Chignik to assume control of the cleanup. As in other communities, there was resentment and concern 

that this operation “took over the community.” Residents were dissatisfied with the sincerity of the 

cleanup, the number of vessels and individuals hired for cleanup work, the flow of information about the 

oil and its effects on wildlife, and their overall loss of control over a process that was essential to their 

current and future economic survival. Residents successfully used contacts with the U.S. Fish and 

Wildlife Service, the Bristol Bay Coastal Resources, the Alaska Department of Community and Regional 

Affairs, and the media. 

Local government was not as disrupted in some other communities. However, the focus of local 

government became oil spill response activity, especially gathering and distributing information to 

community members. The remoteness of the community made this an important task. The demands for 

information from local government about the spill put a large workload on local government staff. This 

resulted in increased costs to acquire information about the progress of the spill. Other increased costs 

included lost of fish tax because of closed fisheries and lost opportunities to apply for grants because 

some staff took cleanup employment. 

The community segmented into factions during the EVOS. Some tensions existed prior to the EVOS, 

especially between one local church group and other members of the community. These existing tensions 

were exacerbated as a result of the EVOS. Another source of tension was the seasonal and year-round 

resident status. This was also a pre-existing tension that was aggravated by the EVOS. 

The closure of the fishing season had the greatest impact on the community. Although tar balls and oil 

sheen appeared in nearby waters and on local beaches, some fishermen believed the closure of salmon 

fishing in certain areas was premature if not unnecessary. There was skepticism and resentment about the 

“experts” who initiated that closure. The only area where fishing was allowed was in Chignik Lagoon. 

Crowding in the lagoon was a problem. The decreased production of fish resulted in economic losses for 

fishermen and fish processors. 

Residents became concerned about their future and the possible long- and short-term health effects of oil 

in the environment. Feelings of loss of control, concern about non-participation in subsistence, and 

uncertainty contributed to stress in this community. 

MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155). Tar balls and oil sheen reached Chignik Bay. This resulted in 

the closure of the salmon fishery. Some fishermen were concerned that this was unnecessary since they 

previously observed barges discharging oil. Closure of the fisheries had impacts directly related to the 

scale of the fishing operations. The smallest operators suffered the most, the larger operators the least. 

Smaller operators did not have the range to fish elsewhere nor were their vessels always the most 

desirable for work on the cleanup. Larger operators could travel elsewhere for fishing or they could work 

on the VECO cleanup and they received some settlements for their lost fishing opportunities. Smaller 

operators did not always possess the documentation demanded by Exxon for compensation for lost 

fishing. The only area open to fishing was Chignik Lagoon. The number of boats fishing there thus 

dramatically increased. Conflicts among operators, large and small, increased and caused tensions among 

fishermen. 

Small Native fishing operators incurred the greatest losses from the closed seasons. These fishermen felt 

wronged by this situation. These smaller operators also received less in compensation from Exxon than 

larger operators, in part because they were less experienced at dealing with corporate bureaucracy and 

because they did not necessarily keep the records demanded by Exxon for proof of losses. However, 

large and small operators, as well as the fish processing plants and workers, lost money because of the 

EVOS. 
Tensions within the community were generated by the EVOS. Individuals argued about the amount and 

extent of financial losses and harm incurred by others. Children were drawn into these arguments. Large 

and small fishing operators argued about a range of issues, but they did present solidarity when dealing 

with Exxon. This solidarity resulted in negotiating prices for cleanup employment above the rates 

initially offered but comparable to Kodiak. 

Local government experienced losses from decreased fish tax. The city also incurred costs related to the 

activities of staff in the cleanup, especially increased workload, longer hours, and related administrative 

responsibilities. Local businesses suffered because of the limited fishing season and the local fish 

processors also incurred financial losses. 

This community experienced increased interpersonal tensions and conflicts among friends and kinsmen. 

This loosened the bonds that integrate the community. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). Subsistence is an essential characteristic of the way of life 

in this community. Participation in harvesting, processing, and sharing of subsistence resources among 

households is high. Residents were concerned about the safety of wild resources. However, consumption 

and sharing of wild resources did not appear to be a major effect of the EVOS for Chignik. Residents 

were concerned about the social tensions generated by the spill, including “greed” displayed by neighbors 

and kinsmen. Children were also not as well supervised because of parental employment on the cleanup. 

Other effects of the EVOS were anger, confusion, stress, and community disruption. Residents show a 

high degree of concern that future oil development will have adverse effects on subsistence resources and 

practices. 

3.2.2.2 Chignik Lagoon 

The primary sources of information about Chignik Lagoon is the Oiled Mayors Study, although the MMS 

Social Indicators Study and the MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study contain information for Chignik Bay 

gathered from the other “Chignik communities.” 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. This community is also located on the south shore of the 

Alaska Peninsula. It is slightly more than five miles west of the community of Chignik. There is a gravel 

airstrip but no boat dock or harbor facilities. 

Demography. At the time of the EVOS the population was about 40 persons. This increases several 

times that number during fishing season. About 57% of this population is Alaska Native. 

Economy. Commercial fishing and subsistence. 

Political Structure. Unincorporated community currently within the Lake and Peninsula Borough. There 

is also a Village Council and Village Corporation. 

This community had limited involvement in the cleanup effort. There was some problems in acquiring 

information from Chignik Bay regarding public meetings about the EVOS. There was some distrust of 

VECO concerning deliberately not informing residents about EVOS issues. Residents experienced 

conflicts with other fishing vessels that do not normally fish the Lagoon but did the spill year because 

those were the only waters open to fishing. There were some reports of fights, quarrels, and bickering 

about crowded fishing conditions. This stressed some residents and there was some reported increase in 

alcohol use and overall community disruption. Residents were especially concerned about food safety 

given their dependence on wild foods. There was also concern about the long-term effects of the spill on 

the environment. Uncertainty associated with the effects of the EVOS unsettled residents. 
3.2.2.3 Chignik Lake 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Chignik Lake is located on the south side of the Alaska 

Peninsula next to the body of water of the same name. It is some 265 miles southwest of Kodiak and 565 

air miles southwest of Anchorage. 

Demography. The population is about 130 persons of whom more than 90% are Alaska Natives. 

Economy. The major economic activity in Chignik Lake is commercial fishing. Otherwise this is a 

subsistence economy. 

Political Structure. Unincorporated within Lake and Peninsula Borough. There is also Village Council 

and Village Corporation. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). This community is not on the coast exposed to the EVOS, 

but residents depend on subsistence resources that use or inhabit the coast. There appear to have been no 

major changes in subsistence practices associated with the EVOS. However, residents did express 

concerns about food safety and the future effects of oil contamination on subsistence resources. Residents 

experienced economic losses because of the closed commercial fishing season, but were perhaps the 

hardest hit of the three Chignik communities because they have the smallest incomes. Wild foods were 

used in place of foods that might have been purchased with income from commercial fishing. 

Oiled Mayors Study. Most residents of this community did not participate in the cleanup effort. They 

also suffered the worst economic losses of the Chignik communities because they have smaller boats that 

were not desirable for cleanup work and they could not travel elsewhere for fishing. The loss of income 

from fishing and tensions associated with increased fishing pressure in Chignik Lagoon was a source of 

stress for fishermen and their families. Residents also expressed fears about consuming subsistence foods 

such as clams and halibut. The suspension of traditions associated with the lifestyle was also a great 

concern to residents who feared the effects on community bonds and their children. Overall, fishermen 

were among the most affected because of closed fishing seasons, concerns over the future of fishing 

operations, and the effects on fishing resources. 

3.2.3 Kenai Peninsula Native Communities 

The two Native communities of this region are Nanwalek, previously known as English Bay, and Port 

Graham. Each of these communities was oiled by the EVOS. 

3.2.3.1 Port Graham 

The major sources of information about the interaction of Port Graham with the EVOS are: the Alaska Oil 

Spill Commission/McClintock Report; the Oiled Mayors Study; and the MMS/ADF&G Subsistence 

Study (TR 160). 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. This community is located on the southern end of the Kenai 

Peninsula. It is approximately four miles southwest of Homer on Cook Inlet. The community is 

accessible via air and boat. 

Demography. The population of this community at the time of the EVOS was about 195 persons. The 

majority of these residents (about 84%) are Alaska Native. 
Economy. Cash income in Port Graham comes from commercial fishing, a cannery (since closed), and 

various small businesses. Subsistence is a major factor in the economy and culture of this community. 

Political Structure. There is a Village Corporation and Village Council in Port Graham. This community 

also belongs to the Kenai Peninsula Borough. 

Alaska Oil Spill Commission/McClintock Report. Areas in and around Port Graham were directly 

oiled. Dead and oiled birds, otters, and other wildlife were directly observable. Areas used for 

subsistence were oiled. Residents were concerned about the effects on food safety and the long- and 

short-term effects on the natural environment and its resources. The effects on the environment were 

particularly devastating to a people who revere and invest spiritual importance in the fouled and dead 

resources. Exxon/VECO initiated a cleanup in this community, renting local resources and hiring local 

persons, including most of the Village Council staff. This resulted in the loss of usual services to the 

community, including the Health Aide and the Village Public Safety Officer. Residents experienced a 

loss of control of their community to the outsiders who took over the cleanup. 

Subsistence activities were suspended in favor of cleanup employment. Many in the community, 

especially elders, felt helpless. There was concern that traditional subsistence practices and activities 

were not being taught to children because of the EVOS. Uncertainty about the future of subsistence 

resources and the safety of consuming these resources was pervasive. A large amount of cash income 

resulted for many people in this economy which does not usually have such large amounts of cash. The 

community was “shocked” by the amount of money and it caused some tensions and frustrations. Many 

social relationships were damaged because of arguments related to community tensions. Social bonds 

were loosened and cultural values damaged. 

Oiled Mayors Study. VECO hired most of the leadership in the community including the Health Aide, 

Village Public Safety Officer, Village Administrator, and Village Corporation president. Local facilities 

were rented by VECO for cleanup operations. By June of 1989, cleanup of the outer coast was winding 

down, but community members felt as if there was more than 200 miles of coastline to be cleaned. 

Distrust and anger against Exxon/VECO resulted in accusations that there was systematic attempt to limit 

cleanup of the outer coast region. Residents were frustrated that their only channel of communication 

with Exxon/VECO was through the Homer Multi-Agency Coordinating Group. They were also not 

pleased with their representation in this group. There were demands for a direct channel of 

communication with Exxon. Outsiders came into the village with the cleanup crews. Many of these 

“outsiders” were relatives of villagers who were seeking cleanup employment. Housing shortages and 

some social tensions resulted from the influx of outsiders. 

Local government operations were essentially suspended because of the absence of staff to do the work 

and the pressure of oil spill response activities. Projects such as gathering firewood and water for the 

elderly, preparing grant applications, and other normal activities of government, including providing 

health care services. 

Residents felt as if they lost control of their community when VECO come into the community. They 

were resentful of the character and channel of communication with Exxon/VECO. There were 

accusations of racist and sexist attitudes by Exxon/VECO toward Native men and women. This 

demeaned Native identity. Residents also felt as if , in their area, they were among the most heavily 

affected by the EVOS, but they had trouble getting money from the Kenai Peninsula Borough’s Exxon 

fund for the community. Lesser-affected communities received money from the fund, but pleas by Port 

Graham and Nanwalek (English Bay) for these funds went unacknowledged. 
Community solidarity suffered as a result of wide-spread conflicts among residents, problems with 

younger persons having positions in the cleanup where they gave orders to older persons (thereby 

undermining traditional social hierarchies), money earned in the cleanup gave more status to some than 

others, and traditional subsistence activities and practices were suspended. Family life was also 

undermined by the long cleanup work hours of parents. Some children expressed feelings of insecurity. 

Elders felt as if they were not contributing to the cleanup and this resulted in some feelings of alienation. 

Overall, the routines and structures of community life were affected such that social solidarity was 

undermined. 

Residents expressed specific concerns about the safety of subsistence foods. They were also concerned 

about the long- and short-term effects on natural resources from the spilled oil. Uncertainty about the 

safety and future of subsistence resources was a commonly felt sentiment during the year following the 

EVOS. Residents were also concerned about the cultural loss that accompanied the suspension of 

subsistence activity, especially the effects on children of lost opportunities to engage in subsistence 

activities with elders and other family members. 

Prior to the oil spill the community had made strides in improving problems with substance abuse, 

domestic violence, and sexual abuse. However, the social disruptions related to the EVOS appeared to 

exacerbate these problems. There were also diminished resources to respond to these problems. Stress 

resulting from long hours of cleanup work, social disruption, the demoralization associated with the 

damage to the subsistence lifestyle, feelings of helplessness and loss of control, sadness, and anger also 

had adverse effects on the mental health of adults and children in the community. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). Port Graham shows a high degree of involvement in the 

subsistence lifestyle. Harvesting, processing, use, and sharing of wild resources is pervasive. During and 

after the EVOS, the use of wild resources dropped by half, but by 1991 use had returned to at, or above, 

pre-spill levels. For all of the study years, this community shows consistency and steady increases in 

post-spill use of subsistence resources. This is in part related to cultural preferences, nearness to 

subsistence resources, resource abundance, and attachments to the traditions of harvesting these types of 

foods. Residents did express ongoing concerns about the safety of subsistence resources, the post-spill 

abundance of resources, but not abnormalities in wild resource populations. This is some tendency to 

view sharing of resources as less than before the spill, but the majority of study participants perceive 

sharing as about the same as pre-spill times. 

3.2.3.2 Nanwalek (English Bay) 

The major sources of information about Nanwalek are as follows: the Alaska Oil Spill 

Commission/McClintock Report; the Oiled Mayors Study; and, the MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study 

(TR 160). 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. This community is located on the southwestern end of the 

Kenai Peninsula. It is connected to Port Graham via a four mile trail. It is about 24 miles from Homer. 

There is a gravel air strip and a harbor. This community can only be reached via air or boat. 

Demography. At the time of the oil spill this community had a population of about 200 persons. The 

majority of these are Alaska Native. 

Economy. Although there is some commercial fishing and assorted small businesses and government 

employment, this is primarily a subsistence economy. 
Political Structure. There is a Village Council and Village Corporation. This community also belongs to 

the Kenai Peninsula Borough. 

Alaska Oil Spill Commission/McClintock Report. By early April oil had impacted areas used for 

subsistence purposes by Nanwalek residents. As in other communities, when tides receded and then came 

in again, the beaches were continually oiled. Dead and dying wildlife and fouled shorelines and beaches 

were a part of the experience of the EVOS for this community. Residents experienced depression, anger, 

helplessness, hopelessness, and hurt in reaction to the effects of the spilled oil on their home and 

subsistence areas. Residents also experienced the oil spill as having changed their view of the viability of 

their environment for future subsistence purposes. 

The disruption of subsistence harvests and practices was a major impact on the lifestyle of this 

community. Cultural preferences and desires could not be exercised because of the disruption of 

subsistence. Residents from other nearby Native communities sent fish, game, and other subsistence food 

to the village in recognition of the loss Nanwalek residents experienced. 

The VECO cleanup employed about 70 residents. The income from this employment provided the 

income to purchase goods that residents might not otherwise have the means to acquire. Some monies 

were also used to purchase alcohol. There was some increase in alcohol abuse. The community sobriety 

movement also suffered because of increased alcohol use. There was some loosening of social bonds 

related to alcohol and social disruption. The community also gained some income through the rental of 

buildings and equipment to the VECO cleanup. 

Most of the staff of local government was hired for the cleanup. This resulted in a lack of village 

services, especially those provided by village leadership, health clinic staff, and the Village Public Safety 

Officer. The community also experienced an influx of outsiders such as VECO staff, media, various 

government officials, and people seeking cleanup employment. 

Social relationships within the community were changed by an influx of outsiders, the loss of subsistence 

harvests, and changes in the usual routines and patterns of daily life. Money gained from the cleanup was 

not necessarily shared in the same way as other resources and there was an overall increase in stress 

experienced by village residents. 

Residents were unhappy with the planning, execution, and sincerity of the VECO cleanup. There was 

also a feeling that the community was not a priority in the cleanup despite the oiling of local shorelines 

and beaches. Local expertise was not used and not valued. Many felt as if they could have organized a 

more efficient and effective cleanup if allowed to, but VECO exercised strict control and, in fact, took 

initiative away from any locally inspired cleanup efforts. This further demoralized residents. 

Oiled Mayors Study. When residents realized that oil would eventually hit their shorelines, they 

gathered clams before these resources could be contaminated. Otherwise there was some ambivalence in 

the community about what actions to take in response to impending threat. When the oil hit, local 

subsistence areas were not protected and the result was heavy contamination of areas used for subsistence 

purposes, including lands directly in front of the village. About the second week of April, VECO came to 

the village and announced they would hire every adult male in the village for cleanup work. Materials to 

implement cleanup activities were promised, but they were not delivered in a timely manner. Other 

communities received such materials before Nanwalek and there was some feeling that this was because 

other communities had more power in the Homer Multi-Agency Coordinating Group. Residents 

attempted to construct boom and otherwise prepared cleanup operations, but they perceived that VECO 

constrained their efforts and exercised too much control. Local expertise was not valued and there were 

hard feelings among residents about the reaction of Exxon/VECO to local response efforts. Poor 
communication with agencies outside the community also hindered locally inspired cleanup efforts. A 

demand for information from outsiders, especially media, was a source of frustration for residents. 

Residents also felt that once VECO arrived in the community they “took over” and residents lost a sense 

of control over their lives. 

Local government officials worked on the cleanup consequently much of the business of local 

government was suspended. Projects were delayed, services not delivered, and children were displaced 

from their school that was used as a VECO command center. There was some dissension over the 

employment of the Village Council president who retained work with VECO after the initial cleanup 

ended. Charges of conflict of interests undermined community solidarity. The Village Public Safety 

Officer also took cleanup employment with the cleanup and the community was without his services. 

There were reports of increases in family violence and alcohol use within the community during his 

absence and afterwards. 

Stress and tensions increased in the village. The wages people made on the cleanup provided an 

unexpected windfall of cash that some found stressful. Some of these monies were used to purchase 

alcohol and drugs. Others productively used their wages to purchase larger boats, to pay off bills, or to 

assist other family members. However, the unused surplus of cash was a source of stress for some that 

were not used to having the amount of discretionary money that resulted from cleanup employment. 

Stress also resulted from younger persons being placed into positions of authority over older persons 

during cleanup work. This change in social roles caused tension and stress. Interactions with outsiders 

that included some racial prejudice also added to the stress that villagers experienced during the EVOS. 

There were also concerns that the closure of commercial fishing would have adverse affects on families 

and the whole village. Fishing provides the major source of cash income and its loss was a source of 

tension and stress for villagers. 

Another major source of stress and social disruption was the interruption of subsistence activities. Village 

routines and lifestyles are organized around subsistence practices. The disruption of subsistence was 

itself stressful because the social activities of sharing, enculturation of children, interactions of children 

with their elders in camp life, and other social interactions around subsistence (e.g., hunting, fishing, etc.) 

were disrupted. Similarly, there was concern among villagers about the safety of subsistence foods and 

worry about the future of natural resources upon which people depend for their lifestyle. The uncertainty 

about food safety and the future of their lifestyle was stressful. Some interpreted the EVOS as another 

example of actions by non-Natives that have consequences for the survival of Native culture and ways of 

life. 

Stress was manifested in increased drinking, substance abuse, domestic violence, and symptoms of 

depression and anxiety. Uncertainty about food safety and the future of commercial fishing and 

subsistence activities compounded the problems villagers experienced. 

Although stress and social disruptions loosened social bonds, the community also experienced solidarity 

during the event. People worked together on the cleanup and experienced closeness in their efforts to 

cleanup the spilled oil. Villagers also realized the need to assist each other to endure the challenges 

confronting them as the oil threatened their lifestyle and the natural resources they depend on for 

subsistence purposes. Sharing and the imperative for mutual support were reinforced by their collective 

experiences working on the cleanup. 

3.2.4 Prince William Sound Native Communities 
There are three Native communities of Prince William Sound that receive some focused attention in the 

literature regarding the EVOS. These are Chenega Bay, Tatitlek, and to some extent the Eyak community 

in Cordova. 

3.2.4.1 Chenega Bay 

The major sources of information about this community are the Alaska Oil Spill/McClintock Report, the 

Oiled Mayors Study. 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. This community is located on Evans Island in Prince William 

Sound, about thirty miles south of Bligh Reef where the Exxon Valdez ran aground. This community was 

reconstituted on this site in 1984 after the 1964 earthquake destroyed the previous village. The 

community is located about 100 air miles southeast of Anchorage. There is a boat dock and a new gravel 

runway and floatplane landing area. At the time of the oil spill there was no gravel runway and the only 

air service was via floatplane. The community is only accessible via boat and airplane. 

Demography. At the time of the oil spill this community had about 80 residents. Alaska Natives 

comprise the majority of the population. 

Economy. This is a mixed cash-subsistence economy. Cash sources are commercial fishing, local 

government employment, transfer payments, and some local business employment. Otherwise, 

subsistence characterizes the economy of this community. 

Political Structure. This is an unincorporated community. There is a Village Council and Village 

Corporation. 

Alaska Oil Spill Commission/McClintock Report. Initially residents did not believe the spill, which 

they learned of via radio, would not affect them. Within four days of the spill media and people from 

Cordova came to the community. The Cordova-based Prince William Sound Aquaculture Corporation 

Sawmill Bay Hatchery is located in the same bay (Crab Bay) as the village. Oil inundated the lands and 

water around the village of Chenega Bay. The devastation of wildlife and the pollution of shorelines and 

beaches distressed villagers. Some perceived an immediate decline in wildlife populations. There were 

“mixed signals” from outside sources about the safety of eating traditional subsistence foods. Commercial 

fishing was closed, but residents were most distressed by the effects on subsistence foods. 

Initially, the community was considered a “low priority” for cleanup. However, shortly after the spill 

there was an influx of outsiders primarily from state and federal agencies who came to “coordinate” 

cleanup activities. Residents from Cordova came to protect the Sawmill Bay Hatchery and their 

assistance was appreciated. VECO arrived in the community and distributed applications for employment 

and they eventually hired 20 people for the cleanup. Some who wanted to work did not get hired. The 

hiring process was also considered too bureaucratic and demeaning to Natives. While VECO went 

through its laborious and bureaucratic hiring process, residents observed continued oiling of beaches and 

wildlife. By day 25 there was still no cleanup activity in the vicinity of Chenega Bay by the 

Exxon/VECO cleanup. By the time the cleanup was initiated, there were doubts about its effectiveness 

and concern about the number of “bosses” relative to workers. Some observed the activities of bosses and 

surmised that they were inept in the use of technology for cleaning up the oil. This raised further 

concerns about the safety of their village from pollution and contamination. 

People experienced the oil spill as a very painful and depressing event. Pending litigation by Natives 

against Exxon limited what people were willing to say about their feelings and reactions to the spill 

because they were afraid any statements could be used against them in court. The increase in village 
population, the strain on village resources, frustrations with timely implementation of cleanup operations, 

the effects on subsistence, and the spiritual damage resulting from contamination of village lands and 

resources collectively stressed the individuals of this community and adversely affected social bonds. 

Oiled Mayors Study. This was the first community oiled by the spill. Residents first learned of the 

threat through television and radio news programs. As the oil neared the community, boats from Cordova 

came to protect the Sawmill Hatchery. Other boats arrived to participate in the cleanup, but some 

villagers were upset because other boats were being hired to cleanup and they were not. They were also 

distressed by what they perceived to be more interest in protecting the PSWAC fish hatchery rather than 

the village and its subsistence lands. However, overall residents were grateful for the assistance to the 

village provided by the Cordova boats. 

Initially, cleanup operations for the village were assigned a low priority, but the Regional Native 

Corporation intervened to raise the priority status for the village. VECO arrived in the community nearly 

three weeks after the spill. They “took over” the community and instituted a “bureaucratic” process for 

implementing the cleanup of resources people highly valued. People were hired for cleanup, placed on 

standby and prevented from participating in other cleanup efforts until called for VECO work. Some 

dissension developed over hiring and the leasing of boats for cleanup work. Everyone who wanted to 

work was not hired and there were accusations of nepotism between those who received work and those 

who did not. There was also resentment over the hiring of “outsiders” for cleanup while locally affected 

persons did not have jobs. Community leaders were generally excluded from the decision making process 

for cleanup operations in their vicinity. Local knowledge and expertise were dismissed. The looting of 

archaeological sites and other areas of historical importance for the village distressed residents. VECO 

did not cooperate with village leadership to protect these historical and archaeological resources or in 

respecting Native lands and property. 

The EVOS disrupted local government, social relationships, routines and ways of life, and especially 

subsistence activities. Local government operations were disrupted by oil spill response activities. 

Projects were delayed, the local dump was over-used, and other business was essentially stopped by 

response operations. Community leadership believed that they lost control over decisions that were 

essential for their future. The influx of outsiders into the community disrupted usual routines and there 

was some friction between outsiders and residents. Families were disrupted by long hours of employment 

of the cleanup and by the disruption of subsistence activities. Children were sometimes without 

supervision while parents worked on the cleanup. Friendship and relationships among neighbors were 

also stressed and some perceived that overall social bonds were loosened by turmoil in the village. 

Subsistence activities, the core of community life and culture, were suspended. People were disheartened 

by the loss of subsistence foods and the cultural practices that accompany subsistence activity. The 

contamination of their lands and the possible effect on the future of the newly reconstituted village and a 

Native way of life distressed elders and others in the community. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). Chenega Bay residents worked with Cordovans and the 

Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation to protect the Armin F. Koernig Hatchery in Sawmill 

Bay from oil pollution from the EVOS. The essential subsistence areas of the village were not as 

well-protected and indeed suffered substantial damage from both the spill and cleanup activities. This is a 

community that is heavily dependent on subsistence resources and the majority of residents practice a 

subsistence lifestyle. In the years since the spill, subsistence harvests have changes substantially both in 

volume and in the composition of harvests. Overall volumes of subsistence harvests have showed a 

decline in all years of the study (1991-1994). Harvests of marine mammals and invertebrates shows the 

most dramatic decrease from pre-spill years. Harvests of deer are also down. However, residents do 

travel outside their traditional hunting/fishing areas to pursue these species. The overall composition of 

harvests has changed to favor salmon and other fish with much lower consumption of deer, invertebrates, 
and marine mammals (seals and sea lions). These changes appear to be related to the EVOS, specifically 

concerns about the safety of consuming potentially contaminated resources and also to perceived declines 

in population of these desired species. Residents have particular concerns about the safety of clams, 

seals, and sea lions. Children’s participation in subsistence and sharing of harvested resources in less than 

in the years before the spill, although the trend line in the study is for increasing participation and sharing 

for the study time period. There are ongoing concerns about the safety of food. Some resources have 

been discarded and others are not hunted because of concerns about contamination. Some residents 

attribute perceived declines in populations of resources to oil contamination. In 1991 half of residents 

liked living in their community less because of oil contamination and by 1993 this declined to about 30%. 

Residents of this community continue to practice subsistence but at increased costs and with ongoing 

concerns about contaminated resources and declining populations perceived to be associated with the 

EVOS. 

3.2.4.2 Tatitlek 

The major sources of information regarding this community are the MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study 

(TR 160); the Oiled Mayors Study; the MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155); and the University of 

Southern Alabama Study. 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Tatitlek is located in northeastern Prince William Sound. It is 

25 miles southwest from Valdez and forty miles northwest from Cordova. Bligh Reef is just south of the 

village. This is the closest community to the EVOS. There is a gravel air strip and a boat dock in 

Tatitlek. 

Demography. The population of this community at the time of the EVOS was about 120 persons. Alaska 

Natives are the majority (~87%) of the population in this community. 

Economy. This is a mixed cash-subsistence economy. Commercial fishing, government employment, 

and timber harvesting are major sources of cash. Otherwise, this is primarily a subsistence economy. 

Political Structure. This is an unincorporated community with a Village Council and Village 

Corporation. 

Oiled Mayors Study. Six miles away from Bligh Reef across a straight separating Tatitlek from Bligh 

Island, the Exxon Valdez ran aground. Residents became aware of the spill from media sources although 

shortly after dawn fumes from the spilled oil filled the air in the village. Residents volunteered to apply 

their knowledge of tides and conditions in the region for initial response efforts. Oil sheen was visible in 

the waters around Tatitlek early the first day of the spill and on subsequent days villagers were disturbed 

by a cloud of black smoke from Exxon attempts to burn the spilled oil. No one in the village was notified 

of the burning. Similarly, there were attempts to use dispersants to control the oil, but residents were also 

not notified of these efforts. Villagers had concerns about the health effects of each of these response 

activities. 

Cleanup employment was offered to all adult residents of the village, but for more than a month they did 

no work. Concerns about racism, devaluing of local knowledge, and support roles in the cleanup (e.g., 

hauling garbage) promoted feelings that villagers were not meaningfully engaged in protecting their 

community and the resources they use for subsistence purposes. Lawyers, media, and other outsiders 

invaded the village. Privacy was lost. Some outsiders were relatives who came to the village seeking 

cleanup employment. 
The village experienced a range of social and economic effects. Local government operations were 

essentially suspended. The community expended monies in response efforts, but because they did not 

have the manpower or procedures to document these in a manner that satisfied Exxon, these claims were 

denied. This further fostered feelings that the community was the object of discrimination. The spill and 

the presence of outsiders in the community disrupted the usual patterns of social interaction and 

subsistence activity. There was sentiment that the suspension of the subsistence lifestyle and the threat to 

natural resources was another example of the attempts of non-Native society to deprive Alaska Natives of 

their culture and lifestyle. The loss of subsistence foods was also a concern because of its significance in 

local diets and the perceived health benefits. People began to rely on store-bought foods which increased 

substantially in price due to EVOS related inflation. Sharing of resources declined and this became a 

problem for the elderly who depend on others sharing subsistence resources. Children were among those 

who suffered the most in the village. Parents working long hours on the cleanup were not as available for 

their children. Families were stressed because of long hours of cleanup work and this had adverse affects 

on children. Some teenagers began drinking and there were divorces that were attributed to spill-related 

stress. There were also reports of domestic violence, increases in substance abuse, and some sexual 

abuse. Exxon provided some monies for childcare, but residents were disheartened by Exxon’s 

willingness to spend “eighty thousand dollars to save an otter” but less than half that amount for village 

child care. 

Residents were very concerned about the contamination of subsistence resources and the future effect of 

this contamination on their lifestyle. There was some distrust of state and other agencies that performed 

food-safety tests and accusations that these agencies were in collusion with Exxon to hide the truth about 

food safety. Distrust of outsiders and in the ability of government and Exxon became pervasive. Social 

disruption associated with loss of lifestyle, concerns about food safety, and disruption of family and 

community life became major sources of stress. 

MMS/ADF&G Subsistence Study (TR 160). Tatitlek is a village with a high degree of participation in 

subsistence practices. Post-spill there were changes in harvest volumes and composition. There were 

declines in the harvest and use of marine mammals, deer, and invertebrates. Villagers also perceived 

declines in these populations, which partially accounts for changing use and harvest patterns, although 

there are ongoing concerns about food safety related to oil contamination. By two years after the spill 

there was a 60% decline in harvests in comparison to pre-spill levels. This is the highest rate of decline 

among all Native villages with the exception of Chenega Bay. By the third year post-spill, resources used 

had returned to almost pre-spill levels, but the harvest levels were still below pre-spill years. The 

composition of harvests changes so that there is a predominance of fish and lesser amounts of marine 

mammals and invertebrates. These changes are related to both food safety concerns and perceptions of 

declines in population of seals, sea lions and invertebrates. Subsistence hunters reported discarding some 

animals taken because of abnormalities attributed to the EVOS. Residents also expressed concern about 

the safety of Herring stocks that were oiled by the EVOS. Herring stocks were also observed that had 

apparently been exposed to viral infection. Villagers as indicating oil contamination interpreted the 

resulting behavior and appearance of these stocks. Residents were assured that this was not necessarily 

the case. Furthermore, their interpretations were extended to indicate more widespread environmental 

problems related to the EVOS. There was some distrust of “expert” sources that suggested that the 

Herring stocks could be consumed despite the viral problems. Children’s participation in subsistence 

harvests and sharing of subsistence resources declined. The cultural identity of “subsistence hunter” that 

provides for family and village was undermined. Traditional knowledge about food safety and the 

relationships between animal behavior and abnormalities and the environment was also undermined. The 

disruption of subsistence activities had pervasive social and cultural effects. 

MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155). Research was interrupted in Tatitlek because attorneys 

representing villagers in litigation against Exxon did not wish data collected that were not under their 
control. Consequently, there is limited information regarding the interaction of the EVOS and the village 

of Tatitlek. 

Outsiders were a major source of disruption in the community. Media persons were invasive and 

demeaning to residents. Researchers conducting social and biological research asked questions that were 

perceived as benefitting agendas and purposes that could not be discerned by villagers. Individuals 

seeking cleanup employment also camped out nearby the village looking for cleanup work. Residents 

were distressed that no one was addressing the problems caused by the “human spill” into their village. 

As with Chenega Bay, this community suffered extensive damage from the 1964 earthquake. People 

believed their lifestyle and the resources upon which they depend were only just starting to recover when 

the EVOS occurred. Residents were concerned about harvesting resources exposed to the EVOS, despite 

some assurances by outside “experts.” This community showed the greatest declines in subsistence use 

and harvest of all communities exposed to the EVOS. Widespread health concerns about subsistence 

foods were a source of stress for residents. 

Economic hardships and social disruptions related to the EVOS and subsistence use resulted in some 

increase in tensions among neighbors and kinsmen. However, strong solidarity beliefs and overlapping 

social ties appear to have mitigated the effects of these tensions. Reliance on community solidarity was 

important for villagers during the EVOS. 

The Chief of the Village Council was the mediator between the community and dealings with Exxon. 

Exxon/VECO and other outside agencies appeared to be confused about how to deal with the village 

government. 

3.2.4.3 Eyaks in Cordova 

The major sources of information about Eyak are the MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155) and, the 

University of Southern Alabama studies. Each of these directly address Native populations in Cordova 

that we assume are mostly Eyaks. At the time of the EVOS, Eyak Natives lived within the community of 

Cordova or near its boundaries. 

Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Eyak village is about 6 miles along the Copper River highway 

from the community of Cordova. The village is not necessarily the place of residence for most Eyaks (cf. 

Reynolds 1993). Eyaks are defined more by their cultural identity and ways of life than by residence in 

the Village (cf. Reynolds 1993). 

Demography. According to Reynolds (1993) the Native population of Eyak is “heterogeneous” 

consisting of Eyaks, Aleuts, Eskimos, and other non-Alaska Native populations. The majority of the 

Native population is Eyak. Reynolds cites a population of 397 in 1985 and 265 in 1991. (The population 

estimates for Eyak are difficult to construct. Alaska Natives from other nearby communities (e.g., 

Tatitlek and Chenega Bay) and other Native Americans live in the environs of Cordova and may 

contribute to confusion about population estimates. The population Reynolds (1993) reports indicates a 

decline between 1985 and 1991. This could be the result of numerous factors, including counting errors, 

out-migration of non-Eyaks to their own villages post-spill, or seasonal residence patterns. Any 

interpretation of this population decline as related to the EVOS would require further investigation.) 

Economy. This is a mixed cash and subsistence economy. The Eyak Corporation develops resources that 

provide an important source of cash income. Other sources are commercial fishing and non-fishing 

employment. 
Political Structure. There is a Village Corporation and a Village Council for Eyak. 

MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155). Data could only be collected about social and cultural 

concerns of Eyaks because of pending litigation against Exxon. Exxon did not recognize Eyaks as a 

Native entity. Services and resources provided to other villages such as Tatitlek and Chenega Bay were 

not provided to Eyak. Villagers also felt slighted by the limited attention given them by the Federal 

Government during the oil spill. 

Exxon/VECO overwhelmed the Eyaks. Office space was consumed and the Eyak offices had to be 

relocated because they could not find other affordable space. Eyaks were especially concerned about the 

safety of subsistence foods, the loss of subsistence practices, adverse health effects from working on the 

cleanup, and the trespass of cleanup workers on sites with cultural, historical, and archaeological 

importance to the tribe. 

Subsistence is an essential part of Eyak cultural identity. Subsistence practices reinforce social bonds, 

express Native values and beliefs, and organize many aspects of social life for Natives. Subsistence 

resources were damaged by the spill and despite assurances from state, federal, and Exxon sources, 

Natives were unsure about the safety of eating resources exposed to oil contamination. Oiling of 

resources also disrupted sharing with other villages, especially Tatitlek and Chenega Bay. Overall 

sharing of resources declined as a result of the EVOS. The disruption of sharing had adverse effects on 

social relationships with family and neighbors. Social bonds were loosened as a result of the lack of 

sharing. Damages to subsistence practices and the harvesting of subsistence foods had adverse effects on 

the cultural identity of villagers. The spiritual values associated with these resources were damaged and 

along with it the identity of villagers. The interconnections among subsistence resources, social life, 

community, and the environment were damaged in a way that harmed the Eyak way of life. People also 

lost confidence in the future of the environment to recover from the effects of the spilled oil. 

University of Southern Alabama. Dyer, Gill, and Picou (1992) and Gill and Picou (1997) are the major 

sources that report on Natives in the community of Cordova that we assume are Eyak or other Alaska 

Natives. Dyer, Gill, and Picou (1992) report on a sub-sample of 31 Natives from their Cordova survey. 

Three areas are examined. The first, “perceptions and behaviors of disruption” (1993: 115) indicates that 

the majority of respondents were upset and distressed by the EVOS and uncertain about its current and 

future effects. The second area measured natural resource disruptions (1993:117), indicates that the 

majority of respondents (58%) were concerned about the disruption of children’s opportunities to 

participate in and learn subsistence skills. A majority of respondents (61%) were also not satisfied with 

their children’s opportunities to continue their cultural traditions after the EVOS. Similarly, the majority 

of respondents (61%) were not hopeful that subsistence fishing would return to pre-spill levels and (61%) 

agreed that the EVOS would interfere with teaching subsistence skills to children. For the third area, 

perceptions of social disruption (1993:118), 1989 and 1990 responses to questions were compared. 

Responses suggest that between 1989 and 1990 respondents changed perceptions about family disruption 

with more agreeing that 1989 was worse than 1990. Similarly, in 1989 more agreed that their plans for 

the future had changed than in 1990. Work life plans showed that 50% agreed that their work life 

changed in 1989 but only 3% in 1990. However, 3% believed Cordova had changed in 1989 whereas 

75% believed it had changed by 1990. Results are interpreted as suggesting social disruption and a 

disruption of the traditional lifestyles among Cordova Natives. 

Gill and Picou (1997) summarize some of the findings from MMS/ADF&G (TR 160), the Oiled Mayors 

Study, and the MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155), studies regarding impacts to Native populations. 

They report on measurements of chronic stress using the Impacts of Events Scale (Gill and Picou 

1997:180) administered during 1991 and 1992. In comparison to commercial fishers, Alaska Natives 

show higher measures of “intrusive recollections” and “avoidance behavior” in 1991, but only higher 
“intrusive recollections” in 1992. They also report on findings regarding social disruption for 1989-1992 

that suggests a pattern of social disruption among Alaska Natives in Cordova. They also report that 

claims against Exxon for damages to Native culture and lifestyle were reject I litigation because of the 

specifics of maritime law that govern these types of torts. This rejection was a further adverse impact of 

the EVOS on Alaska Natives. 

4.0 COMMUNITIES AND CONFIGURATIONS OF SOCIAL FACTORS 

This study examined specific social factors: social organization, culture, social health, economics, and 

subsistence. These represent a basic and usable set of variables for understanding Alaskan communities 

exposed to the EVOS. Which one is the most important social factor? That depends on the exposure 

conditions, event characteristics and how they interact with the patterning of social factors within 

particular communities. An important lesson about social factors is that understanding which is the most 

important requires attention to how these vary across communities and how social factors have different 

configurations. In this section we draw on the community by community summaries and discussions 

presented in the Factor-by-Factor Analysis to describe patterns or configurations of social factors. These 

“configurations” suggest different distributions of social impacts and particular resources for responding 

to them. These configurations are relevant because they are a means to think about the relationship 

between EVOS demands and community resources to respond to those demands. It is the configuration 

or pattern of social factors that makes the most difference rather than anyone particular factor. The 

implication of this is straightforward: it is necessary to understand the basic configuration of social factors 

for each community, although there will be a range of variation on any one variable. There are four major 

configurations of social factors that interacted with the EVOS. We briefly describe each of these factors 

in the discussion below. 

4.1 NATIVE PATTERN 

Native culture has subsistence as a core institution that integrates social actions, cultural meanings, and 

individual and group identities. All social factors considered in this analysis (culture, social organization, 

social health, economy, and subsistence) are interconnected with the subsistence lifestyle of Native 

communities, and there are multiple types of connections. For example, the sharing of subsistence 

resources has economic implications for families and well as the reinforcement of social bonds and the 

validation of the cultural identities of those who give and receive the shared foods. These multiple 

connections between natural resources and the ways of life characterize the Native pattern. The damage 

of natural resources used for subsistence purposes resulted in disrupting connections between social 

actions related to harvesting, processing, and sharing subsistence resources and the cultural values and 

meanings about those resources. These resources also had some economic value for villagers resulting in 

a need to replace that loss. Further, these communities had vulnerabilities to social health based in 

history, acculturation, and other social and culture change issues. In this configuration, damage to 

subsistence resources resulted in disrupting essential connections among all the social factors considered. 

There is an alienation of the connections among individual identity, social group, culture, and nature that 

resulted from the effects of the EVOS on Native communities. This alienation is fundamental to the 

social and psychological impacts experienced by these communities. Importantly, Native communities 

share many characteristics with the second configuration described below, fishing dependent 

communities, but they differ in important cultural characteristics. In Native communities the multiple 

connections to natural resource and the spiritual, instrumental, and social values accorded these resources 

integrates the social and natural in a unique way. Disruption of this connection alienated individual from 

their culture. This alienation was a source of stress that had adverse consequences for individual health as 

well as the social health of exposed communities. 
4.2 FISHING DEPENDENT ECONOMY PATTERN 

In this pattern, the relationship between natural resources and the social and cultural institutions of 

communities is focused around the instrumental use of resources, especially their economic importance. 

While there are important spiritual and other cultural values about natural resources in this pattern, the 

instrumental value of fish resources organizes social institutions and ways of life in these communities. 

This pattern characterizes Cordova and Kodiak and other communities where dependence on commercial 

fishing is the basis for local economies. Diversification of the fishing economy is a central issue that 

divides this pattern into two sub-types. In communities such as Cordova, where there is limited 

diversification, there is more vulnerability to social impacts than in communities such as Kodiak where 

there is a much more diversified fishing industry. However, within each of these sub-types, patterns of 

activity and association are centered on the structure of the fishing fleet and support sectors. Social 

institutions and activities also express the importance of the fishing sector. Damage to natural resources 

thus disrupts social institutions, patterns of life, as well as the economic viability of that lifestyle. Social 

health issues emerge because of the stresses related to these disruptions. That is, the EVOS was itself a 

stressor, but the disruption of community institutions related to the contaminated resource also was a 

source of stress for individuals. Social bonds also became loosened because of the conflicts that resulted 

from lifestyle disruption. Subsistence may have important social and economic functions in these 

communities, but it does not have the same meanings as in Native communities. Culture is a significant 

factor, but primarily in terms of how it express values about natural resources, ways of life, and the 

assessments of risk and threat associated with the event. In this configuration, the disruption of the 

economic and instrumental connections to natural resources affected other social institutions 

interconnected with community economy. The EVOS disrupted social institutions and ways of life and 

raised concerns about continuing a valued lifestyle. 

4.3 DIVERSIFIED COMMUNITY ECONOMY PATTERN 

This configuration identifies communities where natural resources harvests are part of a larger mix of 

economic activity. Fishing is an important but not necessarily a dominant factor in local economies. 

Seward and Homer represent this configuration of social factors. In these communities there also tends to 

be a variety of social groups and institutions that are resources for residents. To the extent that economic 

connections among sectors are affected by resource damages, then disruption of social institutions and 

economic activities will result. Moreover, as with the fishing economy configuration, social health will 

be a factor if damages to resources and social/economic institutions become stressful. The more that the 

social equilibrium of these communities is disturbed, the more likely social health will suffer. The 

instrumental, spiritual, and intrinsic values accorded the damaged resources are significant for how 

residents assess the significance of effects and the long-term consequences of these events. Otherwise, 

culture plays an important role in threat assessment and risk perception. 

4.4 INDUSTRIAL COMMUNITY PATTERN 

The configuration of social factors in this pattern is less focused on natural resources as central to 

instrumental values and cultural meanings. Communities such as Kenai and Valdez represent this pattern 

of social factors. Economies tend to be diversified and less dependent on commercial fishing. There are 

even more social resources in these communities than in the diversified economies discussed previously; 

and, these resources are significant for responding to the demands of the disaster event. Social activities 

and institutions are less affected by the direct damage to natural resources. Culture remains an important 

factor in how it defines threats and risks and the nature of the event. This configuration of social factors 

provides communities with a “buffer” against major economic effects and communities also have 

multiple resources to draw on for response to an event. These communities experienced social impacts 
related to the EVOS, but they tend to be those associated with “secondary” effects such as social 

disruptions related to in-migration or other social impacts not directly related to the spilled oil. 

4.5 SUMMARY OF SOCIAL FACTOR CONFIGURATIONS 

These configurations affected how communities experienced the oil spill and cleanup. The more 

communities were resource dependent the more they tended to be disrupted and affected by the event. 

Other factors such as geographical isolation (e.g., Cordova, Seldovia, Chenega Bay), response operations 

(e.g., Valdez), the existence of disaster plans, variability in the ability to muster external resources, and 

the breadth and quality of leadership also made significant differences in the capabilities of communities 

to respond to the demands of the spill and cleanup. However, these types of configurations illustrate that 

there are different relationships between the social characteristics of communities and the natural 

resources that were affected by the EVOS. These relationships contributed to how communities 

experienced impacts from both thespill and the cleanup. 

5.0 LESSONS LEARNED, EVENT DEMANDS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS 

The next sections of this report examine each social factor individually. We develop for each the “lessons 

learned” that are generalizations describing the essential issues about the relationship between the EVOS 

and each social factor. These generalizations are based in the analysis presented in the Factor-by-Factor 

Analysis Report. They describe the legacy of each social factor that can be carried forward to construct 

recommendations for natural resource managers. These lessons learned are intended to be a condensed 

summary of the essential issues for each social factor. As such they do not fully portray all issues 

discussed in the factor-by-factor analysis. The complete analysis should be consulted for a full 

development of the relationship between the EVOS and a particular social factor. Nonetheless, these 

“lessons learned” extract from the full analysis a summary accounting of the interaction of each social 

factor with the EVOS. 

We also develop for each social factor event demands and specific recommendations. The event demands 

are derived from the lessons learned. They imply capabilities or requirements for response for each social 

factor. These event demands are summarized in bullet form. Next, the discussion presents 

recommendations for each social factor. These are constructed to address two questions. First, “what 

information is needed by natural resource managers and communities? Second, “what processes or 

actions are required by natural resource managers and communities to respond to any future events with 

sensitivity to the social component of an environmental disaster?” The recommendations proposed are 

necessarily general because any future event will be different from the EVOS. Consequently, these 

recommendations have the format of hindsight and what could be done differently in the case of an event 

very similar to the EVOS. These recommendations are of two types: information and action 

recommendations. The information recommendations indicate what useful data should exist to assist 

natural resource managers to effective respond with social sensitivity. Second, the action 

recommendations suggest plans and responses for natural resource managers to respond with social 

sensitivity to Native and non-Native communities. Each social factor may have either information or 

action recommendations or both. We also have developed some more general recommendations that 

apply across a range of social factors. These are described in the final section of this report. 

5.1 COMMUNITY CULTURE 

Culture is a system of beliefs, values, world views, and adaptations which allows groups to interpret and 

assign meaning to objects, events, relationships, and social conditions. The elements of culture are 

developed through historical experiences and passed on to members of a social group through formal and 

informal learning usually termed “enculturation.” The elements of culture embody the shared experiences 
of a social group, that is they contain and express the history, values, beliefs, and other cognitive 

propositions about the world and man for a particular social group (Spiro 1984: 323). Cultural analysis 

usually focuses on the traditions, propositions, and ways of life of particular social groups, including: (1) 

the structure and content of norms, belief systems, values, attributions of meaning, and other cognitions 

(Shweder and Levine 1985); (2) the relationships between cultural beliefs and propositions and human 

behavior (D’Andrade and Strauss 1992); and (3) the influence of cultural propositions and beliefs on 

human adaptations to different ecological niches – cultural ecology – (cf. Jorgensen 1990). Cultural 

analysis also often calls attention to the distribution of cultural elements within and among social groups. 

That is, cultural analysis discusses culture with a “big C” (different “ways of life” among diverse social 

groups) and a “little c” (differences in values, beliefs, knowledge, etc... within a particular social group.) 

Each of these meanings of culture has significance for understanding how culture affected community 

responses to the EVOS. Culture with a “big C” is necessary to assess the differences in impacts and 

experiences between Natives and non-Natives. Culture with a “little c” is essential to understanding 

variations in response within Native and non-Native communities. 

5.1.1 Differences Between Native and Non-Native Culture Resulted in 

Different Assessments of the Event and Its Impacts 

Native and non-Native cultures are distinct in Alaska. While there are similarities in the form and content 

of culture for both each group, there are significant differences that affected the response to the event and 

its impacts. For each group, culture constructs the meaning of damaged resources, perceptions about 

threat and consequences, signals and signs about threats and risks, the process and future for recovery, 

perceptions about the risks from contamination, and a definition of the event. 

The Cultural Constructs. The categories are comparable across Native and non-Native groups, but the 

content is significantly different. The content of the similar categories is a significant, but not the only 

factor, that influenced how the event impacted individuals and social bonds within communities. It is 

also the connections between social organization and culture that define differences between Native and 

non-Native communities. 

In Native communities research focused on the “culture of subsistence” as a defining characteristic that 

distinguished Native from non-Native communities. Many government agencies as well as Exxon did not 

appreciate the importance and especially the meaning of subsistence as a core element of Native culture. 

The significance of subsistence as a core institution in Native communities resulted in not only the loss of 

the economic value of the resource but also alienation of individuals from the social and cultural values 

associated with subsistence practices. Damage to natural resources used for subsistence purposes thus 

affected the interaction of cultural values and beliefs, social interactions and bonds (e.g., sharing and 

visiting, hunting and fishing), and the economic place of subsistence resources in Native economies. 

Disruption of these connections had the effect of alienating individuals from their community and its 

culture. This alienation was itself a source of stress within Native communities. 

The history of interaction between non-Native and Native cultures contributed to interpreting the EVOS 

as a threat to the traditions, values, and ways of life in Native communities. The interpretation of the 

EVOS as a trauma to Native traditions and values compounded the effects of the event. That is, the 

EVOS was more than a coating of oil on subsistence resources and a disruption of usual life routines: it 

also had the weight of recalling past traumas to Native ways of life in interactions with non-Natives. 

However, the tradition of resiliency of Native communities in interactions with non-Natives also gave this 

event a different meaning. The response to the EVOS became a further validation of the strength of 

Native culture and its ability to adapt to traumatic circumstances and survive. As others have argued, 

Native culture is adapted to responding to harsh and changing environmental conditions (cf. Wooley 
1995). The EVOS was interpreted as another example of the ability of a people to survive a trauma to 

essential institutions in their way of life. 

Within both Native and non-Native communities, research developed only selected elements of culture. 

In Native communities the focus was on subsistence. Other elements that were potentially important for 

assessing community-event interaction were not as well developed. There were also important 

differences in what other elements of culture were developed. For example, Jorgensen (1995b) developed 

some “traditional ecological knowledge” for both Natives and non-Natives, but cultural propositions 

about relationships among resources and ecological processes are not developed in the literature. Within 

Native communities, research focused on specific aspects of subsistence practices and this provides 

essential and important data (cf. ADF&G 1995). However, the cultural meanings of many practices and 

their connections with other aspects of social organization are not well developed. Within non-Native 

communities, research focused primarily on the instrumental and economic connections without fully 

developing the interactions and interdependencies of culture with other social institutions. That is, it 

seems that culture as a variable is applied to understanding Native society but only incidentally applied to 

non-Native society. 

In non-Native communities, the culture of independence and competition within fishing communities 

interacted with Exxon/VECO’s bureaucratic culture to create frustration, confusion, and hostility 

regarding oil spill cleanup employment. Expectations and values about fairness, equity, and rewards for 

expertise and hard work were violated by how cleanup employment was allocated. 

5.1.2 Differences in Organizational and Community Culture Complicated Response Efforts 

Culture was also a factor in interactions among Exxon, government agencies, and communities. The 

“organization and corporate culture” of Exxon and government agencies resulted in different 

understandings and meanings about the event than the understandings and meanings of “community 

culture.” These cultural differences created misunderstandings, hostility, mistrust, and in some instances 

inefficient response efforts. Native communities and smaller non-Native communities had particular 

difficulties interacting with the bureaucratic cultures of Exxon/VECO and government agencies. The 

interactions of both Native and non-Native cultures with Exxon bureaucratic culture exemplify 

“cross-cultural” differences in values, style, and expectations that resulted in frustrations, conflicts, and 

social disruptions. The effects were to complicate the response to the EVOS and for communities to 

question the effectiveness and sincerity of the response effort. 

5.1.3 Values About Place and Natural Resources Contributed 

to How Communities Perceived and Experienced Impacts 

Within Native communities there are spiritual, cultural, social, intrinsic, as well as instrumental values 

about natural resources. These multiple values construct a complex relationship between natural 

resources and Native communities. Damages to valued resources contributed to an alienation of Natives 

from their relationship with valued resource. This alienation had individual and communal consequences, 

resulting in social disruption of social bonds that reinforce community integration. Outside agencies and 

Exxon/VECO did not appear to understand the multiple values and their meanings for Native 

communities. These misunderstandings created different assessments of the significance and meaning of 

contaminated resources. For example, Exxon’s replacement of subsistence salmon with canned salmon 

addressed the economic value of salmon in Native economies, but it did not address the cultural meanings 

of harvesting, processing, and sharing subsistence salmon. 

Within non-Native communities natural resources tend to have important instrumental values. There are 

also important aesthetic and spiritual values about natural resources, but the instrumental values appear to 
be more salient. These spiritual, aesthetic, and other non-instrumental values were not well developed in 

research among non-Natives. However, these values appear to have affected changes in the sense of 

place and the “enjoyment” that individuals and communities derived from an environment they perceived 

to be generally removed from the threats of industrial society. Damage to natural resources (e.g., 

shorelines, otters, sea birds, marine mammals) from the EVOS was also alienating for those who invest 

instrumental and spiritual or aesthetic value to these resources. 

Values about home, traditions, and place were important contributors to how the event was perceived and 

assessed. These values were investigated more in Native than non-Native communities, but they appear 

to be important for understanding impacts for all communities. Native attachments to place are such that 

relocating because of the spill is not an option. Native values about home express and continuity between 

place, natural resources, and communal identity. Damage to place damages those relationships. Among 

non-Natives the value of home and place has a core instrumental value, but the spiritual values about 

place also make it meaningful. Damage to the natural resources that are valued results in an alienation of 

individuals from these values and changes, however temporarily, the experience of place. 

The diverse values, beliefs, and types of cultures involved in the event virtually assured that there would 

be misunderstandings based on cross-cultural and intra-cultural differences. These misunderstandings 

included issues regarding the identification of threats and risks, the assessment of damage and recovery, 

and acceptable actions in organizing and implementing response efforts. Attachments to place among 

Natives and non-Natives motivated actions to protect their home and environment. Bureaucratic 

responses in the privatized cleanup did not address the motivations of those exposed to the spill to protect 

their community and lifestyle. This alienated individuals from the cleanup process and resulted in distrust 

and dissatisfaction with the cleanup effort. 

Research is parse about natural resource values and the sense of place and its relationship to motivations 

to live certain lifestyles in Alaskan communities. These data are noticeably underdeveloped in the EVOS 

literature, although the topic appears to have significant importance for understanding culturally based 

reactions to events such as the EVOS. 

5.1.4 Community/Traditional Ecological Knowledge Implied Different Outcomes 

Than Those Assessed by Government and Exxon 

Traditional ecological knowledge among Natives and non-Natives was important in how the event was 

defined, perceived, and recovery potential assessed. However, responding agencies generally ignored this 

knowledge. This practice resulted in misunderstandings about the threats, risks, and processes for 

recovery between affected communities and responding agencies. Natives perceived potential threats 

where outside agencies perceived no threat existed. Non-Natives expressed uncertainty about the future 

of the ecosystems upon which their lifestyle depends, but expert opinions were conflicting about both 

short- and long-term effects. Traditional knowledge became an important basis for understanding the 

environmental effects of the EVOS. 

Within Native communities, traditional knowledge about the environment was essential to Native 

interpretations of the short- and long-term effects of oil contamination. Assessments of natural resource 

populations and their availability for harvest after the spill was determined by traditional knowledge. 

Similarly, assessments of food safety were informed by traditional knowledge. 

5.1.5 Traditional and “Expert” Cultural Constructs Determined Explanations 

of the Environmental and Health Effects of the EVOS 
Native traditional knowledge and practices were not always consistent with expert opinion about 

environmental or health effects of the EVOS. Resource contamination was not within the usual 

experience of Natives. Traditional knowledge about its effects appears to be limited, but Natives used 

cultural knowledge and experience to assess environmental and health effects of contaminated resources. 

Expert opinions also formulated assessments of these effects. These two different types of explanations 

and assessments of implications sometimes conflicted and resulted in misunderstandings and 

miscommunication about EVOS effects. 

5.1.6 Culture Was Not “Lost” or “Damaged” 

Some literature regarding the effects of the EVOS on Alaskan communities presents the EVOS as 

resulting in culture “loss” or “damage” (cf. Braund & Associated and Usher 1993). Jorgensen (1995a) 

has criticized this characterization as incorrect. Characterizations of culture as “lost” or “damaged” are 

logically incorrect. However, the underlying data that inform these characterizations describe the 

disruption of connections between individual experience, cultural values and beliefs, social interactions, 

and social expectations. These are significant disruptions, even if only temporary. When viewed in 

historical and social context, such disruptions can result in a range of social, psychological, and cultural 

effects. The effects should not be overlooked in critiques of the logic of the characterization of culture 

and “lost” or “damaged.” Care should be used when operationalizing the concept of culture and reifying 

the concept is logically incorrect. 

5.1.7 “Culture” is a Better Explanation of Different Responses to the EVOS than Either 

Ethnicity or Class 

Some social scientists involved in the litigation of Native claims against Exxon suggest that class and 

ethnicity better describe differences between Natives and non-Natives than does culture (1995a). 

However, Jorgensen (1995a) presents data that refutes this claim. Cultural differences between Natives 

and non-Natives in Alaska describe some of the most salient differences in impacts to communities. The 

meaning of subsistence practices for Natives illustrates how culture distinguishes the effects of the EVOS 

on Native and non-Native communities. 

5.1.8 Archaeological and Historical Resources Were Vulnerable to Loss or Damage 

Bittner (1996) presents data that show archaeological and historical resources were damaged during the 

cleanup. Cleanup crews and others sometimes looted sites and other sites were damaged as a result of 

cleanup actions. Natives were especially upset by the damages and looting of these sites (cf. IAI 1990d; 

Endter-Wada et al 1993; Davidson 1990). 

5.1.9 Demands on Community Culture 

The following are the demand conditions that exist for community culture: 

• Identify any “cultures” involved among the parties affected by the event. 

• Explain What Happened. When an unusual or novel event such as a technological 

disaster occurs, a primary demand on culture is to explain the causes, course, and resolution of an 

event. Therefore we can argue that a significant demand condition is to identify the explanations 

of what happened and why. 

• Assess the risks and threats posed by the event. Culture assists in the formulation of 

propositions about what is risky and the degree of risk that exists and culture also influences the 
assessment of the threat posed by the risks. This is a well-documented characteristic of risk 

assessment. However, culturally determined community based risk assessments may conflict 

with risk and threat assessments posed by government or other entities. An important demand 

condition is to identify the different assessments of risk and threat. 

• Adapting to the uncertainty of the effects of oil contamination for the environment, 

communities, and individual lifestyles. Technological disasters are often characterized by 

uncertainty regarding the effects of toxic substances on environments and human health. These 

conditions place demands on culture for responding to uncertainty about these effects. Cultural 

propositions can be more or less adapted to resolving this uncertainty. This demand condition 

addresses the tolerance and adaptive capacity for uncertainty about event effects and outcomes. 

• Resolve different values about resources and their contamination. Values about natural 

resources are likely to be culturally determined. Events such as the EVOS create demands to 

identify the types of values placed on resources by different parties and the effects on values of 

resource contamination. 

• Communicate across cultures about the event and its effects. Culturally based 

assumptions, values, explanations, and assessments of an event and its effects are likely to differ 

across cultures and within cultures. This creates a demand condition to effectively communicate 

across these cultures about the event and its effects. 

5.1.10 Recommendations Regarding Culture 

• Develop a sociocultural profile of at-risk communities. This profile should identify the 

cultures and ethnic groups within communities and the major styles of adaptation and connections 

of individuals and groups to natural resources. 

• Develop traditional knowledge about community relationships with natural resources. 

All communities have traditional or local knowledge about natural resources. Information about 

traditional knowledge can assist in assessing which resources are important to communities and 

how these resources are connected to community ways of life. 

• Identify key values and belief systems about natural resources and their place in local 

culture. A value profile can assist in determining the place of particular resources in the value 

system of community residents. This can assist in assessing and interpreting responses to 

resource contamination. 

• Develop knowledge and propositions about local “space and place” including places of 

historic, cultural, and archaeological significance. A “cultural map” of local spaces helps to 

determine the “cultural boundaries” of communities as well as their geographic boundaries. That 

is, community cultural space may be different that community geographic space. Similarly, 

identification of special places and important cultural resources within community space and 

place can assist in organizing and prioritizing response efforts. 

• Identify local assessments of risk to natural resources and community culture. 

Communities and specific cultural groups usually develop culturally influenced assessments of 

risk associated with contamination events. These community-based risk assessments are often 

different than those of other participants in an event (e.g., government or in the case of the 

EVOS). Knowledge of locally based risk assessments can assist in developing 

culturally-sensitive risk communication and other information programs. 
• Develop a process for cross-cultural communication with affected groups, including the 

identification of a “culture broker” who can intervene to facilitate resolution of cross-cultural or 

intra-cultural communication issues. 

• Develop culturally-sensitive plans for assistance to Native communities, including 

acknowledging traditional political structures and cultural beliefs. These plans should include 

intervention programs for psychosocial issues. 

• Develop culturally-sensitive plans for risk communication about contaminated resources 

or other threats posed by an oil spill event. 

• Develop plans and procedures to protect important archaeological and historical 

resources. 

5.2 LESSONS LEARNED: SUBSISTENCE 

Subsistence is a term with multiple meanings. It can be used to describe the activities of harvesting wild 

foods. It can also refer to food preferences, dietary habits, and the economic and social importance of 

these types of foods. It can also be used to identify culturally significant beliefs and values about wild 

foods and their use. These topic areas can be applied to both Native and non-Native Alaskan 

communities (cf. Jorgensen 1995b). We use a narrow definition of subsistence as a social factor to focus 

on how specific practices and cultural values of Alaskan Native communities were affected by the EVOS. 

For our purposes subsistence expresses the traditions, values, and beliefs of Native Alaskans about 

relationships of humans and natural resources that affect the socially organized activities of harvesting, 

processing, and sharing of those resources among kinsmen, neighbors, and others. As an element of 

Native culture, subsistence activities, traditions, values, and beliefs have multiple linkages to other social 

and cultural institutions such as social organization and religion. 

5.2.1 Native and Non-Native patterns of subsistence are different in Alaskan 

communities 

Subsistence is more than a marker of ethnic differences; it reflects different values, behaviors, beliefs, and 

connections with the natural and social worlds of individuals and communities. This focus on Native 

subsistence practices and the EVOS does not mean that subsistence is not an element of non-Native 

culture. Nor does it imply that subsistence activities among non-Natives were unaffected by the EVOS. 

Rather, subsistence is a significant aspect of Native communities in a way that it is not in non-Native 

communities and thus it warrants attention as a social factor because of its place in Native social and 

cultural life. Difference is subsistence among Natives and non-Natives are more than ones of degree. 

Natives and non-Natives take and share subsistence resources. Further, Natives and non-Natives teach 

their children values and traditions through hunting, fishing, and gathering activities. However, it is more 

than the degree of differences in these activities that warrants a focus on only Native subsistence. The 

meaning of subsistence and the connections of this institution to other aspects of community life are 

importantly different in Native and non-Native communities (cf. Jorgensen 1995b). 

Some specific differences in subsistence activities are as follows: 

• Subsistence hunting, fishing, and gathering occurs within a “nexus” (Jorgensen 1995b:33) of 

other social and cultural activities such as sharing, visiting, and communal processing that 

distinguish it as different from the “sport” tradition that occurs in non-Native communities. 
• Wild foods are a more significant part of Native diets. 

• Natives share resources with a wider range of persons within their social networks. 

• Sharing links kinsmen, neighbors, and villages in a pattern of reciprocity that does not show the 

same pattern among non-Natives. 

• The items shared are more varied among Natives than non-Natives (Jorgensen 1995b:33-38). 

5.2.2 Subsistence as an institution in Native communities has multiple overlapping 

connections with other cultural, social, and economic institutions 

Subsistence has economic, cultural, and social importance. Subsistence embodies the traditions of Native 

culture. It emphasizes values about natural resources and the connections between these values and 

Native ways of life. Subsistence harvesting, processing, sharing, and consumption entail communal 

activities that reinforce social bonds and express Native social values. Subsistence also has economic 

significance for villagers because these resources are an important food source. Natives and non-Natives 

assessments of their relationship to the environment also indicates the multiple values and connections of 

Native subsistence to other social values and knowledge. For example, some of the differences between 

Natives and non-Natives are as follows: 

• Natives have a wider range of knowledge about natural resources and their 

interconnections. 

• Knowledge about the environment is organized differently, it has different symbolic 

meanings, and there are differences in the perceptions of man’s place in the environment. 

• The environment possesses an intrinsic spiritual value for Natives beyond its instrumental 

and economic value. 

• Intrinsic spiritual value of the environment is also connected to the communal ethics of 

social life in Native communities. 

• Among Natives, resource sharing has a different ethic and set of responsibilities that 

extend beyond the nuclear family to friends, neighbors, elders, and other significant statuses 

within a community (Jorgensen 1995b: 25-32). 

5.2.3 The Contamination of Natural Resources Disrupts the Pattern 

of Subsistence in Native Communities 

Shellfish, invertebrates, marine mammals, plants, and other subsistence resources were directly oiled by 

the EVOS. Other resources such as deer and bear were observed eating oiled resources such as kelp (cf. 

IAI 1990d; Fall and Field 1996; ADF&G 1995). 

Oil spilled from the Exxon Valdez disrupted the pattern of harvesting, the types and amounts of resources 

used, participation in hunting and fishing, and the sharing of subsistence resources (Fall and Field 1996: 

823). 

• Subsistence harvests declined in all ten study communities (Chenega Bay, Tatitlek, 

Nanwalek, Port Graham, Akhiok, Karluk, Larsen Bay, Old Harbor, Ouzinkie, Port Lions) 

compared to pre-spill years. The most substantial declines occurred in those communities most 
exposed to the oil spill (e.g., Chenega Bay, Tatitle, Nanwalek, Port Graham, Ouzinkie, Karluk) 

and these declines were in all resources categories except wild plants (Fall and Field 

1996:823-824). 

• Households used a more narrow range of resources post-spill. Fall and Field present data 

that indicate for almost all 10 Native communities the average number of resources used declined 

substantially. Again, those communities most exposed to the EVOS showed the greatest changes 

in resources used (Fall and Field 1996:824). 

• Households in communities most exposed to the spill showed the most declines in time 

spent hunting and fishing (Fall and Field 1996: 825). 

• Sharing of resources declined in comparison to post-spill years (Fall and Field 1996:826). 

• During the first two years post-spill, Natives attributed these changes to various sources 

including: concerns about resource contamination from the EVOS; participation in the cleanup; 

and, perceived reduction in resources and, hence, decreased opportunities take resources (Fall and 

Field 1996:826-827). 

• Post-Spill, patterns of resource use shifted toward more fish and fewer marine and land 

mammals. This represents an adaptation to the contamination fears and assessments of reduced 

availability of preferred resources (ADF&G 1995). 

• The culturally influenced preferences and satisfactions derived from consuming 

subsistence foods (Braund & Associates and Usher 1993:91). 

• The spiritual connections Natives have to natural resources (Braund & Associates and 

Usher 1993:91). 

• Cooperative hunting, fishing, and gathering reinforces social bonds among community 

members (Braund & Associates and Usher 1993:91). 

• The expression of autonomy results from participating in subsistence as a lifestyle 

(Braund & Associates and Usher 1993:91). 

5.2.4 Disruption of Subsistence Raises Concerns about the Effects 

on Transmission of Cultural Knowledge to Children 

In almost all Native communities at various points in time concerns were expressed that the EVOS would 

interrupt the transmission of cultural knowledge about subsistence to children (cf. IAI 1990c; Braund & 

Associates and Usher 1993; Dyer, Gill, and Picou 1992; Russell et al. 1996; ADF&G 1995; Fall and Field 

1996; Jorgensen 1995b). The transmission of cultural knowledge about subsistence is in part a significant 

symbolic expression of the survival of Native way’s of life and cultural traditions (cf. Braund & 

Associates and Usher 1993: 49-51). 

There is an apparent contradiction in this “lesson learned” with the argument presented in section 5.1.1 

regarding the resiliency of Native culture and other arguments by Wooley (1995) about the same topic. 

How could an event such as the EVOS that temporarily disrupts subsistence practices threaten centuries 

old subsistence traditions? These concerns were expressed by Natives and reported in the research about 

the effects of the EVOS. In part these findings are related to the early phases of the oil spill when social 

disruption of all community life and uncertainty existed about the long-term effects on natural resources. 
We interpret these findings and this “lesson learned” as an expression in symbolic terms of the alienation 

people experienced about their identity and their relationship with their community. That is, transmission 

of subsistence knowledge is itself symbolic of the continuation of Native culture. The disruption of 

cultural transmission symbolized past threats and future potential loss of their cultural identity. This 

resulted in feelings of alienation from their own identity and Natives and the potential of passing this 

identity on to their children. The expression of this concern thus indicates the fears and anxiety that 

accompany the alienation of Native communities from the experience and transmission of cultural 

practices and beliefs. 

5.2.5 Contamination of Resources Created Unfamiliar Conditions 

for Subsistence Hunters and Fishers 

ADF&G (1995), Fall and Field (1996) and Braund & Associates and Usher (1993) each describe the 

undermining of traditional knowledge that resulted from the contamination of subsistence resources. Fall 

and Field (1996:827) suggest that the contamination of resources created an unfamiliar situation for 

Natives. The usual skills and knowledge that apply to assessing resources did not apply for the 

contaminated resources and the result was uncertainty. This resulted in extreme caution about the 

harvesting and especially the consumption of potentially contaminated subsistence resources. The overall 

effect was to undermine Native’s trust in their traditional knowledge about their environment. Braund & 

Associates and Usher (1993:73-75) argue that nothing in past Native experience or traditions prepared 

them for the contamination of subsistence resources. Reliance on experts outside their community for 

advice about contaminated resources was unsatisfactory, in part because this information was often 

contradictory or the results of their work was otherwise questionable. The experience of turning of 

outside experts for information about an intimate part of their own traditional knowledge had the effect of 

calling into question traditional knowledge (Braund & Associates and Usher 1993:75). 

The lesson that emerges from these types of findings is that Native communities as well as most 

non-Native communities have limited experience and traditional knowledge about resource contamination 

event. This is one of the characteristics of the “new species of trouble” about which Erikson (1991) 

writes: communities are unsure about the nature of these types of events and their effects. Moreover, 

there is often limited cultural knowledge about the effects of toxic substances. Consequently, it is often 

adaptive to turn to “expert” knowledge when other traditional knowledge is limited. However, in the case 

of the EVOS expert knowledge was questionable because it was perceived to be: (1) biased; (2) 

contradictory among different experts; and (3) it contradicted common sense experience and caution 

among Natives about consuming tainted, deformed, or otherwise questionable resources. If traditional 

knowledge is not applicable to contamination events and expert opinion is for various reasons not 

believable or untrustworthy, then a rational response seems to be the caution that then developed in 

Native communities about consumption of wild resources. As Fall and Field report, 

... the oil spill had created conditions that were completely unfamiliar to the 

hunters and fishers of these villages. Their skills in understanding their environment and 

making informed decisions had been undermined. Consequently, subsistence harvesters 

acted in a culturally appropriate manner, with caution. In many cases, they refrained 

from harvesting or using traditional foods for fear that the resources had been poisoned 

(Fall and Field 1996:827). 

The context of this caution – questionable expert opinion – indicates adaptative behavior within Native 

communities. However, this also established the conditions for conflicts between traditional knowledge 

and expert advice about responses to contamination conditions. Native cultural propositions about the 

contamination of subsistence resources were formed. These were based on traditional knowledge and 

informed by the uncertainty and caution. There are direct implications for risk communication and the 
assessment of food safety that we discuss in more detail in Section 5.2.8 regarding the assessments of the 

health effects of consuming subsistence resources. 

5.2.6 Cultural Imperatives Exist for Consumption of Wild Foods in Native Diets 

Several studies (e.g., ADF&G 1995; Fall and Field 1996; Braund & Associates and Usher 1993; and IAI 

1990c) indicate that Natives have strong desires and preferences to consume wild foods. Study 

participants sometime speak of “cravings” and “desires” for “Native foods.” For example, “ . . . When 

you’re used to eating those foods and you go without them, your body just craves them” (Reynolds 1993: 

215). And, “Food from the land is like medicine to me . . . I crave it so much it affects my health. So, 

whenever I can get a piece of real meat it is like medicine” (Braund & Associates and Usher 1993:43). 

There is also a strong belief that these foods confer health benefits that purchased foods do not (IAI 

1990d; ADF&G 1995; Reynolds 1993). It is also likely that the shift away from marine mammals and 

some shellfish and toward more fish in some subsistence diets means that valued foods such as seal and 

clams were less prevalent than before the spill (cf. Fall and Field 1996; ADF&G 1995). It also suggests 

that where these foods remain a part of Native diets, there may be a lingering uncertainty about the 

long-term health effects of eating foods that traditional beliefs suggest are beneficial. 

The “cravings” or “desires” to eat subsistence foods are culturally motivated. By “culturally motivated” 

we mean that the cultural preferences for wild foods and the social experiences of individuals and groups 

around the harvesting, sharing, and consumption of these foods results in personal motivations to desire 

or crave these foods. These are thus culturally motivated “cravings” that express cultural imperatives in 

Native village life. The more “traditional” a person the more likely he or she is to exhibit such cravings. 

Where these types of culturally motivated dietary preferences exist, canned salmon cannot replace the 

cultural meanings associated with subsistence salmon. That is, canned salmon may fulfill the caloric 

needs of Natives but it does not fulfill the culturally motivated craving that Natives describe when 

discussing wild foods. Those types of foods have a cultural meaning that cannot be replaced by 

non-subsistence resources. The food and economic value may be replaced, but the cultural value resides 

in similar wild foods. 

These dietary issues are important because they express the further alienation of Natives from the 

individual and communal aspects of their cultural values, beliefs, and traditions. Not every person 

experienced these culturally motivated cravings and desires for wild foods, but the reports in the literature 

indicate that these are important issues within Native communities. The absence of particular subsistence 

foods because of the EVOS contributed to the alienation experienced by Natives because they either 

could not have or were ambivalent about consuming wild foods. Where Native foods could not be 

obtained, people experienced a sense of estrangement from cultural motivations for those foods. Where 

these foods were available, but there were concerns about contamination, then the “cravings” motivated 

consumption of these resources despite concerns about their possible adverse health effects. The 

interaction of cultural motivations and concerns about contamination resulted in ambivalence; and, this 

ambivalence also resulted in estrangement from a valued aspect of Native ways of life. 

5.2.7 The Contamination of Subsistence Resources Results in Concerns about Food 

Safety 

Several sources investing Native responses to the EVOS report concerns among Natives regarding food 

safety (Fall and Field 1996; ADF&G 1995; Jorgensen 1995b; Braund & Associates and Usher 1993; 

Russell et al. 1996; IAI 1990d). Partially in response to Native concerns regarding the short and 

long-term health effects of resource contamination, the Alaska Oil Spill Health Task Force was formed. 

The Oil Spill Health Task Force conducted sampling and assessment to determine the contamination of 
resources and then to formulate risk communications to Native communities about findings. Task Force 

risk assessments were different than those of Native communities: the Oil Spill Health Task Force work 

indicated low risks associated with food safety whereas Natives felt as if any level of contamination was 

unsafe (Fall and Field 1996:830-831). While it may be too strong to suggest that villagers scoffed at the 

organoleptic test – if it does not look, smell, or taste contaminated, then it probably is not – Natives did 

express skepticism about food safety. Indeed, uncertainty about food safety was pervasive in many 

communities where there was direct oiling of resources. For example, a Larsen Bay Native on Kodiak 

Island observed: 

There’s never been anything else that happened around here to cause the salmon 

or seafood not to be eaten. There’s no substitute for salmon. The fear is always going to 

be in people’s minds. There is so much uncertainty as to what it (oil) can and can’t do 

(Braund & Associates and Usher 1993: 73). 

This same sentiment is reported in other research (Reynolds 1993; Palinkas et al. 1993; ADF&G 1995; 

IAI 1990d). 

Although subsistence harvests show steady increases in most communities in years after the EVOS (Fall 

and Field 1996: 835) there continues to be concern about food safety, regardless of expert opinions and 

assurances by the Alaska Oil Spill Health Task Force. These concerns are phenomena similar to fears 

about the health effects of toxic contamination in other technological disasters (Erikson 1994). They also 

express the cultural imperative in Native communities regarding consumption of subsistence foods: 

despite contamination concerns, Natives will consume traditional foods because of the culturally 

motivated desires for these foods. Higher levels of consumption do not necessarily imply a decline in 

food safety concern. 

5.2.8 Damage to Subsistence Resources Results in Economic Costs to Native Communities 

Research by ADF&G (1995) suggests that there are certain increases in costs for the taking of subsistence 

resources in some Native communities. To take valued species that have reduced populations, Natives 

have expended extra gas and incurred other costs to travel to locations where these resources existed. In 

other instances Natives purchased foods to replace subsistence foods (cf. IAI 1990c). To some extent 

these economic costs were mitigated by cleanup employment. However, in the years after spill 

employment ended, increased travel costs and increased effort to harvest substitute resources has resulted 

in extra costs. 

5.2.9 EVOS Damages to Subsistence Resources Alienated Natives From Connections 

with other Social, Cultural, and Psychological Elements of Native Life 

The cumulative effects of the disruption of the social and cultural institutions of Native communities had 

adverse consequences for Native communities. From the most basic biological concerns about diet to the 

complex nexus of social activities and cultural beliefs that are part of harvesting, processing, and sharing 

subsistence resources, Natives experienced the disruption of subsistence as a threat to their ways of life. 

The effect was to alienate individuals from their cultural identity, from key social practices and 

interactions, spiritual and other values about natural resources, and traditional knowledge about the 

biophysical environment. This notion of alienation can be applied to explaining the meaning of EVOS 

effects on subsistence in Native communities. 

For our purposes, alienation is about the disruption of connections between individual, social, and cultural 

elements of community life. Social life is in part made meaningful and valid by the experience of 

continuity between individual experience, social activity and institutions, and cultural values and beliefs. 
That is, the conditions for individual well-being exist when individuals are motivated to engage in social 

activities and participate in social institutions that are supported by cultural values, belief, and knowledge. 

This, in part, explains how we function as social beings. Our psychological life is related to its social and 

cultural setting. Disruption of this continuity can cause alienation and the experience of being 

disconnected from essential aspects of psychological and social life. When the oil spill fouled subsistence 

resources and reduced subsistence activities and the social activities associated with it, then individuals 

became alienated from an activity that is the core of Native identity. Participation in the visiting and 

sharing associated with the distribution of subsistence resources also was diminished as was the 

socialization of children that occurs during subsistence harvesting. The result is that individuals and 

families became disconnected from key social activities that usually promote community integration and 

the continuity of individual and community identity. Furthermore, individuals also experienced 

alienation from the very items that have immense cultural value, the natural resources they harvest and 

incorporate into their daily lives. The result is a type of alienation that itself predisposes individuals and 

their social groups to adverse psychological impacts (Mirowsky and Ross 1986; Davidson and Baum 

1991). Shkilnyk, in reporting on the effects of Mercury poisoning in an Ojibawa community, makes an 

observation that is relevant to interpreting the effects of alienation among Native Alaskan communities 

exposed to the EVOS: 

. . . one can find the symptoms of psychic trauma whenever people feel 

abandoned, separated from the life around them, or unable to contribute anything of value 

to the rest of the community; when they are forced to grapple with conditions over which 

they have no control; when cultural orientations that they have been brought up with no 

longer serve to interpret reality; when habitual actions no longer have the same meaning 

or effect; when psychological cues no longer serve to guide experience; and when social 

and moral values are rendered impotent in organizing work or sustaining human 

relationships. All incentives to maintain cultural precepts, values, and beliefs is lost if 

these things no longer work to structure reality (Shkilnyk 1985: 233). 

Not all these conditions apply to Alaskan Natives and the EVOS, but many do. The analytical point we 

wish to make is that one significant effect of the disruption of subsistence was the alienation of 

individuals from their culture and its social context. 

Jorgensen argues that the effects of subsistence disruption and other effects of the EVOS on Native 

communities is “relative deprivation” (Jorgensen 1995a:7-8). He describes this as follows “... a negative 

discrepancy between legitimate expectation and actuality” (1995a:8). He goes on to argue: 

If culturally defined expectations were negatively affected by the spill, personal 

responses of grief, dismay, anger, dysphoria, and the like are not only evidence of 

deprivation but effects of deprivation. Expectations are, to a considerable degree, 

culturally established. People suffer when their cultural expectations are not met 

(1995:8). 

Our purpose here is not to resolve the theoretical differences between “alienation” and “relative 

deprivation.” These two concepts each describe aspects of experiences of persons in the literature about 

EVOS social effects. Alienation focuses on the connections and experiences among individual 

psychological experiences, communal social life, and cultural values and beliefs. Relative deprivation 

focuses on how the EVOS resulted in a difference between expectations and experience. Each of these is 

a useful approach to consideration of the meaning of the EVOS for Native communities. 

Native culture will persist. Subsistence participation is increasing. Preferred resources are being sought 

out, harvested, processed, and shared, just as they have been for centuries. Yet, a return to pre-spill levels 
of subsistence activities does not negate the damage incurred, just as the persistence of Native villages 

today does not negate past injustices and encroachments on Native culture. Natives continue to tell 

stories about being punished for engaging in the essence of their culture, speaking their language 

(Reynolds 1993). The encroachment on Native culture from the EVOS is also likely to be incorporated as 

yet one more assault in an attempt to put the last nail in the coffin for Native Alaskan culture. Native 

culture is resilient. It has survived and communities are working through the effects of the EVOS. 

Nonetheless, it is our interpretation that within the context of Native Alaskan history, the EVOS 

represents an alienation of life experiences that had adverse consequences for individual and communal 

life. 

5.2.10 Subsistence: Demand Conditions 

The demand conditions for subsistence are relatively straightforward: 

• Traditional knowledge needs to be used to interpret the causes, course, and consequences 

of resource contamination, including environmental and health effects. 

• Traditional knowledge should interpret the relationship between contamination and 

resources used for subsistence. 

• Resources need to be substituted for those damaged. 

• Reinforcement of social bonds normally resulting from subsistence practices (e.g., 

visiting and sharing). 

• to changed resource availability and changes in participation in subsistence activities 

such as harvesting, processing, and sharing. 

• Resolution of conflicting needs to refrain from consuming contaminated resources and 

dietary preferences, values, and needs about the consumption of those resources. 

5.2.11 Subsistence: Recommendations 

• Native communities should be supported in identifying the contamination of resources 

and the safety of those resources. This should include participation of community members in 

risk assessment and risk communication efforts. 

• A community based risk assessments and their similarities and differences with 

probabilistic risk assessments should be acknowledged and developed. Develop communication 

procedures to resolve differences and answer questions regarding differences in risk assessment. 

• The inter-regional and inter-village sharing of resources for those deprived by 

technological disasters should be supported. 

• Resources that meet economic and cultural needs of affected communities should be 

provided. 

• Ceremonies, rituals, or other culturally appropriate expressions that address the grief, 

anger, frustration, and other emotions that result from damage to natural resources should be 

promoted. These same cultural activities can promote communal feelings in a time of loosened 

social bonds. 
• Specific plans to address the subsistence food needs of “at-risk” populations such as 

youth, elderly, disabled, and the sick should be developed. 

• Culturally-sensitive risk-communication programs that involve community members 

should be developed, implemented, and monitored. 

5.3 LESSONS LEARNED: SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 

The concept of “social organization” refers to the social components of a community and their 

interconnections. This includes demographic, political, economic, religious, and other formal social 

institutions as well as less formal ones such as kinship and friendship networks, as well as voluntary 

organizations. The literature about the EVOS discusses several elements of community social 

organization, but by no means are all elements of social organizations analyzed, nor are all of the issues 

raised treated equally or even thoroughly. Nonetheless, there are some significant issues discussed that 

illustrate how the social structures and processes within these communities influenced how the oil spill 

and cleanup resulted in certain types of impacts or the mitigation of overall effects of the oil spill. 

Again, one of the striking issues regarding social organization is the relatively limited range and the depth 

accorded any one element in the literature. The issues that received the most attention and which have 

“lessons learned” implications can be grouped into several categories: governance/leadership; response 

organizations; communication; social status, social bonds and community interactions; and emergent 

groups. We discuss each of these below. However, the overriding “lesson learned” that emerges from 

these collective points is that social organization is disrupted by these types of events; and, more 

disruption occurred than was necessary because of how the cleanup was implemented. Social disruption 

is itself a source stress, which we discuss in Section 5.4, and it also has implications for implementing 

effective responses to events which threaten communities. It is obvious that social disruption should be 

minimized in these types of events. Yet, what emerges from the literature is that even examining a 

relatively narrow set of variables shows pervasive social disruption resulting from the EVOS (cf. Russell 

et al. 1996; Picou and Gill 1997; Dyer, Gill, and Picou 1992). The individual “lessons learned” discussed 

below aggregate into the wider issue of significant social disruption occurred in the social organization of 

Alaskan communities as a result of the EVOS and cleanup. 

5.3.1 The Political Structure of Communities Provided Different Resources 

for Community Response to the EVOS 

Political structure and organization affected community response to the EVOS. Communities in 

boroughs had more resources than lone municipalities. Native Organizations such as the North Pacific 

Rim and the Kodiak Area Native Association were resources for villages, but these resources were 

generally less than those provided by boroughs. Differences in community political structure and the 

relationship of response efforts to the political structures in communities resulted in misunderstandings by 

government agencies and Exxon about the locus of authority and responsibility in some communities. 

However, those communities that could muster help through overarching political structures such as a 

borough or regional Native organization had more resources to aid their community. For example, 

Seward and other Kenai Peninsula Borough communities had limited municipal budgets for response 

efforts. However, monies had to be spent in response efforts, but the borough provided reimbursements 

and other fiscal help to offset municipal expenditures. In communities such as Cordova where there was 

no borough or other overarching political structure, expenditures came out of city reserves. The only 

recourse was to seek reimbursement from Exxon. 

5.3.2 The Disruption of Governance and Municipal Functions by 
the EVOS Cleanup had Adverse Effects on Communities 

Several sources suggest that disruption of municipal functions was widespread in communities affected 

by the EVOS (e.g., McClintock 1989; IAI 1990d; Reynolds, 1993; Russell et al. 1996; Picou and Gill 

1997). In Native communities the staff of entire municipal governments was hired by VECO for cleanup 

work. In some non-Native communities, municipal employees also left to take cleanup work, while in 

other communities, seasonal employees or part-time staff were unavailable because they also took 

cleanup work. These staffing issues undermined the ability of municipalities to govern and to deliver 

municipal services. In larger communities such as Valdez, Kodiak, Seward, and Homer, the regular 

business of government was taken over by oil spill response activities (e.g., McClintock 1989; IAI 

1990d). Projects were delayed, grants not completed, and other usual business of local government was 

interrupted. In some communities such as Kenai and Seward and to some degree Homer and Kodiak, 

there was less disruption because borough government provided extra resources for municipalities. In 

most communities the delivery of municipal services was disrupted and this was more so in those 

communities most affected by the EVOS. The table below – taken from data collected for the Oiled 

Mayors Study (IAI 1990d) – shows community perceptions of disruptions of service delivery by exposure 

status. The over-riding “lesson learned” here is that in all municipalities and especially in Native 

communities, governance functions were disrupted by the EVOS. 

5.3.3 Leaders Were Essential to Effective Community Response to the EVOS, but 

They were Often Exhausted by the Demands of EVOS Response Efforts 

Communities in boroughs generally had more leadership resources than lone municipalities or Native 

villages. Leadership resources in villages often took cleanup employment resulting in diminished 

availability of community leaders. 
In Cordova – where there is no borough – municipal officials as well as the local fisherman’s union 

(Cordova District Fishermen United) were each essential leadership resources. 

Leaders in communities with limited leadership resources became over-loaded by the demands of 

response efforts. Regardless of if they were formal or informal leaders, there were a range of demands on 

leadership resources including: organizing response efforts to protect against direct oiling or to protect 

critical habitats; consulting with state and federal government entities in developing these response 

efforts; consulting with Exxon, VECO, and other private entities regarding implementing emergency 

response efforts; negotiating with Exxon representatives regarding reimbursements for community 

response activities; communicating with Exxon regarding administrative procedures in developing 

response efforts and seeking reimbursements; responding to local, national, and international media 

inquiries about the oil spill; responding to citizen inquiries about the course, possible consequences, and 

other related aspects of the spill; participating in community information programs regarding the course, 

progress, consequences, and related aspects of the effects of the oil spill; and, other such spill-related 

activities. 

These activities were often done in conjunction with or in place of the regular duties of these officials. In 

fact, municipal officials interviewed for the Oiled Mayors Study reported that such spill-response 

activities consumed extraordinary time and energy that compromised the functioning of local 

government. For example, a Seward municipal official (Port Director) observed, "That was a key impact 

for us, putting everything else to the side for the entire year. The budgets, the cycles, the initiatives we 

had going, using the energy, the energy we needed. This same official elaborated on the range of 

consequences for how different leadership positions within the Seward City government were affected: 

What happens in the operations of local government once the oil spill happened, 

it shut down. Non-essential services uh, and all available excess if there was any, we run 

a tight ship was redirected to EOC [Emergency Operations Committee] and redirected to 

the oil spill. It basically came to a halt. "Was the normal process of the government 

operations the same"? No, every individual changed, every individual spent a good deal 

of time updating themselves as to where this thing was and the possibility of them having 

a big role or lessor role. Were there specific processes that were disrupted, yes, in many 

projects. The people flow and information flow was very much disrupted, the mayor 

took on a big role with the public relations and the media. He was our chief media 

contact, but the number of people coming in, in addition to dealing with the crisis, the 

number of on lookers coming in and ranking people coming in flying in from all over the 

world, because if they weren't dealt with then they create situations in and of themselves. 

Created this also, where the particular individuals whose functions of local government 

were especially effecting the EOC guys and the fire chief and myself, the harbor master, 

(the City Manager) and head of finance were there services that affected everybody. 

Since there were services and functions that were developed that did not exist before. I 

think the only one that didn't really exists was logistics and I have a great deal of 

background in that so I felt comfortable dealing with it. I can handle air freight from 

anywhere (Oiled Mayors Study Interview With Port Director: City of Seward). 

Other interviews conducted for the Oiled Mayors Study and interviews conducted with municipal 

personnel in Seward, Cordova, and Kodiak during 1992 support the general observation that leadership 

resources within communities exposed to the oil spill were consumed by the necessity to participate in a 

range of spill-response activities. Even in those communities where leadership resources were reported to 

be sufficient, new leadership emerged from communities which also resulted in some conflicts regarding 

roles and responsibilities. These conflicts, which are typical of disaster events (Drabek 1986) further 
occupied leadership resources. For example, the following quotation from an interview completed for the 

Oiled Mayors Study expresses this issue: 

The strength of the community were that we do have an ample supply of strong 

willed leadership type people, ready, willing, and able to jump in and grab the reins and 

do something with it. . . . That was our strength. The weakness was the conflict in the 

various factions for leadership positions. . . . (Oiled Mayors Study Leadership Interview, 

Larsen Bay) 

Thus, even where leadership resources emerged in response to the event, there was often conflict 

regarding the roles, status, and responsibilities of these emergent leaders and ultimately this diminished 

their overall effectiveness. 

While the demands of spill-response activities diminished the over-all functioning of municipal 

government, it also adversely affected the personal functioning of municipal officials. That is, elected 

and non-elected municipal leaders report feelings of "burnout" and "stress" resulting from the 

co-occurrence of: the duration of demands to participate in spill-response activities, working to maintain 

their usual responsibilities, and disruptions that resulted from leaders being in conflict with other leaders 

or individuals. Among the short-term effects of this perceived "burnout" and "stress" were limited 

energy for work, conflicts in interpersonal interactions, and decreased individual effectiveness. The 

long-term consequences include leaving public life and an overall unwillingness to participate in other 

municipal or community leadership positions, thereby decreasing the availability of already scarce 

leadership resources. In some communities, the demands of the spill resulting in recruiting individuals to 

leadership activities in which they had not previously participated. This created a larger pool of 

leadership for these communities 

5.3.4 Unfamiliarity with the Political Structures and Processes of Native Communities 

Resulted in Misunderstandings and Conflicts between Natives and Outsiders 

Native communities have different political structures and processes than non-Native communities. 

There is usually a Village Council, a Village Corporation, and a Regional Native organization (e.g., 

Kodiak Area Native Association, the North Pacific Rim) as well as a municipal government. 

Exxon/VECO and some state/federal agencies unfamiliar with these diverse entities sometimes created 

conflicts among these institutions by establishing working relationship with an entity that may not have 

been the most appropriate for EVOS response activity. Similarly, unfamiliarity with political processes, 

the roles of elders and Village Councils in decision making resulted in strains among the various political 

entities within Native communities; and, it often resulted in miscommunications and misunderstandings 

with external agencies (cf. McClintock 1989; IAI 1990c). 

5.3.5 Federal or State Agencies within Communities were Important Assets for Disaster 

Response Activities 

Communities in which federal or state agencies had a presence could also draw on the resources of these 

entities. This was especially the case in communities such as Seward and Kodiak where there were 

multiple and powerful federal and state agencies. In Seward, the National Park Service, the U.S. Fish and 

Wildlife Service and other agencies worked as part of the Multi-Agency Coordinating Group that was an 

effective response organization. In Kodiak the U.S. Coast Guard was instrumental in providing 

information and assisting in certain response efforts. In each case these entities could muster resources 

that communities could not. They provided essential help that was not always available in smaller 

communities or those without such resources. 
5.3.6 Multi-Agency Coordinating Committees, Incident Command Systems, and 

Emergency Service Councils were Effective Response Organizations 

The structure of response organizations influenced the capability of communities to muster internal and 

external resources for response efforts. In communities such as Seward, Homer, and Kodiak 

multi-agency response groups organized diverse resources and acted as the agency for interaction with 

Exxon and VECO. These entities had both the authority and power of their respective communities to 

negotiate and otherwise deal with Exxon/VECO for cleanup operations. These types of groups tended to 

gather more resources, use a diversity of contacts for information gathering, provide for information 

communication to their communities, and to organize the diverse resources within their communities for 

response efforts. Native communities were part of these groups in Kodiak, Seward, and Homer, but 

outlying communities could not always participate because of communication issues or their ability to 

travel from their communities to the meetings. 

Regional Native organizations (e.g., Kodiak Area Native Association and the North Pacific Rim) were 

useful resources for their constituents, but with limited staffing and resources, they could not service all 

the needs that emerged. They also could not act as response organizations in the same way as the 

multi-agency groups, although these Regional Native organizations sometimes participated in 

multi-agency groups. 

Multi-Agency Coordinating Groups developed in response to the specific needs of responding to the 

EVOS. These efforts were especially successful in those communities with existing disaster response 

plans. Multi-Agency Coordinating Groups formed around these predefined emergency response 

organizations and plans and they mobilized more quickly than in most other communities. Where such 

preexisting plans and emergency response organizations did not exist, it took more time and effort and 

otherwise delayed or impeded response efforts. 

Post-spill, an organization emerged to respond to regional concerns about oversight and monitoring of the 

oil industry. This citizen’s group (the Regional Citizen’s Advisory Council) provides information and 

oversight for communities throughout the region. It therefore broadens area wide participation and 

interest in the issues and risks associated with of oil transport. 

5.3.7 Information Dissemination Meetings about the EVOS were Essential 

for Community Information Gathering and Rumor Control 

Communities instituted regular meetings, newsletters, and information bulletins to inform citizens about 

the particulars of the oil spill and cleanup. These information sources were a primary means by which 

individuals learned about the event and they also functioned as “rumor control.” Television and radio 

news were also significant sources of information regarding the event, although coverage was uneven: 

Native communities were covered less than non-Native communities. Native communities also had fewer 

communication resources to communicate with other entities about event particulars. 

5.3.8 The Social Organization of Native Communities Buffered 

Some Social Impacts from the EVOS 

Native communities have a more communal orientation than non-Native communities (Jorgensen 1995b: 

19-21). This communal orientation is, in part, kinship based. That is, Native households and networks 

are organized around kinship whereas households and networks in non-Native communities show fewer 

of these characteristics. These communal structures of Native communities resulted in sharing, visiting, 

and other interactions that resulted in creating social support. Although non-Natives also exhibit 

communal orientations in smaller, close-knit communities, these ties are not the same as those in Native 
communities where cultural variables promote the communal ideology in a different way than in 

non-Native communities (Jorgensen 1995b:21-22). Ideology and social structure interact in different 

ways in non-Native and Native communities. 

5.3.9 Changes in Traditional Roles and Status in Native Communities During the 

Cleanup Created Social Tensions 

The literature indicates that in some Native communities the cleanup contractor hired younger persons to 

supervise cleanup crews that contained older persons. Or persons of lower or equal status with other in 

their community were also placed in supervisory positions (McClintock 1989; IAI 1990c). In family life, 

older children sometimes assumed the role of parents while mothers and fathers worked on the cleanup. 

These older children were sometimes in conflict with their parents when they returned. Elders in villages 

did not have a defined role in the cleanup and this conflicted with their usual status within Native villages. 

Men who had status as subsistence hunters or commercial fishermen temporarily lost that status during 

the EVOS. Their roles as cleanup workers did not have the same status as the highly valued status of 

hunter or fisher. These types of changes in role and status within Native communities resulting from the 

VECO cleanup created social tensions that would not have existed otherwise. 

5.3.10 Social Statuses within Fishing Communities Were Disrupted by the Cash Received 

from Cleanup Employment 

In Alaskan commercial fishing communities, there is a status hierarchy among commercial fishermen. 

High-liners represent the epitome of the fishing community and others fall in line after this. Income, 

quality and quantity of gear, fishing knowledge, and competitiveness are among the salient factors that 

sort fishermen into different status categories. When commercial fishing was disrupted because of the 

EVOS, the cleanup provided a path to upward mobility for some individuals who could acquire new boats 

and equipment not because they were good fishermen, but because they made lots of cleanup money. An 

often heard sentiment in fishing communities was, “I am a fisherman not a cleanup worker.” That is, 

individuals wished to earn their money performing their social role as fishermen and not as cleanup 

workers; and, they wished their status in their community to be determined by their fishing success and 

capabilities, rather than their income from cleanup work. The status quo was disrupted when novel, but 

not necessarily valued, means of acquiring new status symbols (e.g., boats and equipment) threatened the 

existing hierarchy. This resulted in dissension, conflicts, and some long-term hard feelings in commercial 

fishing communities. 

5.3.11 Emergent Groups Were A Source of Solidarity as Well as Conflict 

Emergent groups formed more in non-Native than in Native communities. In non-Native communities 

organizations formed such as “The Crude Women,” “The Mosquito Fleet,” “The Deckhands,” “Cordova 

Small Business Owners” and other informal and formal groups. These groups formed specifically in 

response to the EVOS. This is a common feature of both natural and technological disasters (cf. Gist and 

Lubin 1989). However, in natural disasters emergent groups often function to promote community 

solidarity, but in technological disasters they are often sources of conflict (Kroll-Smith and Couch 1990). 

These groups advocate for different positions regarding causes, blame, or impacts and these differences 

often generate conflict. In the EVOS emergent groups sometimes generated conflicts as occurred when 

the Cordova Small Business Owners came into conflict with the Cordova Chamber of Commerce 

regarding EVOS impacts. However, in other communities such as Homer and Kodiak emergent groups 

were sources of solidarity (cf. Button 1993). They functioned to bring together people for mutual support 

and with mutual interests in response to an event that threatened their community. 

5.3.12 Demand Conditions for Social Organization 
The demand conditions for social organizations address the major issues of minimizing social disruption, 

promoting local leadership, and coordinating with other entities to muster resources to respond to an event 

with minimal damage to the social fabric of communities. These demand conditions are as follows: 

• Leadership resources are needed to respond to disaster events and maintain community 

functions and cohesiveness. 

• Political and organizational resources sufficient to continue community and governance 

functions must be maintained. 

• Extra-community resources need to be gathered to respond to a threat to the community. 

• Inter-agency and inter-community cooperation is necessary to respond effectively to 

major disaster events. 

• Social cohesiveness is essential to maintaining community equilibrium. 

• Communication about the event is essential. 

5.3.13 Recommendations For Social Organization 

Recommendations regarding the social organization social factor are intended to address two major 

points. One, prevent social disruption by planning and providing resources that support existing 

community capabilities. Two, organize response efforts that are consistent with existing social 

organization. With these two points in mind we suggest the following general recommendations. 

• Governance and municipal functions of local communities must be maintained. 

• Promote coordination of all extra-community agency resources within community 

response structures. Specifically, define roles for local offices of state/federal government for 

assisting communities in disaster response efforts. 

• Assure local autonomy in disaster response planning and organization to minimize 

feelings and experiences of loss of control. 

• Promote the development of Multi-Agency Coordinating Group type of entities that 

integrate the stakeholders and resources within communities in developing and implementing 

response efforts. 

• Provide community leaders with resources to maintain their roles without experiencing 

burnout. 

• Promote response organizations and activities that do not unnecessarily disrupt existing 

statues, roles, and patterns of interaction. 

• Develop linkages with other communities and agencies to promote resource sharing for 

response activities. 

• Assure communication among residents regarding the threats and risks associated with 

the disaster event. 
5.4 LESSONS LEARNED: SOCIAL HEALTH 

For our purposes “social health” as a social factor addresses research findings about social support, 

individual psychological distress, social conflicts, and other disruptions of community equilibrium as 

expressed by increased crime and other psychosocial indicators. The lessons learned we develop here 

about “social health” address relationships among individual psychosocial distress, disruptions of 

community equilibrium, and community social support resources. The Factor-by-Factor Analysis 

develops the details about these issues and some of the generalizations about the social and psychological 

issues that affected social health in Alaskan communities. Here we build on this analysis and derive 

“lessons learned” that have direct implications for developing recommendations for response to any 

future events similar to the EVOS. 

5.4.1 Mental Health Conditions Vary with Exposure to the Effects of the EVOS, 

Occupation, Resource Dependence, Culture, and Gender 

The three major sources of information about mental health conditions (stress symptoms, depression 

symptoms, general anxiety disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder [PTSD]) indicate that there are 

“at-risk” groups. Russell et al. (1996) present data from the Oiled Mayors Study showing that depression 

symptoms, general anxiety disorder, PTSD, and increased substance abuse are associated with exposure 

The Oiled Mayors Study “exposure” measure was developed from responses to the following questions: 

Did you or anyone in your household use, before the spill, areas along the coast that were affected by the 

spill? Did you work on any shoreline or water cleanup activities of the oil spill? Are there other ways that 

you came into contact with the oil spill or cleanup activities, such as during recreation, hunting, fishing, 

or gathering activities? Did you have any property that was lost or damaged because of the oil spill or 

cleanup? Did the oil spill cause any damage to the areas you or other household members fish 

commercially? Has the oil spill directly affected the hunting or gathering activities of any members of this 

household? (IAI 1990c) to the EVOS. The more exposed a community, the more likely individuals 

would experience these conditions post-spill (Russell et al. 1996:873-875). Within the “high-exposed” 

communities, Natives, women, and younger persons were more likely to have symptoms or psychiatric 

conditions. Two tables below from the Oiled Mayors Study summarize some of the important findings 

about exposure status, psychological distress, and at-risk populations. 

This first table shows “exposure scores and indicates that Native communities were more exposed than 

non-Native communities. And, the commercial fishing communities of Cordova and Kodiak were the 

most exposed non-Native communities.” 
The second table shows “odds ratios” for the psychological conditions measured by the EVOS household 

survey and their relationship to exposure status. GAD refers to “general anxiety disorder” PTSD is 

“post-traumatic stress disorder” and CESD is a measure of symptoms of depression. An odds ratio of 

more than 1.0 indicates increased risk. 
This analysis indicates that exposure status, female gender, Natives, and the 18-24 age group have the 

highest risk factors for these types of conditions. Other data from the Oiled Mayors Study show that 

spill-related income and changes in family or social relationships were associated with increased 

psychological distress (Palinkas et al. 1992). 

Picou and Gill (1996) present data showing that a measure of stress, the Impacts of Events Scale, is 

highest in a “renewable resource [dependent] community” (Cordova) in comparison to a community that 

is not so dependent on locally harvested renewable resources (Valdez) and a control community 

(Petersburg) (Picou and Gill 1996: 886-889). Their data also show that those engaged in resource 

extraction (commercial fishermen) showed higher measures of stress than non-fishermen; and, these 

measures persisted over time indicating a condition of “chronic stress” (Picou and Gill 1996:890). 

In sum, these data from the Valdez Counseling Center Study (Donald et al. 1990) show that there are 

segments within the communities exposed to the EVOS that were “at risk” for mental health problems. 

For future events, it might be predicted that those most dependent on the resources damaged, Natives, 

women, and those in younger age brackets (less than 45) would be among the most “at-risk” populations. 

5.4.2 EVOS Related Psychosocial Problems Contributed to Social Disruption 

Social disorder contributed to diminished community health. Social disorder resulted from increased 

crime; in-migration; domestic violence; substance abuse; and, social conflicts. Data from the Oiled 

Mayors Study, Picou and Gill (1997), McClintock (1989), Reynolds (1993), Endter-Wada et al. (1993), 

and Donald et al. (1990) indicate that the psychosocial problems and conflicts in communities increased 

after the EVOS. For example, Oiled Mayors Study household survey data show a direct association 

between psychosocial problems and the degree of exposure to the EVOS. The three tables below show 

the odds ratios and correlation between exposure status and drinking, drug use, and domestic violence. 

These types of problems contributed to social disruption in communities. Ultimately this disruption itself 

became a source of stress that diminished the capabilities of communities to muster social support 

resources to respond to those in need. 
5.4.3 Native and Non-Native Patterns of Mental Health Problems are Different 

Gill and Picou (1997:179-180) present data from their research in Cordova that suggests that Natives 

experienced stress differently than non-Natives as measured by the Impacts of Events Scale. These data 

indicate that Natives experienced more “intrusive recollections” and “avoidance behaviors” – subscales 

within the Impacts of Events Scale than commercial fishermen; and, these measures were observable four 

years after the EVOS (Gill and Picou 1997:180). Data from the Oiled Mayors Study presented by 

Palinkas et al. (1992, 1993) in several publications also indicate differences among Natives and 

non-Natives in the types of disorders and the clustering of symptoms. These are important findings that 

suggest either that the measures of stress used in these studies are not “culturally appropriate” or that 

Native’s experience of this event as stressful was different from that of non-Natives. 

5.4.4 Children Were Adversely Affected by the EVOS 

Data from the Oiled Mayors Study indicates that children were another “at-risk” population that deserves 

special mention in our discussion. Exposure to the EVOS and problems in children’s behavior is indicated 

in the table below that shows data analyzed from the Oiled Mayors Study household survey. This table 

shows that the more parents were exposed to the oil spill and cleanup, the more they were likely to report 

a decline in their children's grades, their children's fear of being alone, their children fighting with other 
children, and children arguing with their parents. Higher parental exposure to the EVOS, the more they 

were likely to report problems getting child care. Higher parental exposure is also associated with reports 

that their children were affected by the EVOS. Other Oiled Mayors Study data also show that when 

parents participated in the cleanup, they were less likely to report that their children's grades and 

schoolwork had improved since the spill; more likely to report their children being afraid of being left 

alone since the spill; and, to report their children had more trouble getting along with their parents than 

before the spill. 

5.4.5 Stress Resulted from the Direct Effects of the EVOS and the Social Disruption 

Associated with the Cleanup 

Picou and Gill (1996), Gill and Picou (1997), Russell and others (1996), and McClintock (1989) provide 

data that indicate that the EVOS was a stressful event for residents of Alaskan communities. The 

stressors from direct exposure include: observations of the effect of the EVOS on wildlife and the 

environment; persistent uncertainty about the possible health effects of hydrocarbon exposure, especially 

in Native communities; threats to present and future economic viability; threats to valued ways of life; 

and, uncertainty about long-term environmental effects of the spilled oil. These stressors were largely 

ones that could not be controlled. However, the nature of the cleanup resulted in social disruptions that 

also proved to be a major stressor that had adverse consequences for individual mental health and overall 

community “social health.” Future events are also likely to result in social disruptions that will be 

stressors. These types of stressors can be mitigated more readily than the stressors resulting from some of 

the more direct effects of the EVOS. 

5.4.6 Community Resources were Limited for Response to Mental Health Needs 

There were limited resources to respond to the stress and mental health problems that emerged after the 

event. PTSD, symptoms of depression, general anxiety disorder, and “stresses” were associated with 

exposure to the oil spill and cleanup. Yet, most communities had only limited formal resources for 

response to these conditions. Native communities and smaller municipalities had the most limited 

resources. In some Native communities, the Community Health Aides and counselors left their jobs to 

work on the cleanup. In other instances, support programs such as Alcoholics Anonymous were 

suspended because of cleanup work. Regional Native organizations such as the Kodiak Area Native 

Association and the North Pacific Rim provided some outreach services to villages, but in general large 
and small communities appeared to be ill-prepared for the intensity of psychological distress resulting 

from the EVOS. What limited formal resources that did exist for response were overwhelmed by the 

demands for services (cf. IAI 1990d). 

5.4.7 Cleanup and Disaster Response Personnel Are Prone to Stress Related Psychosocial 

Problems 

Palinkas et al. (1992) and IAI (1990d) show that persons who were involved in cleanup efforts 

experienced more stress-related mental health problems than other community members. This analysis 

did not compare findings with other “at-risk” groups such as fishermen, but the analysis does suggest that 

participation in the EVOS cleanup was a risk factor for increased mental health and social problems. 

5.4.8 The EVOS Changed Residents Perceptions of Their Vulnerability to Oil SpillEvents 

One of the important lessons about technological disasters, in general, is that they often result in changes 

in perceptions about the risks of modern life (Couch and Kroll Smith 1991). The experience of Alaskan 

communities exposed to the EVOS show similar changes in their assessments of the safety of their homes 

and ways of life following the EVOS. That is, their perception of risk has changed. For example, the 

Oiled Mayors Study household survey data show that 54% of participants felt that the effects of the spill 

would last more than five years. More than half of all individuals interviewed for the Oiled Mayors Study 

Household Survey thought that another oil spill would occur in the next ten years. Individuals exposed to 

the oil spill are more likely to perceive another oil spill will occur in the future than those not exposed. 

Ethnographic data from the Oiled Mayors Study (IAI 1990c) shows that residents of these communities 

believe their economic futures are uncertain because of the potential effects of future oil spills. Other data 

collected by Picou and Gill (1997) and Russell (1992) suggest feelings of increased vulnerability to the 

threats of environmental pollution. For some in these Alaskan communities, there are changes in their 

feelings about home and community as a safe haven from the threats and problems of modern life. As 

one Kodiak fishermen observed: 

I kinda feel like it [the oil spill] made us realize that we are not isolated anymore 

and we are just north of LA [Los Angeles] . . . we got dumped on, we are totally 

powerless, we can't do a thing about it, and it can't be cleaned up. . . it destroyed the 

illusion that things are alright . . . (Russell Field Notes, Kodiak Island, 1992). 

This quotation expresses a theme of a perception of increased threats and vulnerability, and feelings of 

powerlessness. These feelings of a changed environment, one in which individuals are more at risk and 

more exposed to the potential dangers of future threats from an oil spill have persisted into the present. 

5.4.9 Social Conflicts Undermined Community Solidarity and Social Support 

Conflicts between neighbors, friends, and family members were a common outcome of community 

interaction with the EVOS. Data presented by Picou and Gill (1997), Russell et al. (1996), McClintock 

(1989), Reynolds (1993) and Endter-Wada et al. (1993) show that social conflicts within communities 

were common during the EVOS. Conflicts existed about a wide range of issues including: the moral 

acceptability of working for Exxon and its contractors; the actions of community members in their 

relationships with Exxon; arguments about preferential hiring for cleanup work; support for or opposition 

to the oil industry; proper response actions; tensions between cleanup workers and community members; 

tensions between Exxon and community leaders; and, tensions among different segments of the fishing 

industry. Conflicts were divisive. Divisiveness also contributed to diminished social solidarity and it also 

undermined community social support. We interpret these findings as suggesting that the undermining of 

community support compounded stress and other mental health problems. The social bonds and 
connections that usually act to buffer stress responses to disasters appear to have been diminished by 

conflicts, other sources of social disorder, and the nature of the cleanup process. At least some of these 

factors can be mitigated in future response efforts by promoting social solidarity and organizing cleanup 

efforts such that they minimize divisiveness within communities. 

5.4.10 The “Therapeutic Community” Process was Undermined by the Nature of the 

Cleanup 

Throughout the EVOS literature are indications of perceptions that residents lost control of their 

community and felt powerless when Exxon/VECO instituted their cleanup (McClintock 1989; IAI 1990c; 

Endter-Wada et al. 1993; Picou, Gill, and Cohen 1997). The process of losing control, feeling powerless 

and overwhelmed in the context of a cleanup effort people believe is not effective nor sincere, undermines 

mitigating the threat of a disaster as well as the formation of the “therapeutic community” process which 

is part of community recovery. An important lesson learned from this event is that there are organization 

and process issues in structuring cleanup efforts and in agency interactions with communities that do not 

necessarily have to result in lost of control and powerlessness for affected communities. 

5.4.11 Promote Recovery 

The literature about technological disaster focuses on impacts with little attention to recovery from the 

social and emotional effects of these events. The research literature is virtually silent about recovery of 

communities from the EVOS. We know that there were community-based programs that developed such 

as Save our Sound and Sound Alternatives which were intended to address both coping and recovery. 

The Regional Citizen’s Advisory Council has funded some recovery programs (Picou 1996). Yet, 

knowledge about how recovery occurs and how it can be assisted is limited. An important lesson learned 

is that recovery should be better understood as a social and community process; and, efforts to promote 

recovery should be part of every disaster response effort. For example, the two community-based efforts 

noted previously (Save Our Sound and Sound Alternatives) exemplify the development of the 

“therapeutic community” process that was undermined by the structure of the cleanup. These types of 

programs can mitigate impacts to social health. 

5.4.12 Baseline Information about Social Health is Limited 

A major difficulty in interpreting much of the data regarding the mental health effects of the EVOS is the 

absence of base-line data for post-event comparisons. The research that collected EVOS mental health 

data (e.g., Picou and Gill 1996; Palinkas et al. 1993; Russell et al. 1996; IAI 1990d) used post-event 

research designs that had could not compare pre- and post-spill levels of stress, depression, and other 

psychological symptoms and conditions. This has inherent problems, but the research is nonetheless 

suggestive about both the effects of the EVOS on mental health and some of the pre-existing conditions 

within Alaskan communities. For example, Russell (1991) reports that measures of PTSD post-EVOS 

show that Native women have high rates in comparison to other respondents. The patterning of their 

symptoms suggests that pre-existing conditions as well as the EVOS may account for the salience of 

PTSD among Native women. 

5.4.13 Demand Conditions: Social Health 

The demand conditions for social health are focused on providing the resources for responding to 

stressors on individual and community well-being. These demand conditions are as follows: 

• Formal mental health resources for response to stress and other mental health 

conditions. Many communities offer limited or occasional resources and these can be easily 
overwhelmed in a major disaster event. This demand condition focuses attention on the 

inevitability of stress and other psychosocial problems as outcomes of these types of events; and, 

the need for resources to respond with culturally appropriate interventions. 

• Informal social support resources for mitigating stress, social disruption, and other 

psychosocial problems. Informal resources such as neighboring, visiting, and support groups are 

important resources for responding to community crises. This demand condition acknowledges 

the need to promote social support resources in the event of future disasters. 

• Attention to promoting social solidarity and minimizing divisiveness. Divisiveness and 

conflicts diminish community solidarity. This demand condition recognizes the need to respond 

to situations that can undermine social solidarity. 

• Identification and response to at risk populations, especially Natives, children, those 

predisposed to stress, and those most affected by damaged resources. Disaster events often most 

affect populations that are “at-risk.” Who is at-risk may vary with the disaster event, but there is 

a need to acknowledge the existence of at-risk populations and respond to their special needs. 

• Attention to uncertainty that results from technological disaster. Events that spill or 

otherwise distribute toxic substances in an environment usually create uncertainty about their 

short and long term effects. Social health can be promoted when this uncertainty is 

acknowledged and appropriate interventions implemented. 

• Response to the needs of those involved in the front-line of disaster response events. 

Responders are in need of care themselves. 

5.4.14 Recommendations: Social Health 

• Establish base lines for mental health conditions in communities exposed to the transport 

of oil through Alaskan waters. The scientific literature about technological disasters, in general, 

and the EVOS in particular, indicates that mental health problems are outcomes of these types of 

events. Although culture, social organization, and other sociocultural variables receive the 

majority of research attention, the psychosocial and mental health problems are also important to 

characterize conditions in potentially exposed communities. This effort should include gathering 

information about sub-groups and conditions within communities that can identify at-risk 

populations. This information would be invaluable for planning, research, and service delivery 

purposes. 

• Plan for resources to deliver mental health services for disaster events. There is a need 

to establish community-state linkages to plan for programs and delivery of services. In addition 

to data regarding mental health conditions, planning for service delivery in disaster events is also 

important. In addition to “critical incident debriefing” discussed below, planning should address 

the capabilities of communities to meet demands for mental health services. Linkages with state 

and/or federal sources that can provide services for acute circumstances should be integrated into 

program planning efforts. 

• Ensure that resources exist to respond with cultural awareness and sensitivity to cultural 

differences among affected populations. Native Alaskans, Filipinos, Hispanics, and other ethnic 

populations are part of the coastal communities in Alaska. These populations may experience 

these events differently than the dominant culture. Culturally sensitive interventions and training 

should be part of the mental health response planning and program effort. 
• Planning and training for “critical incident debriefing” is available for communities and 

responding agencies. This should also incorporate resources to address the social stresses as well 

as the psychological stresses that accompany disaster events. Research efforts for other disasters 

and the EVOS shows that persons who respond and are involved in cleanup work are more likely 

to experience adverse reactions which can be mitigated by “critical incident debriefing” 

intervention. 

• Develop culturally sensitive resources and plans for risk communication. The 

uncertainty about the effects of toxic contamination is a major source of stress in technological 

disasters. Such a source of stress can be compounded where there are cross-cultural issues in risk 

perception and risk assessment. Assessments of risk and explanations of their probable effects 

should consider the cultural differences among populations as well as the importance of 

community-based risk assessments that are likely to differ from probabilistic risk assessments of 

science. 

• Plan interventions and promote projects that encourage social solidarity and that 

support communal activities in response to the disaster event. The loss of community solidarity 

and divisiveness are sources of stress that generate social and psychological impacts. Community 

based projects such as Save our Sound and Sound Awareness should be encouraged and similar 

projects promoted in response to future disaster events. These encourage autonomy and solidarity 

that may buffer the effects of the disaster event. Planning efforts should address actions to 

encourage formation of the “therapeutic community” process in affected communities. 

• Develop plans to promote community-based recovery programs that are aided as 

necessary by state, federal or other resources. Recovery needs to be addressed as a formal stage 

of the disaster process. Recovery as a process needs to be understood through research efforts, 

but there is an overriding practical need to mitigate the effects of an event by developing 

community-based recovery efforts, monitoring these efforts, and providing assistance as 

necessary. 

5.5 LESSONS LEARNED: ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS 

By economic characteristics we mean the structures and processes within communities that are the modes 

of production, exchange, and distribution of resources. For our purposes, we can examine economic 

characteristics as the “way people make a living.” The economic institutions and processes of Alaskan 

coastal communities are highly dependent on the natural resources. Contamination of these resources 

resulted in direct damages to fishermen and related damages to those who support or depend on 

commercial fishing. Some damages were mitigated by the privatized cleanup that resulted in a “money 

spill” into many affected communities. Our lessons learned discussion for economics thus addresses the 

issues of who lost and gained and the effects of cleanup cash in affected communities. 

5.5.1 Community Economic Structure Buffered the Economic Impacts on Affected 

Communities 

Commercial fishing in south-central Alaska suffered the most economic damage from the EVOS. 

Communities such as Cordova, Kodiak, Seldovia, and Homer have large commercial fishing fleets that 

could not fish because of the EVOS. However, the structure of local fishing economies is variable. In 

communities such as Cordova, commercial fishing is the dominant economic sector, but the sector itself is 

not as diversified as in some other fishing communities. In Kodiak, commercial fishing is also the 

dominant economic sector, but it is a much more highly diversified commercial fishery. Communities 
such as Valdez, Seward, and Kenai have a commercial fishing sector, but the overall economies of these 

communities are diversified. The EVOS shows that the more highly diversified economies were buffered 

from the effects of the EVOS and the diversified commercial fishing communities fared better than those 

with less diversification. The essential lesson learned here is that the more economically dependent an 

economy is on natural resources, the more at-risk that economy for losses related to a technological 

disaster. 

5.5.2 Some Businesses Prospered and Some Floundered Because of the EVOS 

Cohen (1997) and the Oiled Mayors Study (IAI 1990b, 1990d) provide data that show that some types of 

businesses – one’s providing goods and services to the cleanup – prospered as a result of the EVOS. 

Commercial fishermen, service businesses, and tourism businesses were among those in this category 

(IAI 1990d:121). Other businesses, especially those that did not provide goods or services to the cleanup 

generally showed more net income decreases than increases: they lost (IAI 1990d:125). The fish 

processing industry and some commercial fishermen also showed the greatest losses as a result of the 

spill. The reasons for losses across businesses included: closure of the commercial fisheries, decreased 

demands for goods and services, and increased costs of doing business. 

5.5.3 Small Businesses Were Highly Vulnerable to Economic Loss 

Smaller communities, and especially smaller businesses in these communities, were highly vulnerable to 

economic impacts. Local businesses could not compete with the $16.69/hour wages offered by cleanup 

contractors and therefore lost labor on which they were dependent (IAI 1990d; Endter-Wada 1993; 

Davidson 1990). Similarly, small businesses often did not receive contracts to deliver goods or services 

for the cleanup and without business from commercial fishing, they lost income (IAI 1990d). These small 

businesses were among the most vulnerable to economic loss as a result of the EVOS. 

5.5.4 Economic Losses Among Commercial Fishermen Were Unevenly Distributed 

Some commercial fishermen lost more than others. Small operators were especially vulnerable to lost 

income because their vessels were often not used for cleanup operations and therefore they did not benefit 

from cleanup employment. Similarly, small operators had fewer options to change gear and travel to 

more distant locations for alternative fishing possibilities. Some larger operators also lost because they 

did not participate in the cleanup either for ethical and moral reasons – they believed the cleanup 

insincere and therefore they should not participate – and in other cases not all available vessels were hired 

for cleanup work. Consequently, within fishing communities some commercial fishermen gained 

significant benefits through cleanup work while others experienced significant losses (IAI 1990b; Cohen 

1997). 

5.5.5 Assessing the Long-Term Economic Effects on Commercial Fishing is Complicated 

Commercial fishermen argued that perceptions of Alaska seafood as contaminated by the EVOS resulted 

in a drop in demand and fish prices after the EVOS. Several analyses of salmon prices (e.g., Owen 1995) 

argue that world market factors complicate attributing changes to the EVOS. Similarly, Cohen (1997) 

argues, “The powerful forces of market realignment were far more potent than the accident (EVOS) in 

shaping competitive conditions and reducing Alaska’s commanding international position as a supply 

source” (Cohen 1997:154). What is clear is that one longer-term impact is that some fishermen became 

more competitive as a result of cleanup income which allowed them to purchase new boats or upgrade 

their existing gear. This gave them a clear competitive advantage over fishermen who did not participate 

in the cleanup (IAI 1990d). 
5.5.6 The “Money Spill” Created Social Impacts and Did Not Mitigate All the Economic 

Losses 

Nearly every research project noted the disrupting effects in communities of the expenditure of large 

sums of money on the cleanup (e.g., IAI 1990d; Endter-Wada et al 1993; Cohen 1997; Picou and Gill 

1997; Davidson 1990; Keeble 1991). People argued over why some received lucrative cleanup work and 

others did not. Others argued about perceived “gouging” of Exxon while still others simply were 

distressed by the perceived “greed” of their neighbors who wished to “cash-in” on the money spill. For 

many the cleanup was a source of economic benefit that offset some of their short-term losses related to 

the EVOS (Cohen 1997). For others, cleanup employment only resulted in mitigating some of their 

losses without resulting in a large economic gain. Furthermore, Cohen (1997) and the Oiled Mayors 

Study (IAI 1990d) describe the “porous” nature of the Alaskan economy in which expenditures are often 

outside local communities and therefore they receive limited to no benefit as a result. Although large 

sums of money were spent in the cleanup, the economic gains were unevenly distributed; and, the 

economic benefits were not such that, in many cases, they offset the losses related to the EVOS. 

5.5.7 Local Governments Experienced Fiscal Impacts Related to the EVOS 

Smaller municipalities are the rule in coastal Alaskan communities. Budgets of less than 5 million dollars 

a year are common and reserves are often limited. A major event such as the EVOS often required the 

expenditure of municipal funds on response activities and diverting funds away from other projects and 

service delivery. Reserves were tapped where it was necessary (IAI 1990a). Additionally, some revenues 

declined because of decreases in taxes such as raw fish tax, although other revenues increased (e.g., 

hotel-motel taxes.) Many smaller local governments did not have the resources and others did not have 

the time because of EVOS demands to document their expenditures and all of their lost revenues (IAI 

1990d). Furthermore, although Exxon reimbursed municipalities for some expenditures/losses, some 

types of expenditures were excluded from consideration (IAI 1990d). The net effect was that 

municipalities experienced fiscal losses related to the EVOS. 

5.5.8 Economics: Demand Conditions 

The demand conditions for economics address a diversity of issues relating to assessment of economic 

loss and gain. The issues include: 

• determination of the configuration of local economic sectors; 

• evaluation of the direct effects on specific sectors dependent on damaged resources; 

• evaluation of the indirect effects on specific sectors dependent on damaged resources; 

• determination of trends in economic sectors and specification of the industry context 

affecting those trends (e.g., world salmon prices); 

• evaluation of event effects on specific economic sectors in relationship to economic 

trends and their industry context; 

• response to short-term effects on business and personal incomes and the economic 

well-being of community economic structure; 

• adapting to long-term changes in economic conditions; 
• recovery of damages; 

• assessment of effects on the fiscal conditions of municipal and tribal governments; 

• evaluation of the full economic costs and benefits of cleanup operations in relationship to 

economic costs of damages incurred; and 

• record keeping documenting fiscal losses and damages. 

5.5.9 Economics: Recommendations 

The following steps are recommended: 

• support a claims/reimbursement process that fairly assesses losses and compensates those 

affected; 

• provide short-term economic support to private sector businesses that suffer losses related 

to future events; 

• provide fiscal support to local governments in their disaster response efforts; 

• construct cleanup operations that minimize the disruption of local economies; and 

• provide support for record keeping and other means to document costs related to cleanup 

operations. 

6.0 OBSERVATIONS: LITIGATION ISSUES AND THE EVOS 

There is a very limited set of information in the public domain that assesses the effects of litigation on 

Alaskan communities exposed to the EVOS. Given the limited primary data about litigation issues, any 

discussion of “lessons learned” would be forced and not solidly based in data. However, there are some 

observations that can be made about the litigation process of the EVOS as it relates to social issues in 

Alaskan communities. These observations derive from selected items of literature (Jorgensen 1995a; 

Picou, Gill, and Cohen 1997) and from the personal experiences of the authors of this report who 

participated in parts of the litigation process as expert witnesses. Mike Downs and John Russell were 

both expert witnesses for plaintiff attorneys and participated in preparing reports and giving depositions 

related to the social, economic, psychological, and municipal effects of the EVOS on Alaskan 

communities. We offer the following observations about the interactions of social impacts and the EVOS. 

6.1 LITIGATION IS INEVITABLE 

Technological disasters seem to inevitably result in litigation by those damaged against the human agency 

that caused an event. In this instance, those damaged pursued litigation again Exxon, Alyeska, and 

others. Reports in newspapers, popular publications (e.g., Keeble 1991; Davidson 1990), and the 

observations of the authors of this report indicate that attorneys were among the first “outsiders” who 

began the flood into the affected communities after the spill. Where there are economic or other damages 

and human agency is involved, there is likely to be litigation. This is a characteristic of technological 

disaster events. 
6.2 LITIGATION IS DIVISIVE 

Reynolds (1993) illustrates the divisive nature of litigation related to the EVOS. She reports on the case 

of litigation by the former Cordova Chamber of Commerce president against certain members of the 

Cordova City Council and the Mayor. This litigation was firmly rooted in issues related to the EVOS as 

described by Reynolds. Litigation by business owners, fishermen, and others against Exxon also created 

arguments within some communities about the moral basis of those suits, since some argued that claims 

were not well founded. Litigation became another source of divisiveness within communities. Although 

it may have addressed economic and other needs of those affected by the EVOS, it also created factions 

and hard feelings. 

6.3 LITIGATION INHIBITS RESOLUTION OF THE EVOS 

Psychological tests with members of Cordova District Fishermen United found that those involved in 

litigation had higher levels of depression than those not involved in litigation, and found that those who 

had sold items because of economic loss had higher levels of anxiety than those who had not sold items to 

compensate for economic losses. 

6.4 LITIGATION MAY NOT FAIRLY COMPENSATE ALL AFFECTED 

Jorgensen (1995a) argues that Natives were not fairly compensated in part of their litigation that was 

settled. He also notes that some of the claims against Exxon by Natives misunderstood the nature of 

damages to these communities. Gill and Picou also suggest the dismissal of some Native claims against 

Exxon are in fact harmful: 

The denial of any damage claims for the non-economic component of Alaska 

Native culture by the court was an artificial separation of traditional cultural values, 

meanings and behaviors from a strictly economic valuation of harvest production. 

Because Alaska Native culture does not distinguish between economic production and 

cultural practice in a way that conforms to Western legal conventions, they were further 

victimized by the Exxon Valdez oil spill through the court’s lack of recognition of 

deleterious cultural impacts experienced as a result of this technological disaster (Gill and 

Picou 1997: 183). 

There is also anecdotal information in newspaper and other sources that indicates that many small 

fishermen, businesses owners, and others do not feel as if litigation has fairly compensated them for their 

losses. The litigation process does not necessarily pursue fairness and those who participate in litigation 

may not receive the compensation they believe justified. 

6.5 LITIGATION CAN INHIBIT DATA COLLECTION OR PREVENT PUBLIC 

RELEASE OF DATA 

Native communities acquired legal representation early in the EVOS. Attorneys for the Native 

communities limited access by researchers to these communities. This resulted in limiting research about 

the effects of the EVOS to that approved by these attorneys. This is clearly not in the best interests of 

social scientists and it may not be in the best interests of those damaged by the EVOS. In other instances, 

data collected for assessment of biological effects was kept from the public record because of its status as 

related to federal/state litigation against Exxon. In Native, and in some non-Native, communities there 

was skepticism and suspicion about the results of these studies. Much of the science was not trusted 

because of feelings that some data were public and some were not and this raised questions. It could be 
argued that some of the concern about food safety in Native communities was exacerbated by data 

collected but kept private for litigation purposes. 

6.6 CONFIDENTIALITY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE DATA DOES NOT HAVE 

STANDING IN THE COURTS 

It is a common practice of social scientists involved in data collection to guarantee the confidentiality of 

data collected. However, if the data collected is deemed relevant to court proceedings, the courts have the 

power to compel production of the data and essentially violate the confidentiality guaranteed by the social 

scientists. If true confidentiality is to be maintained, then records names and other identifiers that can 

compromise confidentiality need to be excluded from research records that can be subpoenaed for 

inclusion in litigation. 

6.7 SOCIAL SCIENCE RELATED TO EVOS LITIGATION IS CONTROVERSIAL 

Jorgensen (1995a) provides one set of arguments about the nature of social science data used in litigation 

against Exxon. He suggests that a report prepared by social scientists for Native claims against Exxon 

incorrectly reified the concept of culture and had “severe consequences” for the Native argument about 

damages (Jorgensen 1995a:2-3). He also takes to task social scientists for Exxon who argued that Native 

and non-Native culture in Alaska are not different; and, that ethnicity is a better explanation of these 

differences and their consequences for EVOS-related impacts (Jorgensen 1995a:3ff.). There was a wide 

range of social science data collected for litigation purposes and other data that were assembled from 

existing studies that were never entered into evidence. The materials that did become part of the court 

record show the importance of providing scientifically sound data. The most reliable way to assure that 

data collected to describe these types of events is to use reputable social scientists and to have their 

research procedures and findings subject to a peer review process. 

7.0 GENERAL RECOMMENDATIONS 

There are a number of recommendations that transcend the individual social factors we have previously 

discussed. These recommendations are of two types: information that is needed to provide effective 

responses to these types of events and actions that can be taken to mitigate or prevent social impacts. 

7.1 INFORMATION RECOMMENDATIONS 

Alaskan coastal communities near oil transport corridors are at-risk for the impacts of any future oil spill. 

In addition to constructing sociocultural profiles of these communities, the following information would 

be useful for those planning response efforts in these communities. 

• The characteristics and patterns of resource dependence, including their economic, 

cultural, and social importance should be assessed. 

• Patterns of subsistence practices in Native uses of natural resources; and, non-Native 

economic and other (e.g., recreational) patterns of resource use should be characterized. 

• Traditional ecological knowledge about important resources and environmental processes 

for both non-Native and Native communities should be developed. 

• Options to replace natural resources that have significant cultural, social, and economic 

importance should be assessed. 
• The risk factors in social organization, culture, and economic structure that predispose 

particular communities to social impacts should be described. 

• Community assessments of risk, blame, and responsibility in order to construct better risk 

communication programs should be described. 

• Information about exposure to toxic substances and contamination of resources for 

particular communities should be developed. 

• Stakeholders who are likely to experience economic damages and the nature of those 

damages should be identified. 

• Time lines and a history of significant events and interactions between agencies, 

communities, and other responsible parties should be developed. 

• Recovery issues for communities exposed to damaged resources should be assessed. 

7.2 PLANNING RECOMMENDATIONS 

The following planning or “action” recommendations address more general issues that can provide 

support for response efforts to any future oil spill event. 

• Community disaster response plans include processes for acknowledgment and 

assessment of social impacts should be assured. 

• Inter-agency disaster response capability that coordinates state and federal with local 

disaster response efforts should be developed. 

• Procedures for communicating warnings related to threats to public health and safety 

should be established. 

• Community interest groups in developing materials and communications about health and 

other risks related to toxic exposure and other event effects should be included. 

• A regular process to communicate agency needs and issues with community leadership 

should be established. Consistent contact person to maintain trust and open communication 

should be provided. Newsletters, e-mails, and other regular information transmissions can reduce 

concerns and anxiety about the actions of responding agencies. 

• Coordination with other agencies to minimize conflicting communications should be 

implemented. 

• Procedures for responding to media inquiries and requests for interviews should be 

developed. 

• Liaison procedures for interacting with community groups and leaders should be 

developed. This should include training for agency personnel in addressing issues of consensus 

and ‘dissensus’ among different agencies and communities. 
• An agency-community working group to address conflict resolution and problem solving 

regarding issues and concerns to different stakeholders and event participants should be 

developed. 

• Community expectations and needs regarding interaction with responding agencies 

should be assessed. 

• Assistance for communities to identify the risks and threats from exposure to toxic 

substances by acknowledging traditional risk assessments as well as formal risk assessments 

should be provided. 

• Assistance in enabling communities to develop a process for developing consensus and 

resolving ‘dissensus’ should be provided. 

• Culturally-sensitive plans for assistance to Native communities, including acknowledging 

traditional political structures and cultural beliefs should be developed. 

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spill. American Journal of Psychiatry, 150(10):1517 (7 pages). 

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American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 19(4):125-149. 
Exxon Valdez Oil Spill, Cleanup, and Litigation:

A Collection of Social-Impacts Information and Analysis

Final Report, Volume II:

Final Analysis on Social Factor by Social Factor Basis

Prepared for: 

Michael Baffrey, Contracting Officer’s Technical Representative

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Environmental Studies Section

949 East 36th Avenue, Suite 300

Anchorage, Alaska 99508-4363

Prepared by: 

Impact Assessment, Inc. 

2166 Avenida de la Playa, Suite F 

La Jolla, California 92037 

August 2001 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 

1.0 PURPOSE AND ANALYTIC PROCESS

2.0 CONTEXT FACTORS

2.1 CONTEXT FACTOR: ENVIRONMENT

2.1.1 Environmental Characteristics

2.1.2 Social and Cultural Significance of Environment and Natural Resources

2.2 CONTEXT FACTOR: EVENT CHARACTERISTICS

2.2.1 The Exxon Valdez Event: First Days

2.2.2 The Exxon Valdez Event as a Technological Disaster

2.2.3 Demands Resulting From the Exxon Valdez Event as a Technological

Disaster 

3.0 SOCIAL FACTOR: CULTURE

3.1 DEFINITION AND RELEVANCE

3.2 CULTURAL VARIABLES AND THE EVOS

3.2.1 Native Culture and the EVOS

3.2.2 Differences in Corporate and Community Cultures

3.2.3 Beliefs, Values, and Cultural Knowledge

4.0 SUBSISTENCE

4.1 DEFINITION AND RELEVANCE

4.2 CONTAMINATION OF SUBSISTENCE RESOURCES

4.2.1 Subsistence Resources Were Oiled

4.2.2 Traditional Knowledge Based Risk Assessments

4.2.3 Resource Use and Safety Concerns

4.3 SUBSISTENCE PARTICIPATION

4.4 SUBSISTENCE USE AND NATIVE CULTURE

4.4.1 Effects on Sharing of Subsistence Resources

4.4.2 Effects on Children’s Participation in Subsistence Activities

4.4.3 Effects on Native Values about Subsistence Resources

4.4.4 Effects on Diet

4.5 SUBSISTENCE AND COMMUNITY ECONOMICS

4.5.1 Lost Economic Value of Subsistence Resources

4.5.2 Increased Costs For Subsistence Practices

4.5.3 Cleanup Employment Offset Losses

4.6 DISCUSSION OF SUBSISTENCE AND THE EVOS

4.6.1 Alienation

4.6.2 Cultural Trauma

5.0 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

5.1 DEFINITION AND RELEVANCE

5.2 COMMUNITY POLITICAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL RESOURCES

5.2.1 Community Political Organization Affected Response Capability

5.2.2 Community Leadership: Positive and Adverse Outcomes

5.2.3 Community Organizational Resources Influenced Response Capability

5.2.4 Community Communication and Information Resources
5.3 SOCIAL BONDS AND PATTERNS OF INTERACTION

5.3.1 The Characteristics of Social Bonds in Small Communities Affected

Outcomes

5.3.2 Effects of the Oil Spill and Cleanup Changed Patterns of Social

Interaction

5.4 FAMILY AND KINSHIP

5.4.1 Family Roles and Relationships were Impacted by the Cleanup

5.4.2 Kinship Was a Factor Affecting Patterns of Interaction and Association

5.5 DISCUSSION

6.0 SOCIAL HEALTH

6.1 DEFINITION AND RELEVANCE: SOCIAL HEALTH

6.2 SOCIAL CONFLICT UNDERMINED COMMUNITY TIES

6.2.1 The Moral Acceptability of Working on the Exxon Sponsored Cleanup

6.2.2 “Gouging” Exxon

6.2.3 Preference and Unfairness in Hiring Vessels and Cleanup Work

6.2.4 Support and Opposition to the Oil Industry

6.2.5 Tension Exists Between Exxon and Affected Communities

6.2.6 Conflicts Occurred Between Community Residents and Outsiders

6.2.7 Social Conflict and Community Ties

6.3 SOCIAL DISORDERS CONTRIBUTED TO COMMUNITY STRESS

6.4 STRESS AND MENTAL HEALTH PROBLEMS EMERGED AFTER THE EVOS

6.4.1 Valdez Counseling Center Survey for Depression Symptoms and Stress

6.4.2 The Oiled Mayors Study Household Survey Findings for GAD, PTSD, and CESD

6.4.3 University of Southern Alabama Survey Findings about Stress in Cordova and

Valdez

6.4.4 Discussion of Mental Health Findings

6.5 COMMUNITY SUPPORT WAS UNDERMINED

6.5.1 Oiled Mayors Study Findings about Family and Community Support

6.5.2 University of Southern Alabama Findings About Perceived Social Support

6.5.3 MMS Social Indicators

6.5.4 Discussion of Community and Family Support Findings

6.6 RECOVERY AND PREVENTION

6.6.1 Impacts Need to be Acknowledged for Recovery to Occur

6.6.2 Recovery Through Education

6.6.3 Recovery is Unknown

6.6.4 Prevention

7.0 ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS

7.1 DEFINITION AND RELEVANCE

7.2 THE STRUCTURE OF ECONOMIC DIVERSITY

7.2.1 Economic Diversity in Non-Native Communities

7.2.2 The Structure of Subsistence and Cash Economies in Native

Communities

7.3 PRIVATE SECTOR ECONOMIC LOSSES AND GAINS

7.3.1 Findings about Economic Losses and Gains

7.3.2 Economic Aspects of the Cleanup

7.4 PUBLIC SECTOR FISCAL IMPACTS
7.5 LITIGATION AND ECONOMIC ISSUES 

7.6 DISCUSSION: COMMUNITY ECONOMICS AND THE EVOS 

REFERENCES 

LIST OF ACRONYMS 

ADF&G Alaska Department of Fish and Game

CESD Center for Epidemiologic Studies of Depression

EVOS Exxon Valdez oil spill event, including the clean up phase

GAD Generalized Anxiety Disorder

MMS United States Department of the Interior, Minerals Management Service

PTSD Post Traumatic Stress Disorder
1.0 PURPOSE AND ANALYTIC PROCESS 

This report presents an analysis of the individual social factors that contributed to the community impacts 

from the Exxon Valdez oil spill and cleanup. The question that focuses this analysis is: how did social 

factors interact with the Exxon Valdez oil spill (EVOS) event to influence the type and distribution of 

community impacts? The emphasis is on how social factors functioned in the event. How did the same 

factor function to produce similar and different outcomes among Alaskan communities? Did some 

factors buffer or exacerbate community impacts? These and other questions addressed by the analysis 

emphasize the social and cultural processes that can link impacts with the EVOS. Our presentation of the 

analysis for each factor describes some of the key themes and issues and representative findings for these 

themes. A discussion of the issues and themes then integrates the findings about each particular social 

factor. In the next draft comprehensive report we will summarize and integrate all of the findings and 

discuss why some factors were more significant than others in contributing to community impacts. Based 

on this discussion we will then present an integrated analysis of these findings and their implications for 

natural resource managers. 

The processes of completing this analysis follows common steps in qualitative methods. We first 

aggregate findings and descriptions about social factors from the bibliographic sources. They were then 

grouped according to similarities and differences. Next, these groupings were examined for issues or 

content regarding interactions with the EVOS or relationships to community impacts. Themes were then 

identified in the issues and content. These themes form the basis for developing summary discussions 

and explanations of the connections among social factors and community impacts. 

Presentation of the analysis is guided by the practical needs of resource managers, community members, 

and other interested parties to understand how the EVOS influenced key social factors in exposed 

communities. With these practical needs in mind, the presentation has two parts. The first is a brief 

definition of each factor and its relevance for understanding community impacts. The second illustrates 

how each factor interacted with the EVOS to influence community impacts. This illustration contains 

summary discussions of “issues” (e.g., social conflict, reduced subsistence harvests, stress, contamination 

fears) related to the interaction of the EVOS and each social factor. The sources which are a basis for 

construction of the summary analysis are cited, including the communities addressed by the source 

analysis/description. References cited include those in the Annotated Bibliography and Abstracts. The 

result of this presentation format is a non-technical condensed summary discussion of major issues 

resulting from the interaction of each social factors with the EVOS. 

2.0 CONTEXT FACTORS 

Context factors address background information that assists in the analysis of interactions between social 

factors and the EVOS. They assist us by linking a wider set of relevant event and environmental 

characteristics with the more specific circumstances of the EVOS. To make these linkages we assume 

that community impacts resulted from the interaction of social factors with “environment,” and “event 

characteristics.” By “environment” we mean the biophysical adaptations and natural resource cycles of 

Alaskan communities. By “event characteristics” we mean the sequence and attributes of the EVOS and 

its aftermath as a technological disaster. That is, we can inform our analysis of social factors by framing 

the characteristics of the EVOS 

in the context of similar events. These context factors emphasize the environmental stimuli and event 

demands to which communities reacted. By examining the relationship of specific social factors to the 

event and environmental contexts, we thus have a broader basis for analysis of relationships among 

social factors, the EVOS, and community impacts. 

2.1 CONTEXT FACTOR: ENVIRONMENT 
Natural resources and their annual cycles of availability influence the characteristics of rural Alaskan 

community life. These resources structure activities such as work and recreation. They also influence 

characteristics of social institutions such as family roles and economic patterns. They are also important 

in the ceremonies, festivals, values, and beliefs which express and give meaning to the everyday lives of 

rural Alaskans. The presence of “nature” and natural resources is thus multidimensional in its influence 

on Alaskan communities. It is not only economics, family, or cultural values that are influenced by the 

adaptations of these communities to their biophysical environment. Rather, the environmental context 

influences a complex interaction among social institutions, cultural beliefs and values, and community 

and individual behaviors. Any event that results in loss, damage, or contamination of the environment or 

its natural resources is likely to be multidimensional in its effects. Here we briefly summarize two 

aspects of environmental context: (1) environmental characteristics and (2) the social and cultural 

significance of the biophysical environmental and its natural resources. 

2.1.1 Environmental Characteristics 

The biophysical environment from Prince William Sound, to Kodiak Island, and on to the Alaska 

Peninsula is a rich and diverse ecological milieu. The literature regarding the resources of this coastal 

marine environment, especially post-EVOS, is detailed in its descriptions of particular resources (Rice et 

al. 1996). Even a causal examination of the biological literature regarding this region indicates that it has 

diverse, high quality resources, some of which (especially marine resources and particularly salmon and 

groundfish) have distinct seasonal cycles. 

From Bligh Island in Prince William Sound to near the Shumagin Islands off the coast of the Alaska 

Peninsula, there is a highly diverse geophysical environment. In Prince William Sound, there are both 

wide stretches of open sandy beaches as well as deep rocky fjords. Also in Prince William Sound there 

are several major islands such as Montague, Latouche, Knight, Green, and Little Island which have more 

rocky beaches. The rocky shorelines and beaches of these and other smaller islands makes these areas 

ideal habitat for the seal and seal lion rookeries that are in this area. On the western side of Prince 

William Sound, the Kenai Peninsula juts southwest. It is separated from the Alaska Peninsula by the 

broad expanse of Kachemak Bay. Along the coast of the Alaska Peninsula the coast line is rugged and 

characterized by a mixture of small bays and many rocky and open sandy beaches. The Shelikof Straights 

separates the Peninsula from Kodiak Island which also has shorelines that are mixtures of deep bays, 

steep cliffs that abut rocky beaches, and some broad open sandy beaches. 

This region can be characterized as a marine coastal environment. It has an abundance and diversity of 

both flora and fauna. Marine mammals (e.g., orcas, harbor seals, sea lions, sea otters, whales) exist 

throughout this region. Fish and other marine resources are diverse and generally abundant: there are five 

species of Pacific salmon, halibut, a wide variety of groundfish (e.g. Pacific Cod, black cod, pollock, 

sablefish), steeled, several varieties of crabs (e.g., opilio, tanner, king), shrimp and numerous other 

commercial and non-commercial species. Intertidal and subtidal areas are home to a diversity of 

invertebrates. Bird resources are numerous and diverse, including eagles, a variety of seabirds (e.g., 

marbled murrelets, auks, kittiwakes) and shorebirds. In fact the Copper River Delta is home to one of the 

greatest concentrations of shorebirds in this hemisphere. Similarly, land mammals are diverse and in 

some cases abundant. These resources include caribou, brown bears, black bears, moose, deer, wolves, 

and a variety of small mammal species. The flora of the region is as diverse as its fauna. In some areas 

there are large stands of spruce, fir, and hardwoods. Other areas are characterized by high grasses, 

willows, and tundra. South of Bligh Reef, there are several major islands (e.g., Montague, Latouche, 

Knight) before Prince William Sound opens into the Gulf of Alaska. The coastal areas in some parts of 

the region (Prince William Sound, Kenai) are distinguished by deep fjords, but in other areas there are 

vast stretches of open beaches. 
Environmental Characteristics and the Oil Spill 

When oil spilled from the tanker Exxon Valdez, strong circulating currents in Prince William Sound 

spread the oil south and west from Bligh Reef, along the Kenai Peninsula, into Kachemak Bay, and then 

into the Shelikof Straights where it fouled shorelines along the Alaska Peninsula as well as Kodiak Island. 

By September of 1989, cleanup officials reported that oiling of these shorelines, bays, and beaches was 

extensive. By that fall, the Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation estimated the following 

cleaning efforts: 311 miles in Prince William Sound, 100 miles along the Kenai Peninsula, and nearly 900 

miles along the Alaska Peninsula and Kodiak Island. These are conservative estimates made in the heat 

of the cleanup effort. Perhaps no final total will ever exist of the area oiled. However, the area exposed 

can be understood by placing the length of the slick in the context of other U.S. geography. This area 

approximates the distance from the Cape Cod coastline of Massachusetts to the southern most coast line 

of Virginia (State of Alaska 1989: 7). 

A typical beach profile in Prince William Sound and in the other affected areas is characterized by large 

rocks and gravel which is over loosely compacted sediment; and, underneath these layers there is another 

layer of densely compacted sediment and then bedrock (State of Alaska 1989:13). The depth of the first 

three layers varies from beach to beach depending on the nature of the beach, the high tide lines, and the 

depth of the bedrock. Tides mix the cobble rock and gravel as the waters rise and fall and in the intertidal 

zone these materials can mix with the layer of loosely compacted sediment to depths ranging from several 

inches to several feet. The surf action also grinds up materials brought in by the tides such as kelp and 

debris and distributes this throughout the upper and lower sediment layers. These characteristics of 

beaches in the spill-affected area were important because they distributed oil from the top layers down 

through the second and third layers of sediment. The surface rocks and sandy areas of beaches became 

coated with oil, and the sediment layers also became contaminated. Furthermore, wave action and tides 

took surface oil back out to sea where incoming tides redeposited the oil, starting the cycle all over. 

Importantly, many of the intertidal zones are the habitat for clams, mussels, crabs, and other plants and 

animals used by Alaska Natives for subsistence purposes. These intertidal areas of rocky beaches were 

also cleaned by using hot-water high pressure hoses which attempted to root out oil which was then 

collected using skimmers, blotters, and other methods. In some instances, detergents and solvents were 

added to the hot water. The effect was to sterilize these beaches resulting in the death of most of the plant 

and animal life (Steiner and Byers 1990). Furthermore, the oil trapped in some of the deeper sediment 

layers continues to emerge, to coat rocks, and contaminate the plant and animal life along these beaches 

(Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Trustee Council 1997: 122). 

Communities and Environment in the Spill Area 

Native and non-Native settlements exist throughout this region. The major non-Native communities are: 

Valdez, Cordova, Seward, Homer, Whittier, Kenai, and Kodiak. In Prince William Sound and the Kenai 

the major Native villages of interest are in Seldovia, Chenega, Tatitlek, Port Graham, and English Bay. 

On Kodiak there are several major Native villages including Larsen Bay, Ouzinkie, Akhiok, Karluk, and 

Old Harbor. On the Alaska Peninsula, in the region of interest for this report, Native villages include 

Perryville, Chignik Lake, and Chignik Bay. These human communities, with the exception of Kenai, are 

located on the coast. Non-Native communities are primarily oriented to commercial fishing whereas 

Native communities depend on subsistence resources and some commercial fishing. The natural 

resources of the region, are a significant economic and cultural resource for these communities. For many 

people in these communities, Native and non-Native alike, this is also a “special place” because of these 

resources. For example, 
The first time I saw Prince William Sound, in the summer of 1980, I might as 

well have walked through a pass into Shangri-la. Tucked between the north coast of the 

Gulf of Alaska and the glacier capped Chugach Mountains, the sound was one of the few 

special places left in the county that seemed safely far away from the problems of the 

twentieth century. People had lived, hunted, and fished there for millennia, but had 

hardly left a mark (Steiner 1997: 112). 

Further, from a Native perspective: 

The roots of our lives grow deep into the water and the land. That is who we are. 

We are like our brothers the bear and the deer – we live on the land, and our food is 

mostly from the water. Bear eat fish, deer eat seaweed, Natives eat all of the life in the 

water. The land and the water are our sources of life (Meganack 1989). 

The characteristics of this environment provide a basis for understanding how the connections of affected 

communities relate to their environment. Specifically, these characteristics are essential background for 

understanding the meaning of spilling 11 million gallons of oil into a ecological milieu which has 

substantial social and cultural significance for residents of both Native and non-Native communities. 

2.1.2 Social and Cultural Significance of Environment and Natural Resources 

A biophysical environment is culturally constituted. What people know, their activities and interactions 

with their environment, and what is valued and meaningful is not random nor is it “just out there” as a 

fixed determinant of cultural adaptations in any natural setting. Rather, an environment becomes 

constructed through human interactions with it and by other social experiences as well as the transmission 

of community cultural traditions. Environment and natural resources are thus variables that depend on 

what people have been taught by their culture and how communities and individuals use and otherwise 

interact with these resources. This argument is developed in more detail in our discussion of the “culture” 

social factor, but here the point is to establish that communities construct the significance of their 

environment based on sociocultural processes. For our purposes here, we identify specific issues that are 

essential background about the social context of environment and natural resources in Alaskan 

communities. 

Communities within the spill-affected area are dependent on the use of natural resources. 

Native and non-Native communities vary in the degree and type of dependence 

on natural resources. The social, economic, and cultural institutions among Native 

communities is dependent on the harvest and consumption on natural resources such as 

fish, berries, deer, and other flora and fauna. In some communities, logging and 

commercial fishing are essential economic activities. Among non-Native communities 

natural resources are the economic basis for many communities. Logging, fishing, and 

tourism are economic sectors that are prevalent in these communities. In varying 

degrees, non-Native communities are economically dependent on the harvest of natural 

resources or the aesthetic and other non-material value of these resources. 

These resources have different meanings and values for Native and non-Native communities. 

Native communities attribute spiritual and instrumental meanings and values to 

natural resource use. These meanings are tightly integrated with a range of social and 

cultural characteristics of these communities. Among non-Native communities, natural 

resources have a high degree of instrumental value. However, spiritual and other 
non-material values are also significant attributes of the relationship of non-Native 

communities to their environment. Yet, these types of values are not as tightly integrated 

with other aspects of social and cultural life as they are in Native communities. 

Community social institutions and cycles of activity are integrated with natural resource cycles. 

Among non-Native communities – especially in fishing communities – work, 

residence, patterns of association, and recreation, and examples of social life that are 

based on the cycles of availability of natural resources and especially salmon and other 

marine resources harvested for commercial non-commercial purposes. The activities of 

everyday life are integrated with the use of, and meanings attributed to, natural resource 

cycles. Within Native communities there are long-standing traditions of hunting, fishing, 

resource sharing, seasonal residence, ceremony and other sociocultural activities that 

tightly link these communities to natural resource cycles. 

Communities have distinct preferences about resources and their use. 

Native communities use a wide range of natural resources for traditional and 

commercial purposes. There are distinct preferences for harvesting particular types of 

fish, shellfish, berries, marine mammals (e.g. seals), and other wildlife (e.g., deer, bear, 

ducks, geese, etc.) for personal consumption. Non-Native communities have tendencies 

to use a narrower range of resources for personal consumption. However, non-Native 

communities may use a wider range of resources for commercial purposes. 

Residents have multiple types of attachments to their environment. 

Within Native and non-Native communities alike there are lifestyle, economic, 

cultural, and social attachments to the environment and natural resources. Among 

non-Native communities, the natural environment is often a motivating reason for 

residence, it offers a preferred lifestyle, and it often is the basis for individual income or a 

community economy. The diversity of resources, recreational activities, the spiritual 

value of place, and other attachments result in multiple types of attachment to place. In 

Native communities history, lifestyle, culture beliefs, and social institutions provide an 

attachment to natural resources and specific places. For Native and non-Natives alike, 

multiple attachments to the environment and its natural resources intertwine community, 

geography, flora, and fauna. 

Collectively, these points indicate that both Native and non-Native communities attribute considerable 

social, economic, and cultural significance to their biophysical environment and natural resources. This 

suggests that any event which damages these resources or otherwise results in their loss or contamination 

will have consequences for the institutions and ways of life in these communities. 

2.2 CONTEXT FACTOR: EVENT CHARACTERISTICS 

The EVOS was a classic technological disaster: a human-caused accident released a substance which 

threatened the health, welfare, and social integrity of exposed communities. Classifying this event as a 

technological disaster connects it to social science knowledge about similar events. This allows framing 

the discussion of EVOS-social factor analysis within the context of a broader set of knowledge about 

significant event characteristics. However, this event also had unique attributes that add to existing 

knowledge about the characteristics of technological disasters and the demands they place on exposed 

communities. Below we describe some of the general characteristics of technological disasters and 
briefly discuss the relationship of the EVOS to each one. Then we summarize the demands these 

characteristics place on exposed communities. 

2.2.1 The Exxon Valdez Event: First Days 

On March 23, 1989 at about 9:12 p.m., the tanker Exxon Valdez departed the Alyeska terminal in Valdez 

loaded with 53,094,510 gallons of North Slope crude oil. Winter was waning, but snow was still piled 

high in the streets of Valdez and there was still some ice in the ship channel. Yet, the weather was clear, 

the wind and the water were dead calm. Joseph Hazlewood, Captain of Exxon Valdez gave orders to 

switch to the outbound shipping lane to avoid any possible ice in the channel. After some maneuvering 

around ice, Hazelwood went below deck to do some paper work, leaving the ship in the command of the 

First Mate. 

Then at approximately 12:04 a.m. the Exxon Valdez ran aground on Bligh Reef, just off Bligh Island in 

Prince William Sound. Hazlewood was called to the bridge and after some assessment of the situation he 

radioed the Valdez transport terminal, saying, “We’ve fetched up hard aground north of Goose Island off 

Bligh Reef . . . Evidently, we’re leaking some oil and we’re going to be here for awhile.” He made some 

attempts to rock his ship off the reef. No luck. By 2:30 a.m. an oil slick from the tanker reached a half 

mile south. When Coast Guard officials arrived on board at 3:23 a.m. the tanks gauged that 5.8 million 

gallons of oil had been lost. Dawn and then daylight revealed the “big one” predicted by Cordova 

fishermen had indeed happened (Davidson 1990). By a little after noon, the calm seas allowed observers 

to see an oil slick one thousand feet wide and more than 4 miles long. More than 10.8 million gallons of 

oil was in the water. The oil spill response crews that were supposed to exist as part of a contingency 

plan were conspicuously absent from the scene. Later it would be shown that those resources did not 

exist (Davidson 1990). 

For the next two days the weather remained calm. Ongoing efforts to transfer the remaining oil and 

respond to the spilled oil were underway. Exxon, Alyeska, the U.S. Coast Guard, and Alaska Department 

of Environmental Conservation officials discussed burning the oil, using dispersants, and booming as 

strategies to contain or cleanup the spilled oil. By Monday March 27, the weather had worsened causing 

some of the initial response efforts to be suspended. Some argue that crucial time was lost and good 

weather squandered by arguments and disagreements over how to respond (Davidson 1990; Keeble 

1991). 

In the next few days, chilling reports were filed: 

“Heavy weathered oil continues to wrap around Knight Island, Emulsified oil 

reported from Squire Point south to Prince of Wales Passage opposite Port San Juan. 

Heavy oil also reported on west side of Latouche Island” (April 1, 1989). 

“ADEC [Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation] beach surveys on 

Elanor Island, Ingot Island, and northern end of Knight Island show heavy 

contamination” (April 2, 1989). 

“Over 66,000 feet of boom deployed in Sawmill Bay. This represents 65% of 

total boom deployed. OSC has decided to deploy a significant amount of booming and 

skimmers in defensive positions to protect [salmon] hatcheries, removing capacity to 

fight the spill itself” (April 5, 1989). 
“Mortality rate of otters turned into rehabilitation centers is approximately 

50 percent. Leading edge of oil slick 22 miles south of Nuka Bay in Gulf of Alaska . . 

.Oil mousse surrounds Barwell Island . . .” (April 6, 1989). 

“Commandant [U.S. Coast Guard] meets with representatives of Exxon, ADEC 

[Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation], and fishermen. Exxon presents 

shore clean-up execution plan . . .oil in the gulf between Cape Junken and the Chugach 

Islands may be driven northward and may reach shoreline in that area due to 

predominately southeast winds. Clean-up operations temporarily stopped due to reports 

of exposures to harmful vapors . . .” (April 16, 1989). 

“Adverse weather continues to hamper efforts to skim oil” (April 24, 1989). 

“Tank cleaning and repair activities on Exxon Valdez continue . . .Cleanup 

operations in the western Gulf of Alaska continue to be hindered by adverse weather . . 

.Various super-suction devices have been tried with limited success . . .” (April 25, 1989). 

Source (Alaska Oil Spill Commission Records ACE 933709-933727 from U.S. 

Coast Guard Pollution Reports). 

Residents in Prince William Sound communities engaged in some early efforts to boom off critical habitat 

and to protect fish hatcheries (Davidson 1990; Keeble 1991). Others also took matters into their own 

hands and tried to rescue the wildlife oiled by the spill. The scenes that people observed were 

disheartening. For example, 

[He] anchors the Pagan in a small cove off Disc Island. [He] sleeps on deck and 

when he awakens, he sees the oil. It is thick and sludgy. Two red snapper ride belly-up 

on the surface . . .as the Pagan leaves the cove he watches a small flock of murres [sea 

birds] trying to lift off ahead of the hull. They flap and flounder, and beyond them, five 

sea otters are frantic. Oil-soaked, they are having trouble staying on top. They pop up 

through the oil, swimming violently, rolling, trying to scrape their thick coats clean. 

They sink (Simms 1989: 100). 

And, 

No matter where you went it was black. A bird would fly in, it would start to 

struggle, and then it would go under. Kelly (Weaverling) and I went to this one beach 

where the oil was almost over the tops of our boots. We heard a noise. It was a loon – a 

big loon. All we could see was its head sticking up out of the oil. Its eyes were red and it 

made that eerie loon call. I grabbed him and pulled him out of the sludge. He was just 

covered . . .I mean, I couldn’t even hold onto him. The loon was sliding out of my hands 

and biting me. Kelly just stood there in shock. Then he started to cry (Davidson 1990: 

137). 

Bald eagles, whales, seal lions, sea otters and other wildlife suffered. Cleanup was not an easy experience 

for those who witnessed what occurred. For example, a veterinarian from Cordova focused his efforts on 

rescuing otters. He observed, 

The otters I found on the beaches were all curled up. You’d see a glob of oil out 

their other end, by the anus . . .Some of those still alive are blind. They swim around 

bumping into rocks. Sometimes their central nervous system seemed to be gone: they’d 
swim right up to us and knock their heads on our boat. They were either blind or brain 

damaged (Davidson 1990: 149). 

These types of experiences took their toll on those who witnessed them. For example, 

After a while you don’t get angry. Anger is way in the back. You have moved 

far beyond being angry, because everything around you is dead. Before I went out I was 

mad. Mad at the bumbling. Then you get out there. You hope it’s going to be limited, 

not so bad. As times goes on, the oil keeps spreading. More death. You just keep going 

into deeper and deeper depression. Finally, I had to get out of it for my own sanity 

(Davidson 1990: 153). 

But it was not just oiled otters and red-eyed oil soaked loons that disheartened the residents in the 

affected communities. They saw coastal areas where they did commercial fishing oiled, and 

Natives saw beaches where they collected mussels and clams soaked with oil. Places where 

people picnicked and spent summers sport fishing with their family were blackened with oil. 

Places important to people were harmed and valued resources were contaminated. People feared 

for their futures. Uncertainty was pervasive about what would happen to fishing, what would 

happen to subsistence, what would happen to their boat payments and mortgages. 

Exxon took responsibility for cleaning up the oil. A large cleanup operation was launched. Priority in 

hiring for cleanup work was given to local residents and especially fishermen who could not fish because 

the state had closed many areas to commercial fishing. However, Exxon controlled what was to be done 

and how it was to be done. But, the result was that large amounts of money were spent and some of these 

directly benefitted those who could not fish or those who lost business because of the spill. Cleanup 

crews often spent extended amounts of time away from home, but for some the $16.69 per hour rate plus 

overtime was incentive enough given the uncertainty of other options (Davidson 1990). Some crews were 

employed deploying booms, others in using high and low pressure beach washers to cleanup the oil. 

Other crews used absorbent pads to blot up oil on beaches. Among some cleanup workers there was 

concern about the “sincerity” of the cleanup effort by Exxon: was this a cleanup or was it a ‘buy off’ to 

help Exxon’s corporate image? The cleanup was an effort that for some seemed futile, and for others it 

seemed immoral and an effort to pay off fishermen and other with ‘blood money’ (Davidson 1990; Impact 

Assessment, Inc. [IAI] 1990d). The cleanup itself became controversial and its privatized implementation 

was judged a major source of distress for many who participated (IAI 1990d). 

2.2.2 The Exxon Valdez Event as a Technological Disaster 

Social science has only recently differentiated between technological and natural disasters. This 

differentiation was made because the community and individual impacts of technological disasters have 

different characteristics than those of natural disasters (Berren, Beigel, and Ghertner 1980). These 

general characteristics provide a frame for assessing the specific demands on Alaskan communities 

resulting from the oil spill and its aftermath. 

C Technological disasters are human-caused and usually involve issues of blame and 

responsibility for what is evaluated as a preventable event. 

The grounding of the Exxon Valdez was evaluated as a preventable accident by a major 

oil industry corporation. Blame for the accident was parsed out among Captain Joseph 

Hazlewood, the Exxon Corporation, the Alyeska Corporation, the U.S. Coast Guard, the Alaska 

Department of Environmental Conservation, and other state of Alaska oversight agencies. Initial 

response to the event was evaluated as inadequate, in part because resources that were identified 
in mandated contingency plans for oil spill response were not available. Communities expressed 

concern about the absence of oversight and perceived negligence by the oil industry in protecting 

a resource rich environment. 

C Contamination or other environmental damage results from the release of a potentially 

toxic substance. 

This is an essential and fundamental characteristic of technological disasters. This 

exposure to potentially toxic substances is said to result in “dread” about the possible effects on 

the contaminated / damaged environment or resources as well as for the public health of nearby 

communities. A wide range of marine and other resources were contaminated or damaged by 

spilled oil. Some communities had their shorelines directly oiled. Others experienced the oiling 

of resources which they used for commercial or subsistence purposes. Concerns developed about 

the for personal and community health as well as for the future of the exposed resources. 

C Publics maintain a persistent uncertainty about the environmental and health effects of 

exposure to potentially toxic substances. 

Communities expressed concerns about the oiling of natural resources and their 

long-term and short-term environmental and health effects. State of Alaska agencies made initial 

responses to these concerns, but uncertainty persisted about health effects of exposure to 

hydrocarbons through use of fish and other wildlife used for subsistence purposes. Immediate 

damages to wildlife and other natural resources was apparent and widely publicized through all 

media sources. Publics raised concerns about the “ecosystem” effects of exposure to potentially 

toxic levels of hydrocarbons. Uncertainty persists among Native and non-Native communities 

about long term environmental damage related to the spilled oil. 

C Media coverage informs individuals about the toxic exposure or contamination and its 

effects. 

Most technological disasters are low probability, high consequence events. This in part 

accounts for why they attract extensive media attention. Three Mile Island, Love Canal, Times 

Beach, and the EVOS are each examples of this. Such coverage exposes individuals to selected 

aspect of the event and its consequences. Few people are unaware of what happened and some of 

its effects. In the case of the EVOS, media coverage was extensive and often dramatic in 

portraying the effects on wildlife, shorelines, and individuals. Some researchers argue that a 

“social amplification of risks” associated with such events raises public concerns about health and 

other impacts from technological disasters. 

C There is often no clear sense of an end or low point after which life returns to normal. 

Many Alaskan communities have no sense of a final resolution to the EVOS. Neither the 

cleanup, the litigation process, nor restoration efforts have resulted in a sense that the event is 

resolved. This is a function of the persistent uncertainty about environmental damages, a lengthy 

and contentious litigation process, and the lack of resolution for some economic damage claims. 

There is a trend to evaluate life in terms of before and after the oil spill, an indication that 

definitions of what constitutes a return to “normal” life is changed. 

C The longer the duration of an event, the more prone individuals and communities are to 

social and psychological impacts. 
Natural disasters tend to have a shorter duration than technological disasters. In the 

latter, duration is extended by the following circumstances: uncertainty about long term health or 

environmental effects, disputes over blame and responsibility, litigation, and restoration. The 

EVOS continues as a notable event in many Alaskan communities. Whereas some individuals 

have recovered economic damages, other perceive they are still owed. Some fisheries, especially 

herring, are not at pre-spill status, resulting in a sense of a continuing event. Litigation and 

restoration each contribute to the sense of a continuing event in some communities. 

C Stress reactions and other psychological symptoms develop, sometimes well after the 

initial phases of an event, and often have a longer duration when compared to natural disasters. 

Research suggests that psychological symptoms and stress reactions developed in 

exposed communities after the oil spill. There is some evidence that these responses were 

related: (1) to the trauma caused by the event itself; and, (2) to social disruption related to the 

EVOS. The findings about this characteristic of the EVOS are developed in later discussion of 

the “Social Health” social factor. Here we note that individual and community stress reactions 

developed immediately following the oil spill and appear to have persisted for years following the 

event. 

C The scope of an event influences the perceived ability of individuals to respond to and 

overcome its effects. 

The Exxon Valdez spilled nearly 11 million gallons of crude oil into Prince William 

Sound. The spilled oil fouled shorelines from Bligh Reef to Kodiak and on to the Alaska 

Peninsula. This event was reported as the largest event of its kind in history. Individuals who 

directly observed the oil slicks reported it as immense in size and potentially devastating in its 

effects on the environment. The combination of the reported spill of millions of gallons of oil, 

the reactions of direct observers to the oil slick, and extensive media coverage of damages to 

wildlife established this event as enormous in scope. Despite the perceived scope, individuals and 

groups initially organized response efforts to rescue oiled wildlife, collect oil, and protect their 

community shorelines. 

C Community members perceive a lack of control over an event and its effects which can 

result in feelings of helplessness and an inability to effect resolution of the event. 

Despite the perceived enormity of this event, there were efforts to respond. Perceived 

helplessness was not initially pervasive. However, as the privatized cleanup proceeded it all but 

excluded volunteer participation by groups such as the Cordova ‘Mosquito Fleet’ and the 

collection of oil by boats from Kodiak, Cordova, Seward, and elsewhere. Feelings of 

helplessness among community members developed, but they are related to a perceived 

ineffective privatized cleanup controlled by the spiller. 

C Social divisiveness usually results related to different evaluations about what happened, 

why it happened, duration, and effects. 

The social divisiveness that characterizes many technological disasters (e.g., Couch and 

Kroll-Smith 1991) was present in the EVOS. These conflicts were related to different evaluations 

about spill-related effects, participation in the cleanup, litigation, and restoration efforts. All 

phases of this event have resulted in conflicts in some communities. These issues are analyzed in 

our discussion of the “Social Organization” social factor. 
C “Home” and the “sense of place” are perceived as spoiled or threatened. 

Among Alaskans, it appears that beliefs and experiences with natural resources have 

instilled a strong sense of the ability of “nature” to recover “on her own” from even a major 

occurrence such as the EVOS. However, there were initial reactions that the spilled oil and 

perhaps efforts to clean it up, forever damaged marine resources. There is also a theme that a 

special place, the “pristine” environment into which the oil was spilled, has been spoiled, or at 

least, it is threatened with being spoiled by continued exposure to supertanker transport of crude 

oil. 

C Community ability to develop social support and take effective action to restore social 

equilibrium – often termed “therapeutic community” – is compromised. 

The traditional cultural belief of many American communities is that people pull together 

in times of disaster. Floods, earthquakes, and other such events provide ample evidence of such 

pulling together, the formation of a therapeutic community to provide emotional and instrumental 

support to recover from disaster effects. The social divisiveness that usually accompanies 

technological disaster often undermines the formation of a therapeutic community. Social 

divisiveness was one contributing factor to undermining formation of therapeutic communities, 

but the privatized cleanup was equally important. The absence of a therapeutic community in the 

immediate aftermath of the spill appears to have exacerbated some social and psychological 

impacts. 

C There is often diminished public trust in responding agencies and organizations. 

Government agencies, federal and state, were highly criticized by Alaskans immediately 

after the oil spill and cleanup for their failures to protect communities and natural resources. 

Local governments fared better than state or federal agencies in most instances, but there were 

notable exceptions – e.g. Kodiak, Seward, and Valdez, where federal and state agencies received 

praise for specific efforts during the cleanup. Post-spill and cleanup, publics perceived a need to 

form oversight groups to assist in the prevention of future spills. These oversight groups are a 

direct result of a lost of trust in some federal and state agencies to realistically assess the potential 

for damages from any future oil spills. 

C Legal definitions and issues regarding blame, liability, and damages frame the 

identification about event effects and recovery. 

Federal and state laws do not necessarily recognize social or community impacts as 

legitimate outcomes of technological disasters. Damages to natural resources often become the 

focus of litigation efforts. The EVOS provides a clear example that social impacts are 

under-recognized in these types of events. Resources are not always allocated to mitigating or 

addressing social impacts which can then exacerbate these effects. Where litigation issues 

dominate the recognition, then social impacts tend to be under-emphasized and under-addressed 

during critical phases of the event. 

C A privatized cleanup which employs community members can both generate as well as 

mitigate community impacts. 

Natural disasters often involve voluntary community response efforts as well as 

organized responses by disaster agencies (local, state, federal). Volunteer response efforts result 

in varying degrees of effectiveness, but community solidarity is often enhanced by their efforts 
(Drabek 1986:178-182). This enhanced solidarity is said to mitigate the socio-psychological 

effects of disasters. Technological disasters often require specialized response efforts. Either the 

threats posed by the substance released requires technology for safe or effective cleanup or there 

are liability and other legal or regulatory issues that limit voluntary public involvement. In the 

EVOS there were initial voluntary response efforts, but these were discouraged in favor of a 

privatized cleanup organized by the spiller. This privatized cleanup employed community 

residents as well as workers from outside their communities. Work was controlled and directed 

by the Exxon Corporation through independent contractors. 

The privatized cleanup discouraged development of community solidarity. It also 

resulted in conflicts among community members who competed for the relatively high-paying 

cleanup jobs. A debate developed about the sincerity and effectiveness of the privatized cleanup. 

Some argued that it was only a “public relations” cleanup. Others argued that it was ineffective. 

Still others perceived they could be effective if they were allowed more independence from the 

control of the contractors. Some community members declined to participate in this type of 

cleanup creating divisiveness regarding the nature and morality of the cleanup. 

Some individuals displaced from their regular fishing industry or other work by the oil 

spill participated in the cleanup. Others did not. The economic benefits of participation in the 

cleanup were not uniformly distributed. Some experienced substantial economic gain from 

cleanup participation. Others were either not hired or chose not to participate. In some 

communities, especially small Native communities, a large segment of those eligible for work 

participated. This sometimes resulted in a loss of local government and medical staffing who 

opted for more lucrative cleanup employment. Similarly, wage workers in restaurants and other 

commercial establishments left their jobs for cleanup work, placing strains on the operations they 

left. 

While the cleanup resulted in infusing cash into economies damaged by the oil spill, there 

were also adverse social consequences. These were primarily social disruption related to: the 

distribution of economic benefits, conflicts over the morality and effectiveness of the cleanup, 

loss of community services by individuals choosing cleanup work, changes in family roles and 

routines, and concerns about damages to cultural and other resources. 

This list of characteristics is not exhaustive, but they address some of the major features of technological 

disasters which are directly applicable to our assessment of the interaction of the EVOS and key social 

factors. These characteristics place this event within the frame of technological disasters and point to 

certain types of interaction between social factors and the particular characteristics of this event. 

2.2.3 Demands Resulting From the Exxon Valdez Event as a Technological Disaster 

The characteristics of EVOS resulted in some general demands on the resources of exposed communities. 

The demands were for resources to address the following issues: 

C Communication about what happened.

C Organizing a community response to the event.

C Interaction with agencies and corporations outside the local community.

C Damages to the environment, including wildlife and other natural resources.

C Threats to loss of personal income and community economic well-being.

C Threats to personal health and community well-being.

C Threats to the maintenance of community services.

C Social support of individuals and groups stressed by the event.
C Community conflict.

C Information about contaminated resources.

C Recovery of individual and community damages.

C Restoration of damaged resources.

These general demands were experienced, to some degree, by most communities. However, an important 

characteristic of the EVOS is that it was not experienced in the same way by all communities. Rather, 

some places were oiled more than others. Some fisheries were disrupted but others were not. Some 

community food supplies were contaminated but others were not. Cleanup activities varied in duration 

and structure. Some Alaskans never saw an oiled bird or otter whereas others witnessed truck loads of 

dead birds, otters, and other wildlife. Phases of the event (the initial spill, the organization and 

implementation of a privatized cleanup, litigation, and restoration) also affected communities 

differentially. Some communities experienced the spill as the most disruptive and destructive phase while 

for others it was the cleanup and in still others restoration is perhaps having some of the most long lasting 

effects. In many instances the differences in how communities experienced in the EVOS are slight, in 

other instances that are substantial. However, this variability of the event is important for understanding 

community impacts because: (1) communities had different resources for responding to common 

demands; and, (2) there were many variations on the demand characteristics. 

3.0 SOCIAL FACTOR: CULTURE 

The least systematic and comparable social factor information exists about the effects on culture of the 

EVOS. However, there is abundant information about some aspects of culture, specifically practices as 

an aspect of Native culture. The issue of subsistence is addressed in a separate section, so we include 

only limited reference to it in this section. Other information about cultural variables presented in the 

literature is limited both in breadth and depth. Yet, in several key places culture or aspects of culture are 

addressed that suggest that although it may not have been systematically developed in most EVOS 

research, it was nonetheless important in some instances. Given the potential importance, but limited 

information about culture, the information here is much more general than for other social factors. But, 

even these very general points are relevant to understand community impacts from the EVOS. 

3.1 DEFINITION AND RELEVANCE 

Culture is a system of beliefs, values, world views, and adaptations which allows groups to interpret and 

assign meaning to objects, events, relationships, and social conditions. The elements of culture are 

developed through historical experiences and passed on to members of a social group through formal and 

informal learning usually termed “enculturation.” The elements of culture embody the shared experiences 

of a social group, that is they contain and express the history, values, beliefs, and other cognitive 

propositions about the world and man for a particular social group (Spiro 1984: 323). Cultural analysis 

usually focuses on the traditions, propositions, and ways of life of particular social groups, including: (1) 

the structure and content of norms, belief systems, values, attributions of meaning, and other cognitions 

(Shweder and Levine 1984); (2) the relationships between cultural beliefs and propositions and human 

behavior (D’Andrade and Strauss 1992); and, (3) the influence of cultural propositions and beliefs on 

human adaptations to different ecological niches – cultural ecology – (Jorgensen 1990). Cultural analysis 

also often calls attention to the distribution of cultural elements within and among social groups. That is, 

cultural analysis discusses culture with a “big C” (different “ways of life” among diverse social groups) 

and a “little c” (differences in values, beliefs, knowledge, etc., within a particular social group). 

There are two major reasons that culture is a relevant social factor for this analysis. First it calls attention 

to the “big C” idea that there are different cultural groups that were exposed to the EVOS. These groups 

may differentially interpret, assign meanings, values, assess effects, and evaluate restoration based on 
cultural variables (e.g., beliefs, values, propositions, adaptations, and other ways of life). Given the 

history, traditions, and ways of life of different cultural groups in this region, an event such as the EVOS 

may be have unique outcomes for Natives and non-Natives. Second, the “little c” notion of culture 

focuses attention on variation among groups in their assessments of the causes, processes, outcomes, and 

characteristics of restoration of this particular event. Specifically, it suggests assessment of how the 

sub-cultures of communities, corporations, governments, and other distinct groups (e.g., fishermen) 

affected responses to the oil spill and its aftermath. Culture is an inescapable dimension of the EVOS, 

both in terms of cross-cultural and intra-cultural differences in responses and community outcomes. 

3.2 CULTURAL VARIABLES AND THE EVOS 

The literature about culture and the EVOS primarily discusses on the “big C” idea of differences between 

Native and non-Native communities (e.g., Palinkas et al. 1990, McClintock 1989, IAI 1990c, Gill and 

Picou 1997). This literature tends to present “cross-cultural” differences in the effects of the event, 

usually focusing on differences in social organization or subsistence traditions rather than developing 

beliefs, values, or other cognitive and expressive elements of culture. However, the Native tradition of 

“subsistence” is discussed in some detail in several sources as an example of the interaction of culture and 

the EVOS. There is little analysis of differences among organizational, community, and corporate 

sub-cultures (culture with a “little c”), but there is information in the literature to suggest some broad 

generalizations which are developed in this section. Similarly, there is also information about other 

typical aspects of cultural beliefs regarding natural resource orientations, and some very broad 

assessments of differences in values and beliefs that affected responses to and effects of the EVOS. 

However, in the literature these are not usually analyzed as elements of culture. We have extracted 

relevant points and integrated these for our analysis. In sum, culture is an under-developed variable in the 

literature other than where it distinguishes some very broad differences between the Native and 

non-Native communities. 

3.2.1 Native Culture and the EVOS 

The most general discussion of culture and the EVOS concerns differences in Native and non-Native 

traditions. Some of the earliest work examining the effects of the spill visited several Native villages 

(McClintock 1989). These descriptions of spill effects often emphasize subsistence activities. However, 

this institution is not placed within the larger context of Native culture. Nor does it otherwise note 

cross-cultural differences as meaningful. Most later work raises the issue of cross-cultural influences of 

Native culture and the EVOS. However, these works tend to focus on subsistence traditions as the 

essence of Native culture. In fact, cross-cultural differences focus on subsistence (e.g., ADF&G 1995), 

with good reason since it is, in fact, one key aspect of Native culture. 

The oil spill destroyed more than economic resources, it shook the core cultural 

foundation of Native life. Alaska Native subsistence culture is based on an intimate 

relationship with the environment. Not only does the environment have sacred qualities . 

. .But their survival depends of the well-being of the ecosystem and the maintenance of 

cultural norms of subsistence (Gill and Picou 1997: 168). 

Subsistence is a core cultural institution in Native communities. Damage to 

subsistence resources and to the meaningful activities that are part of this core institution 

disrupts meaningful connections between individual and cultural identity. The 

significance of this point cannot be overstated because embedded in the activities of 

hunting, fishing, and gathering is a way of life, a set of values, a way of seeing the world 

that values bears, salmon, eagles, and water as spiritual and social as well as economic 

resources. Threats to the resources and activities that are so fundamentally embedded 
within Native culture thus threaten that the linkages that provide continuity between 

individual identity, social experience, and Native culture (IAI 1990d: xii). 

Perhaps the most eloquent statement about Native culture was made in a June, 1989 address to the Alaska 

Conference of Mayors by Walter Meganack, then Chief of Port Graham village. Chief Meganack 

observed, 

The Native story is different from the White man’s story of oil devastation. It is 

different because our lives are different, what we value is different; how we see the water 

and the land, the plants and the animals is different. What White men do for sport and 

recreation and money, we do for life: for the life of our bodies, for the life of our spirits, 

and for the life of our ancient culture. Fishing and hunting and gathering are the rhythms 

of our tradition, regular daily life times, not vacation times, not employment times 

(Meganack 1989:1). 

Chief Meganack’s statement and the others cited above illustrate that Native traditions are historically and 

culturally distinct from non-Native communities. These differences include the meanings attributed to 

Native historical and traditional connections to their environment and the relationship of these 

connections to social behaviors (e.g., resource sharing) and institutions (e.g., kinship). However, 

discussion of this larger meaning of culture is limited in the current literature. Nonetheless, there are 

themes in the literature that describe disruptions of processes that link individual experience, social 

interactions, and cultural values, beliefs, and practices. 

Some literature (e.g., IAI 1990c; Dyer, Gill, and Picou 1992; Fall and Field 1996; Palinkas et al. 1993; 

ADF&G 1995) describe disruptions of subsistence activities as affecting participation in meaningful 

expressions of Native ways of life. These disruptions alienate individuals from cultural processes that 

link individual and cultural identity. This alienation results in individual as well as social anxiety and 

increases in problems such as domestic violence and alcohol use (e.g., IAI 1990d, 1990c; Palinkas et al. 

1993; Russell et al. 1996; Gill and Picou 1997; Dyer, Gill, and Picou 1992). Other literature argues that 

damage to subsistence – a core cultural institution in Native communities – “damages” Native culture 

(Braund & Associates and Usher 1993). Jorgensen (1995) has observed that characterizations of culture 

as “damaged” reify culture. However, the data presented by Braund & Associates and Usher (1993) show 

that the disruption of subsistence activities had important consequences for how Native’s experience their 

culture and the connections between cultural identity and personal identity. From our perspective, Braund 

& Associates and Usher may be logically incorrect, but application of the concept of “alienation” to their 

data makes the information a valuable illustration of the disruption of essential connections between 

subsistence and other aspects of Native ways of life. 

This same type of argument can be applied to the data about damages to archaeological sites. Bittner 

(1996) presents information that shows that valued archaeological and historical sites were damaged or 

vandalized during the EVOS cleanup. Such sites and other cultural resources are meaningful expressions 

of Native culture. Damage to these types of cultural resources alienates individuals from them and such 

alienation is itself a source of stress and disphoria. 

Another theme in this literature is the notion of the resilience of Native culture (IAI 1990d; Wooley 

1995). This approach argues that Native culture has endured past disasters and other damaging 

consequences from its interactions with non-Native cultures. The EVOS, although it may have had some 

short term social and economic consequences, demonstrates the ability of Native culture to endure and 

recover from adversity. This notion emphasizes the resiliency of cultural institutions to endure short-term 

impacts that do not change the fundamental adaptations of a people to their environment. 
3.2.2 Differences in Corporate and Community Cultures 

An under-developed point in the EVOS literature is the effects of differences in Exxon’s corporate culture 

and the cultures of Alaskan communities. The relevance of this point is suggested by other disaster 

research about the effects of corporate and government organizations of the identification and acceptance 

of risks (e.g., Short and Clarke 1992). The essence of this argument is that organizational structure, 

interests, values, and orientations (i.e., organizational culture) influence the identification, assessment, 

and response to environmental risks. 

Organizational culture can mitigate or enhance the risk experienced by populations exposed to toxic 

substances or other threatening technologies (Clarke 1989). Although these works focus on the notion of 

risk (a culturally influenced proposition), the basic argument can be generalized to situations such as the 

EVOS. That is, in its response to the oil spill, Exxon was guided by its own “corporate culture” that 

defined and responded to this event in a culturally specific manner. Exxon corporate culture is based in 

traditions of natural resource extraction and transport, it has values and beliefs such as profit and loss, 

corporate image, and legal liability; and, its relationships with other entities are formal, institutional, and 

often non-local. On the other hand, Alaskan communities have different historical and traditional 

connections to natural resources; their values and beliefs concern community well-being and preservation; 

and, their relationships are predominately informal and primarily local. During most phases of the EVOS, 

these two cultures clashed. 

Some literature regarding the EVOS examines interactions between communities and the Exxon 

Corporation during the oil spill and cleanup (McClintock 1989; IAI 1990d, 1990b; Davidson 1990; Rodin 

et al. 1997). These interactions are described, but there is only minimal analysis of the consequences of 

interactions between these two sub-cultures. Although discussion of this cultural issue is more latent than 

manifest in the literature, even a casual reading suggests that the consequences of interactions between 

these two cultures was often mistrust, miscommunication, hostility, conflict, and litigation (IAI 1990d, 

1990b; McClintock 1989; Picou, Gill and Cohen 1997). 

The clearest example of the effects of these cultural differences is in the implementation of the post-spill 

cleanup by Exxon and its contractors. With its own organizational approach – that was set within the 

context of corporate responsibility, legal liability and corporate image – the structure and implementation 

of the cleanup often resulted in the alienation of cultural and social institutions in Alaskan communities. 

For example, McClintock (1989) offers several examples which describe a too bureaucratic Exxon 

structure that did not trust local people. Their cleanup measures sometimes displaced measures locals 

perceived to be more effective. This was often evaluated as satisfying Exxon’s bureaucratic needs, but 

not community needs to protect their beaches, shorelines, and other resources (IAI 1990d, 1990c). 

The value communities placed on protecting themselves became displaced by the implementation of the 

Exxon cleanup. Often conflicting needs arose: individuals had the choice of participating in the 

lucrative Exxon cleanup according to their rules or not participating at all. The alienation of the need to 

do something effective from the structure for action sometimes resulted in individual anxiety and 

community distress (IAI 1990d, 1990c; Rodin et al. 1997; Davidson 1990; McClintock 1989; 

Endter-Wada 1993). Some work argues that this ultimately created feelings of helplessness and had 

adverse effects on social support (Russell et al. 1996). Other community consequences of the privatized 

cleanup are discussed in more detail in the “social organization” section. 

3.2.3 Beliefs, Values, and Cultural Knowledge 

We summarize two examples of how cultural beliefs, values, and knowledge interacted with the EVOS. 

These examples discuss environment and natural resource orientations, sense of place, and perceptions of 
risk and threat. Each of these stands out as an example of the interaction of community cultures with the 

EVOS. We emphasize, however, that these cultures are by no means uniform. In fact, we have stressed 

that the content of community culture is variable. Importantly, this variability contributes to accounting 

for different effects of the EVOS on Alaskan communities. 

Environment and Natural Resource Orientations 

Native and non-Natives each have significant cultural attachments to their biophysical environments and 

natural resources. In general, Natives have extensive cultural knowledge about the flora, fauna, and 

natural cycles in their environment; and, they value natural resources for aesthetic, instrumental, spiritual, 

and existential reasons (Jorgensen 1995; ADF&G 1995). The cultural adaptations of Native communities 

(e.g., community activities, significant social behaviors and institutions, and cultural ceremony) are 

centered around natural resource cycles (cf., Jorgensen 1990; McNabb 1993). Indeed, the individual 

experience with their environment becomes a pathway to reinforcement of cultural identity. There are 

numerous examples in the literature about Native Alaskans that express this sense of connection between 

the environment, individual and their culture. Here are a few notable examples: 

C A Native participant in the Oiled Mayor’s study from Karluk village commented: “These 

people out here, their environment is them. I’m talking the social environment and natural 

environment. And if either one’s damaged, it damages the people itself, their self-esteem . . .” 

(IAI 1990c: 70). 

C A similar sentiment, this time couched in the idiom of subsistence expresses a similar 

idea, “When we worry about our subsistence way of life we worry about losing our identity . . 

.It’s . . .that spirit that makes you who you are, makes you think the way you do and act the way 

you do and how you perceive the world and relate to the land. Ninety-five percent of our cultural 

tradition now is subsistence . . .it’s what we have left of our tradition (IAI 1990c: 274-275). 

C Chief Meganack expresses the connection of Native life with the environment succinctly: 

“The roots of our lives grow deep into the water and the land. That is who we are. We are like 

our brothers the bear and the deer. We live on the land, and our food is mostly from the water. 

Bear eat fish, deer eat seaweed, Natives eat all of the life in the water. The land and the water are 

our sources of life. The water is sacred. The water is like a baptismal font, and its abundance is 

the holy communion of our lives” (Meganack 1989:3). 

These types of statements express a multi-stranded connection between Native culture, individuals, and 

their environment. Clearly, an event such as the EVOS which kills, pollutes, and otherwise damages 

natural resources will affect the elements of Native culture that connect them with their environment. The 

discussion of subsistence in Section 4 will develop the specifics of these consequences in more detail. 

Here we point out that the value and significance of environment and natural resources damaged by the 

oil spill directly affected Native experience of the world. 

Non-Natives also have significant attachments to their environment. In comparison to Natives, there is 

less traditional ecological knowledge, less integration of language and this knowledge, and more 

emphasis on instrumental than on spiritual, existential, and aesthetic values attributed to nature (Jorgensen 

1995). Nonetheless, just as there is variation among Native communities in the spiritual and instrumental 

values attributed to nature, there is also variation in non-Native communities. The important issue here is 

that there are significant instrumental, spiritual, aesthetic, and existential values attributed to nature and 

natural resources. These values are part of the attachment of non-Natives to their environment and 

communities. These attachments are expressed in a large body of literature that discusses non-Native 

ways of life in Alaska (e.g., Lord 1997). The importance of the instrumental values of these resources is 
certainly expressed in commercial fishing communities (cf., Davidson 1990; IAI 1990d; Picou and Gill 

1997). However, the aesthetic and spiritual values about nature are also of cultural value in the ways of 

life in non-Native communities. The environment is often characterized as a nearly “pristine” example of 

wildness and beauty. These pristine surroundings, hunting and fishing, and the organization of life 

around many of nature’s rhythms is part of the culture of many rural Alaskan communities that expresses 

their natural resource orientation. 

The literature suggests that in the immediate aftermath of the spill there were many painful expressions of 

the effects of environmental damages from the EVOS. Newspapers, television coverage, and later 

collections of writings (e.g., O’Meara 1989; Frost 1990) express the anguish experienced by non-Native 

Alaskans. For example, 

The natural world of Prince William Sound is not just scenery; it is a vital part of 

our continent’s living community, a community that includes all of us, a community that 

supplies the air we breathe and the food we eat. Any wound to that community 

diminishes the environment we depend on every moment of our lives, takes away from 

its capacity to sustain us, whether we live near the disaster or far away, in small villages 

or huge cities (Nelson 1990: 46-47). 

These types of expressions suggest that individuals experienced an alienation from their cultural values 

about their environment and its resources. This alienation was experienced by individuals and groups 

within communities (IAI 1990c; Russell et al. 1996). The effects of alienation are a loosening of the 

bonds between culture and social organizations. Taken it its extreme, this results in poor adaptation of a 

group to a changing environment. 

Perceptions of Threat and Risk 

The idea of "perceived risk" and risk-related community impacts derives from work which indicates 

differences in public perceptions of risk and the assessments of technical risk assessors (Slovic 1987; 

Shrader-Frechette 1991). Government regulators and technical risk assessment experts have argued that 

public "misperception" of the risks associated with hazardous facilities or exposure to toxic substances 

were either irrational or based on public misunderstandings of fact. The "real risks" are those constructed 

by the technical risk assessment process (Star and Whipple 1980). However, social and behavioral 

science approaches have demonstrated that public perceptions of threat and risk are not necessarily 

influenced by education about "real risks" (Johnson and Covello 1987; IAI 1990d). Rather these 

"perceived risks" are based in community processes and values. These "perceived risks" are just as "real" 

as those presented by those versed in probabilistic risk assessment, but their logic begins with different 

premises, different assumptions about risk, and different signs and signals of threat. More accurately, 

these "perceived risks" are "community-based risk assessments" that express the values, concerns, and 

relationships of a community to a disaster event. Community-based risk assessment may thus focus on a 

different set of issues than those of probabilistic risk assessors and these concerns may result in 

socioeconomic impacts. 

There are several specific issues in the literature about the EVOS that incorporate the idea of perceived 

threats and risks. The following topics address the primary issues of concern for this discussion. 

• Native fears about contamination of subsistence resources. 

This discussion overlaps some with our analysis of subsistence social factor analysis, however, here we 

emphasize the cultural influences on these contamination fears. As discussed in detail in section 7, fears 

about contamination of subsistence resources are among the most widely reported issues about the 
community effects of the EVOS (e.g., McClintock 1989; Davidson 1990; IAI 1990c, 1990d; Picou and 

Gill 1997). These fears contributed to reported changes in subsistence hunting, fishing, and gathering 

(IAI 1990c, 1990d), decreased sharing of subsistence resources (IAI 1990c, 1990d), adverse 

consequences on the diet of elderly Native residents, and declines in the consumption of subsistence 

resources (ADF&G 1995; Jorgensen 1995). 

• Perceptions of increased threat/vulnerability to environmental resources. 

In non-Native communities residents used traditional ecological knowledge about their environment and 

its resources to assess the threat posed by the spill to natural resources. This traditional knowledge was 

often dismissed by Exxon and government agencies (McClintock 1989; IAI 1990d; Picou and Gill 1997; 

ADF&G 1995). Community assessments of threat and vulnerability to adverse environmental effects 

differed from that of Exxon (IAI 1990c; McClintock 1989). This contributed to suspicion and mistrust 

between communities and corporate and government entities involved in the cleanup. Similarly, in 

Native communities individuals used traditional ecological knowledge to assess threats and damages to 

natural resources. For example, ADF&G work in Tatitlek and Chenega suggest that Natives used specific 

cultural-ecological knowledge and experience to judge environmental damages: 

They keep telling us it's a bunch of stuff: Could be a hard winter. I mainly get 

deer. I still blame it on the spill. [There were some] meetings a couple weeks ago . . 

.They don't mention the spill. We argue with them. I disagree when they say the oil 

didn't have anything to do with it. It's the oil. The deer were eating the oiled kelp. There 

are fewer deer now. Deer are way down since I moved here in '83. [You] used to see 

them frequently. I didn't even get my limit last year. You have to walk miles and miles 

before you see them. 

This statement directly suggests that based on traditional ecological knowledge of this study participant, 

deer populations were decreased by the oil spill, despite assessments by those outside their community. 

The following statement suggests a similar point: 

By 1993, traditional knowledge about food safety and edibility continued to 

inform people’s decisions about subsistence uses. In addition, public health advisories 

had been disseminated in villages through the work of the Oil Spill Health Task Force. 

But doubts persisted that traditional and scientific knowledge were not enough to answer 

questions about what the spill had done. In the view of many of the people interviewed 

as part of this project, and especially in Prince William Sound and among Alaska Native 

people, the spill had caused fundamental changes to natural resource populations and the 

natural environment overall that have yet to be adequately explained. This uncertainty 

has had profound effects on the outlook for the future that people expressed in several 

communities, such as Tatitlek, Chenega Bay, and Cordova. This remains an important 

long-term impact of the spill (Fall 1995 in ADF&G Chapter 24). 

Based on the traditional ecological knowledge and experiences of both Natives and non-Natives, residents 

in spill-affected communities believe the EVOS caused damages and environmental threats that were 

either uncertain or unacknowledged by scientific experts, Exxon, or government agencies. 

• Assessments of vulnerability to similar events in the future. 

In some communities exposed to the effects of the EVOS, there are perceptions of increased vulnerability 

to negative effects from future oil spills. In the Oiled Mayors Study household survey (IAI 1990d), 54% 

of participants felt that the effects of the spill would last more than five years; and more than half of all 
individuals interviewed thought that another oil spill would occur in the next ten years. Those individuals 

exposed to the oil spill are more likely to perceive another oil spill will occur in the future than those not 

exposed. Ethnographic interviews for the same study also indicate a perception that the future of 

individuals and communities are uncertain because of the potential effects of future oil spills. Some of 

these interviews indicate changes in their feelings about the home and community as a safe haven from 

the threats and problems of modern life, including future oil spills. Work on subsistence issues in Native 

communities reported by ADF&G (1995) suggests that Native communities perceive vulnerability to 

future oil spills and additional contamination of natural resources. These assessments by Natives and 

non-Natives has raised overall awareness about environmental issues in general (Steiner 1997) and 

particular concern about oversight of oil transport through waters of Prince William Sound and the Gulf 

of Alaska (IAI 1990d; Clarke 1997). 

• Perceptions of changes in home and sense of place. 

The literature has two major themes about the sense of place and home among residents of Alaskan 

communities. One theme is related to non-Native communities in which home and place are perceived as 

“paradise found.” The other theme is related to Native historical traditions which value home and place 

as “people of the land and water.” For both Native and non-Native communities, the effects of the EVOS 

have been a change in pre-spill assessments of home and place (IAI 1990c; Russell et al. 1996; ADF&G 

1995). Post-spill, home and place do not correspond to the same pre-spill ideals of either “paradise 

found” or “people of the land and water” although the findings for Native communities require some 

careful interpretation. 

“Paradise found” is expressed in the following comment of a participant in the Oiled Mayor’s Study: 

I’ve lived out in the bush and wilderness . . .my kids have been raised in wall 

tents, and dories, and deer skin rugs and fish drying . . .I’ve really lived in nature and in 

the environment . . .and so I kind of was an escapist . . .I thought the oil spill made me 

really sad, I had to be active for the rest of my life . . .Its like the rest of the world came to 

me, and said ‘you can’t run away any more’ We have covered too much in the earth and 

there is no place left to hide (IAI 1990c:56). 

This theme expresses Alaska communities as a “last best place” and a refuge, if not escape, from “the 

other world” of mainstream America. In “paradise” pollution, toxic contamination, and the threats of 

modern technology are not expected. In “paradise” life is authentic and close to the rhythms of salmon 

spawning and the calls of migrating Sandhill Cranes which signal a change of seasons more than does the 

calendar. However, the EVOS challenged the assumptions of a place away from the problems and threats 

of modern technology. A dissonance arose in seeing 11 million gallons of black oil and mousse in the 

midst of what people evaluated as their “pristine” place. Post-spill, there is not only a perception of home 

as threatened by future oil spills, but also home is now “in the world” from which many people sought to 

escape. 

The Native theme which we characterize as “people of the land and water” is expressed in statements 

such as those of Chief Meganack quoted earlier in this section. Other statements quoted in ADF&G 1995 

from study participants in Native villages, especially those of Chenega and Tatitlek, also suggest this 

same theme. In this theme, home and place have continuity with land, water, salmon, bears, and deer. 

The history and traditions of daily life, the profusion in language of words to describe the environment 

and its resources indicates the connections between people and place. But place is not narrowly defined 

by community boundaries, but by living in and with the land and water. Place and home cannot be 

escaped. Place and home are the continuity with the environment and its resources. Damage to the 
environment then becomes a damage to home and to the connections with the resources that constitute 

place in Native culture. 

Work by ADF&G suggests that in some Native villages there were changes in post-spill satisfaction with 

living in their community. 

Perhaps most striking of all the results of the social effects questionnaire for 

Cordova were responses to the question concerning whether the respondent’s satisfaction 

with living in the community had changed since the spill. In all three years, a large 

percentage of respondents said they liked living in Cordova less since the spill, including 

45.2% in 1991 (the most common response), 45.2% in 1992, and 52.6% in 1993 (again 

the most common response) . . . In two of the three years, 1992 and 1993, Cordova had 

the largest percentage of respondents of any study community reporting increased 

dissatisfaction with their community since the spill. However, it is also notable that 

despite the increased level of dissatisfaction with living in Cordova since the spill, a large 

and increasing majority in all three study years said that they would not rather live in 

another community (59.0% in 1991, 68.3% in 1992, and 72.8% in 1993) .... 

Regarding Chenega, the ADF&G authors report: 

In 1991, half of all respondents said they liked living in the community less than 

before the spill, compared to 30.8% in 1993. In 1991, one third of respondents felt the 

main reason for liking their community less was oil contamination of the environment; . . 

.However, when asked if they would rather live in another community, in all years most 

said no. Furthermore, in the first study year, 87.5% of respondents said they expected to 

be living in the region when they were old, as did 76.2% in 1993 and 66.7% in 1993. 

In 1991/92, 46.7% of Chenega Bay SEQ respondents said they felt confident 

they would be able to continue to use the places they now use for hunting, fishing, and 

gathering. This percent declined to 33.3% in the second study year, but bounced up to 

50% in 1993/94. When asked if they would continue to live in Chenega Bay if no wild 

foods were available, half of the respondents said no in 1991/92, as did 38.1% in 1992/93 

and 27.8% in 1993/94. 

About Port Graham, the findings are slightly different: 

Although there appears to be increased dissatisfaction with living in Port Graham 

over the three years of this study, over 80.0% of respondents liked living there either 

more or the same since the spill . . .Interestingly, feelings fluctuated over the three year 

period, while 15.6% said they liked it less in 1991/92, attitudes improved in 1992/93, but 

went back to liking it less in 1993/94. This seems to be a pattern in several other study 

communities such as Cordova, Seldovia, Kodiak, and Kenai. Relative to some other 

communities in the spill area, such as Cordova and Chenega Bay, Port Graham residents 

generally liked living where they did, and it would take something other than an oil spill 

to cause residents to move away. For instance, in 1991/92, 84.8% said they would live in 

the area when they were old, and 69.6 % said they would rather not live in another 

community. 

We interpret these types of findings as indicating a change in the sense of place and home in Native 

culture. That is, the traditions of Native communities are in their connections with the land and water. If 

the quality of these connections changes because resources are damaged or polluted, the connections 
remain, although satisfactions with them may be diminished. Post-spill, Natives experienced a changed 

sense of place and home that has varied in some place more than others. When traditions bind a people to 

natural resources, as they do in Native communities, an event such as the EVOS may diminish 

satisfaction with home and place. However, people are also likely to wish to remain in their home and 

place because they have endured previous changes and cycles in their connections to the land, water and 

other natural resources. 

4.0 SUBSISTENCE 

There are three major themes in the literature about subsistence and EVOS: (1) biological assessments of 

damages to and contamination of subsistence resources (e.g., Bolger, Henry, and Carrington 1996); (2) 

analysis of subsistence harvests, consumption, and sharing (e.g., Fall and Field 1996); and, (3) description 

and analysis of the effects of the EVOS on subsistence as an element of Native Alaskan culture (e.g., IAI 

1990d, 1990b; Braund & Associates and Usher 1993; Palinkas et al. 1993; Dyer 1993; ADF&G 1995; 

Jorgensen 1995). The second and third categories overlap, but each does have a distinct theme. The 

focus of this section is exclusively on the second and third categories and their respective issues. 

The major themes developed in this discussion describe the interaction of Native individuals, social 

bonds, and culturally based values and orientations with the EVOS. These can be seen as individual 

points that collectively convey some approximation of the experience of Native communities between 

1989 and 1994. However, these individual points can also be linked by a theme of “alienation” that 

organizes individual, social, and cultural experiences with the EVOS. The idea of alienation is complex 

and debated in social science (Seeman, Seeman and Budrow 1988), but we use it here to describe the 

damage to or interruption of meaningful connections of individuals to the experience of their self, culture, 

and social group. This organizing theme makes sense when alienation is used to examine the relationship 

of individuals to their social bonds and culture, and the relationship of culture with social organization. 

That is, the data presented here suggest that the process of alienation organizes many of the disrupted 

relationships experienced in Native communities. Individuals were alienated from meaningful social 

activities such as subsistence harvesting and the sharing of subsistence resources which forms a basis for 

social integration in these communities (Jorgensen 1995). Individuals were also alienated from 

meaningful cultural values about respect for nature and the continuity between subsistence practices and a 

Native identity (Dyer, Gill, and Picou 1992; Jorgensen 1995; IAI 1990d). Furthermore, the social 

activities and practices such as harvesting resources, engaging children in subsistence as a way of life, 

sharing harvested resources, and consuming preferred foods were alienated from cultural values about the 

meaningfulness and significance of wild foods in Native ways of life (IAI 1990c, 1990d; McClintock 

1989; Fall and Field 1996; Gill and Picou 1997). 

Alienation of any one of these connections could be socially significant. But, when individuals perceive 

an alienation of themselves from their culture and social activities; and, simultaneously cultural values are 

alienated from the social activities, then the combined effect is potentially traumatic and disruptive. This 

trauma itself exists within the context of a culture which has experienced other “cultural traumas” in their 

dealings with non-Native societies. Indeed, the EVOS, for many Natives, becomes another assault from 

non-Natives on the cultural integrity of their communities. 

4.1 DEFINITION AND RELEVANCE 

Subsistence is a term with multiple meanings. It can be used to describe the activities of harvesting wild 

foods. It can also refer to food preferences, dietary habits, and the economic and social importance of 

these types of foods. It can also be used to identify culturally significant beliefs and values about wild 

foods and their use. These topic areas can be applied to both Native and non-Native Alaskan 

communities (cf. Jorgensen 1995). 
We use a narrow definition of subsistence as a social factor to focus on how specific practices and cultural 

values of Alaskan Native communities were affected by the EVOS. For our purposes subsistence 

expresses the traditions, values, and beliefs of Native Alaskans about relationships of humans and natural 

resources that affect the socially organized activities of harvesting, processing, and sharing of those 

resources among kinsmen, neighbors, and others. That is, subsistence is about both traditions, values, and 

beliefs and activities and about social institutions linked with harvesting, processing, and distributing wild 

resources. 

There is an abundance of literature about the importance of subsistence traditions, institutions, and 

practices in Native Alaskan communities (Luton 1986; Fall 1990; Jorgensen 1990). This literature 

describes the relationships of Native Alaskan communities to the types of natural resources that were 

affected by the EVOS. The significance of the affected resources for Native Alaskans and the importance 

of subsistence traditions, institutions, and practices suggests that this is one of the most relevant topics 

for understanding the community effects of the EVOS. 

4.2 CONTAMINATION OF SUBSISTENCE RESOURCES 

4.2.1 Subsistence Resources Were Oiled 

Following the grounding of the Exxon Valdez on Bligh Reef, oil contaminated subsistence resources were 

an immediate concern for Native villagers: 

We walk our beaches. But the snails and the barnacles and the chitons are falling 

off the rocks. Dead. Dead water. We caught our first fish, the traditional delight of all, 

but it got sent to the state to be tested for oil. No first fish this year. We walk our 

beaches. But instead of gathering life, we gather death. Dead birds. Dead otters. Dead 

seaweed (Port Graham resident quoted in McClintock 1989:29). 

The spilled oil was pulled south by currents from Bligh Reef through Prince William Sound down into the 

Kenai Peninsula and then around into Cook Inlet as well as into the Shelikof Straight between Kodiak 

Island and the Alaska Peninsula. In Prince William Sound the shorelines around the Native village of 

Chenega Bay were directly oiled and localities used for hunting and fishing by Tatitlek were also heavily 

oiled (ADF&G 1995). In the Kenai/Cook Inlet area Nanwalek shorelines were heavily and repeatedly 

oiled and areas near Port Graham were also fouled (McClintock 1989). On Kodiak, shorelines or 

subsistence areas were oiled in Ouzinkie, Larsen Bay, Karluk, Port Lions, and Old Harbor (IAI 1990c). 

Akhiok, on the southern side of Kodiak, experienced some tarballs on nearby shores, but it generally had 

much less oiling than other communities on Kodiak (IAI 1990c). Alaska Peninsula communities 

experienced some oil sheen and tar balls, but they were, in general, less exposed to oiling than other 

Native communities (IAI 1990c). 

Residents in most Native communities directly observed oiled birds, seals, seal lions, sea otters, and other 

wildlife fouled by oil (McClintock 1989; IAI 1990c). Others directly observed deer or bears eating oiled 

seaweed or other contaminated resources (IAI 1990c, 1990d; McClintock 1989; ADF&G 1995). In some 

communities such as Larsen Bay, Chenega Bay, Tatitlek, and the Kenai/Cook Inlet Native communities, 

areas where chitons, clams, mussels, and other invertebrates were gathered were also oiled (IAI 1990c, 

1990d; McClintock 1989; ADF&G 1995). In most Native villages, individuals directly observed dead or 

oil contaminated resources used for subsistence purposes (IAI 1990c; ADF&G 1995). 

4.2.2 Traditional Knowledge Based Risk Assessments 
The direct observation of dead and dying wildlife provided one basis for Natives to assess subsistence 

resources as potentially harmful. However, there are other issues that are suggested in the literature that 

can be interpreted as contributing to Native assessments of risks from contaminated resources. 

Specifically, statements from Natives reported in McClintock (1989), the Oiled Mayor’s Study (IAI 

1990d), Braund & Associates and Usher (1993), and work completed by ADF&G (e.g., Fall and Field 

1996) suggests that Natives interpreted changes in their environment as indicating caution in the 

consumption of subsistence resources. For example, villagers describe observations about changes in the 

populations of sea mammals and birds, changes in the usual habitats and haunts of game and marine life, 

and sickly animals or wildlife with unusual characteristics (IAI 1990d; ADF&G 1995). These 

observations, in conjunction with other experiences with dead and dying wildlife, are the basis for a risk 

assessment based on traditional knowledge. This interpretation is consistent with analysis by Fall: 

“Direct observations of dead and injured wildlife, interpreted through traditional systems of knowledge, 

strongly suggested to subsistence users that resources might be unsafe for humans” (1995: Chapter 

XXIV:4). Furthermore, the caution among subsistence users was further reinforced when three to six 

years post-spill villagers continue to find oil in traditional use areas (Fall and Field 1996; ADF&G 1995). 

The use of dispersants and bioremediation also contributed to Native caution about the effects of these 

substances on subsistence resources (IAI 1990c, 1990d; McClintock 1989). For example, an Ouzinkie 

resident observed: 

I feel like it’s another slap in the face because . . .what’s going to happen in the 

future . . .they’re just trying . . .this stuff, the oil spill is bad enough but when you spill 

something on top of it, and you have no idea what the future’s going to bring from it . . .I 

think it’s crazy (IAI 1990c: 97). 

Traditional risk assessments based on local knowledge and observations resulted in a sense of uncertainty 

about both the short and long term effects of resources exposed to the oil spill and the cleanup process. 

For example: 

I’m talking about a daily diet of food that we eat. And you’re telling us to go 

back to your way of eating . . .remember Agent Orange? For the next ten years I’m going 

to be healthy but what happens after? After the stuff is in your system . . .(Ouzinkie 

Resident quoted in IAI 1990c: 94) 

Reynolds quotes an Eyak Native expressing similar views: 

Deer were dying on Hawkins Island, because they were eating the seaweed. 

Quite a few deer died. And that affected the meat for that winter. The mussels and clams 

are still questionable, where the oil hit. The livers contain all the toxin. They’re not 

safe. 

Roe-on-kelp doesn’t taste the same now. We don’t eat the food. We wonder: is 

it safe? The things that we’re used to eating. I always wonder (Reynolds 1993: 215). 

Risk assessments based on traditional knowledge indicated that both short and long term, there were 

reasons to be cautious about the consumption of some subsistence foods. In some instances this resulted 

in decreased harvest/use of wild foods. Between 1989 and 1991 contamination concerns were a major 

contributor to decreased subsistence harvest/use (IAI 1990d; Fall and Field 1996; Palinkas et al. 1993; 

ADF&G 1995; Reynolds 1993). After the cleanup phase of the EVOS (post-1990-91), explanations 

about reduced harvest/use focused on diminished resource availability (ADF&G 1995: Chapter VVIV). 

Communities most exposed to oil and its effects (Ouzinkie, Tatitlek, Chenega Bay, Larsen Bay, 
Nanwalek) had more contamination concerns than other Native villages (IAI 1990d; ADF&G 1995; Fall 

and Field 1996). 

The important issue for Natives was that, despite reassurances by scientists about the safety of traditional 

foods, their own traditional knowledge based risk assessments suggested that caution was prudent. This 

has important implications for any future events that might raise concerns about resource contamination: 

i.e., community based risk assessments have their own basis in experience and knowledge that will 

influence how scientifically based risk assessments will be interpreted (cf. Edelstein 1988). 

4.2.3 Resource Use and Safety Concerns 

Immediately after the spill, Natives in Prince William Sound and Cook Inlet and then in Kodiak 

expressed concerns about consumption of subsistence resources because of uncertainty about 

contamination (IAI 1990d; Rooks 1993; Endter-Wada et al. 1993; ADF&G 1995; Fall and Field 1996). 

One response to these was the formation of the Alaska Oil Spill Health Task Force. The health task force 

sampled various subsistence resources for hydrocarbon contamination in all spill-affected areas as well as 

in the “reference” areas of Angoon and Yakutat (Fall and Field 1996). The literature also suggests that 

other litigation related research regarding biological effects of the spill was observed by Native villagers 

(IAI 1990d; ADF&G 1995). Overall, the Alaska Oil Spill Health Task Force work concluded there was a 

relatively low risk from the levels of contamination measured in subsistence foods such as fish, bivalves, 

and shellfish (Fall and Field 1996). The results of the health task force work were presented through 

in-village presentations, health bulletins, ADF&G newsletters, and a food safety video (Fall and Field 

1996). Native’s were also advised to apply a “taste, smell, and look” test to any resources suspected of 

contamination. 

Despite information from the Alaska Oil Spill Health Task Force, there was persistent concern about 

subsistence food safety among some Natives, especially in those communities hardest hit by the spill 

(Ouzinkie, Tatitlek, Chenega Bay, Nanwalek). These concerns appear to have persisted because of a 

combination of factors, including the following: 

(1) Uncertainty about the validity of the Alaska Oil Spill Health Task Force testing program. 

In some instances uncertainty was related to skepticism about those doing the testing, e.g., 

“Nobody even knew the people that were testing then” (ADF&G 1995: XII: 23). In other 

instances, this concern appears to be related to skepticism about the sampling and testing process. 

For example, a Native resident of Port Lions quoted in IAI 1990c observed: 

There’s no telling to what degree that shellfish is tainted. Until 

you get some real comprehensive results back from all the testing going on, they 

could go into a clam bed and take a sample here and a sample here and not get 

any tainted clams, but fifteen feet over here where a couple of mousse patties sat 

down and went and sunk into the ground a little bit, you’re gonna have a section 

of tainted shellfish (IAI 1990c: 104). 

(2) Natives were skeptical about the “see, smell, taste” recommendations of the Alaska Oil 

Spill Health Task Force. For example, “I don’t believe smell, see, and taste tests are good enough 

as ways of telling whether foods are safe to eat” (ADF&G 1995: XII 23). A definitive 

explanation for this skepticism is not indicated in the literature, but it appears to have several 

origins, including: mistrust of the credibility of testing agencies; concern about Exxon’s 

involvement in the testing program; insufficient information about testing program results 

information (Seitz and Miraglia 1995; Mishler, Mason et al. 1995); and, traditional risk 

assessments that suggested more information was required to fully understand the short and long 
term effects of the spill on affected ecosystems. For example, Fall, Stanek, and Utermohle 

observed: 

While some plants and animals were obviously oiled and not 

edible, it was not clear to subsistence users if those without signs of oiling might 

also cause acute or chronic health problems. Abnormal behavior and conditions 

of wildlife also raised questions about the spill’s effects for subsistence users. 

Consequently, they rejected the advice that sight, smell, and taste alone (the 

“organolepic test”) was sufficient to determine food safety. People were no 

longer confident in their own abilities to understand and evaluate the natural 

environment because the spill had created such unfamiliar and unsettling 

conditions. As a result, people discarded resources which they suspected had 

been tainted, or refrained from using subsistence foods entirely (Fall, Stanek, and 

Utermohle 1995: Chapter 1: 21) 

(3) Multiple scientific programs to assess resource contamination (e.g., ADF&G, Exxon, the 

Trustee Council) resulted in confusion about the “true” facts concerning the safety of subsistence 

foods (ADF&G 1995). Some information from these studies was not public because of litigation, 

further contributing to a perception of conflicts about the “true” facts of testing for resource 

contamination (ADF&G 1995; IAI 1990d; Jorgensen 1995). 

Despite significant risk communication efforts of the Alaska Oil Spill Health Task Force, Native concerns 

about contaminated resources persisted. These concerns did not always result in avoidance of subsistence 

foods, especially among older, traditional residents of Native villages (IAI 1990d; ADF&G 1995). 

Indeed some residents consumed foods they believed might be contaminated because of their cultural 

values and preferences. For example, 

I know it’s hard for you to understand, but when we can’t get [subsistence foods], 

it’s a little like a sickness. Then you get some and eat it – it’s like medicine. You feel 

well again (Tatitlek Resident Quoted in ADF&G Chapter IXXIV: 3). 

An Eyak Native observed: 

When you’re used to eating those foods and you go without them, then your body 

just craves them (Reynolds 1993:215). 

An elder Eyak noted: 

I think I would get sick without [Native foods]. I would. I get so hungry for 

them. I keep looking for some clams to satisfy the old stomach. I told my cousin I was 

starving for clams (Reynolds 1993: 216). 

These statements indicate a cultural preference if not a cultural imperative for wild foods. These 

preferences motivated Natives to consume subsistence resources even though they may have fears about 

their contamination. Thus, post-spill recovery in the consumption of subsistence foods must be placed 

within this cultural (and economic) framework (Fall and Field 1996). 

The overall effects of concern about food safety are not apparent in the literature. However, there are 

three clear themes: (1) public health programs did not provide uniform relief from concerns about health 

effects of consuming subsistence resources; (2) persisting food safety concerns are rooted in traditional 

risk assessments that suggest that the long term effects of contamination are yet to be known; and, (3) 
despite contamination fears, Native residents consumed some subsistence resources. The uncertainty 

about such a fundamental component of daily life and Native culture affects perceptions about the future 

well-being of individuals and their communities (ADF&G 1995; IAI 1990d; Palinkas et al. 1993). For 

example, an Eyak Native observed, 

People were even scared to eat deer. And maybe we did wrong to eat deer. 

Maybe we’ll all get cancer. What will be left in 10-20 years, of our game? No one 

knows. Or maybe the oil companies do know. But I don’t know. Will my grandchildren 

be able to eat any of the things I eat. Or just read about it in books? (Reynolds 1993: 

224). 

This statement expresses profound uncertainty about the present, about the near-term future, and about the 

inter-generational continuity of Native ways of life as expressed in subsistence traditions. This theme 

illustrates clearly the issue of alienation of Native’s from their culture and the social organization of 

subsistence practices. These types of effects are most likely to be experienced in those communities most 

affected by the spill such as Tatitlek, Chenega Bay, Cordova, and Ouzinkie (Fall 1995: XXI-4). 

4.3 SUBSISTENCE PARTICIPATION 

Subsistence participation is about the harvesting, processing, sharing, and consumption of subsistence 

resources. There are data indicating that pre-spill there was almost 100% subsistence participation among 

the 15 Native communities addressed by this analysis (Fall and Field 1996; IAI 1990d). Data for the 

year of the spill through 1994 exist for the majority of communities. However, as a result of sampling 

issues and data collection protocols, information about subsistence participation does not exist for all 

communities for all years (ADF&G 1995; IAI 1990c, 1990d). Among the communities studied, 

differences are reported that appear to be associated with the degree of oiling/contamination of 

subsistence resources. However, when these communities are taken as a whole, there are some high-level 

generalizations that can be made about subsistence participation and the EVOS. 

• Overall subsistence participation decreased during the year of the oil spill and in the year 

immediately afterward. Decreased harvests are attributed to: contamination fears; cleanup 

employment; and, decreased resource availability. 

• For 1990 and 1991 overall subsistence participation showed a trend of increased 

subsistence participation from 1989 levels, but overall subsistence participation remained below 

1989 levels. By 1991, most communities (including the highly exposed communities of Chenega 

Bay, Tatitlek, Nanwalek, and Ouzinkie) remained below 1989 levels. However, Port Graham, 

Chignik Lake, and Chignik Bay were at or over the pre-spill years (Fall and Field 1996). 

• Between 1991and 1994, the overall trend has been for increased subsistence 

participation, although in the most spill-affected communities in Prince William Sound, Cook 

Inlet, and Kodiak, harvests and consumption generally have not recovered to pre-1989 levels. 

Explanations about reduced subsistence participation have shifted toward decreased resource 

availability and some persisting concerns about resource contamination. 

• Although the is a upward trend for subsistence participation (harvest and consumption), 

the composition of subsistence resources harvested and used have shifted toward fewer marine 

and land mammals and more towards salmon and other fish (ADF&G 1995). 

• In some instances, trends towards increased usage coexist alongside persistent 

contamination fears. This is accounted for by a cultural imperative to consume wild foods for 
health reasons and to satisfy “cravings” that express the strong preferences for subsistence foods 

in Native communities. That is, despite contamination fears residents in some Native 

communities, and especially older residents, continued to eat subsistence foods because of the 

cultural values and imperatives attached to wild foods (IAI 1990d; Reynolds 1993; ADF&G 

1995; Fall and Field 1996). This raises other concerns about the long-term health effects of 

eating potentially contaminated foods. 

• Where important resources are perceived to be unavailable or unsafe, Natives have had to 

travel further and expend more resources to harvest substitute resources. This is especially the 

case for Chenega Bay and Tatitlek (ADF&G 1995). 

• Decreased subsistence participation resulted in concerns about Native children not 

participating in traditional practices that express their culture and way of life (ADF&G 1995; 

Palinkas et al. 1993; IAI 1990d). 

• In general, subsistence participation decreased most in those communities most affected 

by the oil spill. Variation in the trends on subsistence participation among Native communities 

can be accounted for by: (1) the amount of direct oiling of community areas; and, (2) the oiling of 

areas used for hunting, fishing, and gathering. The most affected communities were in Prince 

William Sound (Tatitlek and Chenega Bay), Cook Inlet (Port Graham and Nanwalek), and 

Kodiak. Among the Kodiak villages, Ouzinkie, Larsen Bay and Old Harbor had the most 

exposure to oil and appear to be the more affected than Port Lions, Karluk and Akhiok. Akhiok, 

at the southern end of Kodiak Island experienced the least oiling of subsistence areas. Alaska 

Peninsula communities (Ivanoff Bay, Perryville, Chignik Lake, Chignik Lagoon, and Chignik 

Bay) were the least affected Native communities and exhibit the most stable patterns of 

subsistence participation (Fall and Field 1996; ADF&G 1995). 

• Along with harvesting and consumption, sharing of subsistence resources decreased in 

the most exposed communities (IAI 1990d; Palinkas et al. 1993; ADF&G 1995). Older residents, 

traditionally dependent on sharing of subsistence resources, were perceived to be the most at risk 

because of decreased sharing (Reynolds 1993; Endter-Wada 1993; IAI 1990d). 

• The EVOS-related literature mentions some changes related to subsistence hunting. In 

some cases, successful hunting required greater effort. In Chenega Bay (Seitz and Miraglia 1995) 

subsistence activity was associated with travel to new areas, since resources were considered 

generally less available. In Tatitlek (Seitz and Fall 1995) there were reduced harvests despite 

greater effort. 

The overall picture that emerges from these findings is that in most Native communities exposed to the 

spill, subsistence participation was reduced in the first year or two after the event. After that, the trend 

was for increased subsistence participation, but in those communities most affected by the event, 

subsistence participation had not yet returned to pre-spill levels. The decrease in subsistence participation 

again expresses the alienation of individuals from a key aspect of their individual and cultural identity. It 

expresses discontinuity between Native values, beliefs, and expectations about daily life and the reality of 

decreased activity in this key element of Native culture and social organization. Furthermore, what 

replaced subsistence activities in many Native communities, i.e., cleanup work, had adverse effects on 

community integration. For example, work among Kodiak Natives resulted in the following observation: 

Native people missed the joy of catching, cleaning and smoking fish; they missed 

the going upstream, taking their families, setting their nets and helping each other to split 

and dry and preserve. Oil-spill work did not provide the same level of satisfaction, 
family and community unity, or cooperation and sharing as did subsistence activities. 

Instead, it fostered competition for high-paying jobs and exacerbated petty jealousies and 

rivalries among villagers (Endter-Wada et al. 1993: 684). 

4.4 SUBSISTENCE USE AND NATIVE CULTURE 

An analysis of the literature regarding the EVOS, subsistence use, and Native culture suggests several 

major topic areas where there are EVOS related interactions: (1) resource sharing among family and 

neighbors; (2) enculturation, i.e., children participating in and learning about subsistence activities; (3) 

Native cultural values about subsistence resources; and, (4) culturally significant dietary changes. 

4.4.1 Effects on Sharing of Subsistence Resources 

In some affected communities resource sharing (giving and receiving) changed. Subsistence foods rather 

than store-bought foods are usually shared in Native communities and older residents are usually 

recipients of shared subsistence resources from other family members and neighbors (cf., Mischler 

1995). The Oiled Mayor’s study household survey results show that among Natives who were “highly 

exposed” to the EVOS, 72.4% reported decreased sharing as compared with 47.3% among those 

categorized as “low exposed” and 8.3% as “not exposed” (Palinkas et al. 1993: 7). The same study 

reported 69.6% decline in sharing resources with elders as compared with 36.5% “low exposed” and 6.3% 

“not exposed” and there were also similar declines in the receiving of subsistence resources (Palinkas et 

al. 1993:7). Ethnographic data from the same study suggest that resource sharing declined in some 

communities because of decreased harvests and participation in the cleanup (IAI 1990c, 1990d). ADF&G 

studies of sharing of subsistence resources following the EVOS show similar findings: there was 

decreased sharing of resources in Chenega Bay (Seitz and Miraglia 1995), Port Graham (Stanek 1995), 

Nanwalek (Stanek 1995), though there was little change in Chignik Lake (Hutchinson-Scorbrough 1995). 

Jorgensen (1995), Reynolds (1993) and Endter-Wada et al. (1993) also report important declines in the 

sharing of subsistence resources. For example, Reynolds quotes an Eyak Native: 

There’s no seal in Tatitlek. Before the spill I’d get seal from Tatitlek and take it 

to my daughter-in-law in Anchorage, and she would send it to Port Graham to her 

mother. So see how far that seal traveled? But I can’t get seal this year (Reynolds 1993: 

219). 

Sharing is an essential feature of the communal aspect of Native life. It is one of the traditions and 

practices that promotes social integration and the maintenance of social ties and bonds. Decreased 

sharing necessarily affects the character of social bonds and the nature of social integration in these 

communities, especially among those where subsistence harvesting was disrupted. 

4.4.2 Effects on Children’s Participation in Subsistence Activities 

In some Native communities concerns were raised about the effects of disrupting children’s participation 

in subsistence hunting, fishing, and gathering. The Oiled Mayor’s Study household survey data showed a 

76.5% decline in opportunities for children to learn these activities among those “highly exposed,” 40.9% 

decline among those “low exposed”; this compares with 4.4% decline among those “not exposed” 

(Palinkas et al. 1993:7). Ethnographic data from this same study also observed that in some communities 

adults were concerned about the cultural consequences for children of the disruption of subsistence 

hunting, fishing, and gathering (IAI 1990c, 1990d). ADF&G work also showed a decline in children’s 

participation in subsistence activity in Chenega Bay (Seitz and Miraglia 1995), Nanwalek (Stanek 1995), 

and Old Harbor (Rooks 1993b), but not in Chignik Lake (Hutchinson-Scorbrough 1995). The decreased 

participation of children in subsistence activities was in some cases associated with their parents’ absence 
due to participation in the cleanup effort. In other cases it was because of reduced opportunity to harvest 

subsistence resources (IAI 1990c). 

In some communities of Prince William Sound, Cook Inlet, and Kodiak, the disruption of children’s 

participation in subsistence raised concerns about the transmission of Native culture (IAI 1990d; ADF&G 

1995; Palinkas et al. 1993; Braund & Associates and Usher 1993; Jorgensen 1995). The continuity of 

Native traditions is, in part, maintained through children’s participation in subsistence activities. 

Furthermore, such participation also has the function of integrating children into and maintaining ties 

within community social networks. In the most affected communities, these types of concerns express 

overall distress about damage to ways of life that depend on the use of subsistence resources. 

4.4.3 Effects on Native Values about Subsistence Resources 

There is a continuity between the use of subsistence resources and Native values and culture. The 

contamination of subsistence resources and uncertainty about their long term existence raised concern and 

caused a sense of loss. For example, Chief Meganack’s oft-quoted statement demonstrates the connection 

between subsistence resources and Native ways of viewing the natural world. The continuity of 

subsistence, Native culture, and individual identity is fundamental to a sense of individual and 

community well-being. Consequently, when this continuity is threatened, individuals and their families 

can feel alienated from their way of life and its values. For example: 

When we worry about our subsistence way of life we worry about losing our 

identity . . .It’s . . .that spirit that makes you who you are, makes you think the way you 

do and act the way you do and how you perceive the world and relate to the land. 

Ninety-five percent of our cultural tradition now is subsistence . . .it’s what we have left 

of our tradition (IAI 1990c: 274-275.) 

Although it is often difficult to quantify or exactly measure the distress and alienation people experience 

when something meaningful to them is fouled and harmed, these are nonetheless damaging to an overall 

sense of community and individual well-being. The literature regarding technological disasters in general 

suggests that such a loss of well-being results in alienation and can otherwise contribute to other social 

and psychological problems (cf., Shkilnyk 1985). 

4.4.4 Effects on Diet 

Diet is a cultural variable. Food preferences, styles of preparation, and consumption can all be culturally 

patterned and expressed values and meaningful ways of life. As a result of the EVOS, Native 

communities experienced fears about food safety, perceptions of reduced populations of preferred food 

sources (e.g., seals and other marine mammals), and reduced opportunities to participate in subsistence 

activities. These resulted in some dietary changes in Native communities. 

The evidence in the literature suggests that Native diets were altered by the disruption of subsistence 

harvests (Fall and Field 1996; Reynolds 1993; IAI 1990d; ADF&G 1995; Endter-Wada et al. 1993; Dyer, 

Gill, and Picou 1992). There is also evidence that the reduced availability was more of a burden for elder 

residents than it was for younger residents of Native villages (ADF&G 1995), and that younger residents 

made the transition from subsistence to purchased foods more easily than did elders (Rooks 1993: 799). 

An important issue here is that this potentially meant less protein in the diets of Native elders, or greater 

exposure to contaminated resources, because elders were less able to make substitutions for Native foods. 

The reluctance to eat purchased foods is related to strong cultural motivation to eat subsistence foods 

among more traditional members of Native communities (ADF&G 1995). This motivation is sometimes 

expressed as a “craving” for wild foods, as noted in an earlier quote. There is also a strong belief that 
these foods confer health benefits that purchased foods do not (IAI 1990c; ADF&G 1995; Reynolds 

1993). It is also likely that the shift away from marine mammals and some shellfish and toward more fish 

in some subsistence diets means that valued foods such as seal and clams were less prevalent than before 

the spill (cf., Fall and Field 1996; ADF&G 1995). It also suggests that where these foods remain part of 

Native diets, there may be a lingering uncertainty about the long term health effects of eating foods that 

traditional beliefs suggest are beneficial. 

This uncertainty presents a paradox and a disconnect of traditional beliefs and the circumstances 

regarding the possible persisting contamination of subsistence resources. As one Eyak Native quoted by 

Reynolds said, “Roe on kelp doesn’t taste the same now. We don’t eat the food. We wonder is it safe? 

The things we’re used to eating. I always wonder” (Reynolds 1993: 215). In communities where food is 

more than instrumental, indeed where food preferences connect people to their traditions and to others in 

their social environment, uncertainty about such a fundamental aspect of life can only be distressing. 

Persistent uncertainty about the safety of previously valued foods and resources fosters a further sense of 

disconnection between individual and family identity, values and beliefs about wild foods, and the social 

experiences of taking, sharing, and consuming these resources. 

In more than one community, disrupted subsistence activities following the EVOS may have been 

associated with a dietary shift away from subsistence foods. In Ouzinkie, it was suggested (Mishler, 

Mason et al. 1995) that there might have been a dietary shift from subsistence foods to purchased foods, 

as high cash incomes from the cleanup and free groceries supplied alternatives. 

4.5 SUBSISTENCE AND COMMUNITY ECONOMICS 

There are three themes in the literature about subsistence, community economics, and the EVOS: (1) the 

lost economic value of subsistence resources; (2) increased costs to engage in subsistence practices; and, 

(3) effects of the EVOS were somewhat mitigated by cleanup employment in Native villages. These 

themes need to be placed within a broader context of the economy of Native villages in general and the 

particular cultural and social context of Native communities, a point that cannot be over-emphasized. 

Employment in many Native villages is significantly less than in non-Native villages (Jorgensen 1995; 

Rooks 1993). Private sector jobs are very limited as are public sector employment opportunities. 

Commercial fishing is an important source of cash income in many Native villages (Rooks 1993; IAI 

1990d; ADF&G 1995). Cash is limited in these communities and their isolation also makes acquiring 

store goods expensive. Consequently, subsistence resources have an economic value in that cash does not 

have to be used to acquire all household foods. However, household income and participation in 

subsistence activities are not necessarily directly related. In fact, Rooks notes that in Old Harbor 

increased income is associated with increased subsistence activity (Rooks 1993b: 793). In the mixed 

cash-subsistence economy of Native communities, wild foods have economic value. The risk here is 

focusing only the economic value of these resources and not their cultural meaning. That is, westerners 

easily understand the economic value of wild food but may not as easily appreciate the cultural values and 

meanings that make wild foods more than just an economic value. Jorgensen emphasizes this point: 

It was learned that modern subsistence economies integrate modern technologies 

and sources of income required to maintain them . . .It was also learned, and confirmed in 

all phases of our Social Indicators research, that Native subsistence economies remain 

quintessentially subsistence economies in their organizations of production, including 

ownership, control, labor, distribution, and consumption. They are directly linked to 

procuring food and shelter for the maintenance of life itself. It is the social fabric in 

which the subsistence economy is embedded that is crucial within and among 

communities [emphasis added] (Jorgensen 1995: 151). 
The issue here is that subsistence exists within the larger social and cultural fabric of communities. 

Subsistence resources have economic value, but they also have other values. 

4.5.1 Lost Economic Value of Subsistence Resources 

ADF&G (1995) and other research (Jorgensen 1995; IAI 1990d) shows that harvesting and use of 

subsistence resources declined in the year or so immediately after the spill. For example, Seitz and Fall 

note that in Tatitlek subsistence harvests declined 60% (from 482.9 pounds per person to 214.8 pounds 

per person) in the year following the spill (Seitz and Fall 1995: V-19). Other Native communities showed 

similar declines, although the villages closer to spill (Tatitlek and Chenega Bay) experienced the most 

serious declines (Fall and Utermohle 1995: XXIII 5-9). If subsistence resources have economic value, 

that is if they replace store-bought foods, then we can conclude that Native communities lost the value of 

these resources. Furthermore, at the same time that more cash was required, spill-related inflation 

increased the costs of many essential goods and services (cf. Rooks 1993). Exxon, the Kodiak Island 

Borough, and other entities (IAI 1990c) donated food to Native villages that, in part, offset some of the 

lost economic value. However, in some instances the donation of these foods were also thought to offset 

the disruptions caused by the loss of subsistence participation (IAI 1990c, 1990d). That is, subsistence 

foods were understood only for their economic value and not for their cultural value. This resulted in 

another dimension of alienation in these communities. For example, a Karluk resident observed: 

So people were given some frozen and canned fish from Exxon, but they didn’t 

really eat much of that. It was considered a joke by most of us. First of all it was not the 

same kind of salmon that people preferentially catch for eating here, and secondly it was 

not cured in the culturally accepted way. Thirdly, there was not enough freezer space 

here . . . to store all the fish that was brought here by Exxon. So some of it spoiled . . 

.and some of the canned salmon that they brought out sat outside and froze and thawed 

and froze and thawed, making it unappealing to eat” (IAI 1990c: 68). 

Although food was available, it was unused in part because it did not fulfill the cultural expectations 

about this type of food. The remedy for the problem was culturally off the mark. This furthers the 

experience of alienation from the culture and social organization in which subsistence is embedded within 

these communities. 

4.5.2 Increased Costs For Subsistence Practices 

This is a minor point in the literature. Fall and Field (1996) make reference to increased costs for Tatitlek 

and other residents who had to travel greater distances to harvest preferred resources that were not locally 

available because of the oil spill. Jorgensen also notes that although there were decreased subsistence 

harvests, there was still significant activity to harvest resources (Jorgensen 1995:27). The implication is 

that increased effort to harvest fewer resources had costs in terms of fuel and other related harvest costs. 

In other terms, harvest activities yielded less for the diet than in the years before the spill (Jorgensen 

1995: 327). 

4.5.3 Cleanup Employment Offset Losses 

Native villagers had higher rates of cleanup employment than non-Natives (IAI 1990d). This resulted in 

increases in cash incomes, but these dollars did not necessarily stay within villages: many goods and 

services were purchased from sources outside villages resulting in limited economic benefit to these 

communities (cf. Rooks 1993: 766). The short boom in income in Native villages was important and it 

provided some offset for the loss of subsistence resources in the year of the spill. However, in most 
Native villages, after cleanup employment ended (1990 and in some places 1991), incomes declined 

precipitously thereafter (Jorgensen 1995: 123). 

4.6 DISCUSSION OF SUBSISTENCE AND THE EVOS 

An examination of the themes in the existing literature suggests two major points that we will discuss 

here. One point is the alienation of individual and family experience from culturally important values, 

beliefs, and practices about harvesting natural resources; and, a concomitant alienation of cultural values 

about harvesting wild resources from social practices of sharing, visiting, and harvesting activities. The 

second point is the “cultural trauma” that resulted from this alienation . 

4.6.1 Alienation 

Social life is in part made meaningful and valid by the experience of continuity between individual 

experience, social activity and institutions, and cultural values and beliefs. That is, the conditions for 

individual well-being exist when individuals are motivated to engage in social activities and participate in 

social institutions that are supported by cultural values, belief, and knowledge. This, in part, explains 

how we function as social beings. Our psychological life is related to its social and cultural setting. 

Disruption of this continuity can cause alienation and the experience of being disconnected from essential 

aspects of psychological and social life. When the oil spill fouled subsistence resources and reduced 

subsistence activities and the social activities associated with it, then individuals became alienated from 

an activity that is at the core of Native identity. Participation in the visiting and sharing associated with 

the distribution of subsistence resources also was diminished as was the socialization of children that 

occurs during subsistence harvesting. The result is that individuals and families became disconnected 

from key social activities that usually promote community integration and the integration of the individual 

within the community. Furthermore, individuals also experienced alienation from the very items that 

have immense cultural value, the natural resources they harvest and incorporate into their daily lives. We 

interpret the literature as showing that there existed a disconnection between the individual and family 

experience of subsistence practices and their associated cultural values and social practices. 

An example of this process of alienation is illustrated in the argument presented by Braund & Associates 

and Usher (1993) about “damage to culture.” Damage to culture is, as Jorgensen (1995) has aptly argued, 

logically incorrect. The specifics of the Braund et al. argument is useful if interpreted as indicating the 

process of the alienation of individuals and families from activities, values, and beliefs that connect them 

with and express their cultural traditions. For example, Braund et al. (Braund & Associates and Usher 

1993:68-109) argue the following effects of subsistence disruption: 

• Declines in the quality of the environment and the quality of subsistence 

resources. 

• Uncertainty about the safety of consuming subsistence resources. 

• Invalidation of traditional knowledge regarding the environment. 

• Uncertainty about subsistence resources and community ways of life 

based on these resources. 

• Declines in subsistence harvests, sharing of subsistence resources, and 

the enculturation of children into a subsistence lifestyle. 

• Declines in the integrity of place and community. 

• Changes in the sense of personal and community autonomy. 

• Changes in personal and cultural identity. 

Collectively, these changes illustrate the disconnection between individual experience, social interactions, 

and cultural values. The result is a type of alienation that itself predisposes individuals and their social 
groups to adverse psychological impacts (Mirowski and Ross 1983; Davidson and Baum 1991). 

Shkilnyk, in reporting on the effects of Mercury poisoning in an Ojibawa community, makes an 

observation that is relevant to interpreting the effects of alienation among Native Alaskan communities 

exposed to the EVOS: 

. . .one can find the symptoms of psychic trauma whenever people feel 

abandoned, separated from the life around them, or unable to contribute anything of value 

to the rest of the community; when they are forced to grapple with conditions over which 

they have no control; when cultural orientations that they have been brought up with no 

longer serve to interpret reality; when habitual actions no longer have the same meaning 

or effect; when psychological cues no longer serve to guide experience; and when social 

and moral values are rendered impotent in organizing work or sustaining human 

relationships. All incentives to maintain cultural precepts, values, and beliefs is lost if 

these things no longer work to structure reality (Shkilnyk 1985: 233). 

Not all these conditions apply to Alaskan Natives and the EVOS, but many do. The analytical point we 

wish to make is that one significant effect of the disruption of subsistence was the alienation of 

individuals from their culture and its social context. 

4.6.2 Cultural Trauma 

The content of Native statements quoted in this section when summed with those expressed elsewhere in 

the literature (Reynolds 1993; IAI 1990d; Endter-Wada et al. 1993; ADF&G 1995) suggests that a 

process of “cultural trauma” resulted from the disruption of subsistence by the EVOS. This process of 

“cultural trauma” is one in which an event such as the EVOS evokes past threats to Native ways of life 

and cultural traditions. Statements by Natives in the literature (e.g., IAI 1990c; Braund & Associates and 

Usher 1993) suggest that some Natives perceive the EVOS as another instance of actions by non-Natives 

that will result in significant harm to their traditions. This process of “cultural trauma” is thus one that 

amplifies the effects of an ongoing event by evoking the threats from past events 

In sum, Native culture will persist. Subsistence participation is increasing. Preferred resources are being 

sought out, harvested, processed, and shared, just as they have been for centuries. Yet, a return to 

pre-spill levels of subsistence activities does not negate the damage incurred, just as the persistence of 

Native villages today does not negate past injustices and encroachments on Native culture. Natives 

continue to tell stories about being punished for engaging in the essence of their culture, speaking their 

language (Reynolds 1993). The encroachment on Native culture from the EVOS is also likely to be 

incorporated as yet one more assault in an attempt to put the last nail in the coffin for Native Alaskan 

culture. Native culture is resilient. It has survived and communities are working through the effects of 

the EVOS. Nonetheless, it is our interpretation that within the context of Alaska Native history, the 

EVOS represents a traumatic event for the culture of these communities that threatened a core element 

that Natives define as expressing who they are as a people. This is a process of “cultural trauma” 

resulting from the cumulative effects of the historical interaction of Natives and non-Natives. 

5.0 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 

There are several major issues that are expressed in the literature about the interaction of community 

social organization and the effects of the EVOS. These issues are: community political and 

organizational resources; leadership; family, kinship, and other social bonds; and some limited 

information about demography and its interaction with the oil spill and cleanup. We develop each of the 

findings about these issues and then at the end of the section present a brief discussion of these findings. 
5.1 DEFINITION AND RELEVANCE 

The concept of “social organization” refers to the social components of a community and their 

interconnections. This includes demographic, political, economic, religious, and other formal social 

institutions and less formal ones such as kinship and friendship networks, as well as voluntary 

organizations. The literature about the EVOS discusses several elements of community social 

organization, but by no means are all elements of social organizations analyzed, nor are all of the issues 

raised treated equally or even thoroughly. Nonetheless, there are some significant issues discussed that 

illustrate how the social structures and processes within these communities influenced how the oil spill 

and cleanup resulted in certain types of impacts or the mitigation of overall effects of the oil spill. These 

factors are especially relevant because they assist in understanding how social impacts occurred. 

5.2 COMMUNITY POLITICAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL RESOURCES 

5.2.1 Community Political Organization Affected Response Capability 

Communities within the spill affected area have different types of political structure and different 

organizational resources which directly affected the social effects each experienced. Community political 

organization differs within the spill-affected region. For example, Seward, Homer, Kenai, Soldotna, and 

other Kenai Peninsula communities, as well as Kodiak Island communities, exist within a Borough. 

Cordova and Valdez are municipalities that do not belong to Boroughs. Native communities have Native 

Corporations (originally formed under the auspices of the federal Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act) 

and Tribal Councils and some are affiliated with regional organizational structures such as the North 

Pacific Rim and the Kodiak Area Native Association which provide certain services (e.g., health care) and 

administrative resources for their members. 

The implications of these different types of political organization were apparent during the spill and its 

aftermath: communities that had access to a larger pool of resources were better off than those 

communities that could not tap into these resources (IAI 1990d; McClintock 1989). For example, 

boroughs provided funds for communities such as Seward, Homer, Kenai, and Kodiak that were not in 

their budgets but which were needed to pay for oil spill related issues (IAI 1990c, 1990d). Boroughs also 

offered administrative support in dealings with Exxon, the press, the state, and other entities during and 

after the spill (IAI 1990d). The level of demands made by extra-community agencies and entities on 

spill-affected communities were mitigated by the assistance of boroughs and by some other governmental 

resources to which particular communities had access. For example, on Kodiak, the U.S. Coast Guard 

provided personnel for community briefings during the early days of the spill and subsequently provided 

other assistance that would not have otherwise been available (IAI 1990c; Jorgensen 1995). Similarly, 

the Kodiak Borough and, to some extent the Kenai Peninsula Borough, also provided assistance to Native 

communities such as providing fax machines and otherwise assisting with communication and 

administrative demands. The same type of administrative and communication assistance also came from 

Kodiak Area Native Association and the North Pacific Rim (IAI 1990d, 1990b; Jorgensen 1995). During 

the early days of the spill and cleanup, the resources Boroughs provided to communities were important 

and mitigated some of the demands that otherwise would have added to existing burdens (Rodin et al. 

1997). 

Valdez and Cordova stand out for different reasons. Valdez was the administrative center for the cleanup 

and it also drew a major contingent of press, those seeking spill-related employment, and representatives 

from various agencies from the State of Alaska. This also placed a substantial burden on the resources of 

city government, but Exxon, the U.S. Coast Guard, the state, and other public and private entities also 

provided some resources to assist with the demands on the city. On the other hand, Cordova drew some 

attention from the press and some outsiders seeking employment, but the overall demands on Cordova 
were placed on the resources of the community. Cordova has a relatively small city government with a 

Mayor, City Council, City Manager, Public Works Director, City Clerk, Public Safety Officer, Harbor 

Master, and several other administrative positions. These resources were overwhelmed during the first 

few months of the oil spill (IAI 1990c; Jorgensen 1995). On the other hand, Cordova did have a strong 

fisherman’s union, the Cordova District Fishermen United, as well as the Prince William Sound 

Aquaculture Corporation that provided substantial communication and administrative resources for the 

community (Jorgensen 1995). Each of these non-governmental resources were important to responding to 

demands placed on this particular community during the early days of the spill. 

Native villages had the fewest immediate local political resources to respond to spill demands 

(McClintock 1989; IAI 1990c; Jorgensen 1995). On the other hand, these resources were less than other 

communities and they were also overwhelmed. In some instances, essential community positions such as 

Village Public Safety Officer, some health aides, and other important members of Tribal Councils took 

employment in the cleanup. This diminished the available leadership resources in these communities 

(Jorgensen 1995; IAI 1990c; McClintock 1989). Native communities were also unique in that Exxon and 

its contractors were either confused or uninformed about the political organization of Tribal Councils and 

the importance of elders in Native communities. The local Native Corporation was sometimes 

approached as the entity with which communication and business arrangements would be made, 

by-passing the Tribal Council (IAI 1990d; Jorgensen 1995). This resulted in significant tensions within 

some communities such as Chenega Bay and Larsen Bay (IAI 1990d). While, by itself, such an oversight 

may seem small, for Native communities such actions had a cumulative effect in contributing to chaos 

from subsistence disruptions, problems in family roles and relationships related to the spill and cleanup, 

and stresses related to the spill and its effects (IAI 1990d; Dyer, Gill, and Picou 1992; McClintock 1989). 

5.2.2 Community Leadership: Positive and Adverse Outcomes 

There are some important lessons about leadership and its role and consequences in technological 

disasters (cf. Drabek 1986). Leaders are an important resource that not only can direct or contribute to 

community response efforts, but they also represent their community in these events. In the EVOS, 

leaders also provided an important communication link between individuals and groups within their 

communities and Exxon, and other agencies and concerned parties. 

Leaders were drawn from three sources: (1) established government institutions such as municipalities, 

boroughs, and tribal councils; (2) established local organizations, often fishing related, which became 

active in spill-response efforts; (3) newly formed organizations that developed as a result of the oil spill; 

and, (4) individuals who volunteered. In most affected communities, the elected Mayors took on the role 

of being the public representative for their communities while City Managers and other staff were 

responsible for directing response efforts (IAI 1990d). In some Native communities (e.g., Larsen Bay) 

Village Public Safety Officers had responsibilities for directing response efforts or for acting as liaison 

between their communities and Exxon or other agencies (McClintock 1989; IAI 1990d). In other 

communities, such as Cordova and Kodiak, leaders also emerged from organizations (IAI 1990c; 

Endter-Wada, Hofmeister, et al. 1992, 1993). For example, in Cordova The Cordova District Fishermen 

United union provided important leadership and in Kodiak there were various local fishing organizations 

whose leaders became important resources for developing responses and representing the concerns of 

their members (IAI 1990c; Davidson 1990; Endter-Wada, et al. 1993). In some instances, organizations 

formed for spill response efforts and individuals from these organizations provided important leadership. 

For example, in Cordova the ‘mosquito fleet’ was organized by a local bookstore owner who later became 

a leadership resource for that community (IAI 1990c; Davidson 1990). Also, in Kodiak there were 

several organizations that developed either as spill response efforts or as community support 

organizations (IAI 1990c; Jorgensen 1995). Larger communities, and communities that were within 

boroughs, had the most depth in leadership resources. 
Most communities needed more leadership resources than were available. Indeed, in the EVOS as in 

many technological and natural disaster events, leaders are among the first casualties to experience 

‘stress’ and ‘burnout.’ From Valdez to Tatitlek, on to Cordova, Seward, and Kodiak, direct observations 

of the demands on leaders and their responses to these demands indicates that leaders experienced 

extraordinary burdens (IAI 1990c). This often lead to burnout and a loss of those individuals as effective 

leadership resources. Small communities and villages with limited leadership resources suffered the most 

damaging effects. A related outcome of these circumstances is the emergence of individuals into 

leadership positions who might not otherwise have assumed these roles (Davidson 1990). A clear 

example of this is from Cordova where a bookstore owner and accomplished sea kayaker assumed the 

role of organizing the rescue of birds and other wildlife oiled by the spill (Davidson 1990). Similarly, in 

Cordova, Kodiak, and other communities, individuals became leaders and spokespersons for issues 

important to them (IAI 1990c). In some instances, this resulted in these individuals assuming formal 

leadership roles in their respective communities. Longer term, this may have positive benefits by 

increasing the pool of individuals for leadership positions. However, the other side of this issue is that 

some high visibility leaders became exhausted by the demands of the event, and were no longer available 

as a community resource. 

Post-spill, ADF&G gathered data that indicates that residents’ opinions about leadership in Native 

communities did not substantially change as a result of the EVOS. For example, survey data for Larsen 

Bay (Mishler, Mason, Barnhart 1995: 21) and for other communities (e.g., Stanek 1995: 21) indicate that 

among a majority of residents, views about what makes a good leader were not altered by the EVOS. 

However, these data are about opinions of formal leadership. Within Native communities, leadership also 

has another dimension related to subsistence practices. Seitz and Fall (1995) note that in many Native 

villages some individuals have status because they are successful hunters, fishers, and gatherers (Seitz and 

Fall 1995: V-24). Within these types of communities, when subsistence harvesting was curtailed either 

because of contamination fears or perceptions of decreased resources, then the opportunity to fulfill this 

leadership role was diminished. 

One of the more unusual incidents related to community leadership and the EVOS concerns the 

undermining of leadership within some communities. For example, in developing the circumstances of a 

lawsuit against Cordova City officials by a Council member, an affidavit from a former city manager in 

this law suit notes that: 

. . .while she was chairman of the Oil Spill Disaster Response Committee, [she] 

came to my residence, met with me privately, and asked me if I would meet privately 

with Exxon representatives with respect to the city’s relationship with Exxon in dealing 

with the oil spill. [She] told me that the city of Cordova should not collect information to 

sue Exxon, but should simply have faith in Exxon and deal with Exxon in good faith. 

She told me that Exxon wanted to meet with me and deal with me rather than the Oil 

Spill Response Office (Endter-Wada, et al. 1993: 394). 

This lawsuit was interpreted by Cordova residents as purposefully aiding Exxon by creating local 

conflicts: Respondents in 1991 expressed a widely held belief that her suit was a device to aid Exxon by 

creating conflicts within the community which would consume time, energy, and money, diverting 

attention of residents and officials away from their battles with the oil company (Endter-Wada, et al. 

1993: 398). The Cordova resident who brought the suit denied this allegation and stated the suit was for 

interests related to open government; “I don’t feel the lawsuit is related to the spill. Some of the issues 

that were discussed behind the scenes were spill-related, some were not. The divisiveness resulting from 

the spill would have come up in any case” (Endter-Wada, et al. 1993:399). This specific conflict among 

government and business leaders in Cordova illustrates the more general issue that leadership is 
vulnerable during an incident such as the EVOS. Preexisting community issues, or issues arising out of 

an event can place leaders under scrutiny that might not otherwise occur. If conflicts develop over the 

actions of leaders, these can further add to divisiveness and a breakdown of social bonds that can be 

stressful and disruptive. 

5.2.3 Community Organizational Resources Influenced Response Capability 

The preparedness and organizational resources for disaster response were an important factor in 

community response to the oil spill. Seward, Kodiak, Cordova, and Valdez represent different aspects of 

this finding. In both Seward and Kodiak, organizations were formed to respond to the demands of the oil 

spill. In Seward, a Multi-Agency Coordinating Group (locally referred to as the “MAC Group”) was 

formed to organize information and resources. This group was possible because there exists in Seward 

federal, state, borough, and local government resources. The Multi-Agency Coordinating Group also 

included representatives from other key local interest groups such as commercial fishermen and 

representatives from the Chugach Corporation (Rodin et al. 1997: IAI 1990d). This group became the 

focus for cleanup decision making and action in Seward and, perhaps more than in most other 

communities, it allowed retention of some local control over how the cleanup was implemented. An 

important feature of this group and its functioning was that it drew upon a wide range of local and 

extra-community associations and alliances to develop a strong organization that could muster a wide 

range of resources (IAI 1990d). 

A similar organization formed in Kodiak, the Emergency Services Council. This group was activated via 

the implementation of Kodiak’s disaster plan. Originally composed of local personnel, it subsequently 

incorporated representatives from other federal and state agencies. The Emergency Services Council held 

information meetings and coordinated early spill response activity. It was an important link with Native 

villages as was the Kodiak Island Borough. The Emergency Services Council served an important 

function by providing the community with an entity where roles and responsibilities did not have to be 

created and worked out: the Emergency Services Council members knew what to do. However, once oil 

hit Kodiak beaches and a formal cleanup began by Exxon and VECO (Exxon’s contractor), the 

Emergency Services Council had a less prominent role. Endter-Wada et al., observed that according to 

local public officials, Exxon thereafter directed the cleanup effort by ‘controlling the purse strings.’ 

Cleanup expenses had to be justified to Exxon’s representatives, who decided which costs the corporation 

would assume (Endter-Wada et al. 1992:811). These circumstances were somewhat different than 

Seward in that not as much control over events was retained by the Emergency Services Council as by the 

Seward based Multi-Agency Coordinating Group. Other organizations were also formed in Kodiak as a 

response to the spill. For example, several groups organized to develop a textile fabric for the cleanup 

resulting in some community cohesiveness (Endter-Wada et al. 1993). 

In Cordova local government played an important role, but local officials were without the resources 

necessary to respond in the same way as Seward and Kodiak. Cordova also had resources available from 

state and federal agencies, but these were not mobilized and organized in the same way as they were in 

Seward and Kodiak. The reasons for this are not analyzed in the existing literature, but one component 

may be that in Cordova private entities such as The Cordova District Fishermen United union and the 

Chamber of Commerce and other private business groups assumed important roles in alongside the 

Cordova Oil Spill Response Office. Also, the major federal agency in Cordova, the U.S. Forest Service, 

did not have resources that were threatened in the same way that federal resources were in other areas 

such as Kodiak and Kenai. In the latter two communities, the National Park Service and the U.S. Fish 

and Wildlife Service had major interests in coordinating with other agencies for response efforts. 

Post-spill there were organizations that emerged that have become resources for spill-affected 

communities. One important entity, the Regional Citizen’s Advisory Council, is composed of individuals 
from various Prince William Sound, Kodiak Island, and other communities in the spill-affected region. It 

provides oversight of the industry and it has sponsored several research and education projects related to 

disaster events and the oil industry. Another emergent entity is the Prince William Sound Science Center 

which is engaged in long term biophysical and oceanographic research. Some of this research is directly 

related to assessing the biological consequences of the oil spill, whereas other research is intended to 

provide information that may be of benefit to commercial fishermen and others with interests in the 

ecology of Prince William Sound. 

5.2.4 Community Communication and Information Resources 

Information about what happened on March 24, 1989 and the progress of the oil spill was the topic of 

concern for communities in the region during the Spring and Summer following the spill. Informational 

meetings were held in Cordova (Reynolds 1993), Kodiak (Endter-Wada et al. 1992), Seward (Rodin et al. 

1997), Homer (IAI 1990c), Whittier (IAI 1990c), and other non-Native communities. Native 

communities such as Ouzinkie (IAI 1990c) also organized informational meetings to advise community 

residents about the nature and progress of the spill. Similarly, a series of presentations and informational 

meetings were organized by the ADF&G and the Alaska Oil Spill Health Task Force regarding food 

safety. In most non-Native communities, fact sheets, newsletters, and local radio stations became 

important means of communicating with residents about the oil spill and its progress. There was a 

significant appetite among community residents for this type of information and this need in part drove 

what in some communities became daily briefings (IAI 1990c). In Valdez, such meetings included a wide 

range of agency persons and, in the first months of the spill, Exxon and Alyeska representatives also 

attended these meetings (IAI 1990c). However, in Valdez these meetings often became an area for 

protest and the expression of public outrage rather than the dissemination of information (IAI 1990c). 

Yet, in most communities these meetings served important functions for rumor control, information about 

the event, a source for soliciting information, and as a forum where issues and concerns were aired that 

had no other arena. 

In many communities, television and newspapers became important sources of information about the 

spill and its effects on communities. Television coverage was extensive as was press coverage. Much 

press coverage focused on impacts to fisherman while impacts to the subsistence lifestyle in Native 

communities was less covered by the mainstream media. The Alaska Native paper, the Tundra Times, 

became an important source of information regarding the oil spill and its effects on Native communities 

(Daley and O’Neill 1997). It has been argued that the press coverage turned Alaskans affected by the 

spill into ‘victims’ (Daley and O’Neill 1997: 246). Certainly portraying those affected by the spill as 

victims added to other factors that contributed to a sense of helplessness in many communities (cf. 

McClintock 1989; IAI 1990d; Picou and Gill 1997). 

What is clear from the existing literature is that there was a strong need for information about the EVOS 

by community members. Most communities organized resources to address this need, although Native 

communities may had more problems in acquiring timely information than other communities (IAI 

1990c). This may be in part because of their geographic location and in part because of the availability of 

only a few technological resources such as fax machines and other electronic communication that might 

have otherwise provided more timely information. 

5.3 SOCIAL BONDS AND PATTERNS OF INTERACTION 

5.3.1 The Characteristics of Social Bonds in Small Communities Affected Outcomes 

Most of the communities affected by the EVOS have small populations of persons who live in relatively 

close physical proximity and have multiple types of social bonds with one another. The mayor or Tribal 
Council member may also be the owner of a local business, an immediate neighbor, and a member of the 

same church congregation of any given resident. These types of multiple ties between community 

members are a characteristic style of social bonds in small communities (cf. Hatch 1979; Fischer 1982). 

These contrast to relationships among individuals who live in larger communities where ties tend to be 

more single interest: a neighbor is often only a neighbor, a mayor is only a mayor. This is not to say that 

multiple social ties do not exist, but the tendency in larger communities is for more single interest than 

multiple social ties (Fischer 1982). For smaller communities, multiple social ties result in demands to 

manage face-to-face relationships so that there is a certain harmony or equilibrium in day-to-day 

interactions. When there are tensions between individuals or groups, for whatever reasons, this 

complicates interpersonal relationships in a way that does not exist in where relationships are primarily 

single interest. For example, Robbins (1993:78ff) describes Valdez as a community in which there are 

tensions and divisions just as there are in Cordova, Kodiak, or any of the other spill impacted 

communities. Tensions and divisions have a kind of ‘dynamic equilibrium’ that people manage because 

of the needs to maintain face-to-face interactions or alternatively there is some insularity that segregates 

individuals or groups. 

This structure of multiple social ties and the dynamic equilibrium of social relationships in small 

communities was directly affected by the EVOS. Individuals who might otherwise have made 

compromises to maintain face-to-face relationships argued and broke off their acquaintances 

(Endter-Wada, et al. 1993; IAI 1990d; Picou and Gill 1997). In communities where there was some 

existing insularity among residents, the event brought individuals into contact who often did not interact 

because of economic or occupational reasons (Endter-Wada, et al. 1993: 78ff). In other instances it 

resulted in a characterization of neighbors in ways that made future relationships impossible. For 

example, in almost every community there was an attribution of ‘greed’ to other community members 

from their response to the spill. This attribution complicated previous social bonds with those persons 

(cf. IAI 1990d; Russell et al. 1996; Endter-Wada, et al. 1993; Picou and Gill 1997). That is, it was more 

difficult to maintain a relationships with individuals whose moral character was called into question by 

their actions in response to the spill (cf. Russell et al. 1996). 

This structural character of multiple social ties with other individuals in small communities is a 

characteristic of communities in the spill-affected region. It contributes to the character of small-town 

cohesiveness and neighbors helping neighbors that could be predicted as a characteristic of almost every 

community in the region. The EVOS resulted in multiple stressors on these ties, in some instances 

straining them and in others breaking them. A consequence was damage to community cohesiveness and 

an overall increase in the level of community disruption and stress as a result of the influence of the event 

on community social bonds. In some instances this may have contributed to the stress experienced by 

individuals as much as did the circumstances of the actual oil spill (cf. Palinkas et al. 1993; Russell 1992). 

5.3.2 Effects of the Oil Spill and Cleanup Changed Patterns of Social Interaction 

Some communities experienced changes in social interactions and other aspects of social organization as 

a result of the oil spill and cleanup. This was especially the case in Valdez as well as Kodiak and 

Cordova, although the reasons for Valdez are different than for the other communities. In Valdez, the oil 

spill exacerbated some existing social tensions among oil spill industry employees and other segments of 

the community (Rodin et al. 1997; Robbins 1993; IAI 1990c). This changed some patterns of interaction 

and association. To some extent, this same type of dynamic no doubt occurred in most spill-affected 

communities, i.e., conflicts and disruptions of community life affected the preexisting tensions and issues 

within the region. The processes in Cordova and Kodiak exemplify the processes within communities 

with more homogenous social groupings and specifically those where commercial fishing is a dominant 

activity. 
Within communities where commercial fishing was dominant both economically and socially, usual 

patterns of social interaction changed. Prior to the spill, among commercial fishermen in communities 

such as Kodiak, Cordova, Old Harbor, and to some extent Seward and Homer there were expectations and 

established patterns of doing business and interacting. The competitive commercial fishing culture within 

such communities was an arena in which individuals knew what to do and how to compete. The best 

commercial fishermen, the highliners, had positions of status within these communities because of their 

accomplishments. The crew members, net builders, supply and repair shops, and other components of 

social structure in these fishing dominated communities had expectations and understandings about their 

place in relationship to other social categories. This structure of status relationships and social 

expectations was a basis for organizing a major component of social life and interaction in such 

communities. 

The privatized cleanup disrupted the usual rules and expectations. Some fishermen who were not 

necessarily highliners or even among the most productive fishermen could buy new boats and equipment. 

Individuals who previously earned modest or meager incomes as fishermen made substantial sums of 

money as cleanup workers and improved their capital equipment and capabilities to compete as 

fishermen. For example, in Cordova a fisherman who previously had a small boat and modest success 

bought a larger boat with refrigerated sea water capabilities. Others fishermen judged this as a 

development that was unlikely to occur without an unusual event such as the cleanup. The result was that 

other fishermen believed they were now at a competitive disadvantage with someone who previously was 

not judged as a strong competitor in the Cordova fishing fleet (Russell 1990). Competing for cleanup 

work was also different than fishing. Indeed, the in-fighting and perceived rules for getting cleanup work 

were at odds with normal expectations. Expectations changed. Patterns of interaction changed. The 

usual social hierarchies and statuses changed. In the Kodiak region, Endter-Wada observed: 

The oil spill disrupted the existing patterns of interaction among fishermen. As 

one interviewee put it, there was suddenly a “new game, new rules, and new players” . . . 

Instead of the normal competitive fishing game, people had to complete in a new realm 

where they did not understand the rules. The common occupational status that many 

residents shared as fishermen, which cut across the divisions based on gear and size, was 

not longer a binding community force in the context of the oil spill and cleanup 

(Endter-Wada, Hofmeister, et al. 1992: 838). 

This indicates the more general process that occurred in commercial fishing communities: the usual 

expectations and patterns of association and interaction were disrupted by how the cleanup was 

organized and implemented. Commercial fishing communities, because of their culture and more or less 

homogenous social organization, were especially vulnerable to this type of social disruption. 

5.4 FAMILY AND KINSHIP 

5.4.1 Family Roles and Relationships were Impacted by the Cleanup 

Several major themes exist in the literature regarding family roles and relationships: (1) changes in 

frequency and patterns of interaction; (2) declines in the quality of family interactions; (3) changes in role 

behaviors; (4) problems with child care; and, (5) the vulnerability of children to psychological distress. 

Most of these themes suggest that the cleanup more than the spill itself resulted in disruptions to family 

roles and relationships. 

Changes in Frequency and Patterns of Interaction 
The Oiled Mayors Study (IAI 1990d, 1990e) household survey data shows that between 15-30% of 

households surveyed reported decreases in time spent interacting. These rates were much higher in 

Native communities where rates of participating in cleanup employment were also higher. In these 

communities the rates were between 45% and 65% decrease in time spent interacting (IAI 1990d). 

Analysis of the Oiled Mayors Study household survey data also showed that in comparison to those in the 

‘not exposed’ group, individuals in ‘high exposed’ households were 4.7 times more likely to report 

declines in socializing with other household members and 4.8 times more likely to report a decline of 

sharing food, money, and other resources. The ‘high exposed’ group also was 3 times more likely to 

report decreased time spent together. The same work also reported 10-30% changes in family vacations, 

but those in the ‘high exposed’ group reported more vacationing (IAI 1990d). There are also data from 

some communities such as Akhiok and Karluk that show some families made time for special vacations 

as a response to the stress of the EVOS (IAI 1990c; Rooks 1993). 

Declines in the Quality of Family Interactions 

Dyer, Gill, and Picou (1992:118) report that 58% of a sample of Cordova residents reported changes in 

how their families got along. Picou and Gill (1997) using longitudinal data from the same study show a 

decreasing trend among Native Alaskans in Cordova for response to the same question: 1989 43%; 1990 

24%; 1991 26% 1992 24% (Picou and Gill 1997: 182). The Oiled Mayors Study showed that in 

comparison to those ‘not exposed’ households in the ‘high exposed’ group were 5.8 time more likely to 

report an argument with other households members (Russell et al. 1996). Other ethnographic data from 

the MMS social indicator studies and the Oiled Mayors Study also suggest that conflicts decreased time 

available for family; and, tired parents who worked long hours on the cleanup also contributed to declines 

in the quality of family interactions (IAI 1990c, 1990d; Endter-Wada, Hofmeister, et al. 1992, 

Endter-Wada, et al. 1993, Jorgensen 1995). Some of these impacts were also differential, affecting 

single-parent households more than others. For example, report that half of the single parents relocated to 

participate in cleanup, while their children were placed in transitional care situations (Endter-Wada et al. 

1993). In fact, most reported decreases in the quality of interactions are related to cleanup work. For 

example, an Akhiok resident observed 

I worked here last summer with VECO, and last summer all the parents were 

working and the kids were left by themselves . . .All the adults were tense because as 

soon as you start throwing . . .the money and all into it . . .that was passed on to them. It 

was pretty tight for awhile . . . (IAI 1990c: 62). 

Additionally, the are reported increases in domestic violence in both Native and non-Native communities 

following the spill. These reports are both from survey data (IAI 1990d) and from interviews with 

women’s shelters and other clinical resources (Endter-Wada et al. 1993; Reynolds 1993; IAI 1990c, 

1990d). 

Changes in Role Behaviors 

Two issues are discussed in the literature regarding family roles. First, because of parent’s cleanup 

employment, children or in some Native communities, elders took on responsibility for taking care of 

children (IAI 1990c; Endter-Wada, Hofmeister, et al. 1992, Endter-Wada 1993). In some instances, older 

children assumed responsibilities that were difficult to give up once parents re-assumed their former roles. 

Second, in some instances, especially among commercial fishermen, wives and husbands had different 

roles than usual. Husbands who were normally fishing were home for longer periods of time than normal 

when wives expected them to be working; and, wives who did not usually work took cleanup employment 

(IAI 1990c, 1990d; Endter-Wada, et al. 1993). 
Childcare Problems 

Problems with childcare were noted in Valdez, Cordova, Kodiak, most Native communities, and other 

communities where parents participated in cleanup work (IAI 1990d; Endter-Wada, et al. 1993; Picou and 

Gill 1997). In some communities, childcare facilities lost their workers to higher paying cleanup 

employment (Reynolds 1993; Rodin et al. 1997). While communities in some instances petitioned Exxon 

to assist with either deferring these costs (Reynolds 1993) or providing grants to establish childcare 

services (IAI 1990c), these usually met with limited success. Although the extended family networks in 

Native communities appear to have been more of a resource than in non-Native communities (Jorgensen 

1995), it is also the case that in many Native communities many extended family members also worked 

on the cleanup, resulting in overall diminished resources for childcare. 

Vulnerability of Children to Psychological Distress 

The Oiled Mayors Study household survey included a measure of the effects of the EVOS on the behavior 

of children (IAI 1990d). Analysis of these data showed two themes: (1) exposure to the oil spill was 

associated with increases fears of being alone, children fighting with other children, arguments between 

parents and children, and perceptions by parents that their children were adversely affected by the event; 

and, (2) the children of those who worked on the cleanup showed more of these types of problems than 

those who did not work on the cleanup (IAI 1990d). Children were judged as vulnerable to psychological 

effects because of parental and community reactions to the event, family disruptions related to parental 

participation in the cleanup, and problems with getting adequate day care (IAI 1990d). 

5.4.2 Kinship Was a Factor Affecting Patterns of Interaction and Association 

Kinship is an important organizing principle for some aspects of social life in most communities. Among 

Alaskan Natives, kinship is a significant organizing principles for many aspects of social life (cf. 

Jorgensen 1990). Kinship is tightly integrated with patterns of residence, association, subsistence harvest 

practices, and the sharing of subsistence resources (Fall and Field 1996). The literature about the EVOS 

and kinship focuses primarily on Native communities, but there is some limited discussion of kinship in 

non-Native communities. The major theme regarding non-Native communities concerns the preference 

of including “family” (i.e., kinsmen) members in boat crews for cleanup work (IAI 1990c). In some 

communities, especially those communities where commercial fishing is a dominant industry, hired crews 

were sometimes replaced by relatives or other family members for cleanup work. Similarly, there was 

also a perception that family networks were used to hire cleanup workers (Endter-Wada, Hofmeister, et 

al. 1992, Endter-Wada, et al. 1993, Jorgensen 1995; IAI 1990c). While this may not be a surprising 

perception or behavior during a disaster event, it does highlight how kinship became one factor in shaping 

community response to the cleanup by replacing other types of social bonds as an organizing factor. 

There are several major themes in the literature regarding kinship in Native communities and the EVOS. 

One theme is the disruption of visiting among Native households and kinsmen (IAI 1990d; ADF&G 

1995; Jorgensen 1995). This decline in visiting behavior is usually attributed to the effects of the spill 

and harvesting of subsistence resources which are shared and cleanup employment which took individuals 

away from their communities, often for extended periods of time. A second theme concerns changes in 

household composition after the spill. Jorgensen observed that in Native communities, 

There was an increase in Native single-person households in 1990, which is 

accounted for by the fact that in order to gain cleanup employment, Natives had to 

relocate . . . Mixed households, remnant households, and sibling sets were more common 

in 1990 (53%) than in either 1988 (37%), or 1991 (33%) (Jorgensen 1995:403). 
The analysis of household composition goes on to suggest different rules and expectations about kinship 

and household composition. These rules and expectations and some behavior change is attributed to the 

spill (Jorgensen 1995: 429ff), but the overall patterns that distinguish household composition persisted, 

although they adapted to the demands of on individuals and families resulting from the cleanup. That is, 

the principle of kinship which organizes household composition and results in a “communitarian” 

(Jorgensen 1995: 455) style of interaction responded to the spill in a fashion consistent with Native 

traditions. An important point in the Jorgensen analysis of differences in Native and non-Native 

households is that communities, families, and individuals responded to the EVOS based on existing 

principles of social organization and culture that define particular types of social life. Understanding 

these principles and how they structure life in each community is the best way to understand how the 

EVOS impacted Alaskan communities. 

5.5 DISCUSSION 

The range of findings here suggest a theme that is also present in other sections: the social circumstances 

in particular communities affected how the spill was experienced and its consequences for individuals, 

families, and overall social cohesiveness. Furthermore, the social and community resources available to 

respond to the event were important in determining how well communities maintained control over their 

own destinies during this event. Most did not. Most were overwhelmed either by the magnitude of the 

demands or the needs to respond to the damage to their way of life and community. Yet, differences in 

resources made a difference in impacts experienced. Communities that could muster their own internal 

resources and who received assistance from other agencies fared better than smaller communities with 

fewer resources. Leaders were essential for responding to the event, but most leadership resources in 

these small communities were at a disadvantage relative to the demands made upon them. What also 

stands out is that the effects on key aspects of social organization were pervasive. The effects were also 

cumulative so that although some effects seem relatively minor ( e.g., husbands being around the 

household when they should have been fishing), the cumulative effect was that communities were in 

chaos. Key aspects of life changed. Some changes were short term, some longer, some unknown. But, 

so many aspects of life were affected that the sum total of the effects were to disrupt how life was lived in 

these communities. 

McNabb (1993) makes an astute point about these types of effects. While many are related to the oil 

spill, many more are related to the cleanup. The cleanup was controlled by policies and organization that 

can be changed, that can be affected. This is one of the essential lessons to carry forward about how 

social organization was affected by the entire EVOS. 

6.0 SOCIAL HEALTH 

Disasters in general and technological disasters in particular affect how communities function as social 

groups (cf., Drabek 1986). This includes what can be termed the overall “social health” of a community. 

After defining the concept and its relevance, we examine several topics specific to the EVOS: social 

conflict; social disorders; mental health, community support, and recovery. 

6.1 DEFINITION AND RELEVANCE: SOCIAL HEALTH 

We define social health as the relationship of community resources to the demands of crises events. The 

application of community resources to a crises results in either adaptation or some degree of community 

dysfunction. When resources are insufficient or maladapted to the demands of the crisis, then the usual 

everyday processes of community life are disrupted. 
Technological disasters are events which often disrupt the social health of affected communities (Gist and 

Lubin 1989). These events result in predictable consequences such as social disruption, conflict, 

increases in social disorders such as alcohol use and domestic problems (Drabek 1986). Often, 

individuals also experience stress and trauma both as a direct result of the event and often as a 

consequence of the social disruption they experience (Solomon 1989). 

Community social support usually become means by which community and individual effects of disaster 

events are mitigated (Edelstein 1988). This function is usually referred to as the formation of a 

‘therapeutic community’ (Gist and Lubin 1989). In practice this means the mobilization of family, 

neighbors, and formal organizations to provide the instrumental and emotional support needed to respond 

to the demands of a crisis. One of the important findings about technological disasters is that they often 

result in a compromise of the therapeutic community processes (Edelstein 1988). Indeed, because these 

events often result in substantial social conflict, communities are often factionalized rather than cohesive 

during technological disaster events (Couch and Kroll-Smith 1991). 

These types of effects are especially relevant for this analysis because they are among the most usual and 

predictable outcome of technological disasters (Couch and Kroll-Smith 1991; Erikson 1994). At the same 

time they are often among the least recognized or acknowledged effects of events such as the EVOS. 

This is often because of litigation or unawareness on the part of agencies that are accustomed to 

responding to resource damages or contamination events, but not necessarily damage to human 

communities. Yet, within affected communities, the effects on the connections that hold them together as 

families, groups, and communities is unmistakable. 

6.2 SOCIAL CONFLICT UNDERMINED COMMUNITY TIES 

Conflict between individuals and among groups was a common outcome of the EVOS which undermined 

community and individual well-being (Russell et al. 1996; Picou, Gill, and Cohen 1997). Such conflict is 

consistent with what the literature describes about disaster-related community conflict: some are related 

to preexisting factions or issues (cf. Reynolds 1993) while others are particular to the disaster event (IAI 

1990d). In either case, the effects are the same: conflicts threaten the ties the integrate individuals into 

groups and groups into a community. Conflicts existed at each stage of the EVOS: spill, cleanup, 

litigation, and restoration. 

Most of the literature about the EVOS focuses on event-related conflicts. In some cases there may have 

been pre-existing issues that predisposed particular types of conflicts, but there appears to be limited data 

about these types of issues and their contribution to post-spill community conflicts. The major categories 

of conflicts described in the EVOS literature are: those about the morality of working on the Exxon 

sponsored cleanup; conflicts about ‘gouging’ Exxon; preference and unfairness in the hiring of workers 

and vessels for cleanup; conflicts among those supporting or opposing the oil industry; and, conflicts with 

Exxon regarding damages and loss. Each of these categories of conflict is briefly discussed below. 

6.2.1 The Moral Acceptability of Working on the Exxon Sponsored Cleanup 

In communities such as Cordova, Kodiak, and Homer individuals were in conflict over the acceptability 

of working on what was perceived to be an insincere cleanup (Russell et al. 1996; IAI 1990c). Fishermen 

and others debated the morality of participating in what was perceived as a cleanup managed for Exxon’s 

image more than addressing problems of the spilled oil and its consequences (IAI 1990d). In Cordova, 

where this conflict is most well-documented, “purist” and “Exxon whores” (Reynolds 1993; IAI 1990d; 

Russell 1991) argued about the necessity to replace lost fishing income through cleanup employment 

against the immorality of participating in an insincere cleanup. The result was community conflict and 
disruption (Russell et al. 1996; IAI 1990d; Reynolds 1993). The effect of this type of conflict was to 

segment communities and undermine cooperation (Russell et al. 1996; Reynolds 1993; IAI 1990d). 

6.2.2 “Gouging” Exxon 

The pricing of services or goods to Exxon, local government and individual claims against Exxon, and 

other community-Exxon interactions were interpreted by some as “gouging” Exxon. This resulted in 

judgments about the morality of this practice and undermined the social reputations of those who were 

perceived to be engaging in this practice. The best available data to describe this conflict is for Cordova 

(Reynolds 1993). One significant element of this conflict was the disruption of local government by a 

law suit ostensibly over the open-meetings law, but which was also interpreted by local residents as 

related to the equity and fairness of Cordova’s spill-related claims against Exxon (Russell 1992; Reynolds 

1993). This type of conflict may not have been salient on other communities, but its significance in 

Cordova is important for understanding how conflicts based on moral judgments resulted in undermining 

cooperation and cohesiveness within spill-affected communities (Russell 1992). 

6.2.3 Preference and Unfairness in Hiring Vessels and Cleanup Work 

Throughout the spill affected area, a theme in community conflict concerns preferences and unfairness in 

the hiring of cleanup workers and the allocation of contracts to vessels owners for clean-up related work 

(IAI 1990d; Reynolds 1993; Davidson 1990). Many of these conflicts were present in larger communities 

such as Cordova, Kodiak, Seward, and Homer, but less present in Native communities where the cleanup 

employed most who wanted to work. Some of these conflicts were perceived to result from Exxon’s 

preferences to hire those who were “the squeaky wheels” rather than those who might be the most in 

need; and other conflicts were perceived to result from hiring “family and friends” in preference to those 

who may have a more legitimate financial need for cleanup work (IAI 1990c, 1990d; Jorgensen 1995; 

ADF&G 1995). The effects of this conflict are similar to those for other conflicts: formation of factions, 

damaged or lost friendships, and an overall contribution to the segmentation rather than cohesiveness of 

communities (IAI 1990d). 

6.2.4 Support and Opposition to the Oil Industry 

Prior to the EVOS, opposition to the oil industry existed among some fishermen in Cordova and there 

were some tensions in Valdez (IAI 1990c; Picou, Gill, and Cohen 1997; Robbins 1993). However, prior 

to 1989 organized, well-articulated opposition to oil development was generally not pervasive in the 

spill-affected area. After the spill, Valdez experienced some conflicts among those who work in the oil 

industry and those reacting to the effects of the spill (Robbins 1993; IAI 1990c). Given the salience of the 

industry in Valdez and the tensions generated within the particular community regarding the 

responsibility of the industry for the spill, this type of conflict is not surprising. Nonetheless, it was a 

contributing factor to the overall processes of the loosening of community bonds in this particular 

community. 

6.2.5 Tension Exists Between Exxon and Affected Communities 

Before litigation began, there were notable conflicts between Exxon and local governments, fishermen’s 

groups, and individuals who sought damages related to the spill (Reynolds 1993). These conflicts were 

about diverse topics, including Exxon’s operational procedures for the cleanup, payment for services 

rendered, delays in paying bills, and a host of other issues that generally created an atmosphere of tension 

between Exxon and affected communities (McClintock 1989; IAI 1990c, 1990d). These types of 

conflicts did not promote a spirit of cooperation in responding to a crisis that could affect the ways of life 

and economic conditions within affected communities. During the oil spill and cleanup phases of the 
event these tensions contributed to an overall sense of tension and crisis within affected communities. 

Litigation became the ultimate expression of conflict between affected communities and Exxon (Hirsch 

1997). However, litigation institutionalized the conflict between specific ‘classes’ of plaintiffs and the 

Exxon Corporation. The prolonged legal process that has resulted in an ongoing sense of an unresolved 

event (Hirsch 1997). 

6.2.6 Conflicts Occurred Between Community Residents and Outsiders 

Immediately following the grounding of the tanker Exxon Valdez, outsiders rushed to Valdez seeking 

employment for cleanup work. Other communities also experienced an influx of outsiders who either 

worked on the cleanup or were seeking an opportunity to work on the cleanup (Rooks 1993, Morrison 

1993). Community residents and outsiders were often in conflict. In fact, one of the most widely 

reported aspects of community health is the conflict between community residents and outsiders (e.g., 

McClintock 1989; IAI 1990d; Palinkas et al. 1993; ADF&G 1995; Jorgensen 1993). Palinkas et al. 

(1993:6) reported a statistically significant association between exposure to the oil spill and conflicts with 

outsiders. 

6.2.7 Social Conflict and Community Ties 

One clear finding about technological disasters is that they usually result in community conflicts (cf., 

Kroll-Smith and Couch 1990). These conflicts result in the loosening the ties among community 

members and often there are splits into factions with opposing positions and views. The EVOS resulted 

in diverse types of conflicts, but within almost every community exposed to the spill, conflict was an 

outcome (IAI 1990d; Reynolds 1993; Endter-Wada et al. 1993). Furthermore, these conflicts pervaded a 

wide range of family, neighbor, working, and other community relationships (Palinkas et al. 1993). The 

effects were to loosen the bonds that connect individuals into groups and communities which in turn had 

consequences for social support. These issues are developed in more detail at the end of this section. 

6.3 SOCIAL DISORDERS CONTRIBUTED TO COMMUNITY STRESS 

Substance abuse, domestic violence, crime, and other social disorders often increase in response to a 

disaster event (Drabek 1986). Most of the information about social disorders and the EVOS is focused on 

the year following the spill. Three types of information are the basis for these assessments: (1) resident 

perceptions about substance abuse and family troubles (Palinkas et al. 1993); (2) observations of 

clinicians and other knowledgeable persons (IAI 1990c, 1990d); and, (3) measures of crime pre- and 

post-spill (IAI 1990c, 1990d). 

Residents of Native and non-Native communities perceived that there was more drinking, drug use, and 

family fighting after the oil spill and there were more of these problems among their friends and other 

family members (Palinkas 1993: 9). Similarly, reports of community health representatives in Native 

communities and clinicians in non-Native communities reported increases in substance abuse, especially 

alcohol, and domestic violence following the oil spill (IAI 1990c). Importantly, many of the service 

providers in Native communities took employment with the cleanup which then resulted in fewer 

resources available to those who needed counseling services (IAI 1990c, 1990d). In some instances, 

stress resulting from the spill caused relapses among those with pre-existing conditions (e.g., IAI 

1990c:187ff). In non-Native communities, requests for services from counseling centers increased 

dramatically; and, the demands for counseling services was in excess of resources (e.g., IAI 

1990c:256-258; Endter-Wada et al. 1992). 

Data for most non-Native communities suggest that crime and requests for public safety services 

increased in the year following the oil spill (IAI 1990d). For example, in Valdez for 1989 there was a 

123.6% increase in arrests when compared to 1988 a 44.2% increase in person-days in jail and a 140.9% 
increase in “disturbances” (IAI 1990d:64). Village Public Safety Officer reports from Native 

communities do not provide a consistent picture of the effects of the spill on crime in these communities 

(IAI 1990d). These data suggest that in the year following the spill, crime, domestic violence, and 

substance abuse were contributors to changes in community health that had overall negative effects. 

6.4 STRESS AND MENTAL HEALTH PROBLEMS EMERGED AFTER THE EVOS 

Stress and some specific psychiatric conditions such as depression and anxiety are well-reported 

outcomes of technological disasters (Gist and Lubin 1989). Stress is usually measured by psychological 

tests that assess individual responses to the measures against standardized scores. Above a certain score 

individuals are classified as experiencing stress. Some psychiatric conditions also have been measured, 

usually using psychological tests in much the same way as measures of stress. However, rather than 

generalized stress, the assessments of psychiatric conditions result in the identification of a “case” of a 

psychiatric condition according to standardized criteria. The most common psychiatric conditions 

assessed are depression and anxiety. Within the past ten years a condition known as Post Traumatic 

Stress Disorder (PTSD) has also been assessed as an outcome of disaster events. PTSD, first used to 

describe symptoms among Vietnam combat veterans, has been identified as an outcome of some disaster 

events including technological disasters (Solomon 1989). Importantly, “stress” and PTSD are different. 

The former is a generalized condition and the latter is a specific psychiatric condition that is usually a 

response to an event described as outside the range of usual human experiences (Horowitz 1990). This is 

a severe psychological condition that requires diagnostic criteria and as such it is much different than 

“stress.” For our purposes here, the important point is that stress and psychiatric conditions are known 

outcomes of other types of technological disasters. Further, we can expect that the EVOS would result in 

some types of mental health issues for residents in affected communities. However, caution should be 

used in confusing “stress” and PTSD: they are similar but there are essential and important differences 

that distinguish one condition from the other. 

6.4.1 Valdez Counseling Center Survey for Depression Symptoms and Stress 

The Valdez Counseling Center (Donald et al. 1990) conducted a three-phase mail survey in Cordova and 

Valdez which started in May of 1989 and was completed about one year later. The study administered 

self-report measures of depressive symptoms (Center for Epidemiologic Studies of Depression [CESD]), 

a measure of stress (Frederick Reaction Index), and a perceived social support measure. The sampling 

procedures yielded a total of 93 respondents. Initially 53 Cordova residents were recruited of whom 43 

completed all three phases; and, in Valdez 64 respondents were initially recruited of whom 50 completed 

all three surveys (Donald et al. 1990: 16). 

The Valdez Counseling Center survey produced the following major findings: 

• for residents of Cordova and Valdez, the EVOS was an extreme stressor that caused 

emotional distress for residents; 

• Cordova had a higher intensity and duration of emotional distress than did Valdez; 

• perceived social support was a mediating factor in Valdez, but not in Cordova; and 

• no relationships were found between emotional distress and occupation, age, gender, and 

other demographic variables (Donald et al. 1990: 20ff). 

In reviewing respondent comments about the nature of the stresses related to the EVOS, Donald et al. 

note: 
In Valdez the most frequently expressed concern (n=11) was convergence 

related, i.e., crime, transients, crowds, and traffic that all increased as a result of the spill. 

Concern about the negative impact of the spill on the environment (n=5) was the second 

most frequently expressed comment. In Cordova concern about the negative impact of 

the spill on the environment (n=1)) and social disruption caused by perceived greed or 

jealously as a result of spill related income (n=10) were the most frequent comments. 

Concern about the future of the fishery was Cordova’s second most frequent comment 

(Donald et al. 1990: 18-19). 

6.4.2 The Oiled Mayors Study Household Survey Findings for GAD, PTSD, and CESD 

The Oiled Mayors Study used a face-to-face household survey of 594 residents in 11 affected and 2 

“control” communities to assess a wide range of socioeconomic and psychological issues, including 

depression symptoms (CESD), generalized anxiety disorder (GAD), and PTSD (IAI 1990d). The survey, 

administered between March 29 and May 15 of 1990, sampled residents in 7 Native communities 

(Tatitlek, Chenega Bay, Akhiok, Karluk, Larsen Bay, Chignik, and English Bay) and four non-Native 

communities (Seward, Valdez, Cordova, and Kodiak). Petersburg and the Native community of Angoon 

in Southeast Alaska were selected as control communities. The Oiled Mayors Study household survey 

used an “exposure-outcome” design which constructed a measure of ‘exposure’ to the oil spill based on 

survey responses. The exposure score was then measured in relationship to the outcome conditions such 

as PTSD, CESD, and GAD. Demographic analyses also focused on Natives and non-Native responses 

(Palinkas et al. 1993). 

The Oiled Mayors Study “exposure” measure was constructed from responses to the following questions: 

• Did you or anyone in your household use, before the spill, areas along the coast that were 

affected by the spill? 

• Did you work on any shoreline or water cleanup activities of the oil spill? 

• Are there other ways that you came into contact with the oil spill or cleanup activities, 

such as during recreation, hunting, fishing, or gathering activities? 

• Did you have any property that was lost or damaged because of the oil spill or cleanup? 

• Did the oil spill cause any damage to the areas you or other household members fish 

commercially? 

• Has the oil spill directly affected the hunting or gathering activities of any members of 

this household? (IAI 1990d) 

Based on the mean of all answers, respondents were categorized into “high” “low” or “not exposed” 

categories. Analysis categorized 145 persons ‘high,’ 167 as ‘low’ and 281 as “not exposed.” The highest 

mean exposure scores were in Native communities followed by Cordova, Kodiak, Seward, and Valdez. 

The table below shows the percentage of respondents from each community in the different exposure 

categories. 
The psychological outcome measures (PTSD, GAD, CESD) included assessments of two prevalence 

conditions: lifetime prevalence (have you ever had these symptoms) and post-spill prevalence (have you 

had these symptoms in the last year). Analysis of the exposure and outcome measures resulted in the 

following major findings about the measured mental health conditions. 

• Pre-spill lifetime prevalence measures of the psychological conditions were roughly the 

same in impact and control communities (Palinkas et al. 1993). 

• Exposure status was significantly associated with the post-spill prevalence of GAD, 

PTSD, and CESD scores. 

• In comparison to those categorized as “not exposed”, members of the high-exposed group 

were 3.6 times more likely to have GAD, 2.9 times more likely to have PTSD, 1.8 times more 

likely to have a CESD score greater than 16 and 2.1 times more likely to have a CESD score 

above 18 (Palinkas et al. 1993; Russell et al. 1996). 

• Those in the “high-exposed” group were 2.1 times more likely to have GAD than those in 

the “low-exposed” group; members of this group were also 1.7 times more likely to have GAD 

as the “unexposed” group. These findings indicate that the more persons were exposed to the oil 

spill, the more likely they were to have GAD (Palinkas et al. 1993; IAI 1990d). 
Logistic regression analyses were performed to test the effects of age, sex, ethnicity, education, 1989 

household income, marital status, employment status, and exposure to the spill and cleanup on the 

likelihood of each psychiatric disorder. The following findings resulted from analysis of relationships 

between exposure and the demographic variables: 

• Female sex was significantly associated with PTSD, GAD, and CESD scores. 

• Age was significantly associated with PTSD and CESD. 

• Ethnicity was significantly associated with GAD and CESD scores. 

Multivariate models were then developed on a two-thirds (n=400) random sample of the respondents. 

When age, sex, and ethnicity were controlled, members of the high-exposed group were 3.7 times likely 

to have GAD, 2.6 times likely to have PTSD, 1.8 times likely to have a CESD score of 16 and above, and 

2.1 times likely to have a CESD score of 18 and above as were members of the unexposed group. 

Members of the high-exposed group were also 2 (95% CI = 1.04-3.64) times as likely to have GAD as 

members of the low-exposed group who, in turn, were 1.9 (1.01-3.60) times as likely to have GAD as 

members of the unexposed group; the dose-response relationship found in the univariate analysis thus 

persisted when age, sex and ethnicity were controlled. Female sex was significantly associated with the 

likelihood of GAD, PTSD, and a CESD score of 18 and above. Young (18-24 years old) age and Native 

ethnicity were significantly associated with the likelihood of CESD scores of 16 and above. 

Previous studies have found that co-morbid (the presence of more than one disorder in an individual) 

conditions are more likely to occur after a disaster than single psychiatric disorders. For instance, Shore, 

Tatum and Vollmer (1986) found the presence of a Mount St. Helen's Syndrome which consisted of 

symptoms of depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder in victims of the Mt. St. Helen's 

disaster. The Oiled Mayors Study findings produced similar results: in comparison to those in the “not 

exposed” group, respondents in the high-exposed group were twice as likely to have at least one of the 

three mental health conditions, 2.4 times more likely to have more than one of the three mental health 

conditions, and 3.9 times more likely to have all three psychiatric conditions. 

The overall findings of the Oiled Mayors Study indicate a significant relationship between exposure to the 

oil spill and cleanup and adverse mental health. In general, a dose-response relationship was found to 

exist between exposure and mental health: the more a community/individual was exposed to the oil spill 

and cleanup the more likely they were to have adverse effects on their mental health (Russell et al. 1996; 

Palinkas et al. 1993; IAI 1990d). Natives had more adverse mental health outcomes than non-Natives 

(Palinkas et al. 1993b). 

6.4.3 University of Southern Alabama Survey Findings about Stress in Cordova and Valdez 

The University of Southern Alabama (Picou and Gill 1996) conducted a longitudinal study of residents in 

Cordova, Valdez, and Petersburg to measure stress and other sociological variables. The study collected 

data at different points in time between August of 1989 and 1992. A two panel study design was used. 

The first panel was composed of data collected in Cordova (impact community) and Petersburg (control 

community) during August of 1989 and December of 1990. A second panel was constructed by adding 

spouses of the original sample and random selection of other community residents. A combination of 

face-to-face, telephone, and mail survey data collection methods were used during 1989, 1990, 1991, and 

1992 (Picou and Gill 1997). A total of 228 persons from Cordova, 119 from Valdez and 102 from 

Petersburg completed survey responses. The survey included a sub-scale of the ‘Impact of Events Scale’ 

(Horowitz 1990) that taps two (intrusiveness and avoidance) of the four diagnostic elements of PTSD. 
Analysis emphasized demographic and occupational (fishermen) characteristics of respondents with the 

stress measure being the dependent variable. 

Analysis of the University of Southern Alabama data emphasized differences between impact 

communities (Cordova and Valdez) and reference or control communities (Petersburg and Angoon) and 

the differences between Cordova and Valdez. The University of Southern Alabama analysis of the later 

topic explained differences between Cordova and Valdez as accounted for by the former being a 

renewable resource community that is structured around commercial fishing (Picou and Gill 1997) 

whereas Valdez has a more diverse economy. The following are the major findings about the stress 

measure: 

• Residents of Valdez and Cordova had higher measures of stress than those in Petersburg. 

• Residents of Cordova had higher measures of stress than residents of Valdez in 1991 and 

1992, but the difference was only statistically significant in 1991. 

• Fishermen in Cordova had higher measures of stress than fishermen in Petersburg. 

• Fishermen had higher levels of stress measures than other occupational groups and 

fishermen households had similarly higher stress measures than other types of households. 

• There were no statistically significant correlation between the measure of stress and age, 

education, ethnicity, and families that had dependent children. 

• Mean measures of stress have decreased between 1989 and 1992, but commercial 

fishermen have experienced less decline (Picou and Gill 1997). 

The University of Southern Alabama analysis argues that Cordova as a renewable resource community 

and particularly fishermen and their households experienced higher stress measures than residents of 

Valdez and the control community Petersburg. 

6.4.4 Discussion of Mental Health Findings 

There are important and significant differences and similarities in the findings from these three primary 

sources of data about mental health and the EVOS. A significant similarity is that each data set shows 

that there were high levels of stress and mental health conditions in communities of the area of interest for 

this study. That is , there is consistency in finding post-spill stress and other mental health conditions in 

each of the three studies. Comparisons with “control” communities strengthen the positive findings. 

However, the post-hoc research designs used by each study cannot completely “prove” that the measures 

of stress and mental health conditions are directly related to the EVOS. Yet, the consistency of findings 

among these studies supports an assertion that would be less satisfying than any interpretation of only one 

or two studies. 

Some of the important differences in these studies and their findings about mental health conditions are as 

follows: 

• Donald et al. (1990) and Picou and Gill (1997) used measures of “stress that have been 

used in other studies of disaster events. These are not the same as measures of the mental health 

diagnosis PTSD that was used by the Oiled Mayors Study. Stress and PTSD are clinically 

different and this difference is important. Nonetheless, if stress and PTSD are lumped into a 
single category, then there is a strong argument that there is a relationship between the EVOS and 

these lumped outcomes.” 

• Neither Donald et al. (1990) nor Picou and Gill (1997) found a statistically significant 

correlation between stress measures and demographic variables. However, the Oiled Mayors 

Study found a correlation between mental health conditions and some demographic variables, 

specifically gender, ethnicity, and age. The Oiled Mayors Study findings are consistent with 

other studies of technological and natural disasters (Green 1982; Gist and Lubin 1989; Baum, 

Fleming, and Singer 1983). The differences between the Oiled Mayors Study and the other two 

studies may be accounted for by the larger number of communities and hence more diverse 

populations than were sampled by the other studies in Valdez and Cordova. 

• Donald et al. did not find any statistically significant correlation between occupation and 

measures of stress (1990:18). However, the University of Southern Alabama study found 

correlation between commercial fishing occupations and stress (Picou and Gill 1997). These 

differences may be accounted for by differences in sample size between the two studies and the 

longitudinal methods of the University of Southern Alabama study. 

• Donald et al. (1990) and the University of Southern Alabama researchers (Picou and Gill 

1997) interpreted their data based on the location of communities in relationship to the spill and, 

for the University of Southern Alabama team, the idea of the renewable resource community. The 

Oiled Mayors Study team based their analyses and interpretation on a measure of exposure and its 

relationship to mental health conditions. In effect, an examination of the exposure data in 

relationship to community geography suggest that we can lump the data for the narrow purpose of 

assessing mental health conditions. But, the analyses of the reasons for the post-spill adverse 

mental health conditions in these communities needs further elaboration. We will address this in 

the synthesis of information from this study in the next report. 

6.5 COMMUNITY SUPPORT WAS UNDERMINED 

Social or community support is an essential part of the mitigation of impacts and the process of recovery 

in disaster events (Drabek 1986). If social support is undermined, then it can have overall adverse effects 

on the social health of a community and specific effects on individuals and families. If individuals and 

families experience stress or other mental health conditions and social support is unavailable or 

diminished, then these conditions can worsen. Consequently, the issue of social support is an essential 

consideration for assessment of impacts as well as recovery from technological disasters. 

The literature consists of a number of overlapping and sometimes conflicting findings about the issue of 

community and family support. Below we organize the findings by source for convenience, reporting 

mostly the novel findings of each study. The discussion section then synthesizes the findings from all 

sources reviewed adding relevant materials from other sources with relevant but less developed 

information regarding family and community support. 

6.5.1 Oiled Mayors Study Findings about Family and Community Support 

The Oiled Mayors Study household survey and information from interviews in 22 communities provide a 

range of information about the effects of the EVOS on community support. The Oiled Mayors Study 

household survey has a “family support” measure as well as assessments of changes in other social 

relationships (IAI 1990d: 38-45). 
• There is a significant association between exposure status and a decline in social 

relationships (Palinkas et al. 1993b: 5). 

• This is a significant association between decreased visiting among family and friends and 

exposure status (Palinkas et al. 1993: 6). Between 20-40% of households surveyed reported 

decreases in visits with friends and 15-30% reported decreased in family interactions (Russell et 

al. 1996: 874). In Native communities, 70% reported decreases in family visitation; and, those 

who worked on the cleanup reported less time spent with family and friends than those who did 

not (Russell et al. 1996: 874). 

• Participation in community activities that traditionally reinforce social bonds decreased 

among those who worked on the cleanup; those who worked on the cleanup reported less 

participation than those who did not work on the cleanup (Russell et al. 1996: 874-875). 

• Perceived family support appears to buffer the effects of depressive symptoms in 

non-Native communities, but not in Native communities (Palinkas et al. 1992: 293). 

• Ethnographic data from the Oiled Mayors Study also suggests that social bonds in Native 

and non-Native communities were loosened as a result of the spill. For example, Native study 

participants quoted in Russell et al. (1996: 876) said: “It has drifted people apart. [It is] not the 

same as it was before. We used to help each other . . . ” Further: 

[Before] the village used to be a whole family. Before. These 

people were one big family . . . but during the oil spill I noticed the village, that 

it’s pulling away again, people started going into their own shells, and just 

pulling away. It was like people were mad at each other, they put a lot of stress 

on the workers . . . 

• Other ethnographic data suggest that social bonds were loosened and overall participation 

in traditional community activities suffered during the EVOS (IAI 1990c, 1990d). 

• Developing community cohesiveness and support was undercut by a privatized cleanup 

that was controlled from outside local communities (Russell et al. 1996; IAI 1990d). 

• Social disruption contributed to distress experienced by individuals and communities and 

this disruption inhibited community cohesiveness and social support (Russell et al. 1996). 

6.5.2 University of Southern Alabama Findings About Perceived Social Support 

• In 1989, 58% of 31 respondents reported a decline in family relationships, but in 1990 

this decreased to about 25% of respondents (Dyer, Gill, and Picou 1992: 118). 

• Among Alaskan Natives perceptions of adverse changes in family relations was 43% 

(unreported N) in 1989, 24% in 1990, 26% in 1991, and 24% in 1992. 

• Gill and Picou interpret Oiled Mayors Study results and ADF&G results as indicating 

that within Native communities family relationships were adversely affected by the oil spill and 

cleanup (1997: 174-175). 
• Residents in Cordova experienced “significant social disruption in personal, family, and 

work settings” (Picou, Gill, Dyer and Curry 1992: 15). In comparison to Petersburg (study 

control community), Cordova residents experienced more social disruption after 18 months. 

• 18 months post-spill, an association existed between social disruption and psychological 

stress (Picou, Gill, Dyer and Curry 1992:17). This associations was most prevalent among 

commercial fishermen. 

6.5.3 MMS Social Indicators 

In Kodiak area communities, Exxon’s implementation of the cleanup process created community 

divisiveness and loosened social bonds (Endter-Wada et al. 1993:682ff). 

Exxon’s actions in the cleanup fostered a sense of helplessness among community residents by 

undermining values about fairness and equity, local knowledge, and the sincerity of the cleanup 

(Endter-Wada et al. 1993: 682 ff.) 

• Resources usually available to respond to stress and mental health conditions could not 

meet the service demands placed on them by the oil spill (Endter-Wada et al. 1993). 

• Communities, especially Native communities on Kodiak, lost control. For example, a 

Karluk resident quoted by Rooks (1993a: 764) observed: “So many people were telling us what 

to do and what not to do, who to let in the village and who not to let in the village. It was very 

confusing . . .” 

• In Old Harbor tensions within families increased as a result of the disruption of usual 

routines and waiting for cleanup employment (Rooks and Ender-Wada et al. 1993: 800) 

• In Chignik school children and families were strained by the EVOS (Rooks 1993c: 843). 

• Chignik residents, especially commercial fishermen, formed alliances in response to 

outsiders, especially Exxon (Rooks 1993c: 843). 

• In Valdez the spill exacerbated existing social tensions and conflicts related to class, 

employment, and length of residence (Robbins: 1993:77 ff.). Post spill, divisiveness persisted, 

e.g., “I saw a well develop between me and my friends at Alyeska because of the spill. We are 

friends again but it is not the same, the old hurt can’t heal” (Robbins 1993: 97). 

• In Valdez, many social tensions related to the spill were unexpressed, e.g., “We live in an 

oil town and there was nothing little people could do about this. So the anger and disappointment 

was turned inward and added to the tensions in town and the problems one gets from stress” 

(Robbins 1993: 102). 

• The EVOS undermined confidence in judgment about the character of friends and 

neighbors. For example, “ . . . the spill created a sense of distrust, of doubt about people’s motives 

and of betrayal by friends and enemies alike, and that: ‘Will be an undercurrent in Valdez for 

years to come . . .” (Robbins 1993: 103). This often resulted in a loss of cooperation and 

loosened social bonds (Robbins 1993: 110). 

• Conflicts over spill-related employment were less in Valdez than in Cordova or other 

affected communities (Robbins 1993: 93). 
• An influx of outsiders (government, military, Exxon, Alyeska, reporters, onlookers, and 

others) was a major source of social disruption in Valdez (Robbins 1993: 100) contributing to a 

loosening of community bonds. 

• Social bonds were loosened in Cordova because of conflicts over spill-related 

employment, the actions of community members vis-à-vis Exxon, and a law suit brought against 

the city by a local resident/council member concerning the city’s lawsuit against Exxon 

(Reynolds 1993: 226ff). 

• Local efforts to respond to the spill in Cordova were undermined by the privatized 

cleanup which disbanded volunteer efforts to rescue injured wildlife and cleanup spilled oil 

(Reynolds 1993: 233 ff.). 

• The Cordova District Fishermen United union is a major social institution in Cordova 

that acted as an important organizational and community support institution during the oil spill 

(Reynolds 1993: 233). 

• Divisiveness in social relations is expressed in the formation of the Cordova Business 

Owners Association which was a reaction to dissatisfaction with the Chamber of Commerce’s 

perceived support of Exxon (Reynolds 1993: 338-340). 

• In many communities, employers felt betrayed by employees who took more lucrative 

cleanup employment (e.g., Reynolds 1993; Endter-Wada 1993; Robbins 1993). 

6.5.4 Discussion of Community and Family Support Findings 

Social bonds were loosened in Native and non-Native communities. These loosened bonds resulted from 

(1) conflicts regarding spill and cleanup related issues; (2) participation in cleanup activities; (3) influx of 

outsiders into some communities; (4) decreased participation in collective community activities; and, (5) 

divisiveness related to evaluations of the actions of friends, neighbors, and other community members. 

The loosening of social bonds in combination with reduced availability of institutional support from 

mental health clinics and providers resulted in overall diminished resources for coping with the stress and 

strains associated with the spill. Furthermore, Exxon’s actions in dealing with affected communities at 

best contributed to a sense of helplessness and at worst undermined the nascent therapeutic community in 

many of the spill-affected communities. Native communities had the fewest institutional resources and 

perhaps the most sociocultural resources for social support. However, family and extended kinship bonds 

within these communities were also affected by participation in the cleanup, reduced sharing of 

subsistence resources, and decreased visiting among family members after the spill. 

There are conflicting findings about the effect of social support on buffering the mental health effects of 

the spill. Donald et al. (1990) report no statistical correlation between social support and a measure of 

stress, but the trend in the data show that, at least for Valdez, persons with a high perceived social support 

score tended to score lower on the stress measure (Donald et al. 1990: 20). Palinkas et al. (1992) report 

that exposure correlated with increased conflicts in Native and non-Native communities; and, in 

non-Native communities there was also correlation between exposure and a decline in family support, but 

in Native communities there was no such correlation. Similarly, family support appears to buffer the 

effects of depressive symptoms in non-Native communities but not in Native communities (Palinkas et al. 

1992: 293). Family and social support may be different constructs in Native and non-Native 

communities. 
The co-occurrence of community conflict, psychological distress, decreased institutional resources, and 

processes that undermined formation and persistence of a therapeutic, supportive community had adverse 

effects. Communities did not have the resources to cope with the array of social, psychological, 

institutional, and other practical problems that confronted them during and after the spill. Community 

processes that would normally buffer the effects of stressful events were undermined. 

6.6 RECOVERY AND PREVENTION 

Almost no data exists about recovery from the effects of the oil spill, cleanup, and related social 

disruption on Alaskan communities. However, the literature does suggest some issues about recovery 

that are worthy of mention. Also, the spill resulted in a range of recommendation about preventing 

community impacts from future events. We briefly review two major sources of recommendations about 

mitigation of social and psychological impacts from future events. 

6.6.1 Impacts Need to be Acknowledged for Recovery to Occur 

Recovery depends on identification and acknowledging that a problem exists. However, the issue of 

social and psychological effects related to this event were slow to be acknowledged as legitimate by the 

spiller (IAI 1990d; Picou and Gill 1997). Concerns about liability and litigation may have been a factor 

in this refusal. However, the picture that emerges from the literature is that there was simply an overall 

reluctance to recognize that social and psychological impacts were a legitimate outcome of this event. 

The notion seemed to exist that if spill employment or other monetary losses could be mitigated, then the 

other problems would be lessened. In fact, the ‘spill’ of money into communities often resulted in 

increased conflict and social disruption. This further added to some of the community health problems 

discussed above. 

6.6.2 Recovery Through Education 

The Regional Citizen’s Advisory Council has sponsored projects aimed at informing publics, particularly 

in Cordova, about chronic stress and the characteristics of technological disasters (Picou 1996). There are 

also a series of leaflets (Sound Alternatives 1996a) and taped radio programs (Sound Alternatives 1996b) 

regarding stress, recovery, technological disasters and other topics aimed at informing publics about the 

psychological and community effects of these types of events. 

6.6.3 Recovery is Unknown 

The literature about social health issues provides a wide range of information about how communities 

were impacted and why some of these impacts happened. Yet, almost nothing exists in the literature 

about the processes of recovery in the affected communities. The longitudinal data in Picou and Gill 

(1997) reports a declining level of stress in Cordova between 1989 and 1992, and there are declines in 

reported psychological stress in Kodiak (Endter-Wada et al. 1993), but the process of recovery is not a 

salient topic in the existing literature. 

6.6.4 Prevention 

In the days immediately following the spill there was some recognition by the State of Alaska that social 

and psychological impacts were issues that needed attention. A disaster psychologist, Richard Gist, was 

contacted by the Alaska Department of Health and Social Services and the Alaska Division of Emergency 

Services in April of 1989 to consult about the psychological and community impacts of the event (Gist 

1989). Gist spent ten days, from April 6 until April 15, observing and consulting with local mental health 
staff in Cordova, Valdez, and Seward (Gist 1989). This resulted in a set of policy recommendations that 

were focused primarily at a State level. These recommendations included: 

• develop the capacity for an Integrated Emergency management system; 

• develop the capacity for community impact assessment as part of an integrated 

Emergency Management System; 

• ensure, through state and local coordination, that local level disaster plans exist and 

address psychosocial issues; 

• develop training programs to address the community context of psychological problems 

related to disaster events; 

• develop a state plan for public information and dissemination about disaster events and 

their effects; 

• develop a triage program with centralized support for decentralized services; 

• develop a critical incident debriefing process for those exposed to the disaster event, 

especially those working on disaster response; and 

• develop culturally specific interventions (Gist 1989: no page numbers). 

The emphasis of Gist’s concise report and recommendations is on preparation for the next event and some 

of the processes that might have mitigated the effects of the EVOS. However, it also highlights the 

importance of building on existing knowledge about disaster events and acknowledging that social and 

psychological impacts occur in these types of events. 

The Oiled Mayors Study (IAI 1990a) also resulted in a recommendations relevant to preventing and 

mitigating community impacts. Among these recommendations are: 

• There should be a full understanding of the risk factors that expose these Alaskan 

communities to future disaster events. 

• Community infrastructures and organizational resources need to be buttressed and 

supported in disaster events to prevent overwhelming resources that are needed to respond to the 

event and to support community members. 

• Disaster plans and organizational structures within communities are essential to effective 

response. 

• Communities need to have improved access to resources which can assist with disaster 

response. 

• Communication processes need to exist to effectively inform community members about 

the course and process of the disaster and its community effects. 

• Programs should be in place to respond to the community conflict that inevitably results 

from such events. 

• Resources need to exist to supplement local resources for response to the psychological 

and social problems that accompany disaster events. 

• Psychosocial impacts need to be acknowledged by natural resource agencies if harm to 

communities is to be prevented. 

7.0 ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS 
The literature about the EVOS suggests there are several major issues to consider about the interaction of 

local economies with the EVOS: (1) variable structure of fishing economies among spill-affected 

communities; (2) public and private losses and gains related to the oil spill and cleanup; and, (3) 

litigation. We discuss here an overview of the issues related to the findings about each of these topic 

areas. 

7.1 DEFINITION AND RELEVANCE 

By economic characteristics we mean the structures and processes within communities that are the modes 

of production, exchange, and distribution of resources. For our purposes, we can examine economic 

characteristics as the “way people make a living.” The economic institutions and processes of Alaskan 

coastal communities are highly dependent on the natural resources. Damage to these resources resulted in 

direct damages to fishermen and related damages to those who support or depend on commercial fishing. 

Some damages were mitigated by the privatized cleanup which resulted in a “money spill” into many 

affected communities. The economic effects of the spill are therefore highly relevant to any examination 

of how the spill interacted with the social institutions of rural Alaskan communities. 

7.2 THE STRUCTURE OF ECONOMIC DIVERSITY 

The structure of local economies is variable and this variability affected how communities were impacted 

by the oil spill and cleanup. Within non-Native communities, Valdez, Seward, Homer, and Kenai have 

economies with multiple sectors. Commercial fishing is one of these sectors, but it is not the dominant 

sector. On the other hand, Kodiak and Cordova have economies dominated by commercial fishing. 

However, there are important differences between these two communities. Kodiak’s fishing economy has 

multiple components such as groundfish, salmon, crab, and herring. While there is some diversity in 

Cordova’s economy, it is primarily focused on salmon fishing, especially the Copper River Flats salmon 

fishery. Within Native communities, subsistence foods are an important contribution to family and 

communities economies. Commercial fishing usually provides a major source of cash income within 

these communities. Importantly, subsistence and cash features of the economies of Native communities 

interact. These types of factors influenced the amount of economic damage caused by the spill as well as 

how cleanup monies affected local economies. 

7.2.1 Economic Diversity in Non-Native Communities 

The EVOS interacted with the economic structures of these communities in different ways. In the 

non-Native economically diverse communities, there were adverse economic impacts from fisheries 

closures as well as from inflation of goods and services that were being used for oil spill response (IAI 

1990c, 1990d). But, these economies had some buffer because of their diversity. Adverse commercial 

fishing impacts did not bring these economies to their knees. Furthermore, they also had a range of 

services to offer for oil spill response, thereby drawing cleanup money. Kodiak is similar to these 

communities, but fishery closures threatened to adversely affect the entire Kodiak economy, yet not in the 

same way as in Cordova. In Kodiak, fishermen had some limited options to pursue other fisheries that 

Cordova fishermen did not have. This was partly related to the oiling of Cordova fishing grounds and 

hatchery waters and partly a function of the diversity of Kodiak’s commercial fishing operation. That is, 

both Cordova and Kodiak are dependent on commercial fishing, but there are more sectors (vessel types, 

processors, species harvested and processed) within the Kodiak industry than in Cordova. 

An important point about economic structure that can be derived from the literature is that economy 

diversity buffered communities, even commercial fishing communities, from adverse impacts. Cordova 

is the worst case example and Valdez is perhaps the best case example, both because of the economic 
benefits derived from being the center of the oil spill response effort; and because of a diverse economy in 

which commercial fishing was an important but not dominant factor (cf. Endter-Wada, et al. 1993). 

7.2.2 The Structure of Subsistence and Cash Economies in Native Communities 

There is a straightforward point to make in contrasting the economic structures of Native and non-Native 

communities: subsistence plays an important economic role in providing food for families which is 

supplemented by cash resources from commercial fishing and other sources of employment. These 

communities have significantly less economic diversity than non-Native communities and the EVOS 

impacted resources that were central to both the cash and subsistence aspects of Native economies. Not 

surprisingly, residents of Native communities were motivated to seek and were employed on the cleanup 

in greater proportions than residents in non-Native communities (Endter-Wada, et al. 1993). 

7.3 PRIVATE SECTOR ECONOMIC LOSSES AND GAINS 

There are several major sources of public information about economic losses and gains related to the 

EVOS. There are also other data that were prepared for litigation purposes, but these sources are not 

public. The three major public sources of economic data are: 

• The Oiled Mayors Study analyzed 1,341 responses from a mail survey of more than 

6,000 businesses to ascertain losses, gains, and changes in business plans (IAI 1990a). This study 

also examined fiscal impacts to local governments (IAI 1990d). 

• Endter-Wada, et al. used a panel study to ascertain the effects of the spill on community 

and household economies (Endter-Wada, et al. 1993). 

• Cohen (1997) presents an analysis of the effects of the EVOS on commercial fishing and 

the regional economy of Prince William Sound. 

7.3.1 Findings about Economic Losses and Gains 

Businesses both prospered and floundered because of the EVOS. Prosperity was directly related to 

providing goods, services, or labor for the cleanup. Floundering was usually a direct result of the effect 

of the spill on local fishing economies and the businesses that provide goods and services to crews, boats, 

and processors. Businesses that did not participate in the cleanup tended to loose more and gain less than 

those businesses that did participate in the cleanup (IAI 1990a). The following are some of the major 

findings about business gains and losses and their relationship to the cleanup. 

• Overall business losses exceeded gains: Total region-wide losses arising from the oil spill 

and cleanup are over $336 million. These losses are partially offset by spill-induced gains of 

$105 million. Region-wide losses of $293 million in business profits accounted for the 

overwhelming majority of total region-wide losses (IAI 1990a:7-1). 

• Business losses and gains were not evenly distributed. Commercial fishermen and 

seafood processors suffered the most losses. Other basic sector industries and support industries 

suffered fewer losses (IAI 1990a: 7-12). Overall, respondents in Valdez, Seward, and Soldotna 

had the least losses while those in Cordova experienced the most (IAI 1990a: 7-1). 

• Using earnings as a proxy for regional economic activity, Cohen suggests that losses 

were variable between 1989 and 1990. For 1989 the 1-4 quarter differences between with and 
without impact estimates are 9%, 46%, 65%, and 13%, respectively. Similar numbers for the 

1990 quarters are, respectively: 17%, 20%, 14%, and 13% (Cohen 1997: 140). 

• Losses were distributed, but commercial fishing experienced the most losses (Cohen 

1997: 142ff). 

• Using a with/without EVOS analysis framework, Cohen argues that between 1989 and 

1990, ex-vessel prices for most salmon shellfish and herring harvests declined. Herring sac row 

suffered the most severe decline (Cohen 1997: 151). Using the same framework, ex-vessel 

revenues for most species other than halibut and sablefish declined. The overall decrease for 

ex-vessel revenues for 1989 is calculated at 27% while for 1990 the value was 12% (Cohen 1997: 

151). Other research using different economic modeling suggest that there were no post-spill 

declines in salmon prices related to the oil spill (Owen et al. 1995). 

• The issue of post-spill declines in fish prices is contentious and potentially related to a 

number of exogenous factors other than the oil spill (Jorgensen 1995; Cohen 1997). 

• Cohen (1993) analyzed time series data for non-Native communities and concludes that 

the over-all economic benefits of the spill were positive. 

• Economic losses were most felt by the following groups: (1) construction/remodeling 

firms; (2) river guiding and sport fishing operations; (3) suppliers of boating and fishing 

equipment and services; (4) small-scale commercial fishermen; (5) fast-food businesses; (6) 

tourism businesses; and, (7) real estate brokers (Jorgensen 1995: 43-44). 

• Commercial fishing households lost the most from the spill and were compensated the 

least for their losses (Jorgensen 1995: 112). 

• Within Native communities, costs for some essentials such as fuel placed additional 

burdens on those who had to travel to distant areas for subsistence foods that were locally 

available prior to the spill (IAI 1990d; ADF&G 1995). 

7.3.2 Economic Aspects of the Cleanup 

• The cleanup resulted in an expenditure of an estimated $1.2 billion during 1989 

(Wohlforth 1989). By mid-1991 Exxon estimated that over $2 billion was spent on the cleanup 

(Jorgensen 1995: 41). 

• Some of the spills immediate economic impacts were mitigated by a privatized cleanup 

that employed many person in affected communities; and cleanup contractors made some efforts 

to purchase goods and services in these same communities (IAI 1990d; Endter-Wada, et al. 

1993). 

• The Oiled Mayors Study business survey reported the 38% of businesses surveyed 

participated in the cleanup. The highest percentage was in Valdez (62%) and the lowest in 

Soldotna (15%). Commercial fishermen had the highest rate of participation in the cleanup of all 

businesses surveyed (IAI 1990a: 4-1). However, larger boats were more often participants in the 

cleanup than smaller vessels, illustrating the distribution of effects of cleanup participation 

(Jorgensen 1995: 48-49). 
• Boats in Native communities were often chartered at lower rates than boats in non-Native 

communities (Jorgensen 1995: 50). 

• Crew members on fishing vessels participating in the cleanup were often displaced by 

family and close friends. This resulted in further effects on the distribution of cleanup related 

employment (IAI 1990d; Jorgensen 1995: 50-51). 

• Respondents that did not participate in the cleanup reported income decreases (36%) 

were more than income increases (20%) whereas those that did participate in the cleanup reported 

more income increases (46%) than decreases (30%) (IAI 1990a: 5-2). 

• Residents in Native communities participated in the cleanup in higher proportions than 

residents in non-Native communities (Endter-Wada, et al. 1993). 

• The economic effects of cleanup moneys were mitigated by several factors: some 

individuals employed on the cleanup were from outside local communities and their incomes did 

not benefit local communities; cleanup income was spent outside communities for many 

consumer goods; and, other losses offset the gains from cleanup remuneration (Cohen 1997). 

• Businesses lost wage workers to the cleanup which paid higher wages. This placed these 

businesses in difficult operational circumstances, some of which led to losses. Labor shortages 

were common in most spill-affected communities (IAI 1990d; Endter-Wada, et al. 1993; Cohen 

1997). 

• Jobs were created by the cleanup, but these usually did not outnumber the jobs lost 

(Jorgensen 1995: 44). Also, Jorgensen observed, “Between 1989 and 1992, significantly more 

jobs were lost in the private sector throughout the spill area than in the public sector. Inasmuch 

as the spill accounted for 45% of Alaska’s job growth in 1989. . .the loss of jobs after 1990 when 

cleanup activities attenuated appears to be a direct consequence of the loss of cleanup 

employment” (Jorgensen 1995: 84). 

• The economic effects of the cleanup should be considered within a “boom-bust” 

framework (Jorgensen 1995). The boom resulted in not only an infusion of cash into local 

economics, but it also caused an increase in prices for commodities, rents, and services 

(Endter-Wada, et al. 1993: 4). 

• “Natives in comparison with non-Natives, were less often compensated for their losses, 

more frequently lost jobs because of the spill, and spill-related employment was more frequently 

away from their home villages” (Jorgensen 1995:112). 

7.4 PUBLIC SECTOR FISCAL IMPACTS 

Much of the research that quantified public sector fiscal impacts is not in the public domain because of 

litigation issues. However, there is limited qualitative information about some of the issues regarding 

fiscal impacts to affected communities. Most of these qualitative data concern the categories of revenues 

and expenditures related to the spill and the nature of reimbursements between Exxon and municipalities. 

The following bullets summarize key issues about public sector impacts from the publicly available data. 

• Municipal revenues were impacted. Sales taxes increased in some communities because 

of cleanup related expenditures (Jorgensen 1995; IAI 1990b). Raw fish taxes decreased in most 

communities except Valdez (IAI 1990d:97). Harbor revenues may have been offset by costs 
associated with Harbor operations. Transient occupancy taxes decreased because of changes in 

residency types (IAI 1990d: 97). Overall, there is no clear picture of the total effects on local 

government revenues from the oil spill and cleanup in the existing public literature. 

• Municipal expenditures increased during the cleanup period. These increased 

expenditures were associated with: deferred maintenance, administrative costs in excess of the 

10% allowed by Exxon, opportunity costs for projects/grants not pursued, increased audit fees, 

increased insurance costs, changes in bond ratings, attorneys fees, and the costs on cash reserves 

of budget depletion/disruptions (IAI 1990d: 100ff). Furthermore, within most communities 

affected by the spill, there were increased demands for services that strained the resources of 

municipal governments and sometimes resulted in increased costs (IAI 1990b; Jorgensen 1995). 

• Exxon compensated some of the costs to local government for cleanup related 

expenditures (IAI 1990d: 73ff.). However, Exxon established the rules for what expenditures 

would and would not be reimbursed. Expenditures for costs related to social services or mental 

health could not be included in billings. Other costs were also not included in billings because of 

Exxon rules. The use of billings to Exxon as a measure of event costs to local government is 

imprecise (IAI 1990d: 94-95). The costs incurred by selected communities for the time period 

between March 24, 1989 and the Spring of 1990 reported by the Oiled Mayors Study were as 

follows: 
Exxon is reported to have reimbursed most expenditures, but again these are only the expenditures for 

which billings were allowed. A clear picture of differences between expenditures and revenues related to 

the oil spill and cleanup is unclear. However, what is clear from an examination of the literature is that 

most municipalities did not have the fiscal resources to respond immediately to the oil spill unless they 

had substantial reserves (IAI 1990b). This placed many communities in the position of having to rely on 

Exxon and its rules and procedures to assist with expenditures related to the cleanup. 

7.5 LITIGATION AND ECONOMIC ISSUES 

Municipalities and individuals perceived that litigation was a primary means to recoup losses related to 

the EVOS. Although both individuals and municipalities submitted claims to Exxon for damages 

incurred, this process proved unsatisfactory for many individuals, businesses, and local governments 

(Endter-Wada, et al. 1993; IAI 1990d). Litigation resulted. Civil litigation was focused by maritime law 

and the Robbins-Dry Dock case law (Hirsch 1997) which allows for direct damages from the oil spilled. 
For many residents of the spill affected area, this type of litigation appears not to address their needs or 

losses. Civil litigation between Exxon and the Federal and State governments resulted in a $900 million 

assessment which is to be paid over ten years (Hirsch 1997). Additionally, about $300 million was 

awarded for compensatory damages to be paid to commercial fishermen, Natives, and land owners. The 

most controversial aspect of the judgments against Exxon has been the $5 million punitive damages 

award which is currently under appeal. This and other appeals may not be resolved for years (Hirsch 

1997). This keeps alive ongoing uncertainty about the final economic effects of the oil spill and cleanup. 

Ultimately, until the ongoing litigation is resolved, the issue of the effects of litigation on local economies 

is also uncertain. 

7.6 DISCUSSION: COMMUNITY ECONOMICS AND THE EVOS 

Litigation has clearly inhibited a complete analysis of the economic effects of the oil spill because of data 

and reports that have been protected by the courts. However, there are some qualitative issues that 

emerge from the literature that seem noteworthy: 

• The cleanup resulted in an infusion of cash into local communities, but the nature of local 

economies and the character of the cleanup meant that there were limited overall benefits to local 

economies. 

• Monies gained from the cleanup by local residents did not mitigate the other social 

effects of the spill and cleanup. That is, there was a tendency to view the whole event in 

economic gain and loss terms. This obscured recognition of some of the other significant social, 

psychological, and cultural problems related to the spill and cleanup. 

• Cleanup monies were unevenly distributed within and among spill affected communities. 

The economic benefits in some instances resulted in other social conflicts that had adverse 

consequences for communities. 

• All the economic issues related to the spill are not resolved, most because of the litigation 

process. 

• Commercial fishermen and especially small scale fishermen were hardest hit by the spill. 

• Diversity in local economies and fisheries buffered the economic effects of the spill. 

If there is one over-riding issue that stands out from examination of the literature about economic issues, 

it is the distribution of economic impacts. The distribution of impacts was in part a function of the 

structure of local economics which either exacerbated or mitigated the economic impacts of the EVOS. 

Furthermore, within communities there were also differences in economic losses and gains. Not everyone 

benefitted from the cleanup. Not everyone was damaged by the oil spill and its effects. The economic 

effects of the EVOS, much like the other social effects, are a mosaic that requires attention to the diversity 

of communities and the distribution of effects in order to understand the complexity of what happened. 

There is little data currently available to understand the overall distribution of these economic effects and 

their consequences for local economies. 

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Exxon Valdez Oil Spill, Cleanup, and Litigation:

A Collection of Social-Impacts Information and Analysis

Final Report, Volume III: 

Final Social Factors 

Prepared for: 

Michael Baffrey, Contracting Officer’s Technical Representative

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Environmental Studies Section

949 East 36th Avenue, Suite 300

Anchorage, Alaska 99508-4363

Prepared by: 

Impact Assessment, Inc. 

2166 Avenida de la Playa, Suite F 

La Jolla, California 92037 

August 2001 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 

1.0 THE EXXON VALDEZ OIL SPILL EVENT AND SOCIAL FACTORS

1.1 SOURCES FOR THE DERIVATION OF SOCIAL FACTORS

1.2 THE USE OF SOCIAL FACTORS FOR ASSESSING COMMUNITY IMPACTS

1.2.1 An Analytic Approach for the Use of Social Factors

1.2.2 Implementation of the Factor-by-Factor Analysis

1.3 SOCIAL FACTORS AND TECHNOLOGICAL DISASTERS

1.4 THE EXXON VALDEZ AS A TECHNOLOGICAL DISASTER

1.5 THE DISTRIBUTION OF COMMUNITY IMPACTS AND SOCIAL FACTORS

2.0 SOCIAL FACTOR CATEGORIES

2.1 CONTEXT FACTORS

2.1.1 Biophysical Environment and Natural Resource Cycles

2.1.2 Event Characteristics

2.2 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

2.3 ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS

2.4 CULTURE

2.5 SOCIAL HEALTH

2.6 SUBSISTENCE

REFERENCES 
1.0 THE EXXON VALDEZ OIL SPILL EVENT AND SOCIAL FACTORS 

Social factors are the focus for our analysis of the community impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill, 

cleanup, and litigation. In this document we present a discussion of the derivation of social factors, how 

these factors will be used, a summary of types of community impacts, and a revised list of social factors 

and their components. For our purposes here, social factors are major categories of sociocultural 

variables such as social organization, culture, or subsistence. Each social factor has components such as 

political organization for social organization, beliefs and values for culture, and harvest activities for 

subsistence. Social factors will organize our analysis of the relationship between the Exxon Valdez oil 

spill (EVOS) event and its community impacts. Individual components of particular social factors will 

assist in describing how any one category contributed to different effects across the impacted 

communities. 

1.1 SOURCES FOR THE DERIVATION OF SOCIAL FACTORS 

We define “social factors” as a structure (social, cultural, or economic) or process (social or cultural) 

within communities that organizes and makes meaningful individual and group experience. For example, 

“social structure” is a social factor comprised of specific social institutions, their connections, and 

processes. We have identified social factors by the examination of the literature regarding the oil spill and 

the literature about technological disasters in general. The literature about the oil spill and its aftermath 

describes an array of social, economic, psychological, cultural, and physical impacts (e.g., Impact 

Assessment, Inc. [IAI] 1990d; Picou, Gill and Cohen 1997). In the factor by factor analysis, we will 

present a thorough summary of these impacts. Our listing of social factors has also been informed by, and 

examination of, the literature about other “technological disasters.” This literature places the EVOS 

event within a wider frame of social problems and phenomenon (e.g., Kroll-Smith and Couch 1990; 

Edelstein 1988; Dunlap, Kraft, and Rosa 1993; Couch and Kroll-Smith 1991). We use this literature to 

generate concepts that apply to similar events, but which may not be fully described or analyzed in 

literature about the EVOS event itself. For example, perceived risk (Slovic 1987) and the social 

amplification of risk (Kasperson et al. 1988) are sub-topics within this literature that we found useful to 

describe social and cultural factors for the EVOS. 

The Annotated Bibliography and Abstracts represents the range of literature about the EVOS event we 

have used as a major source of information for our derivation of social factors. As this bibliography 

demonstrates, the literature about the event itself is highly varied in the scope, methods, communities, and 

issued examined. Some work (e.g., Picou 1992) focuses on one or two communities and a subset of the 

full-range of impacts associated with the event. Other work includes a number and diversity of impacted 

communities and examines a range of psychological, social, economic, and municipal effects (e.g., IAI 

1990d). Some research is broad in its geographic range and diversity of communities examined and also 

rich in descriptions of event effects and local context, but is limited in its analysis of “why” these effects 

occurred (e.g., Minerals Management Service Technical Report 160). Other information from popular 

literature and news sources tends to be descriptive of effects, but often without the contextual factors or 

analysis that would aid in the specification of social factors. Consequently, our task has been to sift 

through these diverse sources to derive social factors that cover the full range of circumstances related to 

the event. Not all social factors apply to all communities. Indeed, examination of the literature suggests 

that community effects are related to the configuration of components of particular social factors and to 

the interactions among factors in diverse communities. Consequently, we have cast a broad net to 

identify social factors that apply to the widest set of circumstances, and we also identify components of 

these factors to assist in accounting for the diversity of impacts among communities from Prince William 

Sound to Kodiak and the Alaska Peninsula. 
Another consideration is the phases of the event covered by most of the systematic research about the 

EVOS event (e.g., IAI 1990; Russell et al. 1996; Picou, Gill, and Cohen 1997). Most of the work 

addresses effects related to the spill and cleanup during the first two or, at most, three years following the 

spill. Effects related to restoration and litigation are minimally addressed by research that extended much 

beyond two or three years after the spill. This leaves out a considerable number of events related to 

restoration and litigation that have received media coverage, but media coverage is not systematic enough 

for the analysis we would like to see performed for these crucial phases of the EVOS event. 

Consequently, the social factors we derive from the literature may not cover the full-range of applicable 

circumstances, especially those concerning restoration and litigation. 

A second major source for our derivation of social factors is the literature about other types of 

technological disasters. In recent years, this area of scientific research has increased in the kinds of 

events examined and in the sorts of issues considered and the way that the technological aspects of these 

disasters make them different, in course and social consequences, than natural disasters (e.g., Drabek 

1986). The examination of chemical spills, siting of hazardous facilities, mine fires and other similar 

human-made circumstances has bought attention to the social impacts that follow technological disasters 

as well as to the role of social factors in influencing event outcomes. This literature indicates several 

important types of sociocultural features and effects of technological disasters that are a backdrop for our 

identification of social factors. Among these features are: (1) discourse about event characteristics, as well 

as blame and responsibility for the event occurrence, leading to a lack of public consensus on answers to 

these questions ; (2) pollution fears and concerns about health effects from the event; (3) perceptions of a 

polluted and changed physical environment; (4) assessments of “home” as a changed and damaged place; 

(5) emergence of social groups that take activist positions about environmental issues; (6) social conflict 

and divisiveness; (7) damaged community bonds and social processes; (8) loss of trust in governmental 

and corporate institutions; (9) family and individual stress responses; (10) changes in community 

participation; and, (11) changes in local political and community leadership. In technological disasters it 

is not uncommon for community divisions and distrust to develop over alliance with the entity blamed for 

the disaster, and for disagreements to emerge about solutions. The consequent damage to community 

bonds often spawns the chaotic effects that seem to characterize technological disasters (cf. Erikson 

1994). Since less is known, or widely known, about the long term health effects associated with 

exposures in technological disasters, enduring health fears and uncertainty about contamination and 

exposure are not uncommon. Further, in technological disasters, cultural, social, and psychological 

factors often interact and have compounding effects, subverting the traditional ‘therapeutic community’ 

that may develop following natural disasters. Thus the community’s perception of disaster as 

technological in origin may, itself, be a critical social factor configuring and amplifying social effects. 

For our purposes, the literature about technological disasters places the EVOS event within a context of 

similar events. It allows us to use these other events to examine issues that may not necessary be 

examined by specific pieces of literature about the event, but when the total range of data available are 

assembled we can suggest social factors derived from analysis of similar events. 

1.2 THE USE OF SOCIAL FACTORS FOR ASSESSING COMMUNITY IMPACTS 

The identification of social factors is in part informed by how they will be used in the factor-by-factor 

analysis. Here we wish to describe briefly (1) an approach for analysis of the relationships between event 

context, social factors, and community impacts and (2) how the factor-by-factor analysis will be 

implemented. 

1.2.1 An Analytic Approach for the Use of Social Factors 
Our analytic approach to the analysis of the role of social factors in effecting community impacts is to 

assess the relationship between community impacts, social factors, and “event context” (characteristics of 

the event and biophysical characteristics of community environment). Our approach has the working 

assumption that social factors mediated between the event context and community impacts. That is, the 

EVOS event outcomes are a consequence of how specific context characteristics interact with the 

structures and processes of particular communities. In these interactions, the configuration of social 

factors, in particular, communities, may have produced different effects through exposure to the same 

event characteristics. For example, subsistence resources used by both Natives and non-Natives were 

damaged. These damages had similar functional effects, depriving individuals and families of subsistence 

food resources. However, the cultural meanings of subsistence resources (for example, research in some 

Native Alaskan communities has noted that the traditional exchange and sharing of wild foods hunted, 

fished, or gathered by individuals and families is an important link in the maintenance of community 

bonds and the fulfillment of social responsibilities) differs in Native and non-Native communities and 

thereby resulted in different effects. We will thus use social factors as a way to analyze how variable 

community effects were produced from exposure to the characteristics of the EVOS event. 

1.2.2 Implementation of the Factor-by-Factor Analysis 

Social impacts of the EVOS event were not uniform, and differed in severity, kind, and duration from one 

community to another. Our description of the application of each factor emphasizes how data will be 

aggregated from the literature to analyze how these factors mediated different outcomes from the oil spill, 

cleanup, and litigation. This analysis has two parts. The first considers each individual social factor and 

its relevant components, assessing how each mediated exposure to the oil spill and community impacts. 

The second considers the interactions among social factors and their components as they mediate 

community impacts. 

The purpose of the factor-by-factor analysis is to provide resource managers and community members 

with an understanding of how particular social variables contributed to community impacts associated 

with the Exxon Valdez oil spill, cleanup, and litigation. For example, interested parties will be able to 

read an analysis of social structure and its components to understand how these contributed to the overall 

patterning and distribution of community impacts This analysis will be completed by aggregating and 

synthesizing the literature cited in the bibliography. Codes will be assigned to the literature examined for 

the presence of a social factor and its components. We will then aggregate the relevant information and 

analyze how each social factor contributed to community impacts. 

This analysis will first categorize the aggregated information for each factor and then examine the themes 

and issues regarding the relationship between oil spill events, environmental context, and community 

impacts. Each source used in the analysis will be indexed so that the basis is clear for the interpretations 

and conclusions in the social factor analysis. Additionally, this factor-by-factor analysis will assess the 

relative priority of social factors affecting community impacts. This priority analysis will consider 

intensity of impacts, effects on population sub-groups (Natives, fishermen, cleanup workers), and the 

range of communities impacted. 

Individual social factors interact with each other (e.g., culture and social organization), in most contexts 

to influence or determine the meanings and processes of social life. The factor by analysis will also 

consider interactions among each factor and its components identified for this study. Based on our review 

of the literature so far and our review of the literature regarding technological disasters, we expect that 

this analysis will illustrate how interactions among social factors contribute to outcomes that are not 

accounted for by any single social factor. Additionally, we expect the patterning of relationships among 

factors will also account for variation among communities in the impacts experienced when the 
“exposure” and context conditions seem similar. Our focus will be to connect the interactions among 

social factors with outcomes related to phases and conditions of the EVOS event. 

1.3 SOCIAL FACTORS AND TECHNOLOGICAL DISASTERS 

It was apparent to those who lived in the communities in the path of the spill that the threat to their 

environment was also a threat to their way of life, to their expectations about a future, and the connection 

of that future with their past. None of the rhetoric about the volume of oil spilled, or the number of otter 

and bird deaths, could overshadow the difficulties of the people of Prince William Sound, Kodiak Island 

and the Gulf of Alaska who experienced the Exxon Valdez oil spill as a calamity thrust upon their lives 

and future. In terms of sociocultural effects, the cleanup effort and litigation phase are as important as the 

primary spill event itself. As time has passed and more research has emerged, the EVOS event has 

become an exemplar of a type of disaster in which individuals, families, and entire communities 

experience not only the relatively short-term immediate physical effects of the disaster itself, but also 

more long-term social and psychological distress generated by the ambiguous nature of the disaster event 

and the variety of responses to it. This “new species of trouble” as Kai Erikson labels it creates 

uncertainty, dread, and a changed relationship of individuals and communities with their environment. 

As Erikson observes, 

. . . when the dread is lasting and pronounced, the spectacle of a failed 

technology can become the spectacle of a failed environment as well. This is an outlook 

born of the sense that poisons are now lodged in the tissues of the body, that the 

surrounding country-side is contaminated as well, that the whole natural envelope in 

which people live out their lives has become defiled and unreliable (Erikson: 1991: 24). 

Yet, in this new species of trouble – the technological disaster – it is not only the environment, the 

natural envelope of human experience, that has become unreliable, but also many of the social institutions 

and processes upon which communities rely for social cohesiveness and support. Indeed, a reading of the 

technological disaster literature suggests that a defining characteristic of these events is damage to 

community, to individuals, to ways of life, and to the worldviews that attribute meaning to human 

experience (Shilnyk 1985). This loss of, or damage to, the sense of community, the loss of trust in 

government and corporate institutions, and the disruption of ‘lifescapes’ in technological disasters have 

consequences that social scientists have described (Edelstein 1988). Again, Erikson in commenting on 

the mercury poisoning of waters used by an Ojibwa community has a meaningful observation about 

damage to community institutions and processes: 

When survivors suffer from loss of community as well as from individual shock, 

it is not just a question of getting them back on their feet but of seeing to it that there is 

some kind of communal ground, as it were, for them to stand on once they are upright. 

We can dress their physical wounds, provide food and shelter and clothing, console them 

for their losses, ease their grief, find ways to calm their anxieties. But until we restore the 

communal surroundings that was so vital to their sense of health and security, they will 

remain like refugees in their own land, damaged in spirit long after they have been put 

together again in body, and feeling a long way from home (Erikson 1985:xvii in Shilnyk 

1985). 

The trauma suffered by individuals from such events becomes compounded when the processes of 

community are also damaged. Traditional support systems become less efficient or unavailable and other 

community resources that protect communities from being overwhelmed by disasters are undermined. 

Individuals and communities become at risk for compounded social and psychological effects that seem 

unpredictable. Indeed, it is this compounding of individual and community effects that often leads to the 
sense of chaos that pervades these events, that contributes to unexpected outcomes and disruption in 

community life. Yet, in the case of the EVOS event, patterns were seen in its community impacts. What 

may have been unexpected at the community level can, in retrospect, be understood from an analytic 

perspective, and this is where social factors analysis can assist in facilitating understanding of events and 

processes associated with the EVOS event. 

1.4 THE EXXON VALDEZ AS A TECHNOLOGICAL DISASTER 

In a number of communities, the oil spilled from the wrecked Exxon Valdez altered the lives of many 

Alaskans just as surely it as blackened beaches and damaged wild resources. The spill and subsequent 

related events generated social impacts at all levels within the social structure or organization. In 

additional to having an influence on individuals, the spill and associated events altered community 

activities, and the relationships between individuals and groups in communities. For example, because of 

the oil spill and cleanup, fishermen did not fish and Native Alaskan subsistence hunters did not hunt, 

influencing all of the relationships that intertwine with these activities. Others experienced their lives as 

forever changed for a variety of reasons. Some businesses lost money while others gained large profits, 

creating ‘spillionaires’ out of, for example, former plumbers, fishermen, and refrigerator repairmen who 

went to work on the cleanup effort. Friends and neighbors sometimes argued over differences about the 

spill, and especially the ‘morality’ of working for Exxon (who paid for and ultimately organized the 

cleanup effort), creating (or exacerbating) social divisions between neighbors and former friends. Others 

argued over inequities in opportunities, and money lost and gained in the cleanup effort. On the family 

level, parents and children argued over the same issues. On the individual level, some persons 

experienced depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, and other types of clinical disorders while 

others were angry, fearful, and, in their words, "stressed." People in both Native and non-Native 

communities were concerned about the toxic effects of the spilled oil. 

For communities in the path of the oil spill, as well as for some near the path that experienced damage to 

their resource base, such individual and social tensions were among the pervasive consequences of the 

EVOS event. Yet, in the early days of the spill, the focus of attention by the media, the spiller, and 

various governmental entities was on natural resources damages. Indeed, to the world at large, the spill 

has become known solely as an ‘environmental disaster.’ Most Exxon Valdez Trustee Council studies 

(whether damage assessment or aimed at restoration) focus on the oil spill event itself as the cause for 

effects upon biological (natural) resources. Although both cleanup efforts and litigation phases had the 

potential to effect biological/ecological resources, Exxon Valdez Trustee Council studies and projects 

more-or-less ignore such potential effects (archaeological studies did assess the effect of cleanup efforts 

on cultural resources). No Exxon Valdez Trustee Council study focuses on the litigation phase, and 

effects on the human population of Prince William Sound have more generally not been examined. 

It is also important to recognize that there have been other types of social impacts in communities that 

may or may not have experienced the acute social disruption found in some spill area communities. An 

example of this are the continuing social impacts that are being generated by the ‘restoration’ process, 

whereby land status is changing, altering relationships between communities, and groups within 

communities, and the local resource base. Not all social impacts have been seen as negative by any 

means, nor have ‘new’ social impacts stopped occurring nearly a decade after the spill. 

What is essential about the EVOS event as a technological disaster is its effects on human communities. 

Natural resource damages were, and are, significant, but communities also have economic, social, 

cultural, and spiritual relationships with those resources. As we have noted earlier, the literature about 

technological disasters suggests that social characteristics and processes of particular communities effects 

how impacts are experienced. We wish to emphasize here that our analysis of the relationship of 
exposure to the EVOS event and community impacts will emphasize how social factors and their 

components contributed to the patterning and distribution of impacts experienced. 

1.5 THE DISTRIBUTION OF COMMUNITY IMPACTS AND SOCIAL FACTORS 

The EVOS event altered social processes and relationships in Alaskan communities, but how these 

changed varied from community to community. Indeed, there was a continuum of experience where 

some communities experienced the spill as ‘socially corrosive’ while in others the effects were perceived 

as short term and only minimally disruptive. Despite the environmental and social damages of the EVOS 

event, there are perceptions that there were positive community outcomes including infrastructure 

development, habitat protection, acquisition of new lands for habitat protection, increased environmental 

awareness, and renewed interest in participation in community leadership. An understanding of the 

variation in the patterning of impacts and in the role of social factors in contributing to these patterns and 

their variations is essential to our analysis. 

In some communities the EVOS event was extremely divisive. The ‘social turbulence’ (the disruption of 

community functions and relationships) that accompanied the event was in some cases related to the 

issues of blame and responsibility. A discourse developed among community members and groups about 

what was right and wrong, what was moral and what was reprehensible. This type of discourse was 

especially present during the cleanup and litigation phases. As an example, one theme that was prevalent 

during the cleanup in Kodiak, Cordova, and Homer concerned the ‘morality’ of accepting what was 

sometimes termed ‘Exxon blood money.’ A community dialog develop among those who became labeled 

‘purists’ and those who were labeled as ‘realists.’ The purists argued that accepting any money from 

Exxon was immoral because the intent of Exxon offering high paying jobs was to ‘pay off’ local residents 

and to keep them quiet. From the point of view of the ‘purists,’ those who took such money were 

accepting money for unacceptable behaviors, and the label ‘Exxon whores’ came into use. On the other 

hand, the ‘realists’ perceived their livelihood and economic future as threatened. Mortgages and boat 

payments had to be paid and food put on the table. It was necessary to take Exxon's money to survive, 

even if the cleanup effort did not appear to be a sincere or an effective undertaking. The realists and 

purists often engaged in acrimonious public debates about the morality of their respective positions. A 

consequence of these debates was divisiveness that loosened the bonds among individuals and diminished 

the overall sense of community. 

Although diverse communities experienced a social impact such as “community disruption” the processes 

that generated such disruption varied. In some communities disruption was the result of moral discourse 

about the cleanup while in others it was the bleeding off of leadership to work on the cleanup, or the 

interruption of usual patterns of social interaction. An important analytic task of this project is to clarify 

the reasons for these chaotic circumstances and their distribution among Alaskan communities (as well as 

show how what was socially chaotic on the ground was part of a pattern when viewed from a larger or 

more distant perspective). To accomplish this analysis we will analyze particular social factors and the 

patterns of relationships among social factors. 

2.0 SOCIAL FACTOR CATEGORIES 

Social factors, the structures and processes with a specific configuration that construct a particular 

community, are the organizing concept for the factor-by-factor analysis and the basis for subsequent 

recommendations to natural resource managers. In this section we list specific social factors and their 

component parts that we expect to use in the factor-by-factor analysis. However, we also expect that this 

is a working list that will be revised as we examine the literature in more detail and discover new, or 

delete those, factors or components that do not contribute to understanding community impacts and their 

distribution. We also identify here two “context factors” – biophysical adaptation and event 
characteristics – which are essential to understanding how social factors mediated community impacts. 

We first describe each of the two context factors and then list the social factors to be used in the 

factor-by-factor analysis. 

2.1 CONTEXT FACTORS 

“Context factors” are different from “social factors.” Context factors address characteristics and 

processes of an environment which are external to community sociocultural characteristics. Social factors 

emphasize the internal configuration of sociocultural structures and processes in a community whereas 

context factors emphasize a set of “external” environmental conditions and events to which communities 

adapt. Context factors, like social factors, exhibit variability. For example, the availability of fish 

resources is a common context factor for coastal Alaskan communities, but the distribution and 

availability of specific resources to particular communities is variable. Similarly, the duration of the oil 

spill as an event was roughly the same for all communities, but the oiling of community beaches and 

property exhibited much more variability. Our analysis of the context factors will focus on defining the 

components which characterize the EVOS event and the biophysical adaptations of communities that are 

essential to understanding community impacts. 

2.1.1 Biophysical Environment and Natural Resource Cycles 

Natural resources and their annual cycles of availability are critically important for Alaskan rural 

communities. Indeed, the presence and availability of natural resources set conditions to which 

communities adapt, and these adaptations, in part, structure community life. Economic institutions and 

processes, cycles of harvest activities, community festivals and celebrations, values about important 

resources, and the organization of individual and community time and activity are examples of how 

adaptations to natural resource cycles and their biophysical context structure life in Alaskan communities. 

The most obvious use patterns are encompassed by such terms as “subsistence,” “logging,”“commercial 

fishing,” and “tourism.” Each of these represents a community adaptation to the presence and use of 

particular natural resources and their cycles. Any event that disrupts a particular environmental context 

and its natural resources is likely to result in impacts to communities that depend on those resources. 

Consequently, an understanding of the biophysical context and adaptations of Alaskan communities is a 

key factor for assessing community impacts of the EVOS event. 

Components of Biophysical Context 

Patterns of Resource Use 

C availability and diversity of resources used 

C activities associated with resource availability 

C patterns and cycles of resource use 

C community dependency on resources used 

C preferences and alternatives in resource use 

Social and Cultural Significance of Resources Used 

C institutional significance 

C economic importance of resources to community 

C lifestyle significance of resources used 

2.1.2 Event Characteristics 

The EVOS was not a single event that was experienced in the same way by all individuals and 

communities. Rather, some places were oiled more than others, some fisheries were disrupted and others 

were not, some community’s food supplies were threatened and others were not, cleanup activities varied 
in duration and structure, and some never saw an oiled bird or otter whereas others witnessed truck loads 

of dead birds, otters, and other wildlife. The event also has phases (the initial spill, the organization and 

implementation of a privatized cleanup, litigation, and restoration) that have affected communities and 

individuals differentially. Some communities experienced the spill as the most disruptive and destructive 

phase of the event while for others it was the cleanup, and in still others, restoration is perhaps having 

some of the most long lasting effects. An assessment of event characteristics sets the conditions for 

response by the natural and social environments of Prince William Sound and the Gulf of Alaska. 

Component Factors: 

Oil Spill Event Characteristics 

Conditions of Exposure 

Characteristics of the Cleanup 

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

timing of event occurrence

threats to resources and human health

duration of the event

event phases

natural and community resources

damaged

uncertainty about effects and outcomes

blame and responsibility

physically oiled

fishing grounds oiled

lifestyle and social disruption

media exposure

cleanup participation

social exposure, i.e. experiencing the

event through others in the community

structure and organization of a

privatized cleanup

local control and privatization

economic benefits and losses

effectiveness

duration

This listing of variables for describing event characteristics will require fine-tunning as we sift through 

the literature to extract those features which can effectively and economically capture the conditions to 

which Alaskan rural communities had to adapt. However, the major sub-categories of event 

characteristics, conditions of exposure, and cleanup characteristics offer a framework that should allow us 

to effectively describe how this event interacted with the sociocultural characteristics of Alaskan rural 

communities in the spill-effected region. 

2.2 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 

“Social organization” as a concept, describes the configuration of community social elements and their 

interconnections. This includes demographic, political, economic, religious, and other formal social 

institutions, as well as, less formal ones such as kinship and friendship networks, and voluntary 

organizations. The following components of social factors will be used in the factor-by-factor analysis. 
Demographic characteristics: Some of the most common correlates of differential sociocultural effects 

are demographic social factors. Demographic social factors combine biological properties of human 

populations with some social constructions – age, sex, ethnicity, absolute population size, residency, and 

immigration/emigration. 

Component Factors 

Population 

C size 

C permanent versus seasonal 

residency 

C sex/gender 

C age 

C immigration/emigration 

Ethnicity of community 

C Native 

C Non-Native 

C plural 

Political structure: the formal political organization of communities affects the types of resources 

communities have available to respond to events such as the EVOS event and their ability to access 

and/or mobilize non-local resources. Typically, Alaskan rural communities range from minimal formal 

political structure (no incorporated civil structure, no tribal organization) to complex organizational 

structures (city/village civil council, traditional/tribal council, IRA [Indian Reorganization Act] council, 

formal representation in borough assembly, other local representational groups). Some unincorporated 

Alaskan communities with no formal government may still operate under a cooperative home owners 

association or through a voluntary organization such as a local sportsmen’s club or service organization. 

An additional aspect of a community’s political structure is the degree of communication and the ease of 

coordination between political/governmental entities, since it may affect their ability to mobilize 

resources quickly. 

Component Factors 

C incorporated municipality (village/city) 

C unincorporated community 

C part of organized borough/outside of organized 

borough 

C tribal council (traditional/Indian Reorganization 

Act) 

C quasi-governmental entities (Native [Alaska 

Native Claims Settlement Act] corporations, home 

owners associations, local voluntary organizations that 

operate as a coordinating body) 

C site for county, state, federal offices 

Leadership: the breadth and depth of leadership resources influences the ability of a community to 

organize and implement a response to an event such as the oil spill. Some leadership resources are 

individuals who step forward and take responsibility during a crisis. Other resources exist in the formal 

institutions of a community such as the role of mayor or the chairman of a tribal council. Still other 

resources are organization, such as a fisherman’s union or chamber of commerce. Our consideration of 
leadership will include the range of individual and institutional resources that emerged during the EVOS 

event and influenced the nature of community impacts. 

Component Factors 

C presence and availability of institutional leadership 

resources 

C presence and availability of community-based resources 

C emergence of individual leaders 

C leadership burn-out 

C post-event presence and availability of leadership 

resources 

Multiplex social ties: where social ties overlap (i.e. are multiplex) rather than single interest, then the 

potential for certain types of effects increases. Multiplex social ties more commonly characterize smaller, 

more rural, communities and are especially prevalent in rural Alaskan communities, including Native 

communities. Populations tend to be small, limiting the “bodies” available to fill the social roles required 

for a functioning community. The smaller the available pool of people, the more likely it is that each will 

serve in several roles (wear more than one hat) and the more multiplex social interactions there will be. 

These types of ties are important for the social factor analysis because they dominate the character of 

face-to-face relationships in community life, an essential factor for assessing community impacts of the 

EVOS event. 

Component Factors 

C role of multiplex social ties in community 

leadership 

C multiplex social ties community-wide 

C role of multiplex ties in affecting community 

conflict and cooperation 

Kinship: this is a major documented organizing principle of social life in Native communities, and is 

important in non-Native communities as well (although usually more on an individual rather than an 

institutional basis). Although not as well documented, kinship (and quasi-kinship) networks certainly 

affected the patterns of response to the spill event in other rural Alaskan communities as well. “Kinship” 

could be included as a social factor under any of the previous headings, as it is fundamentally based upon 

demographic information (biological relationships of individuals), it often creates multiplex ties between 

people and families, and is commonly a central factor in community political structure and leadership. 

Kinship is also often a central mechanism for the distribution of resources and information within (and 

between) communities. 

“Kinship” as a concept is seldom absolute in any social context – in any behavioral context it is often 

fuzzy and ranges on a continuum from 100 percent connected to a very distant cousin indeed. People are 

quite inventive with kinship relations, and different researchers have examined kinship as a social factor 

in different ways. The expectations and obligations entailed in kinship relationships can affect the social 

consequences associated with a disaster: For example, research in Native communities has indicated that 

the EVOS event made it difficult for people to fulfill their obligations to share subsistence resources with 

elderly kin, and disrupted these systems of kin support. And research on technological threats and 

disasters indicates that the presence of certain kinship ties, such as being a parent with young children, 

increases a person’s perception that the event is serious and threatening. 
Component Factors 

C kinship-based community institutions/organizations – formal/informal 

C kinship-based sharing 

C kinship-based economic activity 

C role of kinship in buffering event related effects 

Community cohesiveness: the social solidarity within communities, the degree of “close-knit” patterns of 

association and interaction, is a factor that affects the availability of social support and the overall ability 

of communities to respond to disaster events. 

Component Factors 

C existing divisiveness 

C history of prior actions of community support in crises 

C institutional/organizational focus for community support 

C patterns of association and interaction that provide a basis for community action 

in crises 

Organizational resources (other than formal political structures): formal and informal organizational 

resources are often mobilized in disaster events to coordinate responses, communicate about ongoing 

events, and to provide resources to the community in the process of recovery. These can be organizations 

formally charged with disaster response-like activities (Search and Rescue, Fire Department, Emergency 

Response Team) or those with no apparent link to such activities (Lions Club, Chamber of Commerce). 

This is an important social factor that applies to all of the communities affected by the EVOS event. 

Component Factors 

C community institutional/organizational inventory 

C past disaster event experience 

C explicit existing emergency response plans 

C participation in Exxon Valdez Trustee Council process 

C participation in regional organizations (Regional Citizen’s Advisory Council, 

etc.) 

Extra-community resources: the ability to extend within-community resources by drawing on linkages 

with other communities and other private and political entities can expand the infrastructure, expertise, 

and material resources brought to bear in a disaster. Few communities have the resources on hand to 

manage major disasters, and therefore, the access to additional resources, often achieved through persons 

or organizations with wider connections, can moderate impacts. 

Component Factors 

C community provides local headquarters for national or state 

businesses/government offices 

C access to extra-community resources through community members 

C community is a place of interest/value to those outside the community 

Information/communication resources: the ability of communities to discover what is happening in a 

disaster, to communicate that to its citizens in a manner considered reliable and trustworthy, and then to 

provide communication channels to its citizens and other affected parties is a social factor that influences 

the effects experienced in these types of events. The timeliness with which information is gathered and 

disseminated can affect a community’s ability to respond to and prevent some of the damaging 
consequences of a disaster. This is certainly related to organizational resources available to facilitate 

information gathering and communication. 

Component Factors: 

C existence of local media (radio, television, newspaper, other) 

C existence of local infrastructure (roads, boardwalks, sidewalks, piers, airstrips) 

and physical continuity of the community 

C existence of local regular meeting groups (church, governing bodies, discussion 

groups) 

C local membership in regional, state, and national voluntary organizations 

C actions to disseminate information about EVOS event issues 

Legal resources: technological disaster events often involve the issues of blame, responsibility, and legal 

action. Access to legal resources by communities and individuals within communities can affect the 

overall impacts experienced. The availability of other kinds of expertise can also serve to moderate 

impacts, though the kinds of expertise needed may be particular to the disaster. Those capable of 

providing expertise may be involved in direct work on the disaster. In the EVOS event case, municipal 

work, health and mental health expertise, child care provision, accounting, and prior experience in 

managing large operations and responding to disasters were skills sought. 

Component Factors: 

C local legal expertise 

C prior local legal experience 

C locally perceived interests 

C unity of locally perceived interests 

C locally perceived conflicts of interest 

C local financial resources to provide for legal representation 

Emergent organizations: these types of groups characterize responses to technological disasters in 

general and they were salient within communities exposed to the EVOS event. These groups can act to 

foment social conflict and also to provide social support to members of impacted communities. Most of 

the literature on technological disasters mentions the formation of citizen organizations designed to 

provide information on the course of the disaster and propose solutions, and to hold accountable those 

considered responsible. Often, the formation of emergent organizations occurs when public/governmental 

action or the provision of information is considered inadequate or untrustworthy. There are also 

instances, such as that described in Seward, Alaska (IAI 1990 [Final Report]), in which organizations 

arise after an event to coordinate response to the disaster, and they act to increase the effectiveness of 

existing organizational structures. 

Component Factors 

C volunteer or government organizations formed to respond to the event 

C stated functions of emergent organizations, including advocacy (such as social, 

environmental, and oil industry advocacy), litigation, information dissemination, 

oversight, resource collection and distribution, cleanup activities, and provision of 

organizational structure and coordination 

C activism of emergent organizations, including high, medium, and low levels of 

activism 

C post-event persistence of organizations and their community role 
Litigation participation: this factor can act to increase social tensions and divisiveness as well as to 

promote social solidarity among some individuals within communities. 

Component Factors 

C individual or group lawsuit 

C target of lawsuit (such as federal government, Exxon Corporation, other 

community members) 

C duration of lawsuit 

Oil industry participation: this factor applies specifically to Valdez and to communities on the Kenai 

peninsula. Social divisiveness and community cohesiveness were each affected by the presence of the oil 

industry in affected communities. 

Component Factors 

C oil industry employees among community members 

C community is a site for oil company businesses, but most oil business employees 

are non-residents of the community 

C oil businesses and employees reside in the community 

C presence of other well-developed economic and community sectors 

2.3 ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS 

The economic institutions and processes of Alaskan coastal communities are highly dependent on the 

natural resources damaged by the oil spill. Furthermore, the privatization of the cleanup also resulted in 

effects on local economies that in part mitigated some of economic effects of resource damages, but also 

had other consequences for impacted communities. Consequently, it is essential to consider the economic 

characteristics and processes of these communities in our factor-by-factor analysis. The specific 

components we will include in this analysis are enumerated below. 

Component Factors 

C natural resource dependency: the more communities are 

dependent on natural resources for their economic structure, the more likely they 

are to have economic effects related to the EVOS event. 

C economic sectors and economic diversification: the less 

economically diverse a community is, the more likely that it would be 

affected/disrupted by spill event activities (spill itself, cleanup, and/or litigation). 

This is a corollary to the above factor, but its importance is that it points to the 

differences in effects related to the degree of economic diversity among 

communities effected by the EVOS event. 

C fishing sector diversity: communities such as Cordova, with less 

diversity in the fishing industry than communities such as Kodiak, were affected 

more by the EVOS event. Each of these communities is dependent on fishing, 

but there are more sectors (vessel types, processors, species harvested and 

processed) within the Kodiak industry than in Cordova. This is a factor that 

applies across the impacted communities. 

C subsistence participation: within Alaskan rural communities 

subsistence is an important economic as well as a cultural factor. For this reason, 

even though it is an important component of rural Alaskan economies, it is 

treated separately below. 
C cleanup participation: the cleanup provided a source of income 

to affected communities that had far reaching economic and social effects. 

C Exxon Valdez Trustee Council project participation (as paid 

employee or consultant) 

C employment/unemployment: Pre-event unemployment levels 

may have some relation to rates of cleanup participation and subsequent effects. 

Cleanup participation may have fostered or exacerbated labor supply problems 

for more “stable” community economic sectors. Length of employment (during 

any year) may be useful as a measure of seasonality of wage or other 

employment. 

C sources and distribution of income and mean income per capita 

are social factors that may well differentiate communities experiencing different 

effects from the EVOS event. 

C restoration fund investments in local resources (land/habitat 

purchase/easement, infrastructure development) 

2.4 CULTURE 

Culture is the system of beliefs, values, and worldviews that communities use to interpret and assign 

meaning to objects, events, relationships, and social conditions. Culture and its elements such as beliefs 

and values and cultural knowledge are not uniformly distributed within a society. When a novel event 

occurs individuals or groups may differentially interpret, assign meanings, and value what occurs as a 

consequence of that event. The extent of cultural homogeneity and heterogeneity can have consequences 

for how an event is understood within a community and for the impacts experienced. Furthermore, an 

“organizational culture” or “governmental culture” may perceive an event according to values, beliefs, 

and knowledge that are significantly different than those of a “community culture.” Such differences can 

be significantly magnified when there are non-Western cultures involved such as occurred with Native 

cultures in the EVOS event. Culture is thus an essential factor to consider for evaluating the impacts of 

the EVOS event because it frames how the event is understood, evaluated, and how impacted were 

themselves defined and experienced. 

Cultural values and beliefs: communities assign importance to, and priorities among, ways of living, 

beliefs, and objects that we can term “cultural values.” Values are embedded within larger cultural 

meaning systems that allow us to interpret, for example, why the oiling of an archaeological site has a 

different impact on Native than non-Native communities. 

Component Factors 

C homogeneity/heterogeneity of values among event participants 

C differences in “organizational” and “community” values 

C values and meaning about the significance and use of 

natural resources 

C valuations of damaged natural and community resources 

Risk perception: individuals and groups assess the type and degree of risk associated with exposure to an 

event and its effects on their lives. This is an important cultural factor for consideration of the overall 

effects of the EVOS event. Here risk perception includes the idea of what constitutes acceptable risk, 

signs and signals of threat, and the degree and kinds of threat posed by an event. Risk perceptions can 

vary between communities, between community sectors and individuals, and between communities and 

external organizations and groups. These perceptions may be partly influenced by conditions such as the 

presence of vulnerable individuals in a family or community, or the economic base of the community or 
sector. Such perceptions of risk and threat are central to technological disasters in general and they have 

specific applicability to the EVOS event where individuals and sometimes entire communities perceived 

the risks and threats posed by the spill very different than the spiller and government institutions. 

Component Factors 

C signs and signals of threat 

C assessment of risk types (e.g., economic, health risk, community’s future) 

C assessment of potential damages (e.g., degree, long/short term) 

C assessments of recovery potential 

C perceptions of damaged “home” 

Natural resource orientation: within and across communities and between communities and the spiller, 

there were diverse orientations to the value and use of natural resources. The classic difference is among 

those who value natural resources for their economic importance and those who value such resources for 

their lifestyle or spiritual significance. These are not always necessarily in conflict, but these differences 

in how people think about natural resources plays a part in the assessments of damages and the meaning 

of “recovery.” 

Component Factors 

C kind of natural resource orientation, including 

enjoyment, sense of responsibility for the environment, use for hunting and 

fishing, other sports 

C frequency and traditional nature of use/enjoyment of 

natural resources and settings 

C environmental/oil orientation: the orientation to 

environmental activism and especially to oil industry issues is a factor that 

affected how some communities responded and their participation in litigation 

and other actions during and after the spill 

Sense of place and community: these concepts integrate the values, orientations, and activities of people 

who live in a “place” such as a “village” or “town.” Sense of place extends an understanding of a 

“village” from a sociopolitical entity in a particular geographical place to one which addresses how 

activity, values, and space integrate to something larger. This “sense of place and community” is about 

the meanings people attribute to their homes and its environment; and it is about what is preferred, 

desired, and expected in how a home and its surrounding landscapes should look and be used. This is a 

corollary of values and natural resource orientations that integrates and extends both of those concepts for 

our analysis of which aspects of culture affected how communities were impacted by the EVOS event. 

Component Factors 

C ancestral associations with community and locale 

C historical/religious interest in locale 

C value of community as “home” 

C existence of “special” places 

C integration of lifestyle and place 

C attachment to place 

2.5 SOCIAL HEALTH 

The ability of a community to respond to a crisis and maintain its “social equilibrium” is a working 

definition of social health. When communities cannot respond to crises there may be indicators such as 
increased crime and other psychosocial conditions (e.g., substance and alcohol abuse) and the breakdown 

of social support. Some of these social health factors can compound or extend the impacts from other 

factors, and can be analyzed both as social indicators and as factors that contribute to the long-term health 

of a community. 

Component Factors 

C social support resources: these resources can be formal 

(i.e., clinics, hospitals, counseling services) or informal (voluntary associations, 

friendship networks) and affect the ability of communities to respond to crises. 

C substance and alcohol use: these are common indicators 

of the social health of communities. While these are most obviously social 

effects, it is also possible that increased reliance on these substances in times of 

stress or economic boom may have been a factor contributing to other social 

effects such as crime and domestic violence. 

C domestic violence/disturbance: these social factors may 

increase in response to disaster events; they may compound other social effects 

(such as the strain on health services) and may extend the duration of particular 

impacts (especially those related to social health) through their influences on the 

lives of children. 

C crime: increases or decreases in crime can be an 

indicator of changes in the social health of communities and can itself be a source 

of additional impacts . 

C mental health: as with crime, this can also be an 

indicator of the overall social health of a community, and may also be a social 

factor itself. 

2.6 SUBSISTENCE 

“Subsistence” encompasses far more than the individual behavioral patterns of harvesting, processing, 

distributing, and consuming/using natural resources for personal subsistence. Rather, these activities 

constitute a community (and more loosely regional) pattern of activities potentially interconnecting every 

household in any given community, and a significant number between communities. Shared kinship 

relationships within a land-oriented way of life are the most common idioms and ideology of subsistence. 

Individual and community social factors related to subsistence are listed below. 

Component Factors 

C number and percentage of community households using 

subsistence resources 

C number and percentage of community households 

harvesting subsistence resources 

C number and percentage of community households 

sharing subsistence resources 

C number of different subsistence resources used, 

harvested, and shared 

C frequency of use of subsistence resources 

C per capita subsistence harvest 

C access (method) to subsistence resources 

C integration of subsistence with commercial activities 

(especially fishing) 
Access to Resources 

C restrictions on access to subsistence resources, for 

reasons of human health or the health of the species 

C availability of subsistence resources: perceived increase 

or decrease in the availability of subsistence resources 

Subsistence Hunting 

C frequency of subsistence hunting 

C number of species/kinds of resources hunted 

C success of hunting: perceived increase or decrease in the 

success of subsistence hunting 

C anticipation of future reliance on hunting 

C distance covered, time and effort expended to hunt 

(relates to perceived species availability) 

Resource Use 

C sharing and maintaining social ties 

C primary food source, secondary food source 

C enculturation about community values, cultural history, knowledge of local 

geography, social roles, hunting methods, methods of subsistence food preparation, 

values and beliefs about the natural environment 

Subsistence social factors combine with other, more general social factors, to produce greater or lesser 

effects upon individual and community subsistence activities. Examples of such “other social factors” are 

proximity to the spill event, demographic and ethnic characteristics of the community, and economic 

characteristics. 

REFERENCES 

Couch, J. and J.S. Kroll-Smith 

1991 Communities at Risk: Collective Responses to Technological Hazards. 

New York: Peter Lang. 

Drabek, T.E. 

1986 Human Systems Response to Disaster. New York: Srpinger-Verlag. 

Dunlap, R.E., M.E. Kraft, E.A. Rosa (eds) 

1993 Public Reactions to Nuclear Waste; Citizen’s Views of Nuclear Waste. 

Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press. 

Edelstein, Michael 

1988 Contaminated Communities: The Social and Psychological Impacts of 

Residential Toxic Exposure. Boulder: Westview Press. 
Erikson, Kai 

1991 "A New Species of Trouble. in S. Couch and J.S. Kroll-Smith (eds.) 

Communities at Risk. pp:11-30. New York: Peter Lang. 

1994 A new species of trouble : explorations in disaster, trauma, and 

community. New York : W.W. Norton & Co. 

Impact Assessment, Inc. (IAI) 

1990a Analysis of fiscal impacts to local jurisdictions of the Exxon Valdez oil 

spill. Prepared for Oiled Mayors Subcommittee, Alaska Conference of Mayors. Interim 

Report Number 1. La Jolla, CA: Impact Assessment, Inc. 

1990b Public and private sector economic impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. 

Prepared for Oiled Mayors Subcommittee, Alaska Conference of Mayors. Interim Report 

Number 2. La Jolla, CA: Impact Assessment, Inc. 

1990c Social and psychological impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill: for the 

economic, social and psychological impact assessment of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. 

Prepared for Oiled Mayors Subcommittee, Alaska Conference of Mayors. Interim Report 

Number 3. La Jolla, CA: Impact Assessment, Inc. 

1990d Economic, social, and psychological impact assessment of the Exxon 

Valdez oil spill: final report. Prepared for Oiled Mayors Subcommittee, Alaska 

Conference of Mayors. La Jolla, CA: Impact Assessment, Inc. 

Kasperson, R.E., O. Renn, P. Slovic, H.S. Brown, J. Emel, R. Gobel, and J.X. Kasperson. 

1988 The social amplification of risk: A conceptual framework. Risk 

Analysis, 8: 177-987. 

Kroll-Smith, J.S. and S.R. Couch 

1990 The Real Disaster is Above Ground: A Mine Fire and Social Conflict. 

Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. 

Picou, J. Steven. 

1992 Distribution and stress in an Alaskan fishing community: initial and 

continuing impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Industrial Crisis Quarterly 1992, 6, 3, 

235-25 

Picou, S. J. , D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen eds. 

1997 The Exxon Valdez disaster; readings on a modern social problem. 

Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co. 

Picou, S.J., D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen. 

1997 The Exxon Valdez oil spill as a technological disaster: conceptualizing a 

social problem. In “The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern social problem,” 

eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 3-17. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing 

Co. 
Russell, John C., Michael A. Downs, John S. Petterson, and Lawrence A. Palinkas 

1996 Psychological and social impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In 

Proceedings of the Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium, eds. S.D. Rice, R.B. Spies, D.A. 

Wolfe, and B.A. Wright, 867-878. Bethesda, MD: American Fisheries Society. 

Slovic, P. 

1987 Perception of Risk. Science 236, 280-285. 

Shilnyk, A. 

1985 A Poison Stronger Than Love: The Destruction of an Ojibwa 

Community. New Haven: Yale University Press. 

Wallace, Anthony 

1961 Culture and Personality. Studies in Anthropology, AS1. New York: 

Random House. 
Exxon Valdez Oil Spill, Cleanup, and Litigation:

A Collection of Social-Impacts Information and Analysis

Final Report, Volume IV:

Introduction to the

Final Annotated Bibliography and Abstracts

Prepared for: 

Michael Baffrey, Contracting Officer’s Technical Representative

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Environmental Studies Section

949 East 36th Avenue, Suite 300

Anchorage, Alaska 99508-4363

Prepared by: 

Impact Assessment, Inc. 

2166 Avenida de la Playa, Suite F 

La Jolla, California 92037 

August 2001 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 

1.0 INTRODUCTION

2.0 UNIFORM BIBLIOGRAPHIC FORMAT

2.1 BIBLIOGRAPHIC FORMAT EXAMPLES

2.2 ANNOTATION/ABSTRACT EXAMPLES

3.0 DEVELOPMENT OF KEY WORDS

3.1 BACKGROUND

3.2 CHOICE OF A KEYWORD APPROACH

3.3 KEYWORD LISTING

3.4 APPLICATION OF KEYWORD CODING TO ANNOTATIONS/ABSTRACTS

3.5 EXAMPLES OF KEYWORD CODING

4.0 DEVELOPMENT OF DATA BASE STRUCTURE AND REPORTING REQUIREMENTS

5.0 FINAL ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHIC LISTING

6.0 FULL KEY WORD LISTING
1.0 INTRODUCTION 

The central focus of this Annotated Bibliography and Abstracts is to identify, examine, assign keywords, 

annotate, and selectively abstract the major sources regarding the oil spill, cleanup, and litigation for 1989 

to date. By design, this work has focused on those sources that indicate the effects on the human 

environment in the spill affected area. Per our study plan, and discussions with MMS, we have defined 

the spill affected area as including the following communities: 

Kodiak Island Alaska Peninsula Kenai Peninsula Prince Wm. Sound 

Kodiak Chignik Bay Kenai ValdezAkhiok Chignik Lagoon 

Soldotna Cordova 

Karluk Chignik Lake Seward Whittier 

Larsen Bay Perryville Homer Chenega Bay 

Old Harbor Seldovia Tatitlek 

Ouzinkie Port Graham 

Port Lions Nanwalek 

In the development of this Annotated Bibliography and Abstracts, work proceeded through several stages. 

The stages of this process included: 

• Development of a uniform bibliographic format 

• Development of key words 

• Development a data base structure and specification of reporting requirements 

• Collecting, examining, coding, annotating, and selectively abstracting sources 

This document is organized around a discussion of these stages in turn, with the final point illustrated by 

the annotated bibliography and abstracts themselves. 

2.0 UNIFORM BIBLIOGRAPHIC FORMAT 

In order to accomplish the end goals of this project, it is necessary to have a uniform bibliographic format 

that accommodates books, articles, and unpublished sources. The most important criterion for this format 

is that it allows any reader the ability to locate a source in a library, bookstore, or through computerized 

searches of Internet and other electronic sources. We have generally followed the bibliographic formats 

for sources as specified in the Chicago Manual of Style (CMS). For books, articles, and unpublished 

sources we have used an author and date format. Variations in source types have generally been recorded 

according to the formats specified in the CMS, although there may some instances where we have 

deviated from those formats. Further, it is important to note that there is not a 'single’ CMS style for most 

types of entries but, rather, a range of options. For this project, we have made selections within these 

options, which are presented a following section. We would emphasize we are now at an early stage in 

the study process, and the choices we have made represent our best estimate of what will be the most 

useful for this project, i.e., there is no single ‘right way’ to fashion entries. 

The format for specific components of the bibliography for books, articles, and unpublished entries is 

described in detail in Chapter 16 of the CMS. We have generally used this format, following what the 

CMS describes as a “type B” (University of Chicago Press: 439ff.) format which is generally followed by 

those in the natural and social sciences. This format (including our choices among the optional styles) has 

the following distinguishing characteristics: (1) the authors full names rather than initials are used; (2) the 

date of publication comes after the authors name(s); (3) a “down style” or small caps are used for all 

words in a title except the first word and proper nouns, and the same convention is used with journal and 
popular article titles, while journal source titles (such as Business Week, and Ecology Law Review) are 

capitalized; (4) no quotation marks are used around article titles; (5) quotation marks are used around 

book titles when the chapters are abstracted; (6) abbreviations for journal names may be used; and (7) 

periods are used after each main segment of an entry. 

2.1 BIBLIOGRAPHIC FORMAT EXAMPLES 

Following are several examples of the bibliographic format that we propose for the final bibliography. 

Books 

Davidson, Art. 1990. In the wake of the Exxon Valdez: the devastating impact of the 

Alaska oil spill. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books. 

Spencer, Page. 1990. White silk and black tar: a journal of the Alaska oil spill. 

Minneapolis: Bergamot Press. 

Chapters in Books 

Fall, James and L.J. Field. 1996. Subsistence uses of fish and wildlife before and after 

the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In “Proceedings of the Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium,” eds. S.D. 

Rice, R.B. Spies, D.A. Wolfe, and B.A. Wright, 819-836. Bethesda, MD: American Fisheries 

Society. 

Hirsch, William B. 1997. Justice delayed: seven years later and no end in sight. In “The 

Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern social problem,” eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and 

M.J. Cohen, 271-303. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co. 

Popular Articles 

Drew, Lisa. 1990. Truth and consequences along oiled shores. National Wildlife 

28(4):34 (9 pages). 

Hodgson, Bryan. 1989. Alaska’s big spill: can the wilderness heal? National 

Geographic 177(1):5-43. 

Academic Articles 

Dyer, Christopher L. 1993. Tradition loss as secondary disaster: long-term cultural 

impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Sociological Spectrum, 13(1):65-88. 

Palinkas, Lawrence A., John S. Petterson, John C. Russell, and Michael A. Downs. 1993. 

Community patterns of psychiatric disorders after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. American Journal of 

Psychiatry, 150(10):1517 (7 pages). 

Reports 

Donald, Robert, Richard Cook, Rose Fong Bixby, Robert Benda, and Aron Wolf. 1990. 

The stress related impacts of the Valdez oil spill on the residents of Cordova and Valdez: a 

comparative study conducted by the Valdez counseling center. Valdez: Valdez Counseling 

Center. 
Impact Assessment, Inc. 1990. Social and psychological impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil 

spill: for the economic, social and psychological impact assessment of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. 

Prepared for Oiled Mayors Subcommittee, Alaska Conference of. Mayors. Interim Report 

Number 3. La Jolla, Calif.: Impact Assessment, Inc. 

A Note on Newspaper Articles and Sources 

There are a vast number of newspaper articles on the EVOS, and a variety of research 

resources that index and, in only a few cases store, these newspaper articles. It is beyond the 

scope of this project to annotate and abstract all these articles, and it would be difficult to 

determine the most significant or representative newspaper articles for inclusion. Most of 

Anchorage Daily News (ADN) coverage for the early period deals with the details of the spill, its 

chronology, the cleanup effort and its logistics. The ADN coverage (at least at this stage) does 

not seem to have much of a concern with the potential socioeconomic effects of the EVOS --

although their articles tend to be longer than those of the contemporary Anchorage Times (AT) 

coverage. For this CD-ROM, a limited number of newspaper stories or accounts have been 

annotated, primarily from the early period of the EVOS from the Anchorage papers. In addition, 

a database containing headlines from national newspapers was searched. This database contains 

over 1,020 references to the Exxon Valdez oil spill, from 1989 to 1997. Newspaper titles from 

1995 through 1997 have been included here, and keywords provided. The rationale for focusing 

upon this time period is that articles and books about these years have yet to be published; 

focusing on this time-frame offers more recent information, especially on the litigation period, 

than is accessible through a review of other source types. The articles are listed chronologically 

rather than by author, since newspapers have different practices with respect to by-lines and the 

identification of authorship. Keywords have been attached to these references. 

A limited number of organizations maintain newspaper archives related to the EVOS. 

Those of most potential importance are the Anchorage Daily News (Alaska's largest newspaper), 

the Alaska Resource Library and Information Service (ARLIS -- the collective library for federal 

agencies in Anchorage), and the Z.J. Loussac Public Library (in Anchorage). Each of these is 

"annotated" as a source in Volume V, the Final Annotated Bibliography and Abstracts. In sum, 

Volume V, the Annotated Bibliography and Abstracts, presents limited article annotations from 

the two major Alaskan newspapers during March and April of 1989, and limited annotations from 

national newspapers for the time period 1994 to 1997, along with brief annotations of the major 

Alaskan newspaper archives. 

2.2 ANNOTATION/ABSTRACT EXAMPLES 

In terms of format, in the bibliography a space and the word ‘NOTATION’ (in all caps) has been inserted 

between the citation and the annotations and abstracts, and the word ‘SOURCE’ precedes each source 

listing. In general, an abstract will override an annotation: there will not be both an annotation and an 

abstract for a single source. For our purposes, an annotation is one or two sentences that indicate the 

content of a source. An abstract is several sentences to a paragraph long that describes the major findings 

and issues in the source relevant to the purpose of this study. A two-column format and other layout 

features have been avoided in order to accommodate the formatting requirements of AskSam, the 

program that will allow searches of the bibliography on CD-ROM. The general format for recording 

information is indicated below. 

Citation: Authors(s) date. Title. Volume. Series. City of publication: Publisher. 
Annotation/Abstract 

The following is an example of a more developed annotation/abstract as it appears in the draft final 

bibliography. (Please note that it does not contain keyword codes or social factor codes, which are 

discussed in a subsequent section.) 

SOURCE[ Fall, James and L.J. Field. 1996. Subsistence uses of fish and wildlife before 

and after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In “Proceedings of the Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium,” 

eds. S.D. Rice, R.B. Spies, D.A. Wolfe, and B.A. Wright, 819-836. Bethesda, MD: American 

Fisheries Society. ] 

NOTATION[ In the year following the oil spill, the 2200 residents of 15 native Alaskan 

communities reduced their harvest of subsistence resources as well as the variety of resources 

harvested. In 10 villages harvests decreased by about 77% because of fears about oil 

contamination. In response to community concerns, the Oil Spill Health Task Force initiated a 

study of subsistence foods (finfish, invertebrates, and marine mammals) for aromatic 

contaminants. Findings indicated invertebrates were the most susceptible to contamination. 

Efforts to communicate findings to Native communities met with mixed results. Two and three 

years after the spill, contamination fears persisted, although subsistence harvests increased. ] 

The following provides an example of a brief annotation: 

SOURCE[ Drew, Lisa. 1990. Truth and consequences along oiled shores. National 

Wildlife, 28(4):34 (9 pages).] 

NOTATION[ This popular article represents an overview of local efforts to respond to 

the oil spill by Alaskans, including some inventions to aid in cleanup, and the formation of 

organizations. ] 

3.0 DEVELOPMENT OF KEY WORDS 

Key words are intended to reflect the topics of entries in the bibliographic data base and thereby aid data 

base searches by specific topics or concepts. That is, a “key word” should reflect the topical content of a 

source that is relevant to the purpose of this study: determining the social effects of the Exxon Valdez oil 

spill, cleanup, and litigation. 

3.1 BACKGROUND 

Our draft work plan called for assessing either a free-form or structured approach to assignment of 

keywords. The latter type is structured to specify four to five predefined key word fields with entries 

(single or multiple) for each major category. This allows reasonably fine-grained key words while 

maintaining mutually exclusive categories for searching the bibliographic sources. Below is the structure 

we used as a starting point for developing the pre-defined fields and the particular listings for each. 

Predefined Field - Definition and Example Key Words 

Source Type Identifying the source type will aid in searching the 

bibliography by specific source types. Although not a key word in terms 

of content, this will help users to effectively search the bibliography. For 

example, source codes might include: newspaper, magazine, scientific 

publication, book, legal deposition, etc. We may also include a code 

indicating the affiliation of the information and/or author -- oil and gas 

industry, fishing industry, environmental group, local (spill area) official, 
local (spill area) resident, journalist or reporter, academic, federal, Oil

Spill Trustee Council, etc.

Geography/location Geography was among the important factors that

affected community responses to the Exxon Valdez oil spill event

(EVOS). Relationship of a community to the spilled oil or to available

resources affected responses. Consequently, a key word field that

designates the overall region and the specific municipality/community

should be included as key words. For example, municipalities would

describe specific communities (e.g., Cordova, Tatitlek, Perryville, etc.)

and the region of each community (e.g., North Gulf Coast, Prince

William Sound, etc.) Again, this will aid in searching the bibliography by

region (e.g., all communities within Prince William Sound) or by a

specific locality.

Social or Cultural Identifiers Sources that discuss social effects of the

Exxon Valdez event often address specific populations or social/cultural

groups. Consequently, key words that identify which groups/populations

are discussed can be useful for data base searches and analysis. We

expect to develop a list that addresses cultural populations, specifically

Natives (Koniag, Aleut, etc.) and non-Natives as well as other social

groupings that are discussed in the professional and popular literature

(e.g., cleanup workers, fishermen, merchants, non-residents). These

types of key words can be combined with geography codes for very

specific searches of the bibliography.

Event Phase The scientific as well as some of the popular literature

discusses the relationship between social effects and the phase of the

Exxon Valdez event (e.g., IAI 1991). Some of this literature also focused

on particular phases of the event such as the cleanup or the social effects

that occurred immediately after the spill. It will be useful for searches

and as well as for analysis to include an “event phase” key word such as:

pre-spill, post-spill, spill, cleanup, litigation. We will develop specific

definitions of the phases to ensure coding consistency.

Event Effects The effects of the EVOS were at the individual, family,

and community levels of social organization. There were also important

cultural effects for both Natives and non-Natives. The diversity of effects

needs to be addressed by effect sub-categories. The following

sub-categories are ones that should address the range of event effects.

As we review a sample of sources, we will develop key words within

these sub-categories for application to all sources.

social (disruption, family, etc.)

cultural (risk perceptions, etc.)

economic (reallocation, loss, etc.)

psychological (PTSD, Depression, anxiety, etc.)

municipal (fiscal, operational, etc.)

litigation (compensation, conflict, etc.)

Other
Subsistence Subsistence identifies a cultural complex, especially 

within Native communities, that was susceptible to effects from different 

phases of the EVOS. Subsistence activities (hunting, fishing, gathering) 

and their cultural context (sharing, role-relationships, enculturation) will 

be represented in the key words for this sub-category. 

The other approach we evaluated was to develop a master key word list containing mutually exclusive 

terms for identifying source content, with no prior categorization. 

3.2 CHOICE OF A KEYWORD APPROACH 

After assessing the merits of either a free-form or structured approach to assignment of keywords, we 

settled on a combination of those approaches that should result in the most consistent assignment of 

keywords. We first selected a few articles and used a freeform approach to extract keywords. We then 

used the structured approach wherein we pre-defined categories and in some cases category content (e.g., 

“event phase” with content of: pre-spill, spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation). In other instances, we 

decided to allow the keywords to emerge from examination of the sources. This approach is essentially 

“coding” the content of the source. After assessing both approaches, we decided that using the 

pre-defined content approach has the advantage of keeping a common frame among the research team for 

examining sources, but it did not necessarily allow for identifying what might be unique keywords for a 

source. Consequently, we added to the pre-defined categories “Effects-Other” and a “Residual” category 

that allows for assigning unique keywords. The result is that we can code consistently across the 

predefined fields and accommodate unique items that may not fit within our predefined fields. This will 

ultimately give end users the capability to search the data base with a wide range of keywords that can be 

selected from the predefined and free-form fields. 

As we have proceeded with different research staff assigning keywords within the pre-defined categories, 

we have encountered two issues. One, there is variation in how we code the same concept, for example 

“contaminated seafood” and “seafood contamination.” These variation issues are easily identified when 

we run “field content” reports in AskSam, and can be resolved. by determining a standard gloss for the 

keyword and then using AskSam or WordPerfect “search and replace” functions to make all entries 

consistent. The Second issue is that we continue to add content to pre-defined categories as we continue 

reviewing sources. That is, this is an iterative process of examining sources, discovering the most 

appropriate key words, adding them to the list, checking the list for consistency, modifying the list as 

necessary, and then ensuring consistency of all entries in the source entries. We expect that this will 

continue until all sources are reviewed and even through examination of the sources for social factors. 

Fortunately, the capabilities of AskSam makes for a relatively uncomplicated process of revising the field 

contents and replacing the keywords with revised entries. 

Ultimately, we feel that the process of using a combination of pre-defined and free-form keywords will 

allow end users extensive search capabilities. The coding approach ensures that users will have extensive 

search capabilities while using the free-form approach ensures that we retain all of the unique keywords 

that reflect content and key concepts within a source. This approach is more time consuming to 

implement, but our assessment that it will result in more refined search capabilities for the CD-ROM. 

One of the larger issues to sort out following this decision was whether or not to attempt to code all 

categories or only those categories which apply in a particular source. Our decision was to only code 

relevant categories (that is, we do not have “does not apply” code that holds a place in the database). 

What resulted from this decision was coding that was done by numbering the keyword categories 

followed by the keyword itself. Immediately below we present our working keyword listing; using this 
listing then, typical entries could include: ‘K1-Academic Book’ (for source type); ‘K2- Prince William 

Sound’ (for geography), and so on. 

3.3 KEYWORD LISTING 

The following listing represents the base keywords that we have used in preparing this bibliography. A 

full listing of keywords, by field, is presented in Section 6.0 of this report. 

(K1) Keyword Source Type[ What type of source? 

Academic Book, Academic Book Chapter, Academic Journal, Popular Book, Popular 

Magazine, Newspaper, Report, Litigation Document, Unpublished Document, Project 

Description 

(K2) Keyword Geography[ What is the geographical region and community addressed by the 

source? 

Prince William Sound, Kenai Peninsula, Alaska Peninsula, Kodiak Island, Southeast 

Alaska, Alaska-State (for sources that address more statewide issues than locale specific issues) 

Communities to include as keywords: Akhiok, Chenega Bay, Chignik Lake, Chignik Lagoon, 

Chignik Bay, Cordova, English Bay , Homer , Karluk, Kenai, Kodiak , Larsen Bay, Old Harbor, 

Ouzinkie, Perryville, Port Lions, Port Graham, Seldovia, Seward, Soldotna, Tatitlek, Valdez, 

Whittier, Lower Cook Inlet 

(K3) Keyword Event Phase[ What portion of the Exxon Valdez event is addressed by the

source?

pre-spill phase ( pre March 24, 1989)

spill phase (March 24-1997 April-1, 1989)

Cleanup Phase (April 1, 1989-July 1992 )

Restoration

Litigation Phase (March 24, 1997-Present)

(K4) Keyword Social or Cultural Identifier[ What are the sociocultural identifiers of the

communities or groups addressed by the source?

Fishermen, Deckhands, Merchants, Outsiders/Non-Residents, Cleanup Workers, Natives, 

Local Government, U.S. Coast Guard, State Government, Subsistence Resource Users 

(K5) Keyword Social Effects[ What are the community/social effects addressed by the source? 

community stability, social disruption, conflict, community leadership, local resources, 

crime rates, emergent groups, kinship, subsistence-based community, natural resource 

community, Multi-Agency Coordinating Group, response organization, demographic 

characteristics, alienation; 

(K6) Keyword Cultural Effects[ What are the cultural effects of the event? (note that there are 

a number of “cultural” effects that should be addressed by the subsistence keywords.) 

perceived risk, sense of place, sense of community, lifestyle, ethics, pathology, 

dislocation, disruption, traditional knowledge 
(K7) Keyword Family Effects[ What are the family effects that have appeared in various 

sources? 

Role relationships, stress, roles, children, sharing, domestic violence, health 

(K8) Keyword Economic Effects[ What are the economic effects addressed by the source? 

economic boom, economic loss, economic diversification, money spill; 

(K9) Keyword Psychological Effects[ What psychological effects are addressed by the source? 

chronic stress, PTSD, Depression, Anxiety, substance abuse, CESD, General Anxiety 

Disorder Scale, therapeutic community, Impact of Events Scale, stressor, mental health 

(K10) Keyword Municipal Effects[ What are the effects on municipal/local governments of the 

Exxon Valdez event? 

increased service demands, fiscal loss, operational disruption, mayor, city council, oiled 

mayors, 

(K11) Keyword Litigation Effects[ What are the effects of litigation on communities addressed 

by the source? 

court settlement, class action, damages, Robbins Dry Dock decision, punitive damages, 

plaintiffs, defendants, common property resource, maritime law. 

(K12) Keyword Other Effects[ 

(K13) Keyword Subsistence Activities[ What subsistence activities and harvest levels are 

addressed by the source? 

hunting, fishing, gathering, clamming, decreased harvest, contamination fears, 

contaminated resources, 

(K14) Keyword Subsistence Cultural[ What cultural characteristics of subsistence are addressed 

by the source? 

enculturation, sharing, symbolic expression of culture, 

(K15) Keyword Remainder[ 

Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA), archeology, community involvement, 

community participation 

3.4 APPLICATION OF KEYWORD CODING TO ANNOTATIONS/ABSTRACTS 

Key words and social factors codes are found on separate lines following the annotation - abstract of a 

source. Building upon the format for citation and annotation/abstract entry (as illustrated in Section 2.2), 

the general format for recording information is indicated below. 
Citation: Authors(s) date. Title. Volume. Series. City of publication: Publisher. 

Annotation/Abstract 

Keyword1 Keyword2 Keyword3 Keyword4 Keywordn 

Social Factors Codes 

At this stage of the research process, work is in progress within each of the first three entry areas (citation, 

annotation/abstract, keywords). In the next stage of the process, social factors codes will be developed 

and added to the entries following the key words. 

3.5 EXAMPLES OF KEYWORD CODING 

The following example abstract with key word coding continues the example of the Fall and Field article 

used as an example of annotation/abstracting in Section 2.2. This example represents the essential issues 

about “coding” versus a “keyword only” approach. We are essentially coding content in predefined 

categories plus we are also designating other essential keywords that do not fit within the predefined field 

format. We would emphasize this point in that it is ‘above and beyond the call’ of what was requested 

and previously discussed. However, after working with the materials, it is apparent this will make for a 

much better product in the end, particularly with respect to searches, and it is our belief that MMS will 

immediately recognize the advantages of codes plus other keywords rather than only keywords. This 

became apparent to our team when we considered that focusing on “mutually exclusive keywords” alone 

means essentially going to a coded approach since different sources may use different words or phrases to 

refer to the same thing. For instance, one source may refer to seafood contamination while another refers 

to contaminated seafood. 

SOURCE[ Fall, James and L.J. Field. 1996. Subsistence uses of fish and wildlife before 

and after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In “Proceedings of the Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium,” 

eds. S.D. Rice, R.B. Spies, D.A. Wolfe, and B.A. Wright, 819-836. Bethesda, MD: American 

Fisheries Society. ] 

NOTATION[ In the year following the oil spill, the 2200 residents of 15 native Alaskan 

communities reduced their harvest of subsistence resources as well as the variety of resources 

harvested. In 10 villages harvests decreased by about 77% because of fears about oil 

contamination. In response to community concerns, the Oil Spill Health Task Force initiated a 

study of subsistence foods (finfish, invertebrates, and marine mammals) for aromatic 

contaminants. Findings indicated invertebrates were the most susceptible to contamination. 

Efforts to communicate findings to Native communities met with mixed results. Two and three 

years after the spill, contamination fears persisted, although subsistence harvests increased. ] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ Academic Book Chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Larsen 

Bay, Old Harbor, Ouzinkie, Perryville, Port Lions, Port Graham, Kodiak, Chenega Bay, Tatitlek, 

Nanwalek, Karluk, Lake, Port Graham, Ivanof Bay, Akhiok, Chignik Lagoon, Kodiak Island, 

Prince William Sound, Alaska Peninsula ] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Native Alaskans, Aleut] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ 

subsistence-based communities ] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk communication] 

OTHER_EFFECTS[ health risks] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, fishing, gathering, 

clamming, decreased harvest, contamination fears, contaminated resources] 

SUBSISTENCE_CULTURAL[ enculturation, sharing, symbolic expression of culture] 

REMAINDER[ Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Oil Spill Health Task Force, aromatic 

contaminants]. 
Another example may be seen in the following: 

SOURCE[ Russell, John C., Michael A. Downs, John S. Petterson, and Lawrence A. 

Palinkas. 1996. Psychological and social impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In “Proceedings 

of the Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium,” eds. S.D. Rice, R.B. Spies, D.A. Wolfe, and B.A. 

Wright, 867-878. Bethesda, MD: American Fisheries Society. ] 

NOTATION[ This article uses quantitative and qualitative interview data from the Oiled 

Mayors study of 22 communities of Prince William Sound, the GOA, Kenai Peninsula, and The 

Alaska Peninsula to describe psychological and social impacts. Survey data are analyzed to 

describe the relationship between exposure measures and selected outcome measures including: 

family and child relations, social disruption, subsistence activities, depression, anxiety, 

post-traumatic stress disorder, substance abuse, and domestic violence. Analysis of the survey 

data indicates correlations between exposure to the oil spill and increased outcome measures. 

The interview data describe the social and community context of the psychological impacts, 

particular the relationship between the non-therapeutic community and social/psychological 

distress.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ Academic Book Chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Kodiak 

Island, Prince William Sound, Kenai Peninsula, Native Communities] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, 

cleanup, litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Natives, Koniag, Aleuts ] 

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ community disruption, social bonds, social conflicts] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, sense of community, moral discourse] 

FAMILY_EFFECTS[ family relationships, child behavior, domestic violence] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, stress, 

substance abuse] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased subsistence activity, sharing, 

decreased use of subsistence foods] SUBSISTENCE_CULTURAL[ sharing, enculturation, 

culture] REMAINDER[ exposure index, Oiled Mayor’s Study] 

4.0 DEVELOPMENT OF DATA BASE STRUCTURE AND REPORTING REQUIREMENTS 

We expended considerable effort on evaluating available software products and realistically assessing 

their actual capabilities which can be used for the purposes of this project. Following discussions with 

the manufacturer, MMS, and others in the field, we made the decision to obtain the Professional version 

of the AskSam Electronic Publisher to enhance the search and reporting capabilities of the CD-ROM that 

will be one of the end products of this research effort. This version of AskSam allows for full indexing of 

files which will make searches faster and more efficient for end-users. 

5.0 FINAL ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHIC LISTING 

We have examined a range of library and on-line sources for information about the social effects on 

communities of the oil spill, cleanup, and litigation. We have compiled a working bibliography of journal 

articles, and academic books, articles in popular magazines, and reports from U.S. Government, State of 

Alaska, and private sources. We have also examined newspapers and subsistence sources, Trustee studies 

and biological summaries. Our examination of the litigation specific material has shown that there may 

be considerably less material in the public domain at this point than would be desirable. That is, there are 

works that mention the impact of litigation on the communities, but a large body of documents produced 

specifically for the litigation process itself (e.g., some expert reports on social and psychological impacts 

to communities) are still bound by legal confidentiality restrictions, and are likely to remain so at least 

through the appeals process, which, according to one attorney centrally involved with the case, may be 

another two years or so. There are some materials on damages to fishermen that are in the public domain, 

but much of those materials focus on the resources themselves; State court related materials focus 

primarily on resource and land damages and do not have a focus on social impacts. 
The full annotated bibliographic listing is included on this CD-ROM as a separate document (Volume V). 

In this way, the file structure of this CD-ROM differs from the volumes submitted to MMS in hardcopy. 

In the hardcopy version, Volume IV of the Final Report (Exxon Valdez Oil Spill, Cleanup, and Litigation: 

A Collection of Social-Impacts Information and Analysis, Volume IV) contained both the introduction to 

the final annotated bibliography and abstracts, and the final annotated bibliography and abstracts 

themselves. For this CD-ROM based version, the bibliography and abstracts portion was broken out into 

its own volume to facilitate electronic search functions. 

6.0 FULL KEY WORD LISTING 

The following listing represents the printout of key words as they appear in the bibliographic annotations.

contents of field SOURCE_TYPE

=========================

academic article

academic book

academic book chapter

academic conference news bulletin

academic editorial

academic letter

academic paper

academic report

book of conference papers

book, personal journal

community outreach documents

Congressional Hearing

doctoral thesis

EVTC Project Annual Report

government report

journalistic book

master’s thesis

museum exhibition book

news magazine article

newspaper article

newspaper editorial

pamphlet

popular article

popular book

progress report

project description

public outreach document

public outreach radio/audio tape

report

report chapter

report volume

Senate Hearing

taped radio program

technical article

contents of field GEOGRAPHY
========================

13 Alaska communities

Afognak Island

Akhiok

Alaska

Alaska Native Communities

Alaska Peninsula

Alaskan coastal villages

Alaskan Peninsula

Aleutian Chain

Aleutian Islands

Aleutian-Pribilof Islands

Aleutian Range

Alitak

Anchorage

Anchorage Bay

ANSCA communities

Anton

Anuktuvak Pass

ANWR

Arctic Circle

Arctic National Wildlife Refuge

Arctic region

Arey Lagoon

Barron Island

Barrow

Barter Island

Bearing Sea

Beaufort

Beaufort Sea

Beaufort Sea coast

Bethel

Bligh Reef

Block Island

Bolsa Chica wetlands

Borough

Bristol

Bristol Bay

Brooks

Busby Island

California

Calista

Canada

Cape Chiniak

Cape Thompson

Chalkyitsk

Chenaga Bay

Chenaga

Chignik

Chignik Bay

Chignik Lagoon
Chignik Lake

Chignik River

Chugach

Chugach Mountains

Chugach National Forest

Chukchi Sea

City

coastal village

Columbia Glacier

Colville River

Communities

Cook

Cook Inlet

Copper River Delta

Cordova

Corwin Lagoon

Culross

DeLong Mountains

Dillingham

Eastern and Northern Districts

English Bay

Evans Island

Eyak

Fairbanks

Florida

Fort Abercrombie State Park

Gambell

Glacier Bay

Graham

Green Island

Gulf of Alaska

Harrington Point

Herring Bay

Homer

Iliamna Lake

Ivanoff Bay

James Lagoon

Juneau

Kachemak Bay

Kaktovik

Kaktovik Lagoon

Karluk

Karluk Lagoon

Karluk River

Katmai

Katmai Coast

Katmai National Park and

Kayak Island

Kenai

Kenai Fjords National Park

Kenai Peninsula
Kenai Peninsula Borough

King Salmon

Kivalina

Kivalina Lagoon

Kizhuyak

Kizhuyak Bay

Knight Island

Kodiak

Kodiak Archipelago

Kodiak Archipelago Uyak Bay

Kodiak City

Kodiak Island

Kodiak Island Borough

Kotzebue

Kotzebue Sound

Kukak Bay

Larsen

Larsen Bay

Latouche Island

Lower Cook Inlet

Marmot Bay

Mars Cove

McCarty Fjord

Monashka Bay

Montague District

Montague Island

Mulgrave Hills

Naked Island

Naknek

NANA

Nanwalek

National Wildlife Refuge

Native villages

Nechelik Channel

New Stuyahok

New York

Noatak

Nondalton

North Gulf Coast

North Naknek

North Pacific Rim

North Slope

North Slope Borough

Northwest Arctic

Northwest Arctic Borough

Norton Sound

Nuiqsut

Nushagak Bay

Nushagak River

Old Harbor

Olga Bay
Ouzinke

Perryville

Petersburg

Point Hope

Port Angeles Washington

Port Graham

Port Heiden

Port Hobron

Port Lions

Port of Valdez

Port Valdez

Prince William Sound

Prudhoe Bay

Quartz Bay

Red Dog Mine

south Naknek

Saints Bay

Sand Point

Santa Barbara CA

Seldovia

Settlers Cove

Seward

Shelikof Strait

Sitcalidak Island

Sitkalidak Strait

Soldotna

Southcentral Alaska

Southeast Alaska

Southern Kenai Peninsula

Southwestern District

spill area

Spruce Island

State of Alaska

Tatitlek

three communities

Togiak

Tongass National Forest

Tugidak Island

Tyonek

U.S. states

Unalakleet

United States

upper Cook Inlet

Upper Alaska Peninsula

U.S. Congress

Valdez

Valdez Narrows

Vancouver Island

Wainwright

Washington State

West Cook Inlet
Whittier

Windy Bay

Women’s Bay

Wulik River

contents of field EVENT_PHASE

==========================

1964 earthquake

1976 construction

cleanup

general

litigation

post-spill

pre-spill

restoration

spill

contents of field SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER

=============================================

Admiral Paul Yost

adults

Advanced Environmental Technology

Alaska Area Native Health Service

Alaska Board of Marine Pilots

Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation

Alaska Department of Fish and Game

Alaska Department of Labor

Alaska Department of Natural Resources

Alaska Institute of Marine Science

Alaska Legislature

Alaska Oil spill

Alaska Oil Spill Commission

Alaska Regional Response Team

Alaska State

Alaska State government

Alaska Volunteer Independent Cleanup Effort

Alaska’s Attorney General

Alaskan Native

Alaskan Natives

Alaskan officials

Alaskans

Aleut

Alutiiq

Alyeska

Alyeska president Hermiller

American Institute of Marine Shipping

American Institute of Merchant Shipping

Anchorage Daily News

ANCSA communities

AP wire service

Aquaculture Corporation
Arco

Arco Anchorage

Athapaskan Indians

author

author Jeff Wheelwright

authorities

bankers

boat owners

Bohannon

bond market

Bristol Bay Native Corporation

British Petroleum

bureaucrats

Bush Administration

business owners

business sector

cannery workers

Captain Dave Spade

Captain Hazlewood

Captain Ken Thompson

Captain Larrabee

Center for Marine Conservation

Chenega Corporation

Chevron

children

Chugach Alaska Corporation

Chugach Native Corporation

cleanup workers

clinics

Coast Guard Spill Coordinator

Coast Indians

commercial fishermen

Congress

consumers

Cordova District Fishermen United

Cordova mayor

corporations

court

Court of Appeals

courts

deckhands

Deckhands Association

Department of Agriculture

Department of Commerce

Department of Defense

Department of Energy

Department of Fish and Wildlife

Department of Health and Human Services

Department of Justice

Department of Labor

Department of the Interior
Department of Transportation

Division of Environmental Health

Doris Lopez

Earth First!

ecologist

economists

editors

educators

elderly

elders

Emergency Services Council

English Bay Corporation

environmental groups

Environmental Defense Fund

Environmental Protection Agency

environmentalists

Equitas

Euro Americans

Exxon Corporation

Exxon crew

Eyak Native Corporation

family

Far West Inc. Village Corporation

federal government

federal workers

Federal Aviation Administration

fish hatcheries

fish processors

fisheries

fisheries workers

fishermen

fishing industry

fishing permit holders

fishing sectors

Food and Drug Administration

Friends of the Earth

General Accounting Office

government

government workers

Governor Steve Cowper

guides

hatchery workers

Homer Area Recovery Coalition

Homer Area Recovery Commission

hospitals

households

Housing Authority

human subjects

hunters

independent contractors

individual
insurers

interest groups

International Bird Rescue and Research Center

interviewees

Inuit

Inupiat

Inupiat Eskimo

investors

Japanese

Joint Federal-State Land Use Planing Commission for Alaska

Joseph Jorgensen

journalistic sources

journalists

judge

Judge H. Russell Holland

jury

Kaktovik City Council

key informants

Kodiak Area Native Association

Kodiak Island Borough

L.G. Rawl CEO of Exxon

L.R. Raymond President of Exxon

Laborers International Union

landowners

Larsen Bay Tribal Council

lawyers

leaders

legislators

Lieutenant Governor of Alaska

litigants

Lloyd’s of London

local government

long term residents

longshoremen

Los Angeles Times

Manual Lujan Secretary of the Interior

media

men

merchants

Minerals Management Service

mosquito fleet

Mount Sinai School of Medicine

Multi-Agency Coordinating Group

municipal workers

municipalities

Murkowski

National Academy of Sciences

National Audubon Society

National Marine Fisheries Service

National Marine Mammal Laboratory

National Marine Manufactures
National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration

National Park Service

National Research Council

National Resources Defense Council

National Response Center

National Response Team

National Science Foundation

National Toxicology Program of the NIEHS

National Transportation Safety Board

National Wildlife Federation

Native Association

Native Corporations

Native to Native Assistance Program

Natural Resources Defense Council

New York Times

Nixon Administration

non-Natives

Northwest Alaska Native Association

Nuiqsut City Council

Occupational Safety and Health Administration

Office of Management and Budget

oil companies

oil consumers

oil industry

oil industry employees

oil tankers

Oil Reform Alliance

Oil Spill Health Task Force

Oil Spill Trustee Council

Oiled Mayors

On Scene Coordinators

Ouzinkie Native Corporation

Pacific Area Coast Guard Strike Team

parents

Pilots Association

police

Port Graham Corporation

Port Pilots Association

President Bush

Prince William Sound Aquaculture Association

Prince William Sound Conservation Alliance

Protestant

public

public pension funds

Public Advisory Group

Public Broadcasting System

recreational resource users

Regional Citizen’s Advisory Council

Regional Response Team

regulators

Rep. Bentley
Rep. Brennan

Rep. Carper

Rep. Clement

Rep. Coble

Rep. Curtis

Rep. Davis

Rep. Hughes

Rep. Inhofe

Rep. Jones

Rep. Laughlin

Rep. Lent

Rep. Lowey

Rep. Manton

Rep. Miller

Rep. Moore

Rep. Pickett

Rep. Schneider

Rep. Shumway

Rep. Tauzin

Rep. Weldon

Rep. Young

researchers

residents

resource users

rural residents

Russian

Russian Orthodox

Salmon Market Information Service

Samuel Skinner Department of the Interior

Scandinavian

scientists

seafood processors

Secretary of Commerce

Secretary of Labor

Secretary of Transportation

Senate

Senate Energy and Commerce Committee

Senator Adams

Senator Breaux

Senator Bryan

Senator Burns

Senator Gore

Senator Gorton

Senator Hollings

Senator Inoye

Senator Kerry

Senator Lott

Senator Packwood

Senator Pressler

Senator Stevens

service workers
Seward Life Action Council

Sierra Club

Sierra Club Legal Defense Fund

social scientists

Southeast Coast Indians

Southwest Pilots Association

Spiro Agnew

sportsmen

state government

state workers

State Legislature

State of Alaska

State Pilot Association

stockholders

subsistence resource users

Swedish Environmental Research Institute

tanker crew

tourists

Trans Alaskan Pipeline Liability Fund

tribal council

Trustee Council

Trustees for Alaska

U.S. citizens

U.S. Coast Guard

U.S. District Court

U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service

U.S. Forest Service

U.S. Geological Survey

U.S. Navy

U.S. National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences

Under Secretary of Commerce for Oceans and Atmosphere

underwriters

unemployed

Unification Church

University of Alaska

University of Alaska Department of Forestry

University of California at San Diego

University of Washington College of Fisheries

Valdez Counseling Center

VECO

Village Council

volunteers

Walter Mondale

Washington College of Fisheries

Washington Post

Washington State fishermen

Wilderness Society

Wildlife Federation of Alaska

William E. Evans Undersecretary of Commerce for Oceans and Atmosphere

William Reilly

wire services
women

women’s shelter

world community

contents of field SOCIAL_EFFECTS

============================

absence of local services

alienation

breakdown of organizational planning

community disruption

community obligations

community resources

community stability

cooperative work

corrosive community

crime

crime rates

demographic change

demographic characteristics

disruption of Native communities

distrust

emergent groups

emigration

ethnic pride

Exxon’s media response

factionalism

friendships

household size

immigration

increased competition

increased insularity

information sources

inter-generational discord

kinship

leadership

media coverage

natural resource community

political activity

political decisions

political power

population increase

racism

reduced crime

regulatory oversight

renewable resource community

response organizations

sharing

sociability

social cohesion

social conflict

social disruption
social organization

social organization of tankerships

social pathology

social support

social tension

subsistence-based community

support of the elderly

therapeutic community

vandalism

voting

contents of field CULTURAL_EFFECTS

===============================

archaeological resources

belief and cognition

belief in efficacy of spill cleanup

beliefs about technology

civic pride

cultural and social constructions of nature

cultural identity

cultural persistence

cultural values

culture loss

customs

distrust

enculturation

ethics

festivals

future risk

lifestyle

moral discourse

political attitudes

religion

rhetoric of risk

risk communication

risk perception

sense of community

sense of place

stewardship of the environment

subsistence traditions

technological risk

traditional culture

traditional knowledge

tranquility

trust in development

contents of field FAMILY_EFFECTS

============================

adult absence

behavioral problems

child abuse
child neglect

childcare

children

divorce

domestic stress

domestic violence

enculturation

family disruption

family outreach

family relationships

family routines

family support

generational tension

household composition

household organization

inheritance

kinship

obligations

parent absence

parent-child conflicts

role relationships

separation anxiety

sharing

sharing with elderly

stress

unsupervised children

women’s shelters

contents of field ECONOMIC_EFFECTS

===============================

Alaskan fisheries

Alyeska losses

banking industry

bankruptcy

basic economic activities

bond market

business losses

cash economy

claims process

cleanup contracts

cleanup employment

cleanup money

commercial fisheries

commercial fisheries losses

commercial fishermen

commercial fishing

commercial vs. traditional economy

compensation for damages

cost of living

debt service

decreased harvests
direct damages

distribution of cleanup money

economic diversification

economic gain

economic loss

economic sectors

employment

employment outside community

ex-vessel prices

ex-vessel value

exchange rate

Exxon costs

Exxon losses

federal costs

financial recovery

financial strain

fiscal gain

fiscal impacts

fiscal loss

fish hatchery industry

fish tax

fishery dependence

fishing industry

fishing industry sectors

fishing sector vs oil sector

foreclosures

fuel prices

government employment

government payments

harvest types

harvest volume

housing shortages

increased wealth

indirect damages

inflation

insurance rates

international market

Japanese yen

labor shortage

loans

lost passive use

low income

money spill

nonbasic economic activities

oil industry costs

per capita income

price impacts

property loss

public expenditures

reduced harvest

regional economic impacts
regional economy

resource loss

revenue impacts

revenue loss

service sector

shareholder losses

spending patterns

spillionaires

stock market

subsistence economy

taxation

temporary employment

tourism industry

traditional vs. commercial economy

unemployment

use of funds

value of subsistence losses

village economy

wage expectations

wage labor

work disruption

workmen’s compensation

contents of field PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS

=====================================

alcohol abuse

alcoholism

alienation

anger

anxiety

behavioral problems

child abuse

chronic psychological stress

coping mechanisms

corrosive community

counselors

crime

cultural identity

dazed

depression

depressive symptoms

despair

destructive behavior

dislocation

disruption

divorce

domestic violence

emotional expression

emotional problems

emotional response

fear
fear for future

fear for town

frustration

futility

generalized anxiety disorder

grief

impact of events scale

inter-personal conflict

isolation

loss of control

loss of innocence

mental health

mental health services

mental health services

mistrust

post-traumatic stress disorder

psychological outreach

PTSD

self- concept

self-image

self worth

sense of betrayal

sense of health

sense of the future

separation anxiety

shock

social disruption

social support

stress

substance abuse

suicide

therapeutic community

uncertainty

victim stress

violence

worry

contents of field MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS

================================

arrests

chaotic claims process

city council

civic posts unfilled

crime

decreased household size

delayed work

emigration

employment

expenditures

fiscal impacts

fiscal losses
government overwhelmed

government services

grants missed

increased workloads

influx of outsiders

infrastructure

infrastructure as a variable

infrastructure demands

lost revenue

lost tax revenue

lost time

mayor

media

mitigation

municipal actions

municipal and State costs

municipal costs

Oiled Mayors

operational disruption

organizations

overcrowding

police overwhelmed

population

population decline

population turnover

preparedness plans revised

public expenditures

rumor control

service demands

service providers take cleanup employment

service sector

subsistence community

tourist sites shift

traffic

Village Council as VECO Coordinators

contents of field LITIGATION_EFFECTS

================================

$5 billion award

adequacy of settlement

Akau v. Olohana

Alaska National Interest Land Commission Act

Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act

appeal

assessment studies

award

CERCLA

claims

class action

Clean Water Act

cleanup
compensation

compensatory damages

contingent valuation

court settlement

Court of Appeals

damage awards

damage claims disallowed

damages

defendants

direct costs

failure of plaintiffs

federal common law

Federal District Court

Federal Water Pollution Control Act

first lawsuits filed

In re Steuart Transportation

In re the Exxon Valdez

indirect costs

insurance award

insurance claim

judgement

judicial criticism

judicial decision

jury

lawsuit

lawyers

liability

litigation

litigation and scientific research

litigation as a stressor

litigation as deterrent

litigation as secondary disaster

litigation research

litigation restricts information

lost passive use

Maine v. M/V Tamanol

Marine Mammal Protection Act

maritime law

Maryland v. Amerada Hess Corporation

Migratory Bird Act

Native claims

Native lawsuits

negligence

new trial

Oil Pollution Act

order

Order No. 190 Id at 10. dicta

overturn law

partial settlement

payments

plaintiffs
public trust resources

Public Trust Doctrine

punitive damages

recovery

Recovery Act

request new trial

Resource Conservation and Recovery Act

Rivers and Harbors Act

Robbins Dry Dock

Robins Dry Dock and Repair Co. v. Flint

Save Sand Key Inc. v. U.S. Steel Corp.

secret agreement

settlement

settlement expenditures

Sierra Club v. Exxon Corp.

Sierra Club v. Morton

spending of compensation

State of La ex rel. Onste v. M/W Test bank

sympathy for Exxon

tax deductibility of corporate litigation

Trans-Alaska Pipeline Liability Fund

trial process

Trustees for Alaska v. State

Union Oil Co v. Oppen

verdict

verdict upheld

voided

Water Pollution Control Act

win lawsuit

contents of field OTHER_EFFECTS

===========================

cancer risk

decline in perception of health

hazardous materials

health

health concerns

health effects

health of cleanup workers

health risks

increased diagnosis of medical problems

increased regulation

legislative change

liability standards

odor of oil

risk assessment

seafood safety policy

tourism

contents of field SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES

====================================
amounts consumed

bidarkies

birds

bottomfish

change from subsistence foods to purchased foods

children’s participation

chitons

clamming

clams

competition with sportsmen

contaminated resources

contamination assessment

contamination fears

contribution to diet

decreased harvest

decreased subsistence activity

decreased use of subsistence foods

deer

dependence on subsistence

favored locales

fin-fish

fish

fish contamination

fishing

fishing methods

food storage

gathering

gear types

halibut

harbor seals

harvest amounts

harvest disruption

harvest methods

herring

high subsistence levels

hunting

increased effort

increased harvest

increased reliance on subsistence

increased resource availability

land mammals

marine invertebrates

marine mammals

medicinal plants

mussels

no decrease after EVOS

no sustained recovery in harvests

octopus

participation in harvests

participation in processing

plants
preservation methods

processing methods

quantities

resource availability

restoration of subsistence

salmon

sea ducks

sea lions

seafood contamination

seals

sharing

shellfish

shift from mammals to fish

species

subsistence activity

subsistence concerns

subsistence consumption

subsistence foods

subsistence methods

subsistence resources

subsistence unaffected

travel to new areas

vegetation

wild game

wild plants

contents of field SUBSISTENCE_CULTURAL

====================================

absence of impact on culture

beliefs

change in attitudes towards subsistence foods

cognition

community ties

cooperation

cultural identity

cultural meaning of resources

cultural meaning of subsistence

culture

culture conflict

dependence on subsistence

economics

elders

enculturation

family and community responsibility

family ties

festivals

harvest methods

health beliefs

identity

knowledge

knowledge of species
lifestyle

meaning systems

medicinal plants

preservation methods

pride

religion

resource preferences

self reliance

sharing

significance of habitats

social patterning of subsistence

social structure

society

stewardship of the environment

subsistence culture

subsistence roles

subsistence traditions

symbolic expression of culture

symbolic value of locales

symbolic value of species

threat to subsistence culture

tradition loss

traditional harvest techniques

traditional knowledge

traditional locales

traditions

uncertainty about future

values

contents of field REMAINDER

========================

Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act

Alaska Pipeline

Alaskans

ANCSA

ANWR

Archaeological Resources Protection Act

archaeology

archaeology of spill area

aromatic compounds

aromatic contaminants

behavior

Bristol Bay

business ethics

causes of spill

CERCLA

CERES

cleanup-related damages

Congressional debate

contingency plans

contingency plans and preparation
corporate

corporate behavior

corporate credibility

coverage of Alaskans

coverage of wildlife

cultural resources

disaster planning

double hull tankers

ecological impacts

economic research methods

environmental concerns

environmentalist’s response

essays

exposure index

federal oil policy

finance

financing of award

future oil exploration

health policies

health risks

historic sites

impacts of cleanup

incentives to pollute

increased environmental scrutiny

increased scrutiny of oil companies

insurance

insurance claim

inter-agency coordination

inter-agency relations hinders response

interview summaries

inventions

lack of use of volunteers

legislation

legislative change

legislative hearings

legislative oversight

liability laws

life of pilots

litigation constrains research

longitudinal study

media coverage

media sources

national energy policy

National Historic Preservation Act

National Interest

natural disaster

offshore drilling

oil company advertizing

oil spill

oil transport system

Oiled Mayor’s Study
Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act

personal reactions

poetry

political economy

press releases

public land

public relations

recovered species

recovering species

recreation

regulation

regulatory change

reimbursement process

research methods

restriction of scientific information

rhetoric

risk

risk assessment

risk estimates

science

social problem theory

Sound Ecosystem Project

species not recovered

species recovery unknown

spill response

supertanker

survey

systemic power theory

talking circle

tax code change

technological disaster

tourism

trans-Alaska pipeline

vulnerability of traditional communities

who paid costs of spill
Exxon Valdez Oil Spill, Cleanup, and Litigation:

A Collection of Social-Impacts Information and Analysis

Final Report, Volume V:

Final Annotated Bibliography and Abstracts

Prepared for: 

Michael Baffrey, Contracting Officer’s Technical Representative

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Environmental Studies Section

949 East 36th Avenue, Suite 300

Anchorage, Alaska 99508-4363

Prepared by: 

Impact Assessment, Inc. 

2166 Avenida de la Playa, Suite F 

La Jolla, California 92037 

August 2001 
BOOKS 

CITATION[ Abordaif, Faisal Hamzah. 1994. The development of an oil spill contingency

planning evaluation model. Doctoral Thesis, George Washington University, 1994. Ann Arbor,

MI: University Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Exxon Valdez oil spill is used as a case study, in an analysis

which proposes a way of evaluating disaster contingency plans. The researcher finds that formal

contingency plans are often abandoned in an actual disaster, and identifies the important factors

that lead to divergence from the original contingency plan. A model for evaluating contingency

plans is proposed.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ doctoral thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

spill] REMAINER[ contingency plans]

CITATION[ University of Alaska, Alaska Sea Grant College Program. 1995. Prevention,

response, and oversight five years after the Exxon Valdez oil spill: proceedings of an

international conference, March 23-25, 1994, Anchorage, Alaska. Alaska Sea Grant College

Program report 95-02. Fairbanks, AK: University of Alaska, Fairbanks.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This volume contains a number of papers and discussion sessions

organized according to the topics of prevention, response and oversight. The section on oil spill

response includes wildlife protection strategies and contingency planning, the protection of

archaeological sites and cultural resources, an article on National Park Service lands, and a paper

on the recreation and tourism industries. The paper on the Park Service, by Rick Kurtz observes

that three parks were affected by the spill, the Kenai Fjords National Park, Katmai National Park

and Preserve, and Aniakchak National Monument and Preserve. The paper indicates that the

different mandates and organizational cultures of agencies made it somewhat harder to work

cooperatively in spill response. Further, the Park Service had been less interested in potential

threats that originated outside its purview, as for example in the oceans, associated with Coast

Guard oversight. A paper by Nancy Lethcoe discusses the damage to and protection of resources

associated with recreation and eco-tourism. The author differentiates between urban tourism,

nature tourism and eco-tourism. Urban tourism (restaurants, gift shops) relies very little on the

condition of natural resources. Nature tourism is characterized brief, multi-person visits (cruise

ships, and bus tours), while eco-tourism involves more intensive use of the environment (sailing,

kayaking, hiking sportsfishing, observing wildlife), and was most affected by the spill. The

Alaska Wilderness Recreation and Tourism Association’s database for 1993, indicates that

around 150 eco-tourism businesses operate in Prince William Sound, and some beach areas

generate hundreds of thousands of dollars. ‘Lessons learned’ from the spill included the

following: 1) Unbalanced media coverage has a negative economic impact on nature and

eco-tourism. 2) Since mapping of oil is done by air, lightly oil beaches important to tourism and

recreation may not be mapped as oiled, and therefore not cleaned. 3) Agencies responsible for

tourism did not have lists of tourist sites, contributing to a failure to protect some areas from

oiling, while areas with the greatest public interest and advocacy received most care. 4) Cleanup

workers and scientists spread damage to unaffected areas and were sometimes unfamiliar with

laws regarding wildlife. 5) The tourism industry was denied legal recovery for damages.

Estimations of lost value in the tourist industry should take into account that eco-tourism

involves a few visitors who are willing to spend a lot of money, in contrast to the common
models of tourism. Among the planning recommendations, the author includes provisions for

evacuation and notification.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ book of conference papers] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska]

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, post-spill, restoration] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic

loss] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ damage claims disallowed] OTHER_EFFECTS[ tourism]

REMAINDER[ tourism, recreation, inter-agency relations hinders response, cultural resources,

archaeology ]

CITATION[ Button, Gregory Vedder. 1993. Social conflict and the formation of emergent

groups in a technological disaster: The Exxon Valdez oil spill and the response of residents in the

area of Homer, Alaska. Doctoral Thesis, Brandeis University, 1993. Ann Arbor, MI: University

Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Based on research in Homer, Alaska, this dissertation addresses

the topics of social cohesion and conflict, and the formation of emergent groups. The

dissertation disputes the idea proposed by some researchers that, while natural disasters promote

social cohesion and thereby contribute to the formation of emergent groups, there is social

conflict in the aftermath of technological disasters which limits the formation of emergent

groups. The research finds that while there was considerable social conflict in Homer, there was

also social cohesion sufficient to facilitate the formation of emergent groups. Certain factors

contributed to both social conflict and the formation of emergent groups, including a widely

experienced sense of “loss of control” and uncertainty about significant facts surrounding the oil

spill and cleanup, including uncertainty about who was ultimately in control of the cleanup, and

which cleanup technologies were most effective and most necessary. The dissertation argues

that the formation of emergent groups is inevitable in circumstances in which there is a sense of

urgency and the common perception that authorities were unwilling and unable to respond. The

report concludes that local and disaster-response authorities should recognize the constructive

role that emergent groups fill in the aftermath of disasters.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ doctoral thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Homer, Alaska]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFER[ residents,

authorities, cleanup workers] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social cohesion, social conflict, emergent

groups, social organization] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of community, sense of place]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ loss of control, uncertainty] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[

infrastructure, organizations]

CITATION[ Cohen, Maurie J. 1993. Economic aspects of technological accidents: an

evaluation of the Exxon Valdez oil spill on southcentral Alaska (Exxon Valdez). Doctoral Thesis,

University of Pennsylvania, 1993. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms, International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Prior research, according to the author, has argued that natural

disasters often generate short-term economic benefits. This study investigates whether the idea

of short-term economic gain applies to technological disasters by looking at the EVOS case. The

study finds that there were substantial short term economic benefits to the community as a

whole, though the short term economic gains from the accident were not evenly distributed

across the communities in the region of the spill. Further, the short-term gain associated with the

oil spill obscured a decline in the profitability of commercial fishing and intensified the decline

of international market conditions for Alaskan fishery products. While acknowledging that

impact analyses of complex systems are difficult to achieve, the analysis indicates that the
ex-vessel revenue impacts in 1990 from the EVOS were between $11.2 million and $44.9

million.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ doctoral thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ southcentral Alaska]

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

commercial fishermen, fishing industry] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, economic

loss, ex-vessel value, international market, revenue impacts]

CITATION[ Davidson, Art. 1990. In the wake of the Exxon Valdez: the devastating impact of

the Alaska oil spill. San Francisco, CA: Sierra Club Books.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The book includes a discussion of the spill and the events

leading up to the spill, a section on response to the spill, and a final section on the aftermath of

the Exxon Valdez event. In the first few days after the Exxon Valdez ran aground, representatives

of local communities, Exxon, and state and local government met in public and private meetings

to confer about the actions to take. After worsening weather began to spread the oil, local

communities and organized Exxon response teams began efforts to contain and cleanup the oil.

Organized response efforts promised more than they delivered, and birds, marine mammals,

other sea life, and shorelines were damaged by the spreading oil. In the wake of the spill,

communities throughout the region were affected by the spilling oil, the influx of outsiders, the

potential threat to important natural resources, and the nature of the cleanup effort. In Native

villages such as Tatitlek and Chenega Bay, concerns developed about contaminated resources

used for subsistence purposes. Natives also perceived the effects of the spill through their own

cultural views about nature. The effects of the spill have important implications for how oil is

developed and shipped in the future.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular book] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Kodiak

Island, Kenai Peninsula, Valdez, Cordova, Kodiak, Homer, Seward, Tatitlek, Larsen Bay,

Ouzinkie, Kenai, Native villages] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup, restoration]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, fishermen, VECO, U.S. Coast

Guard, residents, cleanup workers, mosquito fleet, Exxon Corporation, National Park Service,

Minerals Management Service, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Alaska Department of

Environmental Conservation, Multi-Agency Coordinating Group] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social

disruption, social conflict, emergent groups] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, sense of

community] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ money spill, cleanup contracts, economic loss]

PHYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ stress, frustration, despair, emotional problems]

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ influx of outsiders, population] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[

hunting, fishing, clamming, gathering, contaminated resources, contamination fears]

CITATION[ Dennard, Floyd H. 1997. Long-term community impacts of a technological

disaster: The Valdez oil spill (Alaska). Master’s Thesis, University of South Alabama, 1997.

Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The thesis argues that the impacts of technological accidents

result not only from the event itself. Litigation following the event, and involvement in this

litigation produce additional negative impacts, and these are discussed as secondary disasters that

prolong the social impact of technological disasters such as the Exxon Valdez spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ master’s thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova, Alaska]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, post-spill, litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

residents, litigants] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ litigation as secondary disaster]
CITATION[ Dyer, Samuel C. Jr. 1991. Issue phases in attention cycles: a study of the Exxon

Valdez disaster. Doctoral thesis, The University of Tennessee, 1991. Ann Arbor, MI: University

Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The thesis set out to consider change in the way the media

characterized the Exxon Valdez event over time. Two wire services are included in the study,

which includes the year before and the year after the oil spill. Statistical analysis of data from

content analysis of two wire services found that Exxon Corporation sources did not dominate AP

Wire coverage at any point in the development of the story, and that Exxon’s stance was

generally reactive to statements from other sources.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ doctoral thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

pre-spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ media, wire services, AP

wire service, Exxon Corporation, journalists, journalistic sources] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ media

coverage, Exxon’s media response]

CITATION[ Erickson, Kai. 1994. A new species of trouble: explorations in disasters, trauma,

and community. New York, NY: W.W. Norton.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This work, a collection of essays on a number of discreet events,

focuses on the psycho-social impacts of modern technological disasters. It is proposed that these

events, which are often associated with ill-understood technologies, have some special

characteristics. These characteristics are that involve some human agency, they often involve

toxic contamination, and their consequences may be both acute and chronic, with uncertainty

about the nature, extent, and duration of the danger contributing to the trauma experienced. The

first section includes articles on mercury poisoning in an Ojibwa community, a sense of betrayal

following financial misdealings in a Haitian community, petroleum pollution in a Colorado

community, Three Mile Island, and homelessness in America, and the second section reflects on

Hiroshima and the proposed high level nuclear waste repository in Nevada.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book] GEOGRAPHY[ United States]

EVENT_PHASE[ general] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ public, world

community, Japanese] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ alienation] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk

perception, sense of place]

CITATION[ Frost, Helen and John Haines eds. 1990. Season of dead water. Portland, OR:

Breitenbush Books.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ A compilation of poetry and short essays that express individual

and community reactions to the oil spill and cleanup.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular book] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

REMAINDER[ poetry, essays, personal reactions]

CITATION[ Gartner, Carrie Nell. 1990. The Exxon Valdez oil spill: a case study in institutional

apologia. Masters thesis, California State University, Fullerton, 1990. Ann Arbor, MI:

University Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The thesis argues that defensive statements by institutions, as

well as individuals, can be analyzed as examples of apologia. It introduces a set of criteria for

analyzing individual and institutional apologia, and concludes that Exxon’s apology following

the oil spill was unsuccessful, and suggests reasons.]
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ master’s thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez, Alaska]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon

Corporation] REMAINDER[ corporate behavior, corporate credibility]

CITATION[ Jorgensen, Joseph G. 1990. Oil age Eskimos. Berkeley: University of California

Press.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Most of the research for this book was completed before the

Exxon Valdez oil spill, and it covers the period from 1981 to 1989. However, the book briefly

discusses the implications of the spill for Alaskan Native communities. A number of researchers

were involved in collecting the data analyzed in this work. The book is about the culture and the

cultural ecology of three Alaskan Native communities, Unalakleet, Gambell, Wainwright, which

are in the regions of the Bering Sea and the Chukchi Sea and are therefore beyond the

geographic area of the spill. The book considers the factors that have shaped the communities,

including the impact of the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) on Native

communities and culture. The book contains detailed ethnographic material concerning

subsistence uses of the environment, Native beliefs and attitudes about the environment, the

economy and the subsistence economy in these communities, and the community social

organization, kinship, and ideology. Native concerns about oil development of the Outer

Continental Shelf are presented.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book] GEOGRAPHY[ Unalakleet, Gambell,

Wainwright, Alaska, Beaufort Sea, Bearing Sea, Chukchi Sea, Norton Sound] EVENT_PHASE[

pre-spill, spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, non-Natives, men,

women, children, elderly, family, Minerals Management Service] REMAINDER[ Alaska Native

Claims Settlement Act]

CITATION[ Keeble, John. 1991. Out of the channel: the Exxon Valdez oil spill in Prince

William Sound. New York, NY : Harper Collins.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This is a journalistic style book by an author first sent to Valdez,

Alaska to cover the EVOS story for the Village Voice, and it includes reflections by many

people associated with, and affected by, the spill and cleanup. The work considers a broad range

of topics, such as the political, economic, and regulatory context of the spill, the ‘normal’

practices of oil transportation in Valdez, the corporate, governmental, and organizational entities

and processes involved in responding to the spill, media coverage of the EVOS, and the

environmental and social impacts of the spill and cleanup. It also considers the role of science in

spill studies and provision of information to the public.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ journalistic book] GEOGRAPHY[ Bligh Reef, Block Island,

Cordova, Cook Inlet, Kodiak Island, Knight Island, Seward, Seldovia, Valdez, Tatitlek, Tongass

National Forest, Valdez Narrows, Prince William Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Chugach Native Corporation, British Petroleum,

Alyeska, Exxon, VECO, U.S. Coast Guard, Earth First!, Alaska Department of Environmental

Conservation, Environmental Protection Agency, Alaska Department of Fish and Game,

Department of Fish and Wildlife, Homer Area Recovery Coalition, Department of the Interior,

International Bird Rescue and Research Center, National Oceanic and Atmospheric

Administration, National Transportation Safety Board, Native to Native Assistance Program,

scientists, fishermen, Alaskan Natives] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social conflict]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, economic loss] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[
stress] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased harvest] REMAINDER[ restriction of

scientific information].

CITATION[ Lethcoe, Nancy R. and L. Nurnberger. 1989. Prince William Sound environmental

reader. Valdez, Alaska: Prince William Sound Conservation Alliance.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This book contains a selection of papers related to Prince

William Sound and the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The first half of the volume contains a

chronology of the first 72 hours of the spill event, a descriptive overview of Prince William

Sound from a naturalist's point of view (with a preliminary indication of possible effects of the

spill), and a selection of materials about oil dispersants, guidelines as to their general use and

effectiveness, and their use on the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The second half of the volume

contains sections describing the cleanup plan and its implementation, the mechanisms to

establish priorities fro restoration efforts, and responses to

the restoration plan as it had occurred up to that point. A list of scientific studies which had been

started that were associated with the spill was also included, as was a short description of the role

of state and federal agencies in the response effort, and a transcript of the testimony of

Fredericka Ott before the House Interior Committee (May 7, 1989).]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ local resources,

Multi-Agency Coordination Group, response organization] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ perceived

risk, sense of place, lifestyle, dislocation]

CITATION[ Lord, Nancy. 1992. Darkened waters : a review of the history, science, and

technology associated with the Exxon Valdez oil spill and cleanup. Homer, AK: Homer Society

of Natural History/Pratt Museum.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This book was published to accompany an exhibition on the

Exxon Valdez oil spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ museum exhibition book] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

CITATION[ McGill, Anthony D. 1994. Corporate public discourse: Exxon’s March 24, 1989

accounts following the Valdez oil spill. Doctoral thesis, Wayne State University, 1994. Ann

Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Public relations releases from Exxon Corporation were analyzed

in terms of the style of apology used, and the researcher found that concession was much more

common than denial in Exxon press releases, and that Exxon’s stance was generally reactive

rather than taking the initiative.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ doctoral thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon] REMAINDER[ public

relations, press releases]

CITATION[ McNally, Timothy S. 1997. Technological disaster and chronic psychological

stress: an evaluation of the conservation of resources stress model. Master’s Thesis, 1997,

University of South Alabama. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Surveys sent to members of a commercial fisherman’s

organization in Cordova are used to analyze the relationship between fishing losses, disruptions
in social support and social self-concept and the 125 respondents’ psychological

symptomotology, Data consisted of self-reporting by respondents.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ master’s thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[

restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen, Cordova District Fishermen

United] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social support] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, resource

loss] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ self-concept, social support, anxiety, depression,

post-traumatic stress disorder]

CITATION[ Miller, Demond S. 1996. Psychological depression and economic loss among

commercial fishermen during the aftermath of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Master’s thesis,

Mississippi State University, 1996. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Psychological tests with members of Cordova District Fishermen

United found that those involved in litigation had higher levels of depression than those not

involved in litigation, and found that those who had sold items because of economic loss had

higher levels of anxiety than those who had not sold items to compensate for economic losses.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ master’s thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova, Alaska]

EVENT_PHASE[ cleanup, litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen,

Cordova District Fishermen United] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, property loss]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ depression, anxiety] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ litigation as a

stressor]

CITATION[ Miller, Demond S. 1997. A construction of competing disaster narratives: media

coverage of the distribution of risk following a technological disaster. Doctoral thesis,

Mississippi State University, 1997. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This thesis examines news coverage from different types of

media in the aftermath of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Network news, local print media, and local

video interviews and town meetings provided data for qualitative analysis. It finds a variety of

themes present in the media coverage, with themes representing different social groups and risk

groups, and different phases of the event. Additionally, it discusses the therapeutic and corrosive

impacts on the community due to the competing perspectives present in the community.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ doctoral thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Southcentral Alaska,

US] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ media, public,

Exxon, U.S. Coast Guard ] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ media coverage, corrosive community,

therapeutic community]

CITATION[ Mobley, Charles, M. B. Workman, and K.M. Workman. 1990. The 1989 Exxon

Valdez cultural resource program. Anchorage, AK: Exxon Shipping Co.: Exxon Co., USA.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ In this volume, archeologists discuss the history, historic sites

and antiquities in the region of the Exxon Valdez oil spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ book] REMAINDER[ historic sites, archaeology]

CITATION[ Moore, William Henry J. 1993. Management of human and organizational error in

operations of marine systems. Doctoral thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1993. Ann

Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The dissertation offers a quantitative modeling methodology to

evaluate the impacts of human organizational errors in the operation of oil tankers and offshore
oil platforms. The author indicates that more than 80% of high consequence marine accidents

are attributable to a compounding of human and organizational errors. The Exxon Valdez

grounding and the Occidental Piper Alpha platform explosion are used as case studies.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ doctoral thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ tanker crew, Exxon] REMAINDER[ causes of

spill]

CITATION[ Nalder, Eric. 1994. Tankers full of trouble: the perilous journey of Alaskan crude.

New York, NY: Grove Press.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Written by a journalist with the Seattle Times, this book provides

information about oil tankers, tanker personnel, and the tanker industry, woven into an account

of the author’s trip aboard the tanker-ship Arco Anchorage. Changes introduced in the tanker

industry following the Exxon Valdez oil spill, and regulatory change are among the topics.

Examples are given of the trade-offs made between safety and economic gain, such as the issue

of double-hulled tankers.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ book] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Port Angeles

Washington, Valdez, Vancouver Island] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alyeska, American Institute of Merchant Shipping,

Alaska Oil Spill Commission, Arco Anchorage, U.S. Coast Guard, tanker crew]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social organization of tankerships] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ litigation

and scientific research] REMAINDER[ regulatory change]

CITATION[ O'Donoghue, Brian. 1989. Black tides: the Alaska oil spill. Anchorage, Alaska:

Alaska Natural History Association.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This short illustrated book provides a chronology of spill events

and of the preliminary cleanup effort. It also reports the local perspective of damages from the

spill, as well as of the overall management of the spill response and cleanup efforts.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular book] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Valdez,

Chenega] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

fishermen, cleanup workers, Alaskan Natives, local government] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[

community stability, social disruption, social conflict, leadership, local resources, Multi-Agency

Coordinating Group, response organization] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, lifestyle,

dislocation, disruption] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic boom, economic loss, money spill]

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ increased service demands] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[

clamming, contamination fears, contaminated resources]

CITATION[ O'Meara, Jan. 1989. Cries from the heart: Alaskans respond to the Exxon Valdez

oil spill. Homer, Alaska: Wizard Works.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This work is a collection of short pieces (essays, poems,

drawings) conveying some individual Alaskans' experiences of and reactions to the Exxon

Valdez oil spill. The great variation in the nature of the material makes generalization difficult,

but the overall tone is one of loss and how personal relationships with/perceptions of Prince

William Sound have changed. Most of the contributors are non-Native, but Walter Meganack,

Sr. of Port Graham contributes a powerful summary of how his community was affected.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular book] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Port

Graham] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[
fishermen, cleanup workers, Alaskan Natives, local government, subsistence resource users]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ local resources, response organization, alienation]

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ perceived risk, sense of place, sense of community, lifestyle, ethics,

dislocation, disruption]

CITATION[ Owen, Bruce, M. et al. 1995. The economics of a disaster: the Exxon Valdez oil

spill. Westport, CT: Quorum Books.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Written by economists who are interested in the question of legal

liability following a disaster, this volume proposes an economic model for calculating economic

losses that might be recoverable in a lawsuit. Therefore, they are interested in ‘economic loss’

according to a specific legal definition. They develop and test their model in relation to the

Exxon Valdez oil spill, and a possible decline in salmon prices. They examined the price effects

from the spill on salmon prices, and while there was a decline of prices in 1989, they found an

absence of change caused by the EVOS.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

pre spill, spill, cleanup] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ Alaskan fisheries, price impacts]

CITATION[ Picou, J. S. , D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen eds. 1997. The Exxon Valdez disaster;

readings on a modern social problem. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co. (NOTE:

individual chapters of this volume are already annotated).]

CITATION[ Rice, S.D. and R.B. Spies, D.A. Wolfe, and B.A. Wright eds. 1996 Proceedings of

the Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium. Bethesda, MD: American Fisheries Society.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This edited volume focuses primarily on biological aspects of the

Exxon Valdez event, but there are several chapters that address social and cultural issues,

including subsistence. There is a single chapter discussing cultural resource issues which argues

that these resources were damaged primarily by vandalism during the cleanup period of the

EVOS. There are four chapters that directly address social issues including subsistence uses

during and after the spill and their sociocultural consequences and biologically oriented

discussions of the presence of contaminants in subsistence resources. Two chapters describe

and analyze social and psychological impacts related to the oil spill and cleanup. One chapter

focuses on the relationship between psychological distress and community disruption during and

following the oil spill. The other chapter describes “chronic psychological” stress among

commercial fishermen and the community context of the stress experienced by this occupational

group.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Gulf

of Alaska, Kenai Peninsula, Alaska Peninsula, Cordova, Petersburg, Native villages]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen,

residents, Alaskan Natives] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social disruption, community resources,

subsistence-based community] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of community, risk perception]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ PTSD, depression, anxiety, chronic psychological stress]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, fishing, gathering, clamming, decreased harvest,

contamination fears, contaminated resources] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ enculturation,

sharing, symbolic expression of culture]
CITATION[ Ross, Wallace Alan. 1993. The rhetoric of identification in business discourse.

Doctoral thesis, University of Illinois at Chicago, 1993. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms,

International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Theories concerning public rhetoric are the concern of this thesis.

The concept of rhetorical identification is examined for relevance using the example of the

Exxon Valdez oil spill. The public relations releases of Exxon, and the rhetoric that appeared in

newspapers relaying information about the spill, are examined in order to understand the process

of persuasion.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ doctoral thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, US]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, public,

journalists, interviewees] REMAINDER[ rhetoric, public relations, corporate behavior]

CITATION[ Sadowitz, March. 1992. Corporate tax policy: a factor in environmental decision

making. Master’s thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 1992. Ann Arbor, MI:

University Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The thesis considers how corporate tax laws can affect the actual

cost of corporate payments for environmental incidents, cleanup, and non-compliance with

environmental law in incidents such as the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The ability of corporations to

legally deduct for non-conformance penalties, for legal fees arising from environmental lawsuits,

and for environmental fines and penalties are analyzed as perverse environmental tax incentives.

It argues that the laws permitting deductibility of cleanup costs should be clarified but not

eliminated. Congressional and state proposals for changing environmental corporate tax laws are

outlined.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ master’s thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, US Congress]

EVENT_PHASE[ cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ corporations, taxpayers,

Congress, courts, IRS] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ tax deductibility of corporate litigation]

REMAINDER[ legislative change, tax code change, incentives to pollute, corporate behavior]

CITATION[ Sims, Grant. 1994. Leaving Alaska. New York, NY: Atlantic Monthly Press.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The author, who was a faculty member at the University of

Alaska, reflects on his stay in Alaska and his decision to leave. The book contains descriptions

of places and associates in Alaska, the State’s attractions, and his reasons for leaving. The

author covered the EVOS as a journalist for Outside magazine.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ book] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Beaufort, Arctic National

Wildlife Refuge, Kaktovik, Brooks Range, Anaktuvuk Pass, Cordova, Kodiak Archipelago,

Fairbanks, Valdez, Chugach Mountains] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Eyak Native Corporation, Inupiat Eskimo, Exxon,

National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration, Arco, Alaska Department of Natural

Resources, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ population

increase, social disruption] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ alcoholism, domestic violence]

CITATION[ Smith, Conrad. 1992. Media and apocalypse: news coverage of the Yellowstone

forest fires, Exxon Valdez oil spill, and Loma Prieta earthquake. Westport, CT. London:

Greenwood Pub. Group.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Written by an former journalist and current academic, this

volume is an examination and critique of the way journalist report unusual major events. One
chapter is devoted to media coverage of the Exxon Valdez spill, and other chapters examine 

reporting of the Yellowstone fires and the Loma Prieta earthquake, while the conclusion suggests 

general problems with coverage and possible solutions. The author found that most journalists 

covering the Exxon Valdez oil spill were unfamiliar with Alaska or with the process of oil 

transportation, they relied on readily available official sources (from the oil company, the 

Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, the Coast Guard, the Bush administration 

and environmental groups, but very rarely independent scientific sources), and they tended to 

produce stories with a limited and uniform perspective. In general, television images define the 

story for the other media, and few journalists wander from story others are telling. Superficial 

aspects of a story, including conflict and drama, are the elements that draw most attention. News 

coverage of the Exxon Valdez spill (EVOS) focused on a small number of culturally resonant 

themes, and these few themes were repeated many times. Themes in early news stories were 1) 

the ineffectiveness of Exxon’s clean-up efforts; 2) the anger of local residents, and; 3) alcohol 

consumption by the captain as a possible cause of the accident. Minor themes were the possible 

protection offered by double hulled ships and whether the spill contingency plan was capable of 

handling a disaster of this size. Later themes were the continuing spread of the oil, the damage 

to the fishing industry, beaches, wildlife and the cost of wildlife rescue, criticisms of Exxon’s 

cleanup, the impact on oil prices, and the possible effect of the disaster on plans to drill for oil in 

the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge. Themes ignored by most, but explored in award-winning 

journalism, were contextual factors such as the declining regulatory controls and expenditures 

and declining safety standards in the period between the inception of the pipeline and the Exxon 

Valdez spill. The imperative to provide appealing video images meant that wildlife less affected 

by the spill, particularly sea otters, appeared more often than did birds, which died at higher 

rates.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, U.S.] 

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ journalists, editors, 

media, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, U.S. Coast Guard, Bush 

Administration, scientists, Alaskan Natives, Exxon] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ media coverage] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk communication] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ price impacts] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ subsistence activity] REMAINDER[ media coverage, media 

sources, coverage of wildlife, coverage of Alaskans] 

CITATION[ Sparling, M. Beverly. 1993. Factors influencing environmental investment from 

social issues to government mandates: a historical perspective. Doctoral Thesis, Rensselaer 

Polytechnic Institute, 1993. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The thesis concerns finance and investment, and the influence of 

environmental activism on corporations. It analyzes a trend in the arena of environmental 

activism to seek corporate influence through the use of proxy resolutions. Public pension funds 

represent an important source of activism. The thesis also examines three incidents involving 

corporations, the Exxon Valdez oil spill, the Union Carbide gas leak in Bhopal, India, and the 

tainting of Tylenol capsules. The influence of activism on corporate policy, and the affects of 

negative events on stock prices, and the potential for investors to take advantage of unexpected 

negative incidents are the topics examined.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ doctoral thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ 

spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ investors, corporations, 

environmental groups, public pension funds] REMAINDER[ finance] 
CITATION[ Spencer, Page. 1990. White silk and black tar: a journal of the Alaska oil spill.

Minneapolis, MN: Bergamot Press.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This book is a personal journal by an ecologist and Alaskan

resident employed by the National Park Service. It reflects her professional observations and the

physical and emotional stress she experienced in response to the spill and its impact on the

ecology of southcentral Alaska.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ book, personal journal] GEOGRAPHY[ Kenai Fjords

National Park, McCarty Fjord, James Lagoon, Quartz Bay, James Lagoon, Harrington Point,

Montague Island, Knight Island, Glacier Bay] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ National Park Service, ecologist, Exxon]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ stress]

CITATION[ Walden, W. Darrell. 1993. An empirical investigation of environmental

disclosures analyzing reactions to public policy and regulatory effects. Doctoral Thesis, Virginia

Commonwealth University. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The thesis examines changes in the environmental disclosure

policies of corporations, as reflected in annual reports, subsequent to the Exxon Valdez oil spill.

Content analysis was conducted on annual reports from 53 companies between 1988 and 1990.

The thesis found changes in the years 1988 to 1989, and from 1989 to 1990, and that company

size and industry membership made a difference in the degree of change in disclosures.

Theoretical implications are discussed. ]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ doctoral thesis] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, U.S. ]

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

corporations] REMAINDER[ corporate behavior]

CITATION[ Wells, Peter G., James N. Butler, and Jane Staveley Hughes, (eds.). 1995. Exxon

Valdez oil spill: fate and effects in Alaskan waters. Philadelphia, PA: ASTM, Series title: ASTM

special technical publication; 1219.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Exxon Valdez oil spill in Prince William Sound prompted

many studies on the fate, transport, and effects of the oil on biota in Alaskan waters, as well as

on archaeological sites. This book consists of 25 research papers presented at an ASTM

symposium in April 1993. There were five main sessions: “Chemistry and Fate of the Spill” (six

papers), “Shoreline Impact of the Spill” (six papers), “Impact Assessment for Fish and Fisheries”

(four papers), “Impact Assessment for Wildlife” (eight papers), and Impacts on Archaeological

Sites” (one paper). An introductory paper summarizes the topics and the highlights of these

papers.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ book] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration] OTHER_EFFECTS[ ecological recovery]

REMAINDER[ archaeology]

CITATION[ Wheelright, Jeff. 1994. Degrees of disaster: Prince William Sound, how nature

reels and rebounds. New York, NY: Simon and Schuster.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The ecological impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill, and the

impacts of remediation efforts in Prince William Sound are explored in a journalistic-style work

by a science writer. Interviews with scientists, politicians, lawyers, Alaskans, volunteer workers
and agencies, media accounts and the author’s observations of the area provide the data. The 

author argues that naturally occurring processes did a better job of clean-up than did human 

efforts, and that the response to the spill on the part of volunteers, clean-up crews, etcetera, 

caused additional damage to the Sound. He argues that remediation efforts were driven by legal, 

political, and media influences rather than by scientific knowledge. He proposes that the greatest 

wildlife impacts were suffered by the otters, and that human impacts were most pronounced in 

Alaskan Native communities, because their subsistence activities, and the social life surrounding 

subsistence, were seriously disrupted. Human impacts are not discussed at length, with the 

exception of the grief suffered by volunteers treating wildlife, but there is specific discussion of 

the way petroleum degrades in the environment, and acute and chronic biological effects of 

contaminants on wildlife species and the food chain. The environmental and social changes 

preceding the spill are also described, to suggest that this disaster occurred within a context of 

ongoing change.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ book] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound] 

EVENT_PHASE[ 1964 earthquake, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ 

Alaskan Natives, Alaskans, scientists, media, federal government, state government, volunteers] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ grief] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ influx of outsiders] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ subsistence activity] REMAINDER[ impacts of cleanup] 

CITATION[ Wilson, Alexander. 1992. The culture of nature : North American landscape from 

Disney to the Exxon Valdez. Cambridge, MA : Blackwell, 1992.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Exxon Valdez has only a brief mention in this academic 

book, which is a general overview of the ways modern North American culture conceives of 

nature. With chapters on tourism, nature education, landscape design, nature movies and 

television, theme parks, the modern relations of city and country such as industrial agriculture 

and indoor urban malls with nature areas, nature parks and zoos, and some of the large scale 

energy-use technologies of the twentieth century, this work provides an introduction to a topic 

that has become of growing academic interest in recent years. With respect to the Exxon Valdez 

spill, the author declines to call it an accident, because he argues that accidents of varying scale 

and the careless, accretive, disposal of small amounts of oil are commonplace in modern 

society’s use of petroleum.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ cultural and social 

constructions of nature] 

CHAPTERS IN BOOKS 

CITATION[ Bittner, Judith E. 1996. Cultural resources and the Exxon Valdez oil spill: an 

overview. In Proceedings of the Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium, eds. S.D. Rice, R.B. Spies, 

D.A. Wolfe, and B.A. Wright, 814-818. Bethesda, MD: American Fisheries Society.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Archaeological resources were damaged during the cleanup 

more than during the spill. Vandalism and the cleanup process were the major causes of 

damages to archaeological resources. Lessons from the damaged caused by cleanup activities 

can be applied to preventing damages to any future events similar to the Exxon Valdez event.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Native villages, 

Prince William Sound, Kodiak Island, Alaska Peninsula] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Exxon, U.S. Coast Guard] 
SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ vandalism ] REMAINDER[ Archaeological Resources Protection Act, 

National Historic Preservation Act, impacts of cleanup] 

CITATION[ Bolger, M., S.A. Henry, C.D. Carrington. 1996. Hazard and risk assessment of 

crude oil contaminants in subsistence seafood samples from Prince William Sound. In 

“Proceedings of the Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium,” eds. S.D. Rice, R.B. Spies, D.A. 

Wolfe, and B.A. Wright, 837-843. Bethesda, MD: American Fisheries Society.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Oil Spill Health Task Force requested a study of the 

potential health risks of the consumption of fin-fish and shellfish by subsistence users. Studies 

indicate that long term risks for cancer from consuming fin-fish and shell fish are so low that 

they cannot be calculated.] KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] 

GEOGRAPHY[ Kodiak Island, State of Alaska, Windy Bay] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, U.S. Coast Guard] 

OTHER_EFFECTS[ risk assessment, health effects, cancer risk] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ seafood contamination, subsistence consumption, shellfish, 

fin-fish, contamination fears] 

CITATION[ Brown, D.A. and nine coauthors. 1996. Survey of Alaskan subsistence 

invertebrate seafoods collected in 1989-1991 to determine exposure to oil spill from the Exxon 

Valdez. In Proceedings of the Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium, eds. S.D. Rice, R.B. Spies, 

D.A. Wolfe, and B.A. Wright, 844-855. Bethesda, MD: American Fisheries Society.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Alaska Natives had fears about contamination of subsistence 

resources from the Exxon Valdez oil spill. A study was initiated to examine contamination of 

subsistence resources from 80 different locations. The results found various levels of 

contamination of molluscs and other shell fish. A small number of samples were classified as 

“moderately” or “highly” contaminated by aromatic compounds.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William 

Sound, Kodiak Island, Alaska Peninsula, Tatitlek, Windy Bay, Chignik, Old Harbor, Chenega 

Bay] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan 

Natives, Alaska Department of Fish and Game] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ seafood 

contamination, subsistence foods, shellfish, chitons, mussels, clams, contamination fears] 

REMAINDER[ aromatic contaminants] 

CITATION[ Clarke, Lee. 1997. Supertanker politics and the rhetorics of risk: the wreck of the 

Exxon Valdez. In “The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern social problem,” eds. J.S. 

Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 55-65. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Sociopolitical choices concerning Alaskan and Canadian 

economy and politics regarding pipelines and supertankers are important background for 

understanding the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Different “rhetorics of risk” by government, private 

citizens, and industry have structured pre and post-spill choices and debates about oil transport in 

general and the Exxon Valdez spill in particular. Some of this debate has equated oil production 

with the “National Interest” but this needs careful analysis and consideration within the context 

of risk debates.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska State] 

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social conflict] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ rhetoric of risk] REMAINDER[ 

national energy policy, supertanker, Alaska Pipeline, risk, political economy, National 

Interest] 
CITATION[ Clarke, Lee. 1992. The wreck of the Exxon Valdez. In “Controversy: politics of 

technical decisions” (third edition), D. Nelkin (ed.), 80-96. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This is an article in an edited volume that considers some of the 

controversies surrounding technology and society. The article is part of a literature on risk 

perception and ‘risk objects’, and how accidents occur in complex systems. Considering the 

Exxon Valdez oil spill, the article argues that priorities were implicitly set between economic and 

environmental trade-offs or values, and technology and regulatory framework implemented 

those priorities: it argues that while blame for the accident was directed at the captain and the 

issue of alcoholism, an accident of this size was likely. The decision to place the pipeline in 

Alaska rather than through Canada (which has less seismic activity), the reliance on huge tankers 

which are harder to steer but cheaper to operate, the period of de-regulation of oil tanker 

transport during the Reagan administration and lower funding for surveillance during the Bush 

administration, and so forth, are examined as the real causes of the spill. The personalization of 

the issue (in the form of the captain) and the moralization of the event (in relation to alcohol use) 

are characterized as deflecting public attention from the public decisions that were made.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ political 

decisions, regulatory oversight] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk perception, technological risk] 

CITATION[ Cohen, M. J. 1997. Economic impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In “The 

Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern social problem,” eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and 

M.J. Cohen, 133-160. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The regional economy of Southeastern Alaska was differentially 

affected by the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The overall and specific economic effects are estimated 

using a “with” and ‘without” event analytic framework. This framework shows that specific 

sectors within the commercial fishery generally showed adverse economic impacts. However, 

oil spill employment and other economic consequences of the spill showed short term economic 

gains for other sectors of the economy.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Southeast Alaska, 

Cordova, Kodiak Island, Kenai Peninsula, Southeast Alaska] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ regional 

economy, regional economic impacts, commercial fishing, price impacts, economic 

diversification, basic economic activities, nonbasic economic activities] 

CITATION[ Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Trustee Council. 1997. Recovery of injured resources and 

services: 1996 update. In The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern social problem, eds. 

J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 121-128. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Oil Spill Trustee Council has been responsible for initiating 

efforts to restore biological, archaeological, and subsistence resources affected by the Exxon 

Valdez event. Biological resources have been assessed to have varied success in recovery. 

Archaeological resources damaged during the spill are being restored by the Alutiiq 

Archaeological Repository. Twenty communities whose subsistence resources were affected by 

the spill have been studied by Alaska Department of Fish and Game. Other studies of clams and 

intertidal resources have also been examined.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Kodiak Island, 

Prince William Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ cleanup, restoration] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alutiiq, Alaskan Natives, Oil Spill Trustee Council, 
Alaska Department of Fish and Game] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ archaeological resources]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ subsistence resources] REMAINDER[ Sound Ecosystem

Project]

CITATION[ Fall, James and L.J. Field. 1996. Subsistence uses of fish and wildlife before and

after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In “Proceedings of the Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium,” eds.

S.D. Rice, R.B. Spies, D.A. Wolfe, and B.A. Wright, 819-836. Bethesda, MD: American

Fisheries Society.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ In the year following the oil spill, the 2200 residents of 15 native

Alaskan communities reduced their harvest of subsistence resources as well as the variety of

resources harvested. In 10 villages harvests decreased by about 77% because of fears about oil

contamination. In response to community concerns, the Oil Spill Health Task Force initiated a

study of subsistence foods (fin-fish, invertebrates, and marine mammals) for aromatic

contaminants. Findings indicated invertebrates were the most susceptible to contamination.

Efforts to communicate findings to Native communities met with mixed results. Two and three

years after the spill, contamination fears persisted, although subsistence harvests increased.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Larsen Bay, Old

Harbor, Ouzinkie, Perryville, Port Lions, Port Graham, Kodiak, Chenega Bay, Tatitlek,

Nanwalek, Karluk, Lake, Port Graham, Ivanoff Bay, Akhiok, Chignik Lagoon, Kodiak Island,

Prince William Sound, Alaska Peninsula] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Aleut, Alaska Department of Fish

and Game, Oil Spill Health Task Force] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community]

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk communication, risk perception] OTHER_EFFECTS[ health

risks] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, fishing, gathering, clamming, decreased harvest,

contamination fears, contaminated resources] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ enculturation,

sharing, symbolic expression of culture] REMAINDER[ aromatic contaminants]

CITATION[ Gill, Duane A. and Steven Picou. 1997. The day the water died: cultural impacts

of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern social

problem, eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 167-187. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt

Publishing Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The subsistence lifestyle of Native Alaskans predisposed them to

effects of the Exxon Valdez oil spill and cleanup. The direct effects of the oil spill included:

emotion distress and disruption, threats to subsistence activity and consumption because of

contamination of fears, and disruption of harvesting because of cleanup participation. The

cleanup also directly affected the cultural complex that is subsistence in Native Alaskan

communities. These effects included: influx of outsiders into Native communities, destruction of

historical/archaeological sites, racism, disrupted family activities, psychological stress, and

substance abuse. The effects of the spill and cleanup have been ongoing to the time of

publication of the article, including decreased consumption and decreased harvesting. The

cultural activities associated with subsistence have also suffered. Litigation has not addressed

the cultural impacts associated with the spill and cleanup because of the focus on non-economic

damages.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska Native

Communities, Tatitlek, Chenega Bay, Larsen Bay, Port Graham, Akhiok, Karluk, Ouzinkie, Old

Harbor, Nanwalek] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration]
SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Chugach Natives]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social disruption, population increase, therapeutic community, racism]

FAMILY_EFFECTS[ family disruption, kinship, role relationships] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[

subsistence economy, value of subsistence losses, money spill]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ PTSD, chronic psychological stress, post-traumatic stress

disorder, anxiety, depression] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, fishing, gathering,

decreased harvest, harvest disruption, contamination fears, contaminated resources]

CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, elders, enculturation] REMAINDER[ ANCSA, Alaska

Native Claims Settlement Act, Oiled Mayors Study]

CITATION[ Gramling, Robert and William R. Freudenburg. 1997. The Exxon Valdez oil spill

in the context of U.S. petroleum politics. In “The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern

social problem,” eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 71-87. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt

Publishing Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The sociopolitical context of oil in America and in Alaska is

essential to understand the occurrence of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. This context is influenced

by “stratified power” among federal and state governments and the interests of capitalists, the

military, and the American public at large.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska State, Prince

William Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup] REMAINDER[ systemic power

theory, federal oil policy, Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act, ANCSA, trans-Alaska Pipeline]

CITATION[ Hirsch, William B. 1997. Justice delayed: seven years later and no end in sight. In

“The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern social problem,” eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill,

and M.J. Cohen, 271-303. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Federal Maritime Law structured the plaintiffs and the types of

damages that could be brought against the Exxon corporation. The application of Maritime Law

resulted in most of the litigation taking place in Federal courts where Judge Holland was more

sympathetic to Exxon’s position. Judge Holland applied the Robbins-Dry Dock decision which

effectively limited the liability of plaintiffs to those who were physically touched by oil. The

application of Maritime law also preempted other claims in state courts. Exxon’s well funded

legal efforts also resulted in creating a mandatory punitive damages class which worked to the

advantage of the defendant. The procedures of the trial and appeal have prolonged the overall

resolution of the case against Exxon.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William

Sound, Kodiak Island, Kenai Peninsula] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alyeska,

Exxon Corporation, Judge H. Russell Holland] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ class action,

Robbins Dry Dock, settlement, punitive damages, trial process]

CITATION[ Hom, Tom and five coauthors. 1996. Assessment of exposure of subsistence fish

to aromatic compounds after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In Proceedings of the Exxon Valdez oil

spill symposium, eds. S.D. Rice, R.B. Spies, D.A. Wolfe, and B.A. Wright, 856-866. Bethesda,

MD: American Fisheries Society.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This study reports on the presence of aromatic compounds in the

fish resources of Prince William Sound.]
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William

Sound, Kodiak Island, Kenai Peninsula] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ seafood

contamination, fish contamination, contaminated resources] REMAINDER[ aromatic

compounds]

CITATION[ Keeble, John. 1997. The imaginary journey of captain Joseph Hazelwood. In The

Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern social problem, eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J.

Cohen, 23-34. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The actions on March 24, 1989 of Captain Joseph Hazelwood of

the Exxon Valdez must be placed within the context of shipping company pressures to increase

effectiveness and reduce crew size. Interpretations of Hazelwood’s actions should consider the

effects of these pressures on how he acted before and after the spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] EVENT_PHASE[ spill]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Captain Hazlewood, oil industry, U.S. Coast Guard]

REMAINDER[ double hull tankers, contingency plans]

CITATION[ Lord, Nancy. 1997. Oil in the sea: initial biological impacts of the Exxon Valdez

oil spill. In The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern social problem, eds. J.S. Picou,

D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 95-105. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Oil in a natural ecosystem has widespread effects because of its

effects on a broad range of biological processes. Birds, marine mammals, fish and especially

salmon were affected by the Exxon Valdez spill. Longer term effects of the spill are yet

unknown.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska State]

REMAINDER[ ecological impacts]

CITATION[ National Response Team. 1997. The Exxon Valdez oil spill and response

preparedness: a report to the President. In “The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern

social problem,” eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 39-50. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt

Publishing Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ In the month following the spill certain response actions and the

overall state of preparedness was affected by pre-existing plans of federal, state, and private

entities. The overall adequacy of contingency planning for Alaska ports and elsewhere is called

into question by the events in the month following the Exxon Valdez spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska State, Port

of Valdez] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

Regional Response Team, Alyeska, U.S. Coast Guard] REMAINDER[ contingency plans]

CITATION[ Picou, J.S. and D.A. Gill. 1996. The Exxon Valdez oil spill and chronic

psychological stress. In “Proceedings of the Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium,” eds. S.D. Rice,

R.B. Spies, D.A. Wolfe, and B.A. Wright, 879-893. Bethesda, MD: American Fisheries Society.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Exxon Valdez event produced patterns of chronic stress that

are directly related to natural resources damages by the spill. Cordova and Valdez residents

measured higher on the impact of events scale, a measure of psychological stress, than did

residents of a control community, Petersburg, in Southeast Alaska. Residents of Cordova, a

resource dependent community, measured higher than residents of Valdez, a more economically
diversified community. Commercial fishermen measured higher than other occupational groups.

The study indicates that residents of resource dependent communities exposed to the effects of

the Exxon Valdez event are consistent with other findings about stress in technological disasters.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William

Sound, Southeast Alaska, Cordova, Valdez, Petersburg] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ commercial fishermen] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[

natural resource community] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ chronic psychological stress,

stress, impact of events scale] REMAINDER[ survey, longitudinal study]

CITATION[ Picou, J.S., D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen. 1997. The Exxon Valdez oil spill as a

technological disaster: conceptualizing a social problem. In “The Exxon Valdez disaster:

readings on a modern social problem,” eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 3-17.

Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Exxon Valdez oil spill can be conceptualized within the

theoretical framework of a social problem similar to other technological disasters such as Love

Canal and Three Mile Island.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Regional Citizen’s Advisory Council]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ therapeutic community, emergent groups] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk

perception, technological risk] REMAINDER[ natural disaster, technological disaster, social

problem theory]

CITATION[ Picou, J.S. and D.A. Gill. 1997. Commercial fishers and stress: psychological

impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In “The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern

social problem,” eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 211-232. Dubuque, IA:

Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ A new paradigm in disaster research indicates that technological

disasters produce different types of social and psychological effects that may require longitudinal

study to fully appreciate. This discussion examines the psychological impacts on commercial

fishermen from the EVOS to examine the hypothesis that threats, actual or perceived, to natural

resources upon which fishermen depend constitute a stressor sufficient to cause psychological

impacts. A mail survey was sent to residents of Valdez (63), Cordova (163), and Petersburg (59,

a “control” community) to measure stress using the Impacts of Events Scale. Levels of stress

were reported to be higher in Valdez and Cordova than in Petersburg and higher among

fishermen than non-fishermen.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William

Sound, Southeast Alaska, Cordova, Valdez, Petersburg] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ commercial fishermen] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[

natural resource community] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ chronic psychological stress,

stress, impact of events scale] REMAINDER[ survey, longitudinal study]

CITATION[ Picou, J.S. and D.A. Gill and M.J. Cohen. 1997. Technological disasters and social

policy: lessons from the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In “The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a

modern social problem,” eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 309-315. Dubuque, IA:

Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ As an example of technological disasters, the Exxon Valdez

event shows the complexity of the interactions among governments, private industry, and
individual citizens and their communities. It also raises issues of how responsible parties should

prepare for and respond to such events. The Coalition for Environmentally Responsible

Communities (CERES) has suggested 10 principles as a code of conduct for action in the wake

of the Exxon Valdez event. However, local communities have also assumed new responsibility

to prepare for future events and provide oversight to the transport of oil nearby to their

communities.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Regional Citizen’s Advisory Council]

REMAINDER[ CERCLA, CERES, technological disaster]

CITATION[ Piper, Ernest. 1997. The Exxon Valdez oil spill government settlement and

restoration activities. In “The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a modern social problem,”

eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 255-256. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing

Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The State of Alaska and the Federal Government each had

interests, in some instances potentially conflicting, in legal proceedings against Exxon. Initial

legal negotiations for a plea agreement between Exxon and the Federal Government were not

necessarily in the State’s best interests. Subsequently, this agreement dissolved, resulting in the

State and Federal governments working to establish a settlement for publicly owned natural

resources. Eventually, the terms of the settlement called for Exxon to pay 150 million dollars in

criminal penalties and 900 million dollars in civil penalties. There was some public opposition to

the settlement, in part because scientific studies about spill effects were not publicly available. A

Trustee Council composed of state and federal officials was established to oversee the

administration of restoration work that would be funded by funds from the Exxon settlement.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska State]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Oil Spill Trustee Council, Exxon Corporation,

Public Advisory Group] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ court settlement, maritime law, Clean

Water Act, negligence, Rivers and Harbors Act, Migratory Bird Act]

CITATION[ Rodin, Mari, Michael A. Downs, John S. Petterson, John C. Russell. 1997.

Community impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In “The Exxon Valdez disaster: readings on a

modern social problem,” eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 193-205. Dubuque, IA:

Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Twenty two communities from Prince William Sound to Kodiak

and the Alaska Peninsula were studied to determine the social, psychological, and economic

effects of the Exxon Valdez oil spill and cleanup. Native and non-Native communities differed in

their responses to the spill based on the availability of leadership and other community resources.

Communities experienced increased demands on social services, an influx of outsiders, and other

social disruptions. The nature of the cleanup by Exxon and VECO resulted in differential effects

in communities depending on pre-event resources and disaster plans. Seward and Kodiak

appeared to fare better than other communities because they had effective response

organizations, access to external resources, and pre-existing disaster plans that were suited to this

event.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William

Sound, Kenai Peninsula, Alaska Peninsula, Kodiak Island, Seward, Kodiak, Larsen Bay, Port
Lions, Tatitlek, Native Communities, North Pacific Rim] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon Corporation, Seward Life Action Council,

deckhands association, VECO, Multi-Agency Coordinating Group, Oiled Mayors]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social disruption, kinship, alienation, emergent groups]

FAMILY_EFFECTS[ unsupervised children, children] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ service

demands, government services] REMAINDER[ Oiled Mayor’s Study]

CITATION[ Russell, John C., Michael A. Downs, John S. Petterson, and Lawrence A. Palinkas.

1996. Psychological and social impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In “Proceedings of the

Exxon Valdez oil spill symposium,” eds. S.D. Rice, R.B. Spies, D.A. Wolfe, and B.A. Wright,

867-878. Bethesda, MD: American Fisheries Society.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article uses quantitative and qualitative interview data from

the Oiled Mayors study of 22 communities of Prince William Sound, the GOA, Kenai

Peninsula, and The Alaska Peninsula to describe psychological and social impacts. Survey data

are analyzed to describe the relationship between exposure measures and selected outcome

measures including: family and child relations, social disruption, subsistence activities,

depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, substance abuse, and domestic violence.

Analysis of the survey data indicates correlations between exposure to the oil spill and increased

outcome measures. The interview data describe the social and community context of the

psychological impacts, particular the relationship between the non-therapeutic community and

social/psychological distress.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Kodiak Island,

Prince William Sound, Kenai Peninsula, Native Communities] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup,

litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Aleuts]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social disruption, social cohesion, social conflict]

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, sense of community, moral discourse]

FAMILY_EFFECTS[ family relationships, children, domestic violence]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, stress,

substance abuse, therapeutic community] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased

subsistence activity, sharing, decreased use of subsistence foods]

CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, enculturation, meaning systems] REMAINDER[

exposure index, Oiled Mayor’s Study]

CITATION[ Steiner, Rick. 1997. Probing an oil stained legacy. In The Exxon Valdez disaster:

readings on a modern social problem, eds. J.S. Picou, D.A. Gill, and M.J. Cohen, 111-114.

Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Since the oil spill there is a “new silence” in Prince William

Sound that indicates the biological damage caused by the oil spill and its aftermath. Restoration

has had mixed results, but there have been some notable improvements in the oil transport

system. The ongoing American demand for oil continues to put places such as Prince William

Sound at risk.] KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic book chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ State

of Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Regional Citizens Advisory Council]

REMAINDER[ oil transport system]

POPULAR ARTICLES 
CITATION[ Alaska’s Wildlife. 1993. Map of Exxon Valdez, Alaska, oil-spill’s effect on

people. Alaska’s Wildlife. Formerly Alaska Fish and Game 25(1):26.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This special issue is devoted to the biological effects of the

Exxon Valdez oil spill. Included is a discussion of subsistence, terrestrial mammals, birds,

marine mammals, habitat, shellfish, and fish. There is also a map of the oil spill’s effect on

people. The section on subsistence, by James Fall of the Alaska Department of Fish and Game,

presents information on the level of subsistence use in Native communities, and the

contamination of wildlife.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Alaska Peninsula, Tugidak

Island, Kodiak Island, Afognak Island, Katmai Coast, English Bay, Cook Inlet, Kenai,

Anchorage, Kenai Peninsula, Kenai Fjords National Park, Chenega Bay, Knight Island, Herring

Bay, Naked Island, Prince William Sound, Bligh Reef, Valdez, Tatitlek, Cordova, Copper River

Delta, Kayak Island] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Alaskans, fishermen, hunters,

Exxon, Alaska Department of Fish and Game] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contaminated resources]

CITATION[ Chatterjee, Pratap. 1992. Squabble over how to spend Exxon's Valdez

compensation. New Scientist 134(1816):10.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This popular article in a science magazine indicates that

environmentalists and scientists disagree about how more than $1 billion from Exxon should be

spent. The scientists want more research into the long term effects of the spill, while

environmentalists propose to buy a nearby forest to save it from logging.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Prince William

Sound, Kenai Peninsula, Kodiak Island] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration, litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, University of Alaska Department of

Forestry, Prince William Sound Conservation Alliance, National Park Service]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ use of funds] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ compensation, spending of

compensation]

CITATION[ Davidson, Art. 1990. Valdez reflections. Sierra 75(3):42 (10 pages).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This popular article presents reflections on the Exxon Valdez oil

spill and cleanup a year after the spill. It notes that lingering impacts on beaches and wildlife,

but anticipates that wildlife will recover. Social impacts are also mentioned, including a sense of

vulnerability in those living near tanker operations. Native Alaskans depend on the sea for

subsistence, and hunting and fishing are an important part of their cultural identity. Part of the

article is concerned with assigning responsibility for the spill, and suggests that Exxon and other

entities, such as the Coast Guard and the State of Alaska, share this role while Exxon bears

ultimate responsibility. The response by Exxon was more rapid than the State of Alaska or the

federal government. It concludes that current technology is inadequate to deal with a spill,

especially one of this size, and that the oil companies and the Department of the Interior were not

sufficiently forthright with the public and the Congress about the difficulty of recovering spilled

oil.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Kodiak, Katmai] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Alaskans, U.S. Coast Guard,
Exxon, oil companies, Congress, Alaska State, Department of the Interior, Minerals Management

Service, Alaska Legislature, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contaminated resources] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[

cultural identity]

CITATION[ Dayton, Leigh. 1989. Exxon Valdez's human toll is still unknown. New Scientist

123(1677):23.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article in a popular science magazine reports that the human

health risks from the Exxon Valdez spill are unknown. Lack of advance planning by officials and

scientists are faulted, and it is noted that no plans were in place for a study of health risks in

advance of the spill. In consequence, data was lost. Studies of the weathering and toxicity of oil

are beginning to be reported, but the results are inconsistent.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prudhoe Bay, Alaska]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Swedish

Environmental Research Institute, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, U.S.

National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences, Exxon, Alaska State, Alaska Department

of Labor, National Toxicology Program of the NIEHS, Mount Sinai School of Medicine]

REMAINDER[ health risks]

CITATION[ Drew, Lisa. 1990. Truth and consequences along oiled shores. National Wildlife

28(4):34 (9 pages).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This popular article represents an overview of local efforts to

respond to the oil spill by Alaskans, including some inventions to aid in cleanup, and the

formation of organizations.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Valdez, Homer, Bligh Reef, Cordova, Mars Cove, Kenai Peninsula] EVENT_PHASE[ spill,

cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alyeska, Exxon, Oil Reform Alliance,

Alaska Oil Spill Commission, fishermen, U.S. Coast Guard, Homer Area Recovery Commission,

Alaskan Natives] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ crime, emergent groups, disruption of Native

communities, subsistence-based community] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ spillionaires]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ substance abuse, mental health services]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contamination fears, food storage]

CITATION[ Graham, Frank, Jr., Leslie Ware, and Jon R. Luoma. 1989. Oilspeak, common

sense, and soft science: the industry's high-powered blend of politics, public relations, and plenty

of dollars obscures our knowledge of oil's environmental effects. Audubon 91(5):102 (10

pages).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article in a popular journal mentions the public relations

efforts by oil companies, but argues that they failed to prepare and had insufficient scientific

knowledge to deal with the Exxon Valdez spill (EVOS), especially given the special problems

presented by Arctic oil spills. Previous oil spills are detailed, including Amoco Cadiz, Torrey

Canyon, and Atlantic Express. Also mentioned are the effects of the spill on the environment,

wildlife and the food chain.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Kenai

Fjords National Park] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration]
SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Congress, Exxon, oil companies, National

Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration]

CITATION[ Hodgson, Bryan. 1989. Alaska’s big spill: can the wilderness heal? National

Geographic 177(1):5-43.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This popular article offers the author’s observations of the oil

spill (EVOS) and cleanup on the eighth day and five months later. The fears of locals over

recovery, the extent of recovery, and questions about the duration and efficacy of the cleanup are

mentioned. The article includes a detailed map of the region, and the spread of the oil. There are

also sections on the technologies used for cleanup, the impact on wildlife, degradation of oil in

the environment, and public entities involved in response to the spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Columbia Glacier, Chugach

National Forest, Katmai National Park and Preserve, Prince William Sound, Evans Island,

Kodiak, Alaska Peninsula, Knight Island, Herring Bay, Tugidak Island, Kenai Peninsula, Barron

Island, Cape Chiniak, Sand Point, Busby Island, Green Island] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, National Oceanographic and Atmospheric

Association, scientists, fishermen, U.S. Coast Guard, Alaska Department Of Fish and Game,

Alaska Institute of Marine Science, Governor Steve Cowper, Division of Environmental Health,

National Park Service, University of California at San Diego, Department of the Interior,

National Transportation Safety Board, Pacific Area Coast Guard Strike Team, Cordova District

Fishermen United, Alyeska, National Science Foundation, Environmental Protection Agency]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ emergent groups] REMAINDER[ inventions]

CITATION[ Matsen, Brad. 1996. The once and future spill: in the wake of 1989's Exxon Valdez

oil spill disaster, has anything really changed? Audubon 96(4):116 (Column).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article in a popular magazine argues that while litigation has

proceeded, little has changed to prevent a future occurrence of a similar disaster. The author

argues that oil companies find loopholes in existing regulations and delay updating their

technology, and regulations, for example those requiring double hulled tankers, are so vague they

make enforcement difficult, and there has been no change in energy consumption practices or

policies.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

pre-spill, restoration, litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ oil consumers,

author, oil companies, oil tankers, regulators, legislators] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ litigation as

deterrent]

CITATION[ Munk, Nina. 1994. We're partying hearty! Forbes 154(10):84 (5 pages).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ In this article in a popular magazine, the author argues that

lawsuits have turned the oil spill into an economic bonanza for the state of Alaska, law firms,

and 15,000 plaintiffs, while Exxon shareholders have lost value of their stock. The fisheries and

coastline have recovered, and the author cites a book by Wheelright to the effect that some of the

damage was done by the cleanup rather than the spill. This case is discussed as an example of

deep pockets litigation, and examples are given of the kinds of calculations that are made to

figure economic losses suffered by the plaintiffs, and the damages and punitive damages Exxon

should pay. The article specifies the amounts Exxon and Alyeska have been ordered to pay to

various parties and entities, and suggests that many of the claims were of questionable nature,

and indicates the normal volatility of harvests and prices in the salmon fishery.]
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Prince William

Sound, Canada, Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ federal government, Alaska’s Attorney General,

fishermen, fish processors, litigants, Exxon, Alyeska, Alaska State government, Native Alaskans,

Native Corporations, Kodiak Island Borough, landowners, cannery workers, municipalities,

business owners, fish hatcheries, author Jeff Wheelwright, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service,

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Salmon Market Information Service, media]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, shareholder losses, Exxon losses, Alyeska losses]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ punitive damages, compensatory damages, cleanup, assessment

studies, plaintiffs, defendants]

CITATION[ Pain, Stephanie. 1989. Alaska has its fill of oil. New Scientist 123(1677):34 (7

pages).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article in a popular science magazine indicates the various

scientific and technical efforts associated with cleanup of the oil spill. A computer program

tracks movement of the oil and the boats, and tells Exxon how to proceed with cleanup.

However some of the cleanup efforts are low-technology. The article describes the geography of

the spill’s spread, affected fish and wildlife, the varied approaches to cleaning beaches of oil, and

describes scientists’ attitudes as angry, frustrated, challenged and intrigued.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez, Prince William

Sound, Prudhoe Bay, Alaska, Bristol Bay, Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, Bligh Reef]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Alyeska,

U.S. Coast Guard, Department of Environmental Conservation, National Oceanographic and

Atmospheric Administration, University of Washington College of Fisheries, U.S. Fish and

Wildlife Service, National Marine Mammal Laboratory, University of Alaska, Environmental

Protection Agency]

CITATION[ Raloff, Janet. 1993. Native Alaskans eschew this oily diet. Science News

143(7):110.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This brief article in a popular science magazine considers the

impact of the oil spill on the Native Alaskan diet. The Native Alaskan diet at the time of the spill

included consumption of between 200 to 500 pounds of subsistence foods per person annually in

villages considered in a particular study, which included mostly Alutiiq Natives. This compares

to an average purchase of 220 pounds of meat, fish and poultry annually for an average

American family. After the spill, there was a steep drop in subsistence harvests in the ten

villages most affected. Fear of food contamination was the main reason given for avoidance in a

survey of 403 homes. Subsistence includes a combination of marine mammals, fish, shellfish,

birds, land mammals, and wild plants. The decrease in subsistence activities is seen to threaten

Natives’ nutrition, local economy, and the cultural fabric of Native Alaskan society.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

spill, cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Oil Spill Health Task

Force, Exxon, National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration, Alaska Department of

Fish and Game, Native Alaskans, Alutiiq] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ marine mammals,

fish, shellfish, birds, land mammals, wild plants, amounts consumed, contamination fears,

decreased harvest] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ culture, society]
CITATION[ Shao, Maria. 1990. Everybody cleaned up: that's the problem. Business Week,

n3173:24D (2 pages, column).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This news-magazine article, a ‘letter from Valdez’ by the

correspondent, presents a number of observations about impacts of the oil spill. As the base of a

$2 billion cleanup operation, Valdez had many ‘spillionaires,’ from boat rentals, gasoline sales,

etc. There were also losses, to civic pride, sense of tranquility, as the area was besieged by oil

company workers, government bureaucrats, job seekers, and “destitute toughs.” The population

rose from 3,200 to 10,000, and remained larger, at 4,100, a 28% increase. Some of the increase

was due to the permanent siting of spill response crews by Alyeska. Crime increased, and the

arrest rate was 60% higher than pre-spill, while tourism declined 20% in 1989. Counseling

centers were diagnosing post traumatic stress, and there was a ten-fold rise in cases at women’s

shelters.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newsmagazine article] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez]

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

fishermen, boat owners, Alyeska, cleanup workers, bureaucrats, residents] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[

population increase, crime] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, sense of community, civic

pride, tranquility] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ women’s shelters] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[

spillionaires, economic loss] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ post-traumatic stress disorder,

PTSD] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ traffic, crime, arrests, mayor]

CITATION[ Shao, Maria. 1990. Caught in the wake of the Exxon Valdez. Business Week,

n3172:74 (3 pages).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This newsmagazine article discusses some of the regulatory and

technological problems facing the Alyeska Pipeline Consortium in the period after the oil-spill

and cleanup. The Consortium, which includes Atlantic Richfield, Exxon, Amerada Hess,

Mobile, Phillips, and Unocal is facing increased regulatory distrust because of the view that their

response to the spill was delayed, and because of their dispute with the Alaska Department of

Environmental Conservation concerning regulations on dumping untreated ballast water from the

oil tankers. The pipeline’s earnings decreased 11% from the year before and are expected to

decrease 4% in the current year (1990). A new Alyeska president has offered to make some

consortium records available to a citizen’s environmental oversight organization, and to provide

funding to the organization. Alyeska’s major problem is that corrosion is wearing away the 48"

diameter pipes, and the company has found 827 anomalies which are mostly due to failure of the

pipes’ epoxy coating. An eight and a half mile section of pipe that runs through the Atigun

tundra is badly affected by corrosion. (Also includes related article on Alaska's dependency on

oil production).]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newsmagazine article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

Alyeska, Alyeska president Hermiller, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ distrust, regulatory oversight] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ distrust, ethics,

future risk] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ Alyeska losses]

CITATION[ Wohlforth, Charles P. 1989. Black gold: the second Alaska oil boom. New

Republic 201(12-13):20 (2 pages).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ A brief overview of effects of the cleanup effort on Valdez,

Alaska is provided in this popular article. The cleanup effort’s effect on the economy is
compared to the economic boom during construction of the trans-Alaska pipeline. It notes that 

the Alaska unemployment rate, which was among the highest in the nation, fell in the two 

months after the spill to the lowest it had been since the 1976 pipeline construction. At the time 

of the spill, cuts had been made in State government, and the collapse of real estate prices had 

put most State banks out of business, but that the cleanup had infused an anticipated $1.2 billion 

into the economy. Among other impacts, it mentions increased traffic and crime, increased 

population, discord among co-workers about the division of financial awards, Native Alaskans 

concerns about the contamination of subsistence food, and the disruption of traditional society as 

Native Alaskans adults left the village to take part in cleanup. It mentions that the main 

contractor for the cleanup, Veco Inc. was guaranteed a percentage of the profit on everything 

spent on cleanup, and concludes that many Alaskans will look back on the cleanup with 

nostalgia.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez, Alaska] 

EVENT_PHASE[ 1976 construction, pre-spill, cleanup] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Alaskans, unemployed, fishermen, 

VECO, Exxon, police, Alaska State Government, bankers] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ crime, social 

conflict, social disruption, population increase] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ cultural persistence] 

FAMILY_EFFECTS[ adult absence] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, economic loss, 

unemployment, distribution of cleanup money, banking industry, fishing industry] 

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ police overwhelmed, traffic] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ 

contamination fears] 

ACADEMIC ARTICLES 

CITATION[ Barinaga, Marcia. 1989. Alaskan oil spill: health risks uncovered. Science,

245(4917):463.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This brief article in a popular and academic magazine indicates

that while there has been much attention to the impacts of the oil spill on wildlife, much less

attention has focused on the impact on human health, according to toxicologists and health

officials at a scientific conference. Health risks to cleanup workers from fumes and contact with

oil are mentioned. Further, Native subsistence fishermen generally rely on seafood for 80% of

the protein in their diets, and if they continue to eat seafood it is projected they may face an

increased risk of stomach cancer. The article also notes that some scientists find a discrepancy

between policies adopted to ensure the safety of commercial Alaskan seafood and policies

directed at Native Alaskans and their use of subsistence foods.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic conference news bulletin] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince

William Sound, Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Laborers International Union, Occupational Safety

and Health Administration, Food and Drug Administration, Alaska Area Native Health Service,

University of Alaska, National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration, Congress]

OTHER_EFFECTS[ health of cleanup workers, seafood safety policy] REMAINDER[ health

risks, health policies]

CITATION[ Bowen, Michael and F. Clark Power. 1993. The moral manager: communicative

ethics and the Exxon Valdez disaster. Business Ethics Quarterly, 3(2): 97-115.]
ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This journal article considers the business ethics surrounding the

decisions made in the period leading to and following the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The

information that managers had to make decisions, and the uncertainty of circumstances in which

they were operating should be taken into account.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

pre-spill, spill, cleanup] REMAINDER[ business ethics]

CITATION[ Carson, Richard T., R.C. Mitchell, M. Hanemann, R. J. Kipp, et al. 1995.

Contingent valuation and lost passive use: damages from the Exxon Valdez. Discussion Paper

95-02. San Diego, CA: Department of Economics, University of California, San Diego.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic paper considers the validity of the ‘contingent

valuation’ approach in the estimation of the passive use value of natural resources. Contingent

valuation is a survey method for determining the economic value people assign to the availability

of a resource when there is no clear market for determining the economic value. It provides

people with a scenario and then asks about their willingness to pay for changes (for example

resource protection) or their willingness to accept compensation for degradations in the resource.

This paper reports on a project that attempted to design the best possible contingent valuation

survey of the lost passive use of natural resources, taking into account and addressing criticisms

that had been leveled against the methodology. The project was conducted for the State of

Alaska in preparation for Exxon Valdez oil spill litigation. The paper reports in depth on the

study design and implementation, and briefly outlines its findings. Three different methods for

figuring the mean willingness-to pay are used to yield three different numbers, which represent

the survey’s willingness-to-pay estimate multiplied by the number of English speaking

households in the U.S. These numbers are $2.75 billion (using the parametric point estimate of

the median), and $4.87 billion (using a conservative estimate of the mean consistent with the

density estimates of the nonparametric Turnbull estimator), and $8.83 billion (using the

parimetric Weibull estimate of the mean), and are designed to represent the public’s willingness

to pay to prevent another Exxon Valdez oil spill, given the scenario posed to them.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic paper] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, State of Alaska, economists,

public] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ lost passive use] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ litigation research,

contingent valuation, lost passive use] REMAINDER[ research methods]

CITATION[ Cohen, Maurie J. 1993. Economic impact of an environmental accident: a

time-series analysis of the Exxon Valdez oil spill in south-central Alaska. Sociological

Spectrum, 13(1):35-63.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This is an academic article on economic impacts of the Exxon

Valdez oil spill. The article concludes that the overall impact of the event was economically

beneficial, and compensated for a sharp reduction in the profitability of commercial fishing,

though the benefits were not evenly distributed in all areas of Southcentral Alaska. The author

notes that Native communities were not included in his analysis. The area of Petersburg was used

as a control in the analysis.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Southcentral Alaska,

Cordova, Valdez, Kenai, Petersburg] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ non-Natives, fisheries, consumers ]
ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, commercial fisheries losses, regional economic

impacts]

CITATION[ Cohen, Maurie J. 1995. Technological accidents and natural resource damage

assessment: an evaluation of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Land Economics, 71:35:63.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic article presents an economic analysis of the effect

of the oil spill on the fisheries of Southcentral Alaska. The author observes that fisheries provide

the economic foundation for many small communities. According to the economic model used,

the upper limit of the cost to the fisheries was $108 million in the first year, approximately 27%

of ex-vessel value, and second year effects may have been as high as $47 million. The author

states that it is unlikely that actual costs to the fisheries were this high. At the same time, there

was an economic boom, and wages remitted in Valdez increased 300% over the previous year.

Southcentral Alaska has three regulatory areas, Prince William Sound, Lower Cook Inlet, and

Kodiak Island, and each has many fisheries, as defined by locality, species, and gear group. The

five species of Pacific salmon are the most valuable fish product, representing 40% of production

and 66% of ex-vessel value. The spill had different impacts on different salmon species. The

economic model depends on estimating harvest volumes and ex-vessel prices for the region’s

fisheries that would have occurred in the absence of the accident, and the author mentions other

economic and ecological factors that might have affected the fisheries.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Southcentral Alaska, Prince

William Sound, Lower Cook Inlet, Kodiak Island] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fisheries, Exxon] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ natural

resource community] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, economic loss, ex-vessel prices,

harvest volume, Japanese yen, exchange rate]

CITATION[ Daley, Patrick. 1991. Sad is too mild a word: press coverage of the Exxon Valdez

oil spill. Journal of Communication, 41(4):42-57.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ News coverage of the Exxon Valdez event is analyzed by

examining the thematic narratives in three news papers: The Anchorage Daily News (ADN), the

Boston Globe (BG), and the Tundra Times (TT). The analysis argues that the political and

economic concerns of dominant American society are emphasized in the ADN and BG, but

subsistence concerns of Alaskan Natives are generally under-reported. Narrative themes in the

ADN and BG express a disaster theme that portrays the public as victims, a “naturalization” of

the event, and the paradoxical dependence of Alaskans on oil that has now resulted in disaster.

Although there is a minor environmental theme, the preponderance of coverage reinforces the

political and economic interests of the oil industry. In contrast, coverage of the TT emphasized

subsistence issues, but it also indicates Native Alaskan’s perceived Exxon’s cleanup effort as

more public relations rather than actual cleanup.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, residents, public, oil industry]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ subsistence concerns] REMAINDER[ media coverage]

CITATION[ Dyer, Christopher L. 1993. Tradition loss as secondary disaster: long-term cultural

impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Sociological Spectrum, 13(1):65-88.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic article looks at social and cultural impacts of the

Exxon Valdez oil spill on Native Alaskan communities. The author argues that the cultural
impacts from the spill can evolve into a loss of traditions in Native communities, and emphasizes 

the importance of studying cultural effects. Observed changes include a decline in sharing and 

social support networks, a decline in subsistence activities, and disruption of the communal 

controls of natural resources. The author proposes that culture and tradition loss can be the 

outcomes of technological disasters, and that understanding cultural impacts is important given 

the expansion of First World technology into Third World settings. The researcher found that 

Native Alaskan communities are economically oriented toward utilizing sustainable resources, 

sharing subsistence resources, and communal protection and enhancement of local resources, and 

that these are symbolized in festivals, religion, and family and community obligations. The loss 

of subsistence resources caused breakdowns in cultural patterns of resource use and cooperative 

work and the sense of stewardship of the environment, and led to increased domestic violence, 

alcoholism, social dysfunction, drug abuse and child abuse.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova, Alaska] 

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives] 

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social support, subsistence-based community, sharing, community 

obligations, cooperative work] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ culture loss, cultural persistence, 

festivals, sense of community, sense of place, stewardship of the environment, religion, 

subsistence traditions] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic violence, child abuse, stress, role 

relationships] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ commercial vs. traditional economy] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ substance abuse, child abuse] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ 

culture, religion, festivals, tradition loss, stewardship of the environment.] 

CITATION[ Dyer, Christopher L., Duane A. Gill and J. Stephen Picou. 1992. Social disruption 

and the Valdez oil spill: Alaska Natives in a natural resource community. Sociological 

Spectrum, 12(2):105-126.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic article presents a conceptual model for 

understanding the cultural impacts of the oil spill on Native Alaskan communities, and also 

presents results of a community survey conducted in 1989 and again in 1990. A natural resource 

community, according to this model, is a population living in a bounded area whose primary 

cultural existence is based on the utilization of renewable natural resources. In Cordova, 

commercial fisheries include salmon, herring, razor clams, halibut, crab, shrimp, rockfish, and 

sablefish, and subsistence involves harvest of berries, marine invertebrates, vegetation, and wild 

game. The article cites another report (Stratton 1989) that in a 1985 survey, 402.7 pounds of 

resources per household were harvested, and salmon constituted a large portion of the overall 

harvest. The survey found that in 1989, 58% of respondents reported disruptive changes in 

family relationships, many linked to the breakdown of normal family routines associated with 

commercial fishing and subsistence, while in 1990, only 25% reported family disruption. In 

1989, 52% of respondents indicated a change in future plans, but by 1990 that number had 

decreased to one third. In contrast, work-related disruption increased over time, from 25% in 

1989 to 50% in 1990. The increase in work-related disruption may be because some people left 

usual work for cleanup employment and did not return to their normal jobs the next season. The 

proportion of respondents who perceived change in the Cordova community increased from 3% 

to 75%.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova, Alaska] 

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives] 

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ natural resource community, sharing, alienation, kinship] 
CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence traditions, traditional knowledge] FAMILY_EFFECTS[

family relationships, family routines] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ cleanup employment]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ sense of the future, alienation, stress]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, fishing, gathering, clamming, salmon, marine

invertebrates, vegetation, wild game] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ culture]

CITATION[ Dyer, Samuel Coad, Jr., M. Mark Miller, and Jeff Bonne. 1991. Wire service

coverage of the Exxon Valdez crisis. Public Relations Review, 17(1):27-36.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ In this academic article, stories in two media wire services are

analyzed a year before the oil spill and a year after the spill, with an interest in organizational

planning for crisis communications. They included 51 press releases from Business Wire and

newscopy from 2091 pieces from the Associated Press. The content analysis identified terms

associated with legal, environmental, and economic issues, and these were coded for frequency

using a computer content analysis system, and analyzed with log-linear analysis.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] REMAINDER[ media coverage]

CITATION[ Goldberg, Victor P. 1994. Recovery of economic loss following the Exxon Valdez

oil spill. Journal of Legal Studies, 23:1-39.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic article provides a discussion of the legal issues

and arguments surrounding legal liability for damages suffered from the Exxon Valdez oil spill.

It considers who should be able to sue for damages, and specifically outlines decisions in Robins

v. Dry Dock and subsequent decisions. The author proposes that, as in the Amoco Cadiz case,

the government should act as the surrogate owner of the lost access to a public resource, rather

than lawsuits being pursued by individuals and groups. The government would provide relief to

injured parties and sue the company for recovery of funds distributed. It suggests that the law’s

protections of some parties (fishermen) and not others should be seen as a political decision to

provide relief.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

cleanup, restoration, litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, fishermen,

litigants, federal government] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ Robins Dry Dock and Repair Co. v.

Flint, Union Oil Co v. Oppen, State of La ex rel. Guste v. M/V Testbank]

CITATION[ Gramling, Robert. 1992. Oil spills and policy: the Exxon Valdez and US petroleum

energy policy. American Sociological Association.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This is a virtually identical version of the article published in

Industrial Crisis Quarterly.]

CITATION[ Gramling, Robert and William R. Freudenburg. 1992. The Exxon Valdez oil spill

in the context of US petroleum politics. Industrial Crisis Quarterly, 6(3):175-196.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The article argues that the causal elements involved in the Exxon

Valdez oil spill were included actions of governmental institutions as well as actions of the

tanker crew and Exxon corporation. They suggest that there is in some sense a profit motive for

government agencies in promoting oil extraction, and that there is a governmental interest in

encouraging domestic rather than international oil extraction and use. Additionally safeguards

placed on the pipeline development eroded once public attention was no longer focused on the

issue.]
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Valdez]

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill] REMAINDER[ causes of spill]

CITATION[ Harrald, John R., R. Cohen, W.A. Wallace. 1992. "We were always

re-organizing...": some crisis management implications of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Industrial

Crisis Quarterly, 6(3):197-217.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The article takes as its starting point the organizational confusion

that occurred after the Exxon Valdez oil spill among those charged with response. The article

outlines the organizational structure that was supposed to come into play in the event of an oil

spill, and describes the way these contingency plans quickly fell apart and were replaced by other

organizational structures after the spill. The contrast between contingency plans and actual

response patterns and organization is outlined. The important and problematic role of emergent

organizations in the Exxon Valdez response are discussed. Recommendations are made for

improving the ability to prepare for disaster response.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

pre-spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ U.S. Coast Guard, Exxon,

Alaskan State Government, interest groups, emergent groups, federal government]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ emergent groups, response organizations, breakdown of organizational

planning] REMAINDER[ disaster planning]

CITATION[ Holland, H. Russel. 1996. Letter. American Indian Culture and Research Journal.

20(3): 167-170.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ In this letter, Federal District Judge Holland replies to Professor

Joseph Jorgensen’s article, “Ethnicity, Not Culture? Obfuscating Social Science in the Exxon

Valdez Oil Spill.” Holland indicates that the decision against Native Alaskans’ claims for

damages was not based on social science, but rather the legal framework that defines who is

eligible to seek damages. The Native claims were not granted under maritime public nuisance

laws because they did not show that they suffered damages “different in kind” from the general

public, since all Alaskans have the right to lead subsistence lifestyles. Claims for private

nuisance were rejected because the Native Alaskans did not have a “possessory interest” in the

land oiled by the spill. Further, the court decision held that even if Native Alaskans could prove

their claim for nuisance, it would not be relevant, since nuisance claims under federal common

law and maritime law are, in the judgement of this court, preempted by the Federal Water

Pollution Control Act. The letter also disputes Jorgensen’s discussion of attorneys’ fees and

Native versus non-Native damage awards.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic letter] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Judge H. Russell Holland, Joseph

Jorgensen, Alaskan Natives, social scientists, lawyers, courts, Exxon, State of Alaska, Native

Corporations, Bohannon] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ In re the Exxon Valdez, federal common

law, maritime law, Federal Water Pollution Control Act, Trans-Alaska Pipeline Liability Fund,

Order No. 190 Id. at 10. dicta, Federal District Court]

CITATION[ Jones, Jonathon D., Christopher Jones and Fred Phillips. 1994. Estimating the

costs of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Research in Law and Economics, 16:109-149.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ In this academic article, the author uses the Exxon Valdez case to

examine whether the costs associated with large spills provide private incentives to oil
companies to invest in spill prevention and abatement. A stock market event analysis is used to 

estimate losses to Exxon stockholders from the EVOS and estimate the spill’s negative external 

effects on the oil industry. The study found large and significant losses for Exxon, while costs to 

the oil companies were economically large but statistically insignificant. Further, liability laws 

provide firms with private incentives to invest in safeguards, but companies may underestimate 

the costs of a spill. The Exxon Valdez spill is estimated to have cost a loss in stockholder wealth 

of between $4.7 billion and $11.3 billion. Costs to stockholders in other oil companies after the 

spill, and costs resulting from factors such as increased regulation, may total as much as $9.8 

billion. The study uses a broad reading of costs, and these include direct costs such as cleanup, 

legal fees and insurance, indirect costs such as financial liability, and repercussion or reputation 

costs, such as regulatory change, legislative change, and stockholder and consumer factors. The 

article includes a time line of events and news regarding the spill, the company and the industry, 

along with fluctuations in stock prices. The authors concludes that the stock market response to 

the Valdez spill was atypically large. This event may have brought a reassessment of 

expectations regarding spill frequency, and initiated changes in environmental attitudes and 

policies that are not likely to be duplicated in future spills.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Prince William 

Sound, Santa Barbara CA, Florida] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Alyeska, oil industry, stockholders, bond 

market, regulators, legislators] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ stock market, bond market, insurance 

rates, Exxon costs, oil industry costs] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ liability, damages] 

REMAINDER[ legislation, regulation] 

CITATION[ Jorgensen, Joseph G. 1995. Ethnicity, not culture? Obfuscating social science in 

the Exxon Valdez oil spill case. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 19(4):1-124.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The author of this academic article argues that social science was 

mis-used in a lawsuit by Native Alaskans against Exxon over the oil spill. Social scientist who 

testified for the Natives argued that culture-loss had occurred as a result of the spill, but the 

author indicates that the testimony should have instead focused on Natives’ responses to the 

consequences of the EVOS. The article criticizes the approaches of social scientists cited by the 

plaintiffs and those for the respondent. In the context of a broader discussion of Native culture, 

it argues that Native plaintiffs were ill served by social scientists who made claims on the basis 

of cultural impacts, and that social scientists for the plaintiffs muddied the waters. It concludes 

that bad social science was associated with severe results for Native Alaskans.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ 

litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, social scientists, Exxon] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ culture loss, rhetoric of risk ] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ failure of 

plaintiffs] 

CITATION[ Jorgensen, Joseph G. 1996. ‘Ethnicity, not culture?...’ A reply. Response to article 

by H. Russell Holland. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 20(3):171 (5 pages).] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The author disputes the concepts of culture and tradition 

proposed by Holland in an academic response to another article in the same journal. The author 

argues that the generalizations made about culture and tradition lack evidential support.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ 

litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, social scientists, Judge 
H. Russell Holland, Exxon, lawyers] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ culture loss, rhetoric of risk]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ failure of plaintiffs]

CITATION[ Moore, W.W. 1994. The grounding of the Exxon Valdez -- an examination of the

human and organizational factors. Marine Technology and News, 31(1):41-51.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic article notes that in high consequence, low

probability technological disasters, human and organizational factors are often causative. The

author observes that the complexity and limitations of the technology are often not well

understood by the operators. The specific human and organizational factors that can lead to

technological disasters are proposed.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ technical article] GEOGRAPHY[ Bligh Reef, Prince William

Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaska Board of

Marine Pilots, State Pilot Association, Southwest Pilots Association, tanker crew, Exxon, U.S.

Coast Guard.]

CITATION[ Palinkas, Lawrence A., John S. Petterson, John C Russell, and Michael A. Downs.

1993. Community patterns of psychiatric disorders after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. American

Journal of Psychiatry, 150(10):1517 (7 pages).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic article presents a study on psychological impacts

of the Exxon Valdez oil spill carried out one year after the spill. Symptoms of generalized anxiety

disorder and post traumatic stress disorder were assessed using the National Institute of Mental

Health Diagnostic Interview Schedule, and depressive symptoms were assessed using the Center

for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D). Research employed a community survey

of 599 men and women in thirteen Alaska communities. The one-year prevalence of symptoms

in communities with all degrees of exposure was 20.2% for generalized anxiety disorder and

9.4% for post traumatic stress. The prevalence of respondents with CES-D Scale scores above

16 and 18 was 16.6% and 14.2% respectively. Those who had a high exposure to the spill and

cleanup were 3.6 times likelier to have generalized anxiety disorder, 2.9 times likelier to have

post traumatic stress, they were 1.8 times as likely to have a CES-D Scale score of 16 and above

and 2.1 times as likely to have a score of 18 and above. Women more often suffered these

conditions, and Native Alaskans were more likely to suffer depressive symptoms. Implications

for mental health and primary care are discussed.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ 13 Alaska communities]

EVENT_PHASE[ cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives,

women, Alaskans] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ post-traumatic stress disorder, PTSD,

generalized anxiety disorder, depression]

CITATION[ Palinkas, Lawrence A., Michael A. Downs, John S. Petterson, and John C. Russell.

1993. Social, cultural, and psychological impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Human

Organization, 52(1):1 (13 pages).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic article considers the psychological and

sociocultural impacts of the Exxon Valdez spill, and reports the results of a population-based

study of 594 men and women living in 13 Alaska communities a year after the spill. The study

found a dose-response relationship between exposure to the spill and cleanup activities and

declines in traditional social relations with coworkers, friends, neighbors, and family, as well as a

decline in activities associated with subsistence production and distribution, along with a
perceived increase in problems connected to substance abuse and domestic violence, and a 

decline in perceived health status along with an increase in diagnosed medical conditions. 

Further, the study found post traumatic stress, generalized anxiety disorder, and depression. 

Those most at risk for the psychiatric disorders were Alaskan Natives, women, and those 18-44 

years old.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ 

cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Alaskans, women, 

adults] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social disruption, demographic characteristics, kinship, 

friendships, crime] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ family relationships, domestic violence] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ post-traumatic stress disorder, PTSD, generalized anxiety 

disorder, depression, substance abuse, sense of health] OTHER_EFFECTS[ increased diagnosis 

of medical problems, decline in perception of health] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ 

decreased harvest, sharing] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing] 

CITATION[ Palinkas Lawrence A., John C. Russell, Michael A. Downs, and John S. Petterson. 

1992. Ethnic differences in stress, coping, and depressive symptoms after the Exxon Valdez oil 

spill. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 180(5):287-295.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic article reports research on depressive symptoms in 

a sample of 188 Alaskan Natives and 371 Euro American residents of three Alaska communities. 

Equal proportions of Natives and Euro Americans lived in affected and control communities. 

The study found ethnic differences in the association between depressive symptoms and 

exposure to the spill and cleanup. Symptoms were measured with the Center for 

Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale. Natives had a significantly higher mean Exposure 

Index score than did Euro Americans, and were more likely to report that they had worked on the 

cleanup, and suffered from the damage to commercial fishing and subsistence activities. For 

Natives, depression was related to participation in cleanup and other oil contact, while among 

Euro Americans depression was related to damage to commercial resources, their use or 

residence in areas affected by the spill. Family support provided a better buffer for Euro 

Americans than for Natives. The two ethnic groups were different in the degree and kind of 

exposure they reported, in their evaluation of the events as stressful, and the level of depression 

measured in the two groups. The cultural significance of the spill, and the threat to Native 

culture and personal identity associated with culture were factors. There was no difference 

between Natives living in different areas, and no significant difference among Native groups 

including Aleuts, Athapaskan Indians, Southeast Coast Indians, and other groups.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, three communities] 

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ 

Alaskan Natives, Euro Americans, Aleuts, Athapaskan Indians, Southeast Coast Indians] 

FAMILY_EFFECTS[ family support] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ commercial fishermen] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ depressive symptoms, coping mechanisms] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contaminated resources] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ 

culture, identity] 

CITATION[ Picou, J. Steven, D.A. Gill, C.L. Dyer, E.W. Curry. 1992. Disruption and stress in 

an Alaskan fishing community: initial and continuing impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. 

Industrial Crisis Quarterly, 6(3):235-257.] 
ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The article argues that communities dependent on the use of 

renewable natural resources are more vulnerable to the impacts of disasters that contaminate 

those resources. It compares the city of Cordova, Alaska with an Alaskan community unaffected 

by the spill, and finds long term impacts such as social disruption and stress in Cordova.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova, Petersburg] 

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ 

commercial fishermen, Alaskan Natives] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social conflict] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of community] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ family relationships] 

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, work disruption] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ 

contamination fears] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing] 

CITATION[ Quarm, Darrin J. 1992. Right to subsist: the Alaska Natives’ campaign to recover 

damages caused by the Exxon Valdez spill. The Georgetown International Environmental Law 

Review, 5: 177-213.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic article examines the legal issues involved in 

lawsuits brought by Native Alaskan corporations against Exxon. This article reviews the actions 

taken by Native Corporations against Exxon, and discusses key players, the legal strategies 

employed by key players, and evaluates those strategies and their results. The author mentions 

that damage to the wildlife of Prince William Sound damaged the Natives’ subsistence activities 

and the subsistence lifestyle, including social and cultural traditions, economics, sense of pride 

and cultural identity, self reliance, cooperation and family and community responsibility. The 

bulk of the article presents the legal context and legal arguments made by concerned parties.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Prince William 

Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ 

Exxon, federal government, Alaska State, Native Corporations, litigants, Chenega Corporation, 

Port Graham Corporation, English Bay Corporation, Alyeska, environmental groups, Department 

of the Interior, U.S. District Court, Department of Justice, Sierra Club Legal Defense Fund, 

National Resources Defense Council, Trustees for Alaska, National Audubon Society, 

Environmental Defense Fund, National Wildlife Federation, Wilderness Society] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ post-traumatic stress disorder] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ 

Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, Alaska National Interest Land Conservation Act, Marine 

Mammal Protection Act, Oil Pollution Act] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ subsistence 

activity ] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ lifestyle, traditions, economics, pride, identity, self 

reliance, cooperation, family and community responsibility] 

CITATION[ Rodin, Mari, M. Downs, J. Petterson, J. Russell. 1992. Community impacts 

resulting from the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Industrial Crisis Quarterly, 6(3):219-234.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic article considers the social effects associated with 

the Exxon Valdez oil spill and by the cleanup efforts. Three factors influencing impacts were the 

environmental damage caused by the accident, the influx of large sums of money into the 

community, and the manner in which cleanup entities operated. The article suggests that 

management strategies used during the cleanup undermined community social structures in 

Native communities. It also finds and that a community’s technical and administrative resources 

were important variables in it’s ability to find additional resources and help.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Kodiak, Seward, 

Valdez, Old Harbor, Ouzinkie, Tatitlek, Larsen Bay, Kenai Peninsula Borough] 
EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ cleanup workers, 

Exxon, Alaskan Natives, Deckhands Association, VECO, commercial fishermen, Seward Life 

Action Council, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ 

emergent groups, social organization, social conflict ] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, 

Native culture, cultural persistence] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic violence, unsupervised 

children] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ substance abuse, domestic violence, crime, mental 

health services] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ fiscal impacts, delayed work] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contaminated resources] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ social 

structure] REMAINDER[ vulnerability of traditional communities] 

CITATION[ Shaw, D. and H. Bader. 1996. Environmental science in a legal context: the Exxon 

Valdez experience. Ambio, Nov. 25(7):430-434.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This academic article examines the existing legal framework of 

governmentally supported scientific research on incidents such as the Exxon Valdez oil spill. It 

notes that the government gathered data on the environmental consequences of the incident, most 

as part of a legally mandated process that limits the information gathering to specific studies 

designed to help determine injury and biological restoration. With respect to the Exxon Valdez 

case, the article observes that the damage assessment process was not designed to study effects 

of the incident in any broad sense. The constraints on data collection limited the ability of state 

and federal government to demonstrate natural resource injury, and the delays associated with 

defining the scope of damage assessment meant that research opportunities were lost. It argues 

for changing the reliance on ecological baseline data, and proposes that a different legal context, 

one of mitigation rather than restoration, would have advantages.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ State of Alaska, US, Prince 

William Sound, Aleutian Islands] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, restoration, litigation] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Department of the Interior, National Park Service, 

Exxon, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, National Marine Fisheries Service, Alaska Department of 

Fish and Game, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, Alaska Legislature] 

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ CERCLA, Oil Pollution Act, Public Trust Doctrine, Maryland v. 

Amerada Hess Corporation, Maine v. M/V Tamanol, In re Steuart Transportation Corporation, 

Clean Water Act, Marine Mammal Protection Act, public trust resources] 

CITATION[ Smith, Conrad. 1993. News sources and power elites in news coverage of the 

Exxon Valdez oil spill. Journalism Quarterly, 70(2):393-403.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ In this academic article, the author analyzed sources named in six 

months of coverage of the Exxon Valdez spill by the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, 

the Washington Post, and the Anchorage Daily News. The interest was in the relative success of 

elite and non-elite sources in access to media, and how the three major elites identified and 

framed the story. The study looked at 483 stories written by 116 different journalists, and 

identified 1,439 sources including government, oil industry, scientists, fishermen, 

environmentalists, affected business, individuals, animal rescue, oil experts, legal experts and 

media observers. The study concludes that sources named by more than one news organization 

were part of powerful institutional elites, i.e. organized economic or political groups with a 

vested interest in how the spill was reported. It further concludes that sources from the three 

elites had different perspectives and were not equally satisfied with the way the story was 

reported, though satisfaction was not related to media access.] 
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ 

spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ New York Times, Los Angeles 

Times, Washington Post, Anchorage Daily News, journalists, oil industry, scientists, fishermen, 

environmental groups, businesses, public, media] REMAINDER[ media coverage] 

CITATION[ Special report (on the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill, Prince William Sound, Alaska). 

In The Amicus Journal. Vol. 11, no. 3 (summer 1989). (NOTE: this ‘special report’ essentially consists 

of five separate articles within this volume; these are each annotated below) ] 

CITATION[ Borrelli, Peter. 1989. Troubled waters. (p.10-20) The Amicus Journal. Vol. 11, no.

3 (summer 1989)]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article provides a description of the locales, landmarks, and

entities involved in response to the Exxon Valdez oil spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Cordova, Eastern and Northern Districts, Chugach Mountains, Valdez, Columbia Glacier, Kenai

Peninsula, Kodiak Island, Southwestern District, Montague District, Perry, Culross, Naked

Islands, Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, Bristol Bay, Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alyeska, Cordova District Fishermen United,

Aquaculture Corporation, National Marine Fisheries Service, scientists, Alaska Department of

Fish and Game, U.S. Forest Service, Exxon, National Oceanographic and Atmospheric

Administration, Governor Steve Cowper] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ CERCLA.]

CITATION[ Schmidt, Susan. 1989. The oil doctors. (p.21-23) The Amicus Journal. Vol. 11,

no. 3 (summer 1989)]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article discusses government scientific response, especially

response by NOAA, to the oil spill. It mentions that NOAA is one of fifteen government

agencies that deal with oil spills.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, scientists, National Oceanographic

and Atmospheric Administration, National Response Center, U.S. Coast Guard, Environmental

Protection Agency]

CITATION[ Seligman, Dan. 1989. The accident that wanted to happen. (p.21-23) The Amicus

Journal. Vol. 11, no. 3 (summer 1989)]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The subtitle of this article is “how big oil, Congress, and the

Nixon Administration scuttled NEPA and a Canadian pipeline alternative in favor of the

trans-Alaska pipeline,” and it discusses the context in which the decision was made to site the

pipeline in Alaska, including the energy shortage, and political and legal battles over siting.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Canada]

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alyeska, Congress,

Senate, Nixon Administration, U.S. Coast Guard, Department of the Interior, Wilderness

Society, Environmental Defense Fund, Friends of the Earth, National Resources Defense

Council, Exxon, oil companies]

CITATION[ Hall, Vicki. 1989. Dear Mom. (p. 28-29). The Amicus Journal. Vol. 11, no. 3

(summer 1989)]
ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This is a personal account written by a woman in Cordova who

works as a longshoreman. Her observations of the spill and her emotional response and concerns

about the future of the area are described, and dated April 25, 1989.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova, Aleutian Chain,

Kodiak] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

longshoremen, Exxon]

CITATION[ Price, Jess. 1989. Snake oil. (p.30) The Amicus Journal. Vol. 11, no. 3 (summer

1989)]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The author interviews Dept. of the Interior Secretary Manuel

Lujan about the future plans for the Wildlife Refuge, lease sales, and regulatory items such as

inspections and response teams, in the wake of the Exxon Valdez spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ popular article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Arctic

National Wildlife Refuge] EVENT_PHASE[ cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Bush Administration, Department of the Interior,

Manual Lujan Secretary of the Interior, Environmental Protection Agency, Department of

Commerce, Office of Management and Budget, National Academy of Sciences, U.S. Coast

Guard.]

CITATION[ Tierney, Kathleen J. and E.L. Quarantelli. 1992. Social aspects of the Exxon

Valdez oil spill. Industrial Crisis Quarterly, 6(3):167-173.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This introductory editorial precedes a series of articles on the

Exxon Valdez oil spill in a special issue of the journal. Following a brief summary of the articles

contributing to the special issue, the authors argue that scientific research and reporting were

constrained following the spill by gag orders associated with lawsuits, and by efforts to subpoena

data collected under promises, and “Human Subjects/IRB” requirements, of confidentiality. It

concludes that the power of science in our society is very fragile compared to the power of the

state and the corporation.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic editorial] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ scientists, corporations, government, human

subjects] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ litigation and scientific research]

CITATION[ Tolbert, Miles. 1990. The public as plaintiffs: public nuisance and federal citizen

suits in the Exxon Valdez litigation. Harvard Environmental Law Review, 14(2):511-527.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The author of this academic article suggests that novel legal

approaches have emerged in response to the Exxon Valdez spill, and that these approaches might

change the nature of future environmental litigation. The article compares two lawsuits brought

by environmental groups against Exxon, suits that used two different legal strategies. One suit

used common law public nuisance doctrine, while the other used modern environmental statutes.

The efficacy and limitations of the two approaches are discussed.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ environmental groups, Alyeska, Exxon,

U.S. District Court, National Wildlife Federation, Wildlife Federation of Alaska, Natural

Resources Defense Council, Environmental Protection Agency] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[

Federal Water Pollution Control Act, Resource Conservation and Recovery Act, CERCLA,

Sierra Club v. Morton, Save Sand Key Inc. v. US Steel Corp., Akau v. Olohana, Trustees for

Alaska v. State, Sierra Club v. Exxon Corp, Clean Water Act]
CITATION[ Wooley, Christopher B. 1995. Alutiiq cultures before and after the Exxon Valdez 

oil spill. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 19(4):125 (29 pages).] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The author of this academic article disputes the view proposed by 

other research that the spill and disruption of subsistence activities led to a loss of culture among 

Alaskan Natives. Instead, the author argues that the spill provided an impetus for the Alutiiq 

people to become more aware of their cultural identity and political power, and gain increased 

sense of self-worth. More generally, it argues that culture is never static and that change is 

ongoing. It criticizes surveys and baseline studies that attempt to define a culture at a given time 

in order to quantify culture change. It proposes that major events are often treated the cause of 

change that is actually ongoing, and argues that the spill could be treated as the scapegoat for the 

many changes in Alutiiq culture in the twentieth century] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ 

spill, cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, 

Alutiiq] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ political power, ethnic pride] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ cultural 

persistence, cultural identity] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ wage labor] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ self-worth, cultural identity] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ 

subsistence activity] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ absence of impact on culture] 

REPORTS 

CITATION[ Agler, B.A., P.E. Seiser, S.J. Kendall, and D.B. Irons. 1994. Marine bird and sea 

otter population abundance of Prince William Sound, Alaska: trends following the T/V Exxon 

Valdez oil spill, 1989-93. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration 

Project 93045). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-194873).] 

CITATION[ Agler, B.A., S.J. Kendall. P.E. Seiser, and D.B. Irons. 1995. Marine bird and sea 

otter abundance of Prince William Sound, Alaska: trends following the T/V Exxon Valdez oil 

spill. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration Project 94159). 

Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-194881).] 

CITATION[ Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An 

Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in 

Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies 

Program, Technical Report 160.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This report is based on research in twenty-one communities in 

four Alaska locales, conducted during 1992, 1993, and 1994. The research was directed at 

understanding the sociocultural impacts of resource development in Alaska’s Outer Continental 

Shelf, and especially the impacts on subsistence use of wildlife and fish. The Exxon Valdez spill 

is one topic addressed in this broader study of oil development. Two interview instruments 

were employed, a “harvest survey questionnaire” and a “social effects questionnaire.” Separate 

chapters provide results of research in each community, and clear differences emerge among the 

communities, based on ethnic composition, economic base, proximity to the spill and damage to 

the environment. In an earlier study, the researchers found that the spill had an important impact 

on subsistence activities and related sociocultural systems, and that the degree of social and 

subsistence impacts followed the geography of the spill and the persistence of environmental 
damage. The most environmentally affected areas were also the most affected in terms of

subsistence and social impacts. This pattern of impacts continued during the present study. In

some communities, impacts included decreased sharing of wild foods, less participation of

children in subsistence activities, less satisfaction with living in the community, a belief that

there is less subsistence activity, and that the populations of fish and wildlife that provide

subsistence base had declined. There were also fears of food contamination, and doubts about

the health of the environment. These perceived declines in wildlife populations and vitality of

the environment are viewed as unexplained, and constitute a source of lingering uncertainty

about the future. The prolonged litigation over Native claims, and the judicial decisions made

with respect to the legitimacy of Native claims, constitute another social impact. (NOTE --

individual volumes/chapters of this work are separately annotated given the rich nature of their

content)]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Chenega Bay, Cordova, Tatitlek,

Valdez, Prince William Sound, Kenai, Nanwalek, Port Graham, Seldovia, Cook Inlet, Akhoik,

Karluk, Kodiak, Larsen Bay, Old Harbor, Ouzinkie, Port Lions, Kodiak Island Borough, Chignik

Bay, Chignik Lake, Alaska Peninsula, Arctic region, Kotzebue, Kaktovik, Kivalina, Nuiquist]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, fishermen, hunters, sportsmen,

subsistence resource users] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community]

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, sense of community, risk perception]

FAMILY_EFFECTS[ children, sharing, domestic violence, role relationships]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, economic loss] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[

substance abuse, fear about future] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ Native lawsuits]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, fishing, gathering, decreased harvest, contamination

fears, deer, harbor seals, sea lions, sea ducks, clams, seals, salmon, halibut, clams, bidarkies,

octopus] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, enculturation, uncertainty about future]

CITATION[ Jody and James A. Fall. 1995. Cordova. In Volume II: Prince William Sound.

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation of the

Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared for

Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report

160.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Commercial and subsistence harvests in Cordova declined over

the three years of the study. In 1993 approximately 20% of households blamed the Exxon Valdez

spill for the reduced subsistence, while a larger proportion of Natives in Prince William Sound

and Cook Inlet held this view. There was general opposition to continued resource development,

and the majority said they liked living in Cordova less than before, because of financial troubles,

stress, and uncertainty about the future.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova, Prince William

Sound, Cook Inlet] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[

reduced harvest] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ stress, fear about future]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased harvest]
CITATION[ Miraglia, Rita A. and Lisa Tomrdle. 1995. Valdez.. In Volume II: Prince William 

Sound. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation 

of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared 

for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical 

Report 160.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The authors observe that there are socio-demographic differences 

between Valdez and some of the other communities studied, since it is an urban community, a 

portion of the economy is based in the oil industry, there is relatively little subsistence use of 

resources while recreational hunting and fishing are more common, and the community is 

predominately non-Native. Further, the Exxon Valdez spill did not contaminate the Port of 

Valdez. Valdez residents were more likely to compare the Exxon Valdez spill to the pipeline 

construction of the 1970's, while other Prince William Sound communities more often compared 

the spill to the 1964 earthquake, and the theme was economic boom rather than disaster. In 

contrast to other communities, most Valdez respondents did not report that there were fewer 

subsistence resources. A few interviewees thought clams were unsafe for children, and 

associated this unsafety to oil pollution and contamination, but long-time residents often cited 

chronic pollution from the pipeline terminal rather than the Exxon Valdez spill. Respondents in 

Valdez reported less social impact from the spill than did respondents in other communities.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez] EVENT_PHASE[ 

pre-spill, spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ 

sportsmen, non-Natives, residents] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain] 

CITATION[ Seitz, Jody and Rita Miralgia. 1995. Chenega Bay. In Volume II: Prince William 

Sound. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation 

of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared 

for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical 

Report 160.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ While there was an increase in harvests in the years 1991-1993 

over levels in 1989-1991, some effects of the spill continued into 1994. Harvests of land 

mammals, birds, and marine mammals were below expectations, and there was a shift to 

harvesting of fish. Since there were fewer local resources, and there were continued 

contamination fears about local resources, subsistence activity was associated with travel to new 

areas. Respondents asserted that resource use was below levels prior to the spill, and the 

majority said that deer, harbor seals, sea lions, sea ducks, and clams had declined in numbers. 

The authors report that contamination fears persisted in Chenega Bay more than in any other 

community studied. Respondents also indicated that they did not feel well enough informed, and 

they said there was less sharing of resources, and a third of respondents believed that the spill 

had affected children’s participation in subsistence. In the first year of the study, half the 

respondents reported they liked living in Chenega Bay less since the spill.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Chenga Bay] 

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, resource users] 

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community, sharing, cooperative work, information 

sources] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of community, sense of place, risk communication] 

FAMILY_EFFECTS[ role relationships, enculturation] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ 
decreased harvest, deer, harbor seals, sea lions, sea ducks, clams, contamination fears , travel to

new areas, increased effort, shift from mammals to fish.]

CITATION[ Seitz, Jody, and James A. Fall. 1995. Tatitlek. In Volume II: Prince William

Sound. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation

of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared

for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical

Report 160]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The authors write that Tatitlek is one of the communities that

continues to be most affected by the spill, as evidenced in reduced harvests despite the greater

effort put into subsistence activity. The report notes the cultural values which give responsibility

to those who take part in subsistence activities for providing for dependents, and an ethic that

they must not return without something to share. The failure of the herring run in 1993 and 1994

and a herring virus made a prized food unavailable and had added cultural significance, since it

is associated with spring and the renewal of life, and is seen as a sign of environmental health

and the persistence of Alutiiq subsistence culture. Five households had left the small community

of Tatitlek by 1994, and three of them were considered important harvesters. There were

additional expenditures of time and labor as people traveled farther to harvest.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Tatitlek] EVENT_PHASE[

pre-spill, spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

Alaskan Natives, Alutiiq] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ sharing, emigration, subsistence-based

community] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ traditional knowledge, cultural persistence, risk

perception] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ herring, decreased harvest]

CITATION[ Tomrdle, Lisa, Lisa Hutchinson-Scarbrough, and Ronald T. Stanek. 1995. Kenai.

In Volume III: Lower Cook Inlet. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of

Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental

Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS

Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 160]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Exxon Valdez spill had little or no direct impact on Kenai,

according to respondents interviewed for this report. The oil and gas industry are important parts

of the Kenai economy, while the subsistence use of resources is not common. Wildlife and

fishery resources are part of the area’s commercial fishing, and recreational hunting and fishing

are part of the tourism industry. According to one interview with a counselor, the presence of

sudden wealth from the cleanup may have contributed to social problems such as divorce,

violence, and substance abuse. Most respondents were unaffected by the spill and were unaware

of impacts from the spill, and they favored continued oil development. Only a small portion of

respondents worked in fisheries or as fishermen, or were Alaskan Native, and respondents in

these categories identified themselves as being more affected by the spill, and they noted

economic impacts. Some residents expressed sympathy for Exxon in the ongoing litigation.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Kenai] EVENT_PHASE[

spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ oil industry

employees, fishermen, fisheries workers, tourists, Alaskan Natives] FAMILY_EFFECTS[

divorce] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, commercial fisheries, tourism industry]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ divorce, violence, substance abuse] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[

sympathy for Exxon]
CITATION[ Stanek, Ronald T, Lisa Tomrdle, and James A. Fall. 1995. Seldovia. In Volume 

III: Lower Cook Inlet. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. 

An Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in 

Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies 

Program, Technical Report 160] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Social impacts differed in Seldovia and the other two Kenai 

Peninsula communities included in the Technical Report 160 study series, despite the fact that 

the three communities have a similar history. In comparison to the other two Kenai Peninsula 

communities, relatively few households in Seldovia mentioned lowered harvest levels, reduced 

sharing of resources, or less participation in subsistence activities by children. And 

comparatively few mentioned decreased populations of subsistence resources or fears of food 

contamination. The researchers suggest that this difference may be associated with the lesser 

degree of oiling in the area of Seldovia and the lesser degree of observed decline in subsistence 

resources. Yet around half of the residents believed oil development in the outer continental shelf 

would result in damage to the fish and wildlife. A population of near 500 includes about a third 

Alaskan Natives. Commercial fishing provided the economic base for many years, but this 

industry declined sharply during several years prior to the spill. Tourism has provided some 

diversification, and the permanent location of a spill response team in Seldovia after the spill 

increased the oil and gas sector of the community and economy. Seldovia is an incorporated 

community, but is not connected by roads to other parts of the State. There was a high degree of 

reliance on wild resources for subsistence, and wild resource harvesting included most Seldovia 

residents. Harvested resources included berries and plants for food and medicinal purposes, fish, 

marine invertebrates, land and sea mammals for food.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Seldovia, Nanwalek, Port 

Graham, Kenai Peninsula] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, restoration] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, non-Natives, commercial 

fishermen, children] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community, sharing] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, sense of community] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ 

enculturation] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ commercial fisheries, tourism industry, subsistence 

economy, economic gain, economic loss] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ increased harvest, 

resource availability] 

CITATION[ Stanek, Ronald T. 1995. Port Graham. In Volume III: Lower Cook Inlet. Alaska 

Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation of the 

Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared for 

Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 

160] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Port Graham has a population of around 160, with about 85% of 

the residents Native Alaskan. Like Seldovia, another Kenai Peninsula community, Port Graham 

did not have roads connecting it to the rest of the State, but was accessible by boat and small 

airplane. The commercial fishing industry was the major economic sector in Port Graham prior 

to the oil spill, but after the spill the local cannery closed and salmon runs declined, leading to a 

significant decrease in the importance of the commercial fishing industry. The economy 

diversified somewhat after the spill, with work in small construction projects, logging, a salmon 

hatchery and more, but many young job seekers had to leave Port Graham to find employment. 
Commercial fishing continued to be the largest source of employment, and to represent the major 

source of household earned income. The chapter indicates the kinds and quantities of resources 

harvested for subsistence use, sharing, medicinal purposes, and the amounts and kinds of fish 

taken from commercial activities for home use. Community members were asked to assess the 

amounts of wild resources they had used in 1991/92 in comparison to 1990, and in comparison to 

the year prior to the spill. For marine resources, around half of the respondents indicated that 

they used less in 1991/92 than before the spill, a moderate number indicated that they used the 

same amount, and the fewest respondents said that they used more marine resources than before 

the spill. In contrast, more respondents indicated that they used the same amounts of land based 

resources such as birds, plants, and land mammals in 1991/92 and before the spill. Reported 

resource use levels were more similar in 1990 and 1991/92, than when comparing either year to 

the year prior to the spill. The composition of the wild resource harvest was relatively consistent 

during the six year period of study, despite the oil spill. This consistency is attributed to 

established harvest practices, cultural preferences, access and affinity to traditional harvest areas, 

and abundant resources, and to the fact that the oiling of Port Graham did not have as severe an 

impact on harvests as some other areas. Respondents expressed some concern about food safety 

after the spill, and thought there were fewer resources available, and less sharing. They also 

liked their communities less.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Kenai Peninsula, Port 

Graham, Nanwalek, Seldovia, Cordova, Chenega Bay, Kodiak] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, 

spill, cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, 

Russian] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community, sharing, emigration] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, sense of community] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ 

economic loss, commercial fishing, economic diversification, unemployment, subsistence 

economy] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ fishing, hunting, gathering, resource availability, 

medicinal plants, preservation methods] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ medicinal plants, 

traditional locales, resource preferences] 

CITATION[ Stanek, Ronald T. 1995. Nanwalek. In Volume III: Lower Cook Inlet. Alaska 

Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation of the 

Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared for 

Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 

160] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ At the time of this study, Nanwalek had a population of around 

162, approximately 90% Native Alaskan. Residents were more isolated than the other two Kenai 

Peninsula communities, and placed greater importance on maintaining their customs and 

traditions. There were few economic opportunities, but subsistence and traditional culture were 

attractions for residents. The economy has moved almost completely away from commercial 

fishing (due to low escapements and the closing of a cannery in Port Graham) to reliance on 

temporary jobs in construction, with additional sectors in logging, services, and local 

government. Half of the respondents considered their financial situation the same as before the 

spill, and a third judged it to be worse despite revenue from the cleanup. Resource harvest levels 

dropped by half in 1989, the year of the spill, over levels in 1987, and the types of items 

harvested also decreased by half. Harvest amounts and kinds recovered in 1990-92. More 

marine than non-marine resources were discarded due to abnormal appearance and fear of 

contamination. Confidence in the safety of resources increased in the years after the spill, while 
employment opportunities decreased. Residents observed decreases in seal and sea lions, and 

helped to clean heavily oiled beaches. Participation in subsistence activities by children was 

significantly affected by the oil spill, this impact was more widespread in Nanwalek than in some 

other communities. The researcher observes that many Nanwalek adults took cleanup jobs that 

kept them from the community for long periods and meant that Nanwalek children did not work 

with their parents to obtain subsistence resources. The reported sharing of subsistence resources 

also declined after the spill, but in the third year after the spill sharing levels increased.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Nanwalek, Kenai Peninsula, 

Port Graham, Seldovia, Kachemak Bay, Cook Inlet] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup, 

restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, children] 

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community, sharing] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of 

place, traditional knowledge, customs, enculturation] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ parent absence] 

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic decline, cleanup employment, subsistence economy, village 

economy, economic diversification, temporary employment] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ 

resource availability, harvest amounts, species, increased reliance on subsistence] 

CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, enculturation] 

CITATION[ Mishler, Craig, Rachel Mason, and Jeffrey Barnhart. 1995. Kodiak. In Volume 

IV: Kodiak Island. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An 

Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in 

Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies 

Program, Technical Report 160] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The history of Kodiak City is briefly reviewed, and it is 

described as part rural and part urban, with a city population of over 6,000, with 14.2% Native 

Alaskan. The wider area of Kodiak included in this study had a population of around 10,000. 

Over 25% of the residents were newcomers, and had arrived in Kodiak after the Exxon Valdez oil 

spill. Around 8% of the residents were employed by the Federal government, and many were 

part of a nearby Coast Guard base. Commercial fishing is the major economic sector, and 

Kodiak was the number one seafood port in 1981 and 1988. Commercial fisheries also 

contributes to subsistence use, and fishermen use or share part of their commercial catch. The 

cost of living in Kodiak was relatively high in the early 1990's, and was higher according to 

some measures than Anchorage or Seattle. Kodiak residents harvested and used a large number 

of subsistence resources. The report does not distinguish between sports harvest and subsistence 

harvest by Native Alaskans. The researchers note that in 1991, 98% of households used , and 

93% harvested at least one wild resource, with 80% giving a harvested resource and 93% 

receiving a harvested resource. Fishing, the harvest and processing of plants and berries, and 

hunting for food were the main activities, with 88 resources harvested, and sharing extending to 

15 Alaskan communities, while Kodiak residents received wild goods from 25 communities. Per 

capita harvest included 96.6 pounds of fish, 25 pounds of land mammals12 pounds of marine 

invertebrates and 5 pounds of wild plants and berries. Harvests in later study years were 

similarly high. The specific species, means of harvest, and preservation methods are discussed, 

as are geographic/ethnic differences in harvested resources. In general, Kodiak residents were 

not concerned about the effect of the Exxon Valdez oil spill on the safety of harvested resources, 

in part because increasing numbers of residents had not been in Kodiak at the time of the spill. It 

is suggested that the population has become increasingly transient and mobile. Of those 

surveyed, around 30% thought that clams were unsafe for children to eat, with 50% concerned 
about shellfish poisoning, and 20% mentioning oil contamination. Reported sharing of resources 

had not apparently decreased in 1990 and 1991 from the levels of sharing before the spill.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Kodiak Island, Kodiak City, 

Women’s Bay, Chiniak Bay, Gulf of Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup, 

restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, non-Native, 

fishermen, U.S. Coast Guard, sportsmen, children] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ sharing, 

subsistence-based community, immigration, demographic change, emigration] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk perception, risk communication] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ 

commercial fisheries, harvest types, government employment, service sector, cost of living, per 

capita income] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, fishing, plants, gear types, species, 

quantities, contamination fears, resource availability] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing] 

CITATION[ Mishler, Craig. 1995. Old Harbor. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division 

of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental 

Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Old Harbor is located at the southeast end of Kodiak Island, at 

the narrows of Sitkalidak Strait. The population is above 200, and half the residents are of mixed 

Alutiiq and Scandinavian ancestry, with almost all the residents members of the Russian 

Orthodox Church. Those of Alutiiq-Scandinavian heritage are often involved in commercial 

fishing. Commercial fishing generally occupies its participants for six months out of the year, 

and while commercial fishing is the most common employment sector, with government 

employment second, slightly more personal income in Old Harbor derives from government 

work, which pays more, than from commercial fishing. Old Harbor includes a small boat harbor 

and a large dock, a clinic, an elementary and high school, and a new airport completed in 1993. 

The use of subsistence resources was particularly high in Old Harbor, and these resources 

contributed a significant proportion of foods consumed. All households used at least one wild 

resource, and all harvested at least one. Eighty-four different kinds of resources were harvested, 

and in addition an uncounted variety of wild plants were harvested. Levels of sharing were also 

high, and 95% gave away and 97% received at least one resource. Sharing with other 

communities involved seven recipient communities and gifts from twelve communities. 

Subsistence harvests contributed an important part to Old Harbor’s economic health, and the 

harvest level was the third highest per capita among the study communities in 1991. Thirty-eight 

percent of households estimated that wild fish, meat, and poultry constituted between a quarter 

and a half of their yearly use. Around 60% of salmon were caught with subsistence gear. The 

amounts, species, harvest and preparation methods are discussed, as is the medicinal use of 

plants. About half of the residents surveyed thought their use of wild resources had declined 

since the Exxon Valdez oil spill, with the largest perceived decline in use of salmon, marine 

mammals and shellfish. The amounts of subsistence harvests declined considerably in the year 

following the oil spill, and by 1991/92 had begun to approach, but still did not equal, harvest 

levels before the spill. Concerns about eating subsistence foods were common in Alaskan 

communities after the spill, but by 1991/92 concerns were lower than in Prince William Sound 

and lower Cook Inlet. Only 19% of those surveyed said that the spill had negatively affected 

children’s participation in subsistence activities, and over 90% liked living in their community 

just the same as before the spill. The researchers note that sharing is almost exclusively 

associated with subsistence foods rather than purchased foods, and that the cultural ethic of 

sharing and the support of the elderly through sharing would probably change with a change in 

diet.] 
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Old Harbor, Prince William 

Sound, Cook Inlet, Kodiak Island, Three Saints Bay, Sitkalidak Strait, Anchorage, Kodiak City, 

Akhiok, Fairbanks, Gambell, Karluk, North Naknek, Barrow, Bethel, Chalkyitsk, Kenai, Port 

Lions, south Naknek, Afognak, Alitak, Port Hobron] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup, 

restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alutiiq, Scandinavian, Alaskan 

Natives, Russian, commercial fishermen, children, elderly] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ 

subsistence-based community, sharing] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, religion, 

sharing, cultural values] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ children, enculturation, obligations, sharing with 

elderly] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ commercial fishermen, government employment, government 

payments] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ infrastructure] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, 

fishing, gear types, resource availability, harvest amounts, species, food preservation techniques, 

contamination fears] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, enculturation, harvest methods, 

preservation methods, medicinal plants] 

CITATION[ Mishler, Craig, Rachel Mason, and Vicki Vanek. 1995. Ouzinkie. In Volume IV: 

Kodiak Island. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An 

Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in 

Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This is a community of over 200 residents on Spruce Island, near 

Kodiak Island. Around 87% of the residents are Alaskan Native, and employment was in 

commercial fishing, the school board, the village Native Corporation, longshoreman, and Native 

corporation provided the local income. Harvest levels and techniques, gear types, the species 

harvested, and medicinal uses of plants are presented. Residents have favorite subsistence 

hunting and fishing areas, and the researchers observe that some harvest areas and species have a 

highly symbolic value to the community. There was a dramatic decline in harvest levels after the 

oil spill, and levels did not return to pre-spill levels in subsequent years. It is speculated that 

subsistence harvests were permanently transformed after the spill, reflecting both reduced 

populations of animals and a dietary shift from subsistence foods to purchased foods. The 

change in tastes to purchased foodstuffs was influenced by the high cash incomes associated with 

cleanup work, and by large amounts of free groceries given to cleanup workers by Exxon and 

VECO. There were also perceived declines in resource availability. In the first year of this 

survey, the highest proportion (47%) of residents said they got 26-50 percent of their protein 

from wild foods, while in the third year the same proportion of residents said they got 1-25 

percent of their protein from wild foods. A majority believed that the oil spill had not affected 

children’s participation in subsistence activities. 96% of household share subsistence goods. 

Levels of political activity had not changed in the community, and residents liked living there as 

much as before the spill. Community members described the attractions of living in Ouzinkie, 

and said that if another oil spill were to prevent subsistence activity for six months, it would be a 

calamity.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Ouzinkie, Spruce Island, 

Kodiak Island, Kodiak Archipelago, Anton Larson Bay, Monashka Bay, Fort Abercrombie State 

Park, Marmot Bay, Afognak Island] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup, restoration] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Ouzinkie Native Corporation, 

Russian, commercial fishermen, longshoremen, children, elderly, Unification Church] 

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community, sharing, political activity, voting, 

leadership] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, sense of community, cultural values, 
sharing] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ commercial fisheries, cleanup money, traditional vs. 

commercial economy, cash economy] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ infrastructure] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ resource availability, contamination fears, species, subsistence 

methods, preservation methods, medicinal plants, favored locales, decreased harvest, change 

from subsistence foods to purchased foods] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, 

enculturation, symbolic value of locales, symbolic value of species, change in attitudes towards 

subsistence foods] 

CITATION[ Mishler, Craig, Rachel Mason, and Jeffrey Barnhart. 1995. Larsen Bay. In Volume 

IV: Kodiak Island. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An 

Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in 

Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Larsen Bay, on the west side of Kodiak Island, is inaccessible by 

road, and can be reached by air or water travel. It has a relatively young population of around 

150 residents, and just over 80% are Alaskan Native. Commercial fishing provides most of the 

local income, and in 1993 included 6 purse seine permits, 3 beach seine permits, and 10 set 

gillnet permits. A local cannery purchases from residents but its employees are from outside the 

community. Income from government jobs, especially education, is the second highest source 

of income. The cash economy was stable over the three years of the study, the population 

decreased slightly, and those who remained had higher cash incomes. The amount of money 

spent by households on purchased foods was among the highest of the villages studied. 69% of 

the community took part in subsistence harvests in the first year, they shared resources with 

residents of 14 other Alaskan communities, and the per capita harvest was 295 pounds of food. 

which increased to 353 pounds in 1992/93, and 451 pounds in 1993/94. Trends in prior years had 

shifted, and in 1982/83 the harvest was 403 pounds, in 1986 it as 209 pounds, and in 1989 it was 

212 pounds. 52% of the harvest was fish in the first year, and fish were 70% of the weight 

during the second study year, and 64% the third year. The chapter also notes processing 

techniques and the species harvested. Participation in subsistence activities was high, with over 

90% of households harvesting, and all households using subsistence resources. Larsen Bay has 

become a popular site for sports hunters and fishermen from outside the community, and local 

subsistence users and hunters increasingly mentioned the depletion of resources by these outside 

sportsmen. Few of those surveyed expressed fears about seafood contamination. About half the 

household heads surveyed said that if subsistence resources became unavailable they would no 

longer live in Larsen Bay. Most of those surveyed in the first study year said they were 

sufficiently informed about the safety of eating subsistence foods after the oil spill. However, 

over the course of the three year study, the percentage of those who said they were uninformed 

remained constant, while the percentage of those who felt they had been informed declined.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Larsen Bay, Kodiak Island, 

Kodiak Archipelago Uyak Bay, Karluk, Kodiak City, Anchorage, Kenai] EVENT_PHASE[ 

pre-spill, spill, cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Larsen Bay 

Tribal Council, Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Kodiak Area Native Association, 

commercial fishermen, sportsmen, hunters, fish processors, Alaskan Natives, elders, children, 

households] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community, community obligations, 

sharing, support of the elderly, household size] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk communication] 

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ commercial fisheries, fish processing, tourism industry] 

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ population decline, decreased household size, infrastructure, 
subsistence community] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ harvest amounts, species, 

participation in harvests, participation in processing, processing methods, medicinal plants, 

fishing methods, sharing, competition with sportsmen] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, 

enculturation, sense of place] 

CITATION[ Mason, Rachel, and James A. Fall. 1995. Karluk. In Volume IV: Kodiak Island. 

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation of the 

Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared for 

Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Karluk is a located on the west side of Kodiak Island, along the 

Shelikof Strait and at the mouth of the Karluk River. In the late 1800's, it had a population of 

hundreds, but in the 1990's it was 71 or less. It was a relatively young population, with an 

average age of 22.7 years, it was 95% Alaskan Native, and had a fairly long average residency in 

the community, 28 years. The population decline is attributed to a variety of factors, including 

an enduring family feud, and additional tensions that emerged after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. 

Employment in Karluk was scarce, and the per capita income of $6,924 was one of the lowest of 

the communities included in the study. The major source of income was service jobs, and a 

major sector of that business was providing guides for sports hunting and fishing. Income from 

employment at the local school was the other major source of income. In contrast to other 

communities, commercial fishing did not provide much income, and consisted of only an 

average of $90 per capita. Commercial fishing is less important in Karluk because it does not 

have a small boat harbor, and only one person owned a limited entry salmon fishing permit. 

Some young men in the village worked as crew on Kodiak or Larsen Bay fishing boats. Food 

expenditures in Karluk were higher than in the other communities surveyed in 1991/92, and the 

average expense was over eight hundred dollars per household. Over a third (38.5%) of those 

surveyed said their financial situation was about the same as before the EVOS, and the same 

proportion said their situation was worse than before the spill. The researchers note that the 

stressed condition of the economy were visible in the high unemployment rate, high food costs, 

decreasing population, and low per capita income. Subsistence uses of resources were high, and 

virtually all residents had used and harvested at least one wild resource. On average, Karluk 

households harvest a smaller range of resources than do other Kodiak communities, and Karluk’s 

subsistence harvests concentrate on the major local resource, salmon. They shared resources 

within the community and with other communities. In 1991/92, 46%, estimated that between 

26-50% of their protein came from wild resources. There was a substantial drop in subsistence 

harvests for the year following the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The pre-spill average was 618 pounds 

per capita, and that dropped to 255 pounds in 1989. Most of those surveyed identified the oil 

spill as the reason for the lower harvest, specifically cleanup work that interfered with 

harvesting, and contamination fears. The spill had social impacts, including unfilled jobs in 

tribal government, and animosities over cleanup hiring, wages, and income. Subsistence harvest 

recovered in 1990/91, to 401 pounds per capita, but in 1991/92 they had again dropped, to 269 

pounds per capita, a pattern that contrasts with some other spill area communities such as 

Ouzinkie, Nanwalek, Port Graham, and Chenega Bay. Yet most villagers considered their 

subsistence uses the same or higher than before, few feared food contamination, most thought 

they had been well enough informed about food safety, and only 15% in 1991 indicated less 

sharing. Only 15% believed the spill had affected children’s participation in subsistence 

activities, lower than the proportion of respondents in Prince William Sound, lower Cook Inlet, 
and Ouzinkie. Karluk is a site for sports hunting and fishing, and sportsmen from all over the 

world visit and take resources for use, trophies, or catch and release. These activities compete 

with available subsistence harvests.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Karluk, Shelikof Strait, 

Kodiak Island, Karluk River, Larsen Bay, Ouzinkie, Nanwalek, Port Graham, Chenega Bay, 

Prince William Sound, lower Cook Inlet] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup, restoration] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, tribal council, guides, sportsmen, 

children, educators] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ emigration, social conflict, subsistence-based 

community, sharing] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, sharing] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ 

children, enculturation] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ financial strain, low income, cost of living, 

unemployment, tourism industry, employment outside community, government employment] 

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ civic posts unfilled, subsistence community] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased harvest, participation in harvest, species, techniques, 

contamination fears, sharing, competition with sportsmen, harvest amounts, no sustained 

recovery in harvests, children’s participation, contribution to diet, medicinal plants] 

CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, enculturation, medicinal plants] 

CITATION[ Mishler, Craig. 1995. Akhiok. In Volume IV: Kodiak Island. Alaska Department 

of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation of the Sociocultural 

Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared for Minerals 

Management Service, Alaska OCS] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This isolated community is located on Alitak Bay at the south 

end of Kodiak Island. The population is small, with between 56 and 80 residents, and most of 

the increase occurred after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. At the time of the survey, 85% of the 

village was Alaskan Native, and it was a relatively young population, with 42% of the population 

under 14, and 7% over age 54. Akhiok and Karluk had the lowest per capita incomes in the 

Kodiak area. There was no local grocery store in Akhiok, and villagers traveled to the cannery at 

Wards Cove at Atilak to buy supplies. Travel to other communities is by air, and is expensive. 

This increases the cost of living in Akhiok. Harvest of wild foods was especially important 

given the low incomes, and participation in subsistence was high. All households harvested at 

least two resources, and used at least eight resources. There were high levels of sharing, with 

83% of households giving, and 96% of households receiving, wild resources. The average per 

capita harvest in 1992/93 was 322 pounds. The harvest and preservation techniques, and the 

species harvested, are discussed. The researchers note that since 1983 the estimated pounds of 

subsistence harvest have been variable, and have not shown a particular trend. Akhiok is heavily 

dependent on subsistence foods to maintain the economy, because of the low income, and the 

added costs of purchased supplies. The Exxon Valdez oil spill did not appear to have a negative 

impact on subsistence activity in Akhiok. However, participation in clean-up activities added 

significantly to the earned income in 1989, and household income was more than double in 1989 

the levels in 1992/93, though this partly relates to a larger household size in 1989 and more 

nuclear households in 1992/93.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Akhiok, Karluk, Kodiak 

Island, Alitak, Moser Bay, Olga Bay, Wards Cove] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup, 

restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Alutiiq, Russian 

Orthodox] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community, absence of local services, 

sharing] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sharing, religion] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ unemployment, 
low income, government employment, cleanup money, subsistence economy, cost of living] 

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ infrastructure, subsistence community] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ dependence on subsistence, harvest amounts, harvest methods, 

species, no decrease after EVOS, sharing] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, dependence 

on subsistence] 

CITATION[ Fall, James A., and Craig Mishler. 1995. Port Lions. In Volume IV: Kodiak 

Island. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation 

of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared 

for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This community was founded in 1965 by villagers who left 

Afognak, which used to be an Alutiiq village on Afognak Island. Residents left Afognak after 

years in which their subsistence activities were restricted or forbidden by a federal mandate 

creating a Fish Culture Reserve. In 1993/94, Port Lions had a population of around 236, and 

66% of the residents were Alaskan Native. Port Lions is located on the north side of Kodiak 

Island, at Settlers Cove in Kizhuyak Bay, near the mouth of the Kizhuyak River. But many of 

the traditional fishing areas are near Afognak. The village included a Russian Orthodox and a 

Protestant Church, and lodges for hunters and fishermen, but the only grocery store had closed. 

Most households have cars or trucks, and Port Lions has a large boat harbor and houses a fairly 

large fishing fleet for commercial and subsistence fishing. The road system spans ten miles, and 

links the air strip and the ferry dock. The per capita income in Port Lions was higher than that in 

any of the other Kodiak Island villages in the years studied. Major sources of income and 

employment came from commercial fishing, government employment, and the transportation, 

communications and utilities sector. In 1989, the year of the EVOS, subsistence harvests 

declined 52% in comparison to averages of pre-spill years. The majority of households blamed 

the spill for the decrease, citing contamination fears and the involvement of residents in cleanup 

rather than subsistence. In 1993/94 subsistence harvest had recovered to pre-spill levels, and 

92% of residents harvested at least one resource, and all households used, harvested, and shared 

resources.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Port Lions, Kodiak Island, 

Settlers Cove, Kizhuyak Bay, Kizhuyak River, Afognak] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, 

cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, non-Native, 

federal government, Alutiiq, Secretary of Commerce, Secretary of Labor, Russian Orthodox, 

Protestant, sportsmen, commercial fishermen] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based 

community, sharing] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ per capita income, decreased harvests, cleanup 

employment] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ infrastructure] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ 

decreased harvest, species, harvest methods, contamination fears, participation in harvests] 

CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ traditional locales, traditional harvest techniques] 

CITATION[ Hutchinson-Scarbrough, Lisa. 1995. Chignik Bay. In Volume V: Alaska Peninsula 

and Arctic. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An 

Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in 

Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This community of between 130 and 190 residents is located at 

the southern end of Chignik Bay, at the head of Anchorage Bay. In 1992, it was estimated that 

52% of the residents were Alaskan Native. Commercial fishing, including both fishing and fish 
processing, is the major economic sector in terms of income and employment. There was also 

employment in local government, the school, health clinic, and stores. Chignik Bay is an 

incorporated city, with a mayor, city council and administrator, and Far West Inc. village 

corporation represents the Native population, and the Bristol Bay Native Corporation was also 

important in the community. The infrastructure is fairly developed, and includes a school, 

gymnasium, post office, firehouse, airstrip, two stores, health clinic, radio station, two churches 

and two seafood processing plants. 40% of those surveyed said their financial situation was 

better in 1991/92 than during the year before the Exxon Valdez oil spill, and a third said it was 

worse. Subsistence contributes an important part to the diet. 83% of the residents attempted to 

harvest resources, and subsistence resources were used by all households. Sharing was common, 

and 97% received, and 63% gave away wild resources. Per capita subsistence harvest increased 

from 1984 to 1989, from 188 pounds to 209 pounds, and then increased in 1991/92 to 357 

pounds. Subsistence techniques, gear types, amounts, and preservation methods are discussed. 

The researcher mentions that communities close to the spill had a greater decrease in wild 

resource sharing than did the Chignik area communities. Commercial fishermen, fish 

processors, businesses and the municipality suffered a loss of income and were uncertain about 

the long-term damage to resources, and were concerned about the safety of eating subsistence 

foods, but also felt a need to harvest more subsistence foods to make up for lost income. There 

were social impacts due mostly to lost income, including increased conflicts between people, 

more stress and alcohol use, and clinical depression. During 1989, the spill caused confusion, 

disruption, stress, and anger. Fears about the safety of subsistence foods, about how to manage 

without them, and about lost income were the major concerns. Only a few Chignik Bay residents 

worked on oil spill cleanup or test fishing. By 1992 most residents felt the community was back 

to normal, but believed they had not necessarily recovered the losses they suffered in 1989. 

While 83% of those surveyed said they liked living there as much as before the EVOS, some of 

the 12% who liked living there less mentioned decreased resource availability and community 

conflict, and that community differences had been brought to the fore. About half the 

respondents thought they were provided with enough information about the safety of subsistence 

foods.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Chignik Bay, Chignik Lake, 

King Salmon, Anchorage Bay, Aleutian Range, Alaska Peninsula] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, 

spill, cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Russian, Alaskan 

Natives, Exxon, VECO, Far West Inc. Village Corporation, Bristol Bay Native Corporation, 

elders, children, leaders, fishermen] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community, social 

conflict, leadership, sharing] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, sense of community] 

FAMILY_EFFECTS[ parent-child conflicts, parent absence] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ 

economic loss, fiscal loss, financial recovery, economic sectors] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ stress, alcohol abuse, inter-personal conflict, fear, worry, 

anger] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ harvest amounts, harvest methods, species, preservation 

methods, decreased harvest, sharing, dependence on subsistence] 

CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, enculturation, health beliefs] 

CITATION[ Hutchinson-Scarbrough, Lisa. 1995. Chignik Lake. In Volume V: Alaska 

Peninsula and Arctic. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An 

Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in 

Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS] 
ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This Alaska Peninsula community is located near the mouth of 

Chignik Lake, on a pass that leads through the Aleutian Range from Bristol Bay to the Pacific 

Ocean. The population numbers around 130, and 92% are Alaskan Native. The village is part of 

the Lake and Peninsula Borough, and is governed by a village council, which employs an 

administrator and a clerk. Chignik River, Limited is the village’s Native Corporation. The 

village includes a post office, Russian Orthodox Church, health clinic and school district, and 

airstrip. Commercial fishing is the major source of income and employment, the school system is 

second, and the health corporation and the local village corporation are also employers. 

Subsistence foods supplement the diet and a third of households surveyed estimated that 26 to 

50% of their meat, fish and poultry were from subsistence foods. 79% of residents harvested and 

64% processed wild foods; on average, households used 24 kinds of resources, which was the 

greatest ‘use’ variety of the communities included in the study. Sharing was common, and 96% 

of households received resources and 92% gave resources, and there was sharing with at least 18 

other Alaskan communities. Harvest amounts, techniques, gear types and species are discussed, 

as are preservation methods. The study finds that the spill had a greater impact financially and 

emotionally on villagers than through the loss of subsistence harvests. Economic difficulties 

were worse in Chignik Lake than in Chignik Lagoon or Chignik Bay, because the average 

income is lower, and Chignik Lake residents did not have the savings to cover the year of lost 

income. Some fishing permit holders had to foreclose on loans and sell their fishing permits and 

their boats. Since they planned to pass these permits and boats to their children, their losses had 

wider implications. The average Exxon damage claims provided $4,018.18 per household in 

1989, none in 1990, and only one resident worked on spill clean-up. Few survey respondents 

thought that children participated less in harvests, while in communities closer to the spill such 

as Tatitlek and Nanwalek, over 50% of respondents noted this change. There was also little 

change in Chignik Lake with respect to sharing of resources, in comparison to communities 

nearer the spill. A portion, but not a majority, of residents thought there were less salmon and 

ducks in 1991 than in 1988. About 60% of those surveyed thought they had been adequately 

informed about the safety of subsistence foods. The researcher notes that residents suspect that 

the effects of the spill are just beginning to become apparent, with tar balls washing onto the 

beaches, lower levels of salmon, clams, and eider ducks, and observations of diseased fish and 

empty clam shells. However for other villagers, their lives and subsistence activities have 

returned to normal.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Chignik Lake, Alaska 

Peninsula, King Salmon, Aleutian Range, Bristol Bay, Port Heiden, Tatitlek, Nanwalek, Chignik 

Bay, Chignik Lagoon, Chignik River, Anchorage Bay] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, 

cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, elders, 

leaders, children, Exxon, commercial fishermen, boat owners, fishing permit holders, parents] 

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community, sharing] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sharing, 

sense of place] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ inheritance, enculturation] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ 

economic loss, foreclosures] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ infrastructure] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ harvest amounts, harvest methods, species, preservation 

methods, resource availability, dependence on subsistence, sharing, children’s participation] 

CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ enculturation, sharing] 

CITATION[ Magdanz, James, Susan Georgette, and Jimmie Evak. 1995. Kotzebue. In Volume 

V: Alaska Peninsula and Arctic. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 
1995. An Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf 

Development in Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This community is far from the site of the spill, and experienced 

no direct impacts, though cleanup provided a small number of jobs for businesses associated 

with the Native Corporation NANA. The town is located 26 miles north of the Arctic Circle on 

Kotzebue Sound in northwest Alaska. It is 600 miles north and west of Valdez, and is not 

connected to the rest of Alaska by road or rail; access to Kotzebue is by boat, snow machine, dog 

team and air. It has a population of around 3,000, and between 75 and 85% are Alaskan Native. 

Kotzebue provides a regional center of government and services for dispersed communities in 

the area. The primary sources of employment and income are from government, services, 

commercial fishing and retail trade. It has a relatively high rate of employment and income, with 

an estimated per capita income in 1991 of $12,686. Subsistence activities provided a major 

portion of the diet in Kotzebue, up to 25% of protein for a third of the population, and between 

26 and 50% for a quarter of the population. Harvest amounts, species, fishing permit structure, 

and preservation techniques are discussed. Activities included gathering wild plants (for food 

and medicinal uses), fishing, hunting, and trapping. Harvests and sharing were not substantially 

different in the years before and after the spill. Sharing took place within Kotzebue, with 35 

Alaskan communities, and places outside the State. In 1986 the per capita harvest was 398 

pounds per capita, and was even higher, 518 pounds per capita, among Native residents of 

Kotzebue. There are two Native Corporations, the Northwest Alaska Native Association and the 

Kikiktagruk Inupiat Corporation, and the NANA has a fairly strong political role locally. 

According to survey respondents, political participation and ideas about leadership were not 

changed after the spill.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Kotzebue, Arctic Circle, 

Valdez, Kotzebue Sound, Northwest Arctic Borough, Red Dog Mine] EVENT_PHASE[ 

pre-spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ government workers, 

Alaskan Natives, Inuit, Inupiat, Northwest Alaska Native Association] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ 

cleanup employment] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ subsistence unaffected] 

CITATION[ Magdanz, James, Susan Georgette, and Ronald T. Stanek. 1995. Kivalina. In 

Volume V: Alaska Peninsula and Arctic. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of 

Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental 

Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ No impacts of the spill are indicated in this community far from 

the spill site. However knowledge about the Exxon Valdez spill may have affected local 

opinions, and villagers expressed serious doubts that either a large or a small spill could be 

contained. The development of the Red Dog mine was associated with an incident of water 

contamination with serious local impacts; in another experience with development, a local road 

was said to have decreased the availability of caribou. This small Inuit community is located 

around 80 miles above the Arctic Circle, northwest of Kotzebue, and near Cape Thompson. 

About 95% of the population is Alaskan Native. There is no centralized water and sewer system, 

except for at the school and clinic, and access to the village was by air, by boat when there was 

open water, and by snow machine and dog team in the winter. The per capita income in 1992 

was around $7,000, with earned income from government, mining, trade, and service, and a 

fairly small contribution from commercial fishing. There was considerable reliance on 

subsistence, and an average harvest of 761 pounds per capita, with the majority coming from 
marine mammals, big game, and fish. The overall harvest level remained stable over the decade

of the mid 1980's to mid 1990's, but there were variations in levels of particular resources. Wild

food consumption was higher in Kivalina than in any of the other study communities. There was

confidence in the safety of wild foods, and most respondents thought that sharing practices had

not changed. Harvest amounts, species, and preservation techniques are mentioned. There was

the view that greater development of offshore oil and gas would have a negative impact on the

availability of subsistence resources.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Kivalina, Arctic Circle,

Kotzebue, Chukchi Sea, Noatak, Corwin Lagoon, Kivalina Lagoon, Wulik River, DeLong

Mountains, Mulgrave Hills, Point Hope, Red Dog Mine, Cape Thompson, Northwest Arctic

Borough, Noatak Valley] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Inuit, Inupiat, Northwest Alaska

Native Association, Joint Federal-State Land Use Planing Commission for Alaska]

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ political attitudes, beliefs about technology, trust in development,

belief in efficacy of spill cleanup] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ high subsistence levels]

CITATION[ Pedersen, Sverre. 1995. Kaktovik. In Volume V: Alaska Peninsula and Arctic.

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation of the

Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared for

Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The social effects portion of the survey was not carried out in this

community, and thus there is no information on social impacts of the Exxon Valdez spill. This is

a small community on Barter Island, about 120 miles east of Prudhoe Bay and near the Arctic

National Wildlife Refuge. About 85% of the population of near 200 is Alaskan Native.

Subsistence provides a major portion of dietary protein, and in 1992 the subsistence harvest was

886 pounds of edible weight per capita. Most of this came from the higher than average whale

harvest that year.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Kaktovik, Barter Island,

Beaufort Sea coast, Prudhoe Bay, Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, Arey Lagoon, Kaktovik

Lagoon, North Slope Borough, Barrow] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, post-spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Kaktovik City Council]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ harvest amounts, species]

CITATION[ Pedersen, Sverre. 1995. Nuiqsut. Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division

of Subsistence. 1995. An Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Outer Continental

Shelf Development in Alaska. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Impacts of the Exxon Valdez oil spill are not discussed. Nuiqsut

is located about 150 miles southeast of Barrow. It is incorporated as a second class city, and it is

part of the North Slope Borough. Access to Nuiqsut is by air. The population is around 350, and

89% are Alaskan Native. The population depends on subsistence foods because purchased foods

are expensive and sometimes unavailable. Subsistence foods are considered healthier, and are

preferred as part of local tradition. Subsistence provides most of the protein in the diet. In 1993,

the harvest was 742 pounds per capita, and consisted primarily of fish, mammals, and marine

mammals. Sharing of resources was common, with 91% of households giving, and 98% or

households receiving at least one resource. Income earned through employment provides for

housing, heat and other living expenses. Income sources are local government and education,

finance, insurance real estate and construction, services, trade, and so forth.]
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Nuiqsut, Nechelik Channel,

Colville River, Barrow, Prudhoe Bay, Arctic Ocean, Kaktovik, North Slope Borough]

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan

Natives, Inupiat, Nuiqsut City Council] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ harvest amounts,

species]

CITATION[ Andres, B.A. 1995. The effects of the Exxon Valdez oil spill on black oystercatchers

breeding in Prince William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural

Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Bird Study Number 12, Restoration Study Number

17). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-204292).]

CITATION[ Babcock, M.B. and J.W. Short. 1996. Prespill and postspill concentrations of

hydrocarbons in sediments and mussels in intertidal sites within Prince William sound and the

Gulf of Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment

Final Report (Coastal Habitat Study Number 1B). Juneau, AK: National Oceanic and

Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service (NTIS No. PB96-194824).]

CITATION[ Babcock, M.M., P.M. Harris, S.D. Rice, R. J. Bruyere, and D.R. Munson. 1995.

Recovery monitoring and restoration of oiled mussel beds in Prince William Sound, Alaska.

Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 93036). Juneau,

AK: National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service.]

CITATION[ Babcock, M.M., S.D. Rice, and P.M. Harris. 1995. Recovery monitoring and

restoration of oiled mussel beds in Prince William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill

Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 93036). Juneau, AK: National Oceanic

and Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service.]

CITATION[ Babcock, M.M., S.D. Rice, P.M. Harris, and C.C. Brodersen. 1996. Recovery

monitoring and restoration of intertidal oiled mussel beds in Prince William Sound impacted by

the Exxon Valdez oil spill: 1991 and 1992. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural

Resource Damage Assessment Annual Report (Restoration Study Number 103-1). Juneau, AK:

National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service.]

CITATION[ Ballachey, Brenda. 1995. Biomarkers of damage to sea otters in Prince William

Sound, Alaska following potential exposure to oil spilled from the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon

Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine

Mammal Study Number 6-1). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.]

CITATION[ Bittner, Judith E. and Douglas R. Reger. 1995. 1994 EVOS report. Anchorage,

Alaska: Alaska Department of Natural Resources, Division of Parks and Outdoor Recreation,

Office of History and Archaeology.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Spill Area Site Protection and Collection Plan was an

additional aspect of archaeological site protection identified by requests from a number of

concerned communities and organizations. As part of this, there was a need to determine the

need for repositories for collections, and to assess existing facilities. Local museums in the

Prince William Sound and Homer areas were visited for this purpose -- to describe existing
museums and assess their suitability for housing archaeological collections generated from 

Exxon Valdez oil spill related activities. Individuals in local communities, Native corporations, 

and governmental agencies were interviewed to determine what kinds of site protections 

programs existed in the spill area. At the same time, those groups were polled to determine what 

facility and program needs were perceived on the local as well as the regional level. 

Recommendations were: 1) a regional repository should be supported, 2) small local storage and 

display facilities should be supported, 3) site monitoring should continue and a stewardship 

program should be encouraged, and 4) public education in support of archaeological site 

protection should be supported for long term site protection.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Cordova, 

Valdez, Seward, Homer, Kodiak, Eyak, Tatitlek, Chenega, Port Graham, Nanwalek, English 

Bay, Karluk] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ 

Alaskan Natives, local government, state government] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ local resources] 

REMAINDER[ archeology] 

CITATION[ Bodkin, J.L. and M.S. Udevitz. 1996. 1993 Trial aerial survey of sea otters in 

Prince William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report 

(Restoration Project 93043-2). Anchorage, AK: National Biological Service.] 

CITATION[ Bodkin, J.L. and M.S. Udevitz. 1995. An intersection model for estimating sea otter 

mortality from the Exxon Valdez oil spill along the Kenai Peninsula, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil 

Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal Study 

Number 6-5). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-194980).] 

CITATION[ Bodkin, J.K., D.M. Mulcahy, C.J. Lensink. 1996. Age-specific reproduction in 

female sea otters (Enhydra Lutris) from Southcentral Alaska: analysis of reproductive tracts. 

Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report 

(Marine Mammal Study Number 6-4). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.] 
CITATION[ Bowman, T.D., P.F. Schempf, and J.A. Bernatowicz. 1993. Effects of the Exxon 

Valdez oil spill on bald eagles. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage 

Assessment Final Report (Bird Study Number 4). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife 

Service (NTIS No. PB96-204250).] 

CITATION[ Braddock, J.F., B.T. Rasley, T.R. Yeager, J.E. Lindstrom, and E.J. Brown. 1992. 

Hydrocarbon mineralization potentials and microbial populations in marine sediments following 

the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill. Exxon Valdez State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment 

Final Report (Subtidal Study Number 1B). Fairbanks, AK: University of Alaska Fairbanks 

(NTIS No. PB96-194626).] 

CITATION[ Braddock, J.F. and Z. Richter. 1995. Microbiology of subtidal sediments: 

monitoring microbial populations. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report 

(Restoration Project 93047-2). Fairbanks, AK: University of Alaska Fairbanks (NTIS No. 

PB96-194816).] 

CITATION[ Braund, Stephen & Associates and Peter Usher. 1993. The effects of the Exxon 

Valdez oil spill on Alutiiq culture and people. Anchorage. Stephen R. Braund & Associates.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This report was prepared in support of Native litigation against 

Exxon. Braund et al. conducted field research and synthesized other primary data to describe the 

effects of the EVOS on Native communities. The report presents a brief overview of the history 

of Alutiiq peoples in Alaska, including an argument that subsistence is an essential element of 

Alutiiq culture in several ways. Subsistence describes the relationship of food and place, the 

relationship of humans to nature and resources, the transfer of knowledge between generation, 

and the expression of cultural autonomy. As part of Alutiiq culture, subsistence has both 

economic, social, and psychological importance. The report next provides a brief overview of 

the EVOS as a technological disaster, then discusses the impacts to Native culture and 

communities. The authors present a discussion that identifies the following impacts: decline in 

the quality of environment and resource quality and quantity; increased uncertainty about 

subsistence; uncertainty about the safety of subsistence resources; invalidation of traditional 

environmental knowledge; and, uncertainty about the future. The report summarizes studies of 

subsistence and concludes the following specific impacts to subsistence: decline in culturally 

significant elements of the subsistence system; decline in subsistence participation; decline in 

cooperative hunting, fishing, and gathering; decline in sharing; decline in satisfaction in eating 

Alutiiq foods; decline in integrity of place; and, decline in autonomy. The authors then argue 

that damage to the core elements of Native communities – the natural resource base or kinship 

system – “damages the culture and the people.”] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Native villages] EVENT_PHASE[ 

spill, post-spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Alutiiq] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ culture loss, enculturation, subsistence traditions, traditional 

knowledge, cultural identity] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased subsistence activity, 

decreased harvest] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ change in attitudes towards subsistence 

foods, cultural meaning of subsistence, stewardship of the environment, traditional knowledge, 

uncertainty about future, sharing, self-reliance, cooperation] 
CITATION[ Brelsford, Taylor, Ann Fienup-Riordan, Joseph Jorgensen, Steven McNabb,

Patricia Petrivelli, Lynn Robbins, and Michael Galginaitis. 1992. Social indicators of Alaskan

coastal villages: I key informant summaries; volume 1, schedule A regions. Prepared for

Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report

151, OCS Study MMS 92-0031. New Haven, Connecticut: Human Relations Area Files.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This volume one of a two-volume set of key informant

summaries from the social indicators studies of seven different regions of Alaska. The Schedule

A regions, covered in this volume, include the North Slope region, the NANA region, the Calista

region, and the Aleutian-Pribilof Islands region. This volume does not cover communities in the

Exxon Valdez spill region, but it does provide an introduction to the study that is not

recapitulated in Volume 2 (that does cover Exxon Valdez spill area communities, and specific

spill impacts).]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report volume] GEOGRAPHY[ North Slope, NANA, Calista,

Aleutian-Pribilof Islands] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ key informants, interviewees] REMAINDER[

interview summaries]

CITATION[ Brown-Schwallenburg, Patty, Jeff Hetrick, and David Daisy. 1996. Nanwalek/Port

Graham/Tatitlek subsistence clam restoration. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual

Report (Restoration Project 95131). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game,

Habitat and Restoration Division.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Clams were once a major subsistence resource in the Native

communities of Nanwalek and Port Graham in lower Cook Inlet and Tatitlek in Prince William

Sound. The use of clams as a subsistence food source has been greatly reduced as a result of a

lack of confidence by villagers in the safety of shellfish after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In

addition, local clam populations have been on the decline in recent years as a result of sea otter

predation and changing currents and beach patterns. The 1995 objectives of this study were to

identify clam species to use in restoration efforts, identify and clear clam brood stock for

hatchery use, demonstrate hatchery and nursery capabilities to produce clam seed for 1996, and

to identify and survey restoration sites near the project villages.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Kenai

Peninsula, lower Cook Inlet, Nanwalek, English Bay, Port Graham, Tatitlek] EVENT_PHASE[

restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ subsistence-based community] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic

diversification] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ clamming, decreased harvest, contamination

fears, contaminated resources, restoration of subsistence]

CITATION[ Byrd, G.V., E.P. Bailey, and W.H. Stahl. 1995. Introduced predator removal from

islands. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill restoration Project Final Report (Restoration Project 95041).

Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.]

CITATION[ Carls, M.G., S.D. Rice, and R.E. Thomas. 1995. The impact of exposure of adult

pre-spawn herring (Clupea harengus pallasi) on subsequent progeny. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill

Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 94166). Juneau, AK: National Oceanic

and Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service.]
CITATION[ Chugach Regional Resource Commission. 1995. Community 

involvement/traditional ecological knowledge project. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Trustee Council 

detailed project description (restoration project 96052). Anchorage, AK: Chugach Regional 

Resource Commission.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Project 96052 would continue and expand on the original concept 

of increasing community involvement in the restoration process begun under 95052. The project 

originated in 1995 and is scheduled to run through 2002, with an annual budget of $250,000. 

The project has two major components: community involvement and traditional ecological 

knowledge. Under the community involvement component a spill area-wide coordinator will be 

hired through a contract with Chugach Regional Resources Commission to serve as a liaison 

between the communities and the existing network of scientists, agency personnel, restoration 

office personnel, and the Trustee Council. Through direct communications with a network of 

local facilitators the spill area-wide coordinator will actively involve local residents in the 

restoration program, particularly on-going scientific studies. The second project component, 

Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK), will consist of a pilot effort with the potential to 

integrate western science and local TEK to further the Trustee Council's restoration program. No 

annual or final reports have been issued for this project.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ project description] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, 

Kenai Peninsula, lower Cook Inlet, Chenega, Tatitlek, Port Graham, Nanwalek, English Bay, 

Eyak, Seward, Valdez] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ community 

stability, social disruption, subsistence-based community] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ traditional 

knowledge] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ symbolic expression of culture] 

CITATION[ Cohn, Ruth E. and William A. Wallace. 1992. The role of emotion in 

organizational response to a disaster: an ethnographic analysis of videotapes of the Exxon Valdez 

accident. Boulder, CO: Natural Hazards Research and Applications Information Center, Institute 

of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado. Working paper #74.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The report discusses four videotapes which were produced in the 

six months following the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The four tapes were produced by four different 

organizations, Exxon corporation, the U.S. Coast Guard, the Cordova District Fishermen United, 

and the Public Broadcasting System’s NOVA. The report compares the emotional quality of the 

interviews and the emotional persuasion of the visual imagery presented in these four tapes.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[ 

spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, U.S. Coast Guard, Cordova 

District Fishermen United, fishermen, residents, Public Broadcasting System] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ emotional expression] 

CITATION[ Cooney, R.T. 1995. Sea90: Sound ecosystem assessment (SEA) - and integrated 

science plan for the restoration of injured species in Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil 

Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 94320). Anchorage, AK: Alaska 

Department of Fish and Game, Habitat and Restoration Section.] 

CITATION[ Corbett, D.G. and D. Reger. 1994. Development of Alaska heritage stewardship 

program for protection of cultural resources at increased risk due to the Exxon Valdez oil spill. 

Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report 
(Restoration Study Number 104A). Homer, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Alaska 

Maritime National Wildlife Refuge (NTIS No. PB96-204284).] 

CITATION[ Craig, A.K., B.G. Bue, and T.M. Willette. 1996. Injury to pink salmon embryos in 

Prince William Sound - field monitoring. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual 

Report (Restoration Project 95165). Cordova, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, 

Genetics Laboratory.] 

CITATION[ Craig, A.K., B.G. Bue, and S. Sharr. 1995. Feasibility of wildstock tetracycline 

otolith marking in Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual 

Report (Restoration Project 94320C). Cordova, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, 

Commercial Fisheries Management and Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Dahlheim, M.E. and O. Von Ziegesar. 1993. Effects of the Exxon Valdez oil spill on 

the abundance and distribution of humpback whales (Megapteranovaeangliae) in Prince William 

Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report 

(Marine Mammal Study Number 1). Seattle, WA: U.S. Department of Commerce, National 

Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service (NTIS No. 

PB96-194634).] 

CITATION[ Dahlheim, M.E. and C.O. Matkin. 1994. Assessment of injuries and recovery 

monitoring of Prince William Sound killer whales using photo-identification techniques. Exxon 

Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration Project 93042/94092). Seattle, 

WA: U.S. Department of Commerce, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, 

National Marine Fisheries Service (NTIS No. PB96-194667).] 

CITATION[ Dahlheim, M.E. and C.O. Matkin. 1993. Assessment of injuries to killer whales in 

Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage 

Assessment Final Report (Marine mammal Study Number 2). Seattle, WA: U.S. Department of 

Commerce, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries 

Service (NTIS No. PB96-194642).] 

CITATION[ Day, R.H. and D.A. Nigro. 1996. Status and ecology of Kittlitz's murrelet in 

Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration 

Project 96142). Fairbanks, AK: ABR, Inc.] 

CITATION[ DeGange, A.R., D.C. Douglas, D.H. Monson, and C.M. Robbins. 1995. Surveys of 

sea otters in the Gulf of Alaska in response to the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill 

State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal Study 

Number 6-7). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-1195003).] 

CITATION[ Dekin, Albert A. Jr. et al. 1993. Exxon Valdez oil spill archaeological damage 

assessment. Produced and edited by Leslie Green. Anchorage, AK: Preston, Thorgrimson, 

Shidler, Gates, and Ellis.] 
CITATION[ DeVelice, R.L., C. Hubbard, M. Potkin, T. Boucher, and D. Davidson. 1995. 

Characterization of upland habitat of the marbled murrelet in the Exxon Valdez oil spill area. 

Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration Project 93051B). 

Anchorage, AK: USDA Forest Service, Chugach National Forest (NTIS No. PB96-194931).] 

CITATION[ DiCostanzo, C. and B.P. Simonson. 1993. Database management. Exxon Valdez Oil 

Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Fish/Shellfish Study 

Number 30). Juneau, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Commercial 

Fisheries.] 

CITATION[ Donald, R., R. Cook, R. Bixby, R. Benda, and A. Wolf. 1990. The stress related 

impact of the Valdez oil spill on the residents of Cordova and Valdez, Alaska. Valdez, AK: 

Valdez Counseling Center.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Valdez Counseling Center conducted a 3 phase mail survey 

in Cordova and Valdez which started in May of 1989 and was completed about one year later. 

The study administered self-report measures of depressive symptoms (Center for Epidemiologic 

Studies of Depression -CESD), a measure of stress (Frederick Reaction Index), and a perceived 

social support measure. The sampling procedures yielded a total of 93 respondents. Initially 53 

Cordova residents were recruited of whom 43 completed all three phases; and, in Valdez 64 

respondents were initially recruited of whom 50 completed all three surveys. The Valdez 

Counseling Center survey produced the following major findings: residents of Cordova and 

Valdez experienced the EVOS was an extreme stressor that caused emotional distress for 

residents; Cordova had a higher intensity and duration of emotional distress than did Valdez; 

Perceived social support was a mediating factor in Valdez, but not in Cordova; and, no 

relationships were found between emotional distress and occupation, age, gender, and other 

demographic variables. Among Valdez respondents, stressors were most related to the impact of 

the influx of outsiders into the community. Among Cordova residents the stressors were related 

to social disruption and concern about the future of commercial fishing.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez, Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[ 

post-spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ residents, Valdez Counseling Center] 

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ demographic characteristics, community disruption, social support, 

population increase] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ commercial fishing] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ stress, social support, depressive symptoms] 

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ influx of outsiders] 

CITATION[ Doroff, A.M., and A.R. DeGange. 1995. Experiments to determine drift patterns 

and rates of recovery of sea otter carcasses following the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon Valdez 

Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal 

Study Number 6-9). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-194972).] 

CITATION[ Dragoo, D.E., G.V. Byrd, D.G. Roseneau, D.A. Dewhurst, J.A. Cooper, and J.H. 

McCarthy. 1995. Population levels and reproductive performance of murres based on 

observations at breeding colonies four years after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon Valdez Oil 

Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Restoration Study 

Number 11). Homer, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Alaska Maritime National Wildlife 

Refuge (NTIS No. PB96-204268).] 
CITATION[ Duffy, D.C. 1996. APEX: Alaska predator ecosystem experiment. Exxon Valdez Oil 

Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 95163). Anchorage, AK: Alaska 

Natural Heritage Program, University of Alaska.] 

CITATION[ Edmundson, J.A., G.B. Kyle, and S.R. Carlson. 1995. Restoration of Coghill Lakes 

sockeye salmon: 1994 annual report on nutrient enrichment restoration. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill 

Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 94259). Soldotna, AK: Alaska 

Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Endter-Wada, Joanna, John Hofmeister, Rachel Mason, Steven McNabb, Eric 

Morrison, et al. 1993. Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal villages: IV. Postspill key 

informant summaries; schedule C communities, Part 1 (Cordova, Tatitlek, Valdez). Prepared for 

Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 

155, OCS Study MMS 92-0052. New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This volume considers socioeconomic variables and social 

impacts of the Exxon Valdez spill on three of the communities in the area affected by the spill. 

The volume contains chapters on Valdez, Cordova, and Tatitlek, and they are organized 

differently. The chapter on Valdez includes an historical and descriptive overview of the 

community, a section on the economy with subsections on commercial fishing, fish processing, 

tourism, transport, the public sector, small businesses, and housing, and a section on the 

sociology of the spill and its effects. The Cordova chapter contains an historical and 

socio-economic overview, a section on Alaskan Natives in Cordova in terms of culture, 

social-political organization and economy, a section on the impacts of the spill on the fishing 

sector of the economy, another section on the non-fishing private sector impacts of the spill 

(entries include housing, labor, conflicts within the business community, and entries for various 

service providers), a section on impacts on city government and a summary section. The chapter 

on Tatitlek includes a background and a section on the effects of the spill through 1991, 

including the economy, attribution of blame for the spill, human intervention, subsistence, an 

leadership. An introduction provides an summary discussion of research findings for ‘schedule 

C’ communities, in terms of general socioeconomic differences among them, and the impact of 

the spill. It notes that in much of rural Alaska, the presence of commercial fishing and fisheries 

businesses are associated with high incomes and available jobs, and they provide much of the 

private sector activity in rural Alaska. It also notes that the communities with a high proportion 

of oil industry employment are sociologically distinct from other communities in the sample. The 

report also makes a distinction between ‘hub’ communities and ‘periphery’ communities. The 

hub communities are larger and more economically diverse, and they have a larger public sector. 

In terms of spill impacts, the report concludes that a community’s proximity to the spill is not 

sufficient to explain residents’ perceived exposure to the spill, the spill’s impact on resources, or 

risks. Instead, small communities (such as Tatitlek, Chignik), those close to visible effects of the 

spill (Valdez, Cordova, Tatitlek) and communities where fishing is the dominant economic 

sector (Cordova) are likelier to perceive decreases in fish resources, and the perceptions are 

strongest in communities where these factors of size, visibility, and fishing economy overlap. It 

concludes that despite some economic benefits provided by cleanup work, small communities 

with undiversified resource-export economies are especially vulnerable to the spill’s impacts. 

While they may benefit from cleanup funds, in order to gain benefits residents of these 
communities more often have to make adjustments, such as moving, than do those in larger 

communities. Those nearer the spill were more likely to blame the State for the spill, while those 

in more distant communities more often blamed Exxon and the ship’s captain. Demographic 

variables are associated with differences in perceptions and impacts. Decreased fish resources 

are likelier to be noticed by younger respondents, who also expressed more pessimism about oil 

development. Native Alaskans faced certain disproportionate economic impacts: they more 

often had to move in order to secure work in the cleanup, their work tenure was less secure, they 

more often faced property loss, and they expressed more doubt about the benefits of oil 

development. Those in less secure circumstances faced greater disruption in order to benefit 

from cleanup work: Half of the single parents in the sample relocated for cleanup work, and the 

children were placed in various transitional-care situations. Those with less employment history 

had more trouble gaining employment. Overall, the report concludes that the existing social and 

political patterns, of underdevelopment in rural areas, dominance of urban centers, lesser 

economic access for Native Alaskans, were mirrored in differential impacts of the spill.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report volume] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez, Cordova, Tatitlek, 

Chignik, Kodiak City, Tyonek, Seldovia, Kenai, Karluk, Old Harbor] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, 

cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, children, 

families, fishermen] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ emigration, immigration] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ 

parent absence, childcare] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic diversification, economic gain, 

economic loss, property loss] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ operational disruption] 

CITATION[ Robbins, Ed. 1993. Valdez. Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal villages: 

IV. Postspill key informant summaries; schedule C communities, Part 1 (Cordova, Tatitlek,

Valdez). Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies

Program, Technical Report 155, OCS Study MMS 92-0052. New Haven, CT: Human Relations

Area Files.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This chapter observes that after the spill there was increased

social division and tension between oil industry employees and those employed elsewhere, and

between those who benefitted from the spill and those who did not, though the tensions were not

as high as elsewhere in the Prince William Sound area. To some extent residents have become

less community oriented and more insular, because of the social tensions and overcrowding

during the cleanup efforts. In the post cleanup period, the housing market continued to be

competitive because housing had not become more available, and there was a lasting turnover in

the population with some residents leaving and others arriving. While social changes were

viewed as largely negative, economic changes were perceived as positive.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez] EVENT_PHASE[

pre spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ commercial fishermen, oil

industry employees, residents] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ increased insularity, alienation, social

conflict, emigration, immigration] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain]

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ population turnover, overcrowding]

CITATION[ Reynolds, Stephanie. 1993. Effects of the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill on Cordova, 

Alaska. Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal villages: IV. Postspill key informant 

summaries; schedule C communities, Part 1 (Cordova, Tatitlek, Valdez). Prepared for Minerals 

Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 155, OCS 

Study MMS 92-0052. New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files.] 
ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ There were conflicts over the operation of Exxon during the

cleanup, including a lawsuit among city council members. The city of Cordova was constrained

to provide services and facilities for the cleanup, without receiving full reimbursement for

expenditures and labor. Private sector economic impacts were uneven, and businesses not

participating in cleanup faced more damage. Economic impacts included lost credit lines,

bankruptcies, foreclosures, business closures, and lost business. There was criticism over a

chaotic and changing claims process, and that there was no oversight of Exxon’s practices.

There was conflict in the business sector between VECO and local business, and concern over

the long-term impact of the spill on fishing. There was confusion over Exxon’s use of fishermen

as independent contractors in the spill, and the contractors’ acceptance of legal liability for

cleanup efforts. There was some stigma attached to work for Exxon, and resentments over

Exxon’s accounting practices. Cleanup workers were untrained to deal with the hazardous

materials of the spill and cleanup, and there were adverse health affects for workers. Residents

expressed the view that the cleanup may have caused additional environmental harm. Claims for

damages to fishermen and hatcheries are discussed. Impacts to Native Alaskans in Cordova

included higher prices, shortages of rental space, disrupted government operations, the lost use of

subsistence resources, fear of resource contamination, along with concerns about the

environment and their subsistence traditions. Exxon disallowed traditions of inter-village

exchange of subsistence resources in assessing damages.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[

pre spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, municipal

workers, city council members, local government, Exxon, VECO, cleanup workers, commercial

fishermen, independent contractors] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social conflict, leadership]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, bankruptcy, foreclosures, business losses, fiscal losses,

claims process, inflation, housing shortages] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ anger, fear,

social disruption] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ increased workloads, delayed work, service

demands, chaotic claims process, fiscal impacts] OTHER_EFFECTS[ hazardous materials,

health] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contamination fears] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[

culture conflict]

CITATION[ Morrison, Eric. 1993. Tatitlek. With a preface by Steven McNabb. Social

indicators study of Alaskan coastal villages: IV. Postspill key informant summaries; schedule C

communities, Part 1 (Cordova, Tatitlek, Valdez). Prepared for Minerals Management Service,

Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 155, OCS Study MMS 92-0052.

New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This chapter provides background on this Alutiiq community and

the early effects of the spill. However, this is only a brief chapter because the research was

curtailed due to ongoing litigation. The author observes that money made during the cleanup

was often spent on luxury items rather than savings. The influx of people, including reporters,

researchers, and cleanup workers was a source of anger in the community. Subsistence

resources, especially bottom fish and shellfish, were seen as affected. A decline in subsistence

harvests is noted.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Tatitlek] EVENT_PHASE[

pre-spill, spill, cleanup, litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives,

Alutiiq, cleanup workers, journalists, scientists] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain,

economic loss, spending patterns] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ litigation and scientific research]
SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contamination fears, resource availability, shellfish, bottomfish] 

REMAINDER[ litigation constrains research] 

CITATION[ Endter-Wada, Joanna, John Hofmeister, Rachel Mason, Steven McNabb, Eric 

Morrison, et al. 1993. Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal villages: IV. Postspill key 

informant summaries; schedule C communities, Part 2 (Kenai, Tyonek, Seldovia, Kodiak City, 

Karluk, Old Harbor, Chignik). Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS 

Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 155, OCS Study MMS 92-0052. New Haven, 

CT: Human Relations Area Files.] 

CITATION[ Robbins, Lynn A. 1993. Kenai. Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal villages: 

IV. Postspill key informant summaries; schedule C communities, Part 2 (Kenai, Tyonek, 

Seldovia, Kodiak City, Karluk, Old Harbor, Chignik). Prepared for Minerals Management 

Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 155, OCS Study MMS 

92-0052. New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This chapter contains sections the historical context of Kenai, 

and the impacts of the spill on the municipality, businesses and households, commercial 

fishermen and fish processors, and community relations. The community includes fishing sectors 

and oil sectors, and there is general amity between these groups, though there was some 

resentment between drift-net and set-net fishermen, because the set-net fishermen were able to 

continue to work on the inlet’s shores, and brought in large catches of salmon. There was also 

some bitterness between drift net fishermen and people who worked in spill cleanup. Alaskan 

media was affected when the oil company consortium VECO bought one of the two major State 

newspapers, The Anchorage Times, and sold it in 1992 to The Anchorage Daily News. Crimes 

were less common during cleanup. City workers did not leave their jobs to work on the cleanup, 

and only the Women’s Resource and Crisis Center experienced a small loss of staff, and a 30 to 

40 percent increase in shelter occupancy associated with stress in families employed in the 

driftnet fishing sector. There were economic losses to businesses in the construction sector, and 

to guides and some businesses and services related to fishing.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Kenai] EVENT_PHASE[ 

spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ commercial fishermen, VECO, 

Exxon, municipal workers, business sector, residents] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ reduced crime] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic stress] 

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ business losses, economic gains, fishing industry sectors] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ substance abuse, stress] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ 

preparedness plans revised] 

CITATION[ McNabb, Steven, with contributions from Jon Hofmeister and Robert Heasley.

1993. Tyonek and Seldovia. Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal villages: IV. Postspill

key informant summaries; schedule C communities, Part 2 (Kenai, Tyonek, Seldovia, Kodiak

City, Karluk, Old Harbor, Chignik). Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS

Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 155, OCS Study MMS 92-0052. New Haven,

CT: Human Relations Area Files.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ There are a number of differences between Tyonek and Seldovia.

Tyonek is predominately Alaskan Native, while Seldovia is a mixed community. Oil never

reached Tyonek in Upper Cook Inlet, and commercial fishing and subsistence were not affected,
while there was some oil in Seldovia. The economy in Tyonek is dependent on government 

transfers, commercial fishing and subsistence, and Seldovia has a more diversified cash 

economy and includes tourism and timber sales. Seldovia’s citizens were more often employed 

in the cleanup work than were citizens of Tyonek. Tyonek organized an effort to find 

employment for its citizens in the cleanup, and the residents sent fish to communities that had 

been affected by the spill. There were resentments between those employed in cleanup, and 

those not so employed. Fish prices were considered low, and some considered the harvest 

amounts low. There were fuel shortages and increased fuel costs for residents, due to changes in 

fuel transportation regulations and diversion of barges to the cleanup. Seldovia experienced 

more impacts from the EVOS than did Tyonek. There was increased work for social service and 

public safety workers, due to child neglect, stress, and the instability caused by rapid influx of 

people. There was deferred institutional business, delayed public works projects, jeopardized 

funding, and stress among staff. Cleanup jobs provided income that was about equal to work lost 

in the depressed commercial fishing and tourism sectors. The researchers observe that the social 

impacts of the cleanup were as significant as the impacts of the spill, and propose that this is not 

an inevitable situation, and that the course and impacts of EVOS cleanup were a product of time 

and place, and the interactions between Exxon, VECO, businesses, and the State and Federal 

governments.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Tyonek, Seldovia] 

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, 

Exxon, VECO, commercial fishermen] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ population increase, social tension] 

FAMILY_EFFECTS[ child neglect, domestic stress, parent absence] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ 

commercial fisheries, tourism industry, cleanup employment, fuel prices, employment] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ stress] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ mitigation, employment] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ sharing, subsistence unaffected] 

CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing] 

CITATION[ Endter-Wada, Joanna, Rachel Mason, Joanne Mulcahy, Jon Hofmeister. 1993. The 

Kodiak Region. Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal villages: IV. Postspill key informant 

summaries; schedule C communities, Part 2 (Kenai, Tyonek, Seldovia, Kodiak City, Karluk, Old 

Harbor, Chignik). Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental 

Studies Program, Technical Report 155, OCS Study MMS 92-0052. New Haven, CT: Human 

Relations Area Files.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This was one of the areas most affected by the spill, and 

Kodiak’s fishing areas in the Shelikof Straits were oiled, and the oil reached Kodiak’s beaches 

within three weeks of the spill. The researchers write that Exxon’s actions inhibited community 

mobilization of the kind that had occurred after the 1964 earthquake. At the time of the spill, 

Kodiak City was struggling to remain a major US fishing port and regional processing center. 

The fishing industry itself had become more competitive, diversified, capitalized and risky, 

leading to tensions that were exacerbated by the spill. Exxon’s spill response created differential 

impacts in Kodiak, which produced some community factionalism. There was an active 

Emergency Services Council in place, which had been formed after the 1964 earthquake. The 

cleanup process required local governments to formulate plans and submit them to Exxon for 

approval, then finance the cleanup plan and submit claims for reimbursement. By the time oil 

reached Kodiak, Exxon had begun to limit its cleanup costs and liabilities. There were lost tax 

revenues and increased social service costs. Local government faced conflicts with Exxon over 
defining the geographic extent of the problem and the nature of impacts, and conflicts over 

preventing the spill’s spread. Communities had difficulty obtaining uniform treatment from 

Exxon, leading to the formation of the ‘Oiled Mayors’ to provide formal, uniform negotiation. 

Economic effects were uneven, and some lost financially while others gained. Impacts on 

fishing, tourism, and service and support industries are discussed. Other topics are factionalism, 

and subsistence.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Kodiak, Kodiak Archipelago, 

Prince William Sound, Shelikof Strait, Alaska Peninsula, Chignik, Kodiak Island Borough, 

Kenai Peninsula Borough, Kodiak City, Port Lions, Kukak Bay, Karluk Lagoon, Olga Bay] 

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Oiled 

Mayors, Exxon, VECO, Emergency Services Council, U.S. Coast Guard, Kodiak Area Native 

Association, National Park Service, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, 

Advanced Environmental Technology] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ emergent groups, factionalism] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ divorce, domestic violence] 

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ fishing industry sectors, economic loss, economic gain, 

unemployment, banking industry, loans] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ substance abuse, 

alcohol abuse, domestic violence] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ service demands, mitigation, 

expenditures, media, lost time, lost revenue] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased harvest, 

contamination fears] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ cultural identity, family ties, community 

ties, cooperation] 

CITATION[ Rooks, Curtis Takada. 1993. Karluk. Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal 

villages: IV. Postspill key informant summaries; schedule C communities, Part 2 (Kenai, 

Tyonek, Seldovia, Kodiak City, Karluk, Old Harbor, Chignik). Prepared for Minerals 

Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 155, OCS 

Study MMS 92-0052. New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Subsistence harvests in this Alaskan Native community 

decreased, and there were contamination fears. Most losses were adequately compensated. 

There was an influx of outsiders in the community, associated with Exxon and the cleanup effort, 

they operated outside of local authority and the community was powerless to manage them. 

People left positions of responsibility for cleanup jobs, and temporary employment increased. 

Much of the money earned in cleanup was spent outside the community. There was a large 

difference between public sector wages and wages from the cleanup, and this created 

dissatisfaction. 25% of the population left Karluk, enabled to leave by more money, and 

encouraged to leave by local problems.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Karluk] EVENT_PHASE[ 

pre-spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Exxon, 

VECO] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social tension, leadership] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic 

loss, economic gain] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ influx of outsiders, emigration, population] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased harvest, contamination fears] 

CITATION[ Rooks, Curtis Takada, with contributions from Joanna Endter. 1993. Old Harbor. 

Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal villages: IV. Postspill key informant summaries; 

schedule C communities, Part 2 (Kenai, Tyonek, Seldovia, Kodiak City, Karluk, Old Harbor, 

Chignik). Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies 
Program, Technical Report 155, OCS Study MMS 92-0052. New Haven, CT: Human Relations 

Area Files.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Old Harbor had a population of 284 in the 1990 census, and 

residents are predominately Alaskan Native, and refer to themselves as Aleut. The Russian 

Orthodox church is the primary local organization not based in kinship. The village is about 2 

miles across, and it is described as affluent by Alaska Native village standards. Participation in 

the fishing industry is the major source of income, while traditional Native customs of 

subsistence and sharing are maintained. This study in a predominately Native community 

mentions changes in subsistence activity, financial losses, and widespread depression. Fears of 

subsistence food contamination were common, especially among the elderly. Villagers 

mentioned changes in the appearance and apparent health of seafood, and children increasingly 

rejected traditional foods in favor of purchased foods. The only available work was in the 

cleanup effort, and it required that villagers wait to be called to work by Exxon, rather than take 

the more active role they were used to in commercial and subsistence fishing. Parents were more 

often absent from the home, and children did not have the opportunity to learn in the company of 

their parents how to harvest subsistence foods. For those not normally employed in the fishing 

sector, the cleanup work provided an economic boon, stores may have made more money, and 

those serving the housing needs of Exxon and VECO workers also benefitted. There were 

eventual difficulties with income taxes and fishing boats were lost for financial reasons and 

because small-boat repairs were neglected. An additional consequence was seen the next season, 

when there was greater competition for Old Harbor fish from Kodiak City fishermen who had 

made a lot of money renting large boats to VECO, and were able to upgrade their equipment to 

travel to Old Harbor. Village governmental institutions were overwhelmed with work associated 

with the spill, and with quelling rumors. Insulation work scheduled by the Housing Authority 

was delayed, and the Village Council, hired by VECO as local coordinators, missed the 

submission dates of grants, which eventually called into question local leadership.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Old Harbor, Kodiak City, 

Sitkalidak Strait, Sitkalidak Island] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, fishermen, Village Council, 

VECO, Exxon, Housing Authority, children, elderly] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ leadership, 

inter-generational discord, social tension] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic stress, parent-child 

conflicts, parent absence] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, economic gain, taxation, 

property loss] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ depression] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ 

government overwhelmed, rumor control, grants missed, Village Council as VECO coordinators] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased harvest, change from subsistence foods to purchased 

foods, contamination fears] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ enculturation, subsistence 

traditions] 

CITATION[ Rooks, Curtis Takada. 1993. Chignik. Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal 

villages: IV. Postspill key informant summaries; schedule C communities, Part 2 (Kenai, 

Tyonek, Seldovia, Kodiak City, Karluk, Old Harbor, Chignik). Prepared for Minerals 

Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 155, OCS 

Study MMS 92-0052. New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Chignik, also referred to as Chignik Bay, is located in the 

Anchorage Bay and its population is mostly Alaskan Native. Residents include employees in the 

fish processing sector, non Native educators and employees in the public sector, Native 
fishermen who winter out, and Native fishermen who winter in. A large portion of the Chignik

fishery was closed by the Exxon Valdez spill, and different sectors of the fishing industry

experienced different degrees of impact. The small fishing operations were most seriously

affected, while intermediate and large operations reportedly had fewer negative effects. The

largest operations (highliners) had opportunities to fish elsewhere, and also received

compensation from Exxon for fishing losses, and some hired their boats to Exxon for cleanup

activities. Exxon’s compensation procedures were suited to the business practices characteristic

of large fishing operators. Chignik Lagoon was the only area open to fishing, and there was

much competition in that area. There was a considerable amount of social tension, sometimes

involving arguments over truthfulness with respect to compensation claims and the degree of

financial loss. These disputes involved adults and children, families and friends, and increased

tension between large and small operators. There were fiscal losses to the city because of lost

fish tax revenues, and longer work days for city workers. And there were financial losses in the

fish processing and other business sectors.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report chapter] GEOGRAPHY[ Chignik, Chignik Bay,

Chignik Lagoon, Anchorage Bay] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, fishing sectors, children, fish

processors, non-Natives, municipal workers, Exxon, VECO] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[

subsistence-based community, social conflict, increased competition] FAMILY_EFFECTS[

domestic stress] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ fiscal loss, business losses, fish processing,

commercial fisheries] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ stress, anger] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[

fiscal losses, lost tax revenue, increased workloads, delayed work]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased harvest]

CITATION[ Endter-Wada, Joanna, Lynn A. Robbins, Douglas W. Levine, Daniel L. Boxberger,

Paula D. Nohalty, Joseph G. Jorgensen, and Steven L. McNabb. 1992. Final Report: Bristol

Bay Subsistence Harvest and Sociocultural Systems Inventory. Prepared for Alaska Outer

Continental Shelf Office, Social and Economic Studies Program, Minerals Management Service.

Technical Report No. 150; OCS Study MMS 92-0036. Logan, UT: Social Science Research

Associates.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Along with communities in the greater Bristol Bay region, this

work contains subsistence resource utilization oriented community profile of the Alaska

Peninsula community of Chignik Lake. While fieldwork for Chignik Lake took place in 1990,

the Exxon Valdez spill is not analyzed with respect to the subsistence resource base. The report

includes discussion of the meanings of subsistence activities for interviewees, the social

patterning of subsistence cooperation and sharing, and draws conclusions about the importance

of subsistence in maintaining Native cultural traditions and as a foundation of regional social

structure.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report volume] GEOGRAPHY[ Bristol Bay, Chignik Lake,

Togiak, Dillingham, Nushagak Bay, New Stuyahok, Nushagak River, Nondalton, Iliamna Lake,

Naknek, Bristol Bay Borough/ Upper Alaska Peninsula, Port Heiden, Chignik]

EVENT_PHASE[ general] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ harvest amounts, species] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[

subsistence culture, social patterning of subsistence]
CITATION[ Endter-Wada, Joanna, Jon Hofmeister, Rachel Mason, Steven McNabb, Joanne

Mulcahy and Lynn Robbins. 1992. Social indicators of Alaskan coastal villages: I key

informant summaries; volume 2, schedule B regions. Prepared for Minerals Management

Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 152, OCS Study MMS

92-0032. New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This volume two of a two-volume set of key informant

summaries from the social indicators studies of seven different regions of Alaska. The Schedule

B regions, covered in this volume, include the Bering Straits region, the Bristol Bay region, and

the Kodiak region. The regional discussions follow a common outline of: historical context;

population and demography; community organization and economy; household organization and

kinship; and ideology. Two regional discussions encompass areas of the Exxon Valdez spill: the

Bristol Bay region (which includes ‘Gulf of Alaska side’ portions of the Alaska Peninsula) and

the Kodiak Region. The Bristol Bay regional discussion does not contain information on the

Exxon Valdez spill. The Kodiak regional discussion has a number of references to the oil spill

(including documenting a pre- and post-spill shift in KI opinions on the beneficial or detrimental

aspects of OCS development), and has an entire additional section (pages 807-869) devoted

exclusively to the effects of the Exxon Valdez oil spill on the City of Kodiak, which appears to be

the same as the Exxon Valdez section of the 1993 volume on Kodiak City (for annotation and

keywords in this section, see above).]

CITATION[ Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Forum. 1994. Five years later: what have we learned?:

proceedings of a public forum, Anchorage, Alaska, March 2, 1994. Anchorage, AK: Oil Spill

Public Information Center.]

CITATION[ Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Trustee Council. 1993. Summary of public comment on

alternatives: of the draft Exxon Valdez oil spill restoration plan. Anchorage, AK: Exxon Valdez

Oil Spill Trustee Council.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Public comment on alternative ways to achieve restoration

following the Exxon Valdez oil spill is summarized in this document. Comment was sought

through the distribution of 33,000 copies of a newspaper brochure on the proposed alternatives,

accompanied by a questionnaire, and in public meetings. 799 questionnaires were returned, and

two-thirds were from within the spill area, another quarter from other parts of Alaska, and the

remainder from outside Alaska. 792 letters were also sent in, and around 500 people attended

public meetings. Comments concerned the scope and duration of restoration efforts, and the sorts

of projects that restoration funds should be spent on, including habitat protection and acquisition,

monitoring and research, general restoration, expenditures on administration and public

information, endowment or savings account, injured resources and services, and the process of

restoration.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Anchorage, Cordova, Tatitlek,

Chignik Lagoon, Larsen Bay, Seward, Seldovia, Juneau, Ouzinkie, Old Harbor, Kodiak, Chenga

Bay] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration]

CITATION[ Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Trustees. 1994. Draft 1994 work plan: (without brief

project descriptions). Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration. Anchorage, AK: Exxon Valdez Oil

Spill Trustee Council.]
ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ With respect to archaeological resources, the report finds that 

injury to sites comes from looting and vandalism, and erosion around the sites from cleanup 

activity. The repair of sites and artifacts, protection from further damage, and monitoring are 

indicated, and projects are outlined. These projects include restoration of sites, training of 

volunteers to monitor the sites, and the design of heritage centers to store artifacts from damaged 

sites. With respect to subsistence, the report outlines projects to promote the recovery of 

subsistence resources including harbor seals, sea otters, clams, Pacific herring, pink and sockeye 

salmon. Removal of remaining oil on beaches and mussel beds are also planned. A project to 

test the safety of subsistence food is continued from 1993, with meetings to be held in Native 

villages to disseminate the results. Projects directed at commercial fishing damaged by the spill 

are also discussed, and projects to restore recreation and tourist areas.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, spill area, Prince William 

Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ commercial 

fishermen, Alaskan Natives, tourists, sportsmen] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contamination 

assessment] 

CITATION[ Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Trustee Council. 1996. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration 

Plan, Draft update on injured resources and services, April 1996. Anchorage, AK: Exxon Valdez 

Oil Spill Trustee Council.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This document reports on the progress of the restoration effort 

directed by the Trustee Council. It includes a review of species recovery and the recovery of 

archaeological sites, and lost services. A list at the end of the document indicates which 

resources have recovered, which are recovering, which have not recovered, and those for which 

recovery is unknown. Lost or reduced services tracked here include commercial fishing, passive 

uses, recreation and tourism, and subsistence. With respect to archaeological resources, it states 

that the oil spill area contains more than 3,000 sites of archaeological and historical significance, 

and that twenty-four sites on public lands were damaged by cleanup activities, looting, or 

vandalism following the spill. Most of the vandalism took place in 1989, and involved searches 

by cleanup personnel. Measures were put in place to protect the sites from further damage. 

With respect to commercial fishing, the report states that fishing was reduced because of fishery 

closures, and because some fish species were reduced in number by the spill. The list of injured 

species, and the progress toward their recovery, is included in this report. In 1989 there were 

fishery closures in Prince William Sound, lower Cook Inlet, upper Cook Inlet, Kodiak and 

Chignik. These fisheries opened in 1990, but the Prince William Sound herring fishery closed in 

1993 and remained closed because of low herring population. The Trustee Council projects to 

restore commercially important fish species are described. Passive use of resources, such as 

aesthetic appreciation of the environs, is also discussed as an injured resource, and recovery is 

defined. Impacts on recreation and tourism are also discussed in terms of wildlife viewing of 

species injured by the spill (killer whales, sea otters, birds) and recreation use of beaches with oil 

residue. Sports hunting and fishing are also affected by closures, and since 1992 restrictions 

were placed on sports fishing of cutthroat trout in parts of Prince William Sound, and restrictions 

were placed on the hunting of harlequin ducks in 1991. Another change brought by the spill was 

a shift in tourist and recreational use to areas unaffected by the spill, which brought management 

problems. And some recreational facilities were damaged by cleanup workers. Subsistence is 

another injured resource, and the report states that fifteen communities with predominantly 

Alaskan Native populations rely on harvests of fish, shellfish, seals, deer, ducks and geese, while 
residents of other communities are also reliant on resources shared by residents of this area.

Subsistence harvests declined in these villages, for reasons of reduced species availability,

contamination fears, and disrupted activities due to cleanup and other spill related events. The

report notes that subsistence foods were tested for hydrocarbon contamination through 1994, and

were determined to pose no significant additional risk to health. However, an exception was

noted for shellfish, which may continue to accumulate oil, and subsistence users were advised to

avoid shellfish from an area where oil can be seen or smelled. Subsistence harvests have

returned to pre-spill levels in some villages. Harvest levels recovered first in the communities of

the Alaska Peninsula, Kodiak Island and lower Kenai Peninsula, but recovery has lagged in the

Prince William Sound villages. Additionally, the harvest of some species remains low, and in

some cases there is a shift to greater use of other species to compensate for the loss. Sometimes

greater effort is required in time and travel to provide for subsistence. The cultural significance

of subsistence harvests is also discussed as an injured resource, and the disruption of the

subsistence way of life and the chance for children to learn subsistence culture are mentioned.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Chenega Bay, Prince William Sound,

Alaska Peninsula, Kodiak Island, Kenai Peninsula, lower Cook Inlet, upper Cook Inlet, Kodiak,

Chignik] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

commercial fishermen, sportsmen, Alaskan Natives, tourists] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of

place] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, commercial fisheries, subsistence economy,

tourism industry, lost passive use] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ tourist sites shift]

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased harvest, contamination fears, resource availability,

increased effort] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ enculturation] REMAINDER[ recovered

species, recovering species, species not recovered, species recovery unknown]

CITATION[ Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Trustee Council. 1997. 1997 Status Report. Anchorage,

AK: Oil Spill Trustee Council.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The contents of this document include a list of the Council and

Public Advisory Group members, brief summary of the recovery status of natural resources and

human resources and services, summary of ongoing research and monitoring activities sponsored

by the Council, habitat protection efforts, public participation projects, a short summary of the

civil and criminal settlements in Exxon litigation and the uses of civil settlements, and an audit

of Trustee Council Expenditures. The section on human resources states that subsistence

harvests in some villages have returned to levels before the spill, but some resources continue to

be scarce. In particular, studies continue to learn why harbor seal populations continue to

decline. Various projects to raise subsistence resources are mentioned. The section on

recreation indicates that lands have been purchased for the creation of a State campground and

recreation area, and another as a U.S. Forest service campground. A brief description is offered

monitoring and research programs to promote fisheries and fish habitats. The public

participation and outreach programs, and the overall organization of the public participation

component, are outlined.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Oil Spill Trustee Council, public, Public

Advisory Group, Alaskan Natives] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ resource availability]

CITATION[ Fall, J.D. 1995. Harbor seal and sea otter cooperative subsistence harvest

assistance. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Projects
94244 and 95244). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of 

Subsistence.] 

CITATION[ Fall, J.A. 1995. Subsistence restoration planning and implementation. Exxon Valdez 

Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration Project 94428/95428). Anchorage, AK: 

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence (NTIS No. PB96-208426).] 

CITATION[ Fall, James A. and Charles J. Utermohle (eds.) 1995. An investigation of the 

sociocultural consequences of outer continental shelf development in Alaska, II Prince William 

Sound (OCS Study MMS 95-011). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Department of Interior. (See entry 

under ADF&G)] 

CITATION[ Faro, J.B., R.T. Bowyer, J.W. Testa, and L.K. Duffy. 1994. Assessment of injury to 

river otters in Prince William Sound, Alaska, following the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon Valdez 

Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Terrestrial Mammal 

Study Number 3). Soldotna: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Wildlife Conservation 

Division.] 

CITATION[ Farro, J.B., R.T. Bowyer, J.W. Testa, and L.K. Duffy. 1994. River otter component 

of the oiled mussel-bed study. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage 

Assessment Final Report (Restoration Study Number 103-3). Soldotna, AK: Alaska Department 

of Fish and Game, Wildlife Conservation Division.] 

CITATION[ Feder, H.M. 1995. Injury to deep benthos. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal 

Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Subtidal Study 2B/Air Water 2). 

Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Habitat and Restoration Division (NTIS 

No. PB96-194618).] 

CITATION[ Ferren, H. and J. Milton. 1995. Chenega chinook release program. Exxon Valdez 

Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 95272). Cordova, AK: Prince 

William Sound Aquaculture Corporation.] 

CITATION[ Ferren, H. and J. Milton. 1995. PWSAC-PWS system investigation: experimental 

fry release. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 

95320K). Cordova, AK: Prince William Sound Aquaculture Corporation.] 

CITATION[ Forage fish study in Prince William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill 

Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 94163). Fairbanks, AK: University of 

Alaska Fairbanks, School of Fisheries and Ocean Sciences.] 

CITATION[ Freese, J.L. and C.E. O'Clair. 1995. Injury to crabs outside Prince William Sound. 

Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report 

(Fish/Shellfish Study Number 22). Juneau, AK: National Oceanic and Atmospheric 

Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service (NTIS No. PB96-194782).] 
CITATION[ Frost, K.J., L.F. Lowry, J. Small. and S.J. Iverson. 1996. Monitoring, habitat use,

and trophic interactions of harbor seals in Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill

Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 95064). Fairbanks, AK: Alaska

Department of Fish and Game, Division of Wildlife Conservation.]

CITATION[ Frost, K.J., L.F. Lowry, and J. Ver Hoef. 1995. Habitat use, behavior, and

monitoring of harbor seals in Prince William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration

Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 94064 and 94320F). Anchorage, AK: Alaska

Department of Fish and Game, Wildlife Conservation Division.]

CITATION[ Frost, K.F., and L.F. Lowry. 1994. Habitat use, behavior, and monitoring of harbor

seals in Prince William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual

Report (Restoration Project 93046). Fairbanks, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game,

Wildlife Conservation Division.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Restoration Project 93046 continued the effort initiated under

Marine mammal Study Number 5 (Assessment of injury to harbor seals in Prince William

Sound, Alaska, and adjacent areas) in 1989 through 1991. The project was reclassified as a

restoration project in 1992 (study number 73, Harbor seal restoration study) and continued in

1993 as study number 93046 (Habitat use, behavior, and monitoring of harbor seals in Prince

William Sound, Alaska). Aerial surveys of harbor seals were conducted at 25 trend count sites in

PWS during pupping and molting in 1990-1993. Molting period counts at oiled sites were 51

percent lower in 1993 than in 1988, compared to 11 percent lower at unoiled sites. Pupping

counts for all sites combined were 23 percent lower in 1993 than in 1989. The study concluded

that harbor seals in PWS had not recovered since the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Satellite-linked

time-depth recorders were attached to 20 harbor seals in PWS during 1991-1993. Tagged seals

moved an average of 5 to 10 kilometers/day. Seals showed strong site fidelity, each hauling out

mostly at the site it was tagged and sometimes at another nearby location. Daily maximum dive

depths for seals smaller than 50 kilograms were usually 100 to 130 meters, compared to 130 to

150 meters for larger seals. For all seals combined, 58 percent of the dives were less than 50

meters.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ EVTC Project Annual Report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince

William Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

subsistence resource users] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ harbor seals]

CITATION[ Frost, K.J. and L.F. Lowry. 1994. Assessment of injury to harbor seals in Prince

William Sound, Alaska, and adjacent areas following the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill. Exxon Valdez

Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal

Study Number 5, Restoration Study Number 73). Fairbanks, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and

Game, Wildlife Conservation Division (NTIS No. PB96-197116).]

CITATION[ Geiger, H.J., W.D. Templin, J.S. Collie, and T.J. Quinn II. 1995. Run

reconstruction and life history model. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource

Damage Assessment Final Report (Fish/Shellfish Study Number 28). Juneau, AK: Alaska

Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development Division

(NTIS No. PB96-208418).]
CITATION[ Goldberg, Victor P. 1991. Recovery for economic loss following the Exxon Valdez 

oil spill. New York, N.Y.: Center for Law and Economic Studies, Columbia University School 

of Law. Series title: Working paper #62.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This legal work considers the arguments surrounding recovery 

for indirect losses suffered as a consequence of environmental disasters, in particular the Exxon 

Valdez case. The author questions the allowance of collection by third parties for indirect losses 

in such cases. Commercial fishermen were the only parties whose claims for indirect damages 

were recognized in the Exxon Valdez case, and the article explores the historical conditions and 

precedents for the exception allowed fishermen. Legal issues discussed include the fact that most 

of the direct damage was to unowned assets, the question of how value should be assessed (the 

value of the fish destroyed or the losses consequent to the loss of the fish), the issue of 

fishermen's reliance on the fishery and the question of how broadly the idea of 'reliance' on an 

asset should be applied, and the legal question of the victim's responsibility for mitigation of loss 

after a disaster, and before (such as preparation and diversification). The author concludes that 

government should compensate those who suffered direct losses during such disasters, and then 

recover expenditures by suing those responsible. Further, it argues that third parties and indirect 

losses, including among commercial fishermen, should not be paid under tort law.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ academic report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ 

spill, litigation] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ indirect damages, direct damages, compensation for 

damages] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ damages, direct costs, indirect costs, liability] 

CITATION[ Greenpeace. 1990. The dinosaur’s path: the Exxon Valdez oil and national 

security.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This brief document by the environmental organization 

Greenpeace offers an overview of the spill and its impacts, and focuses more extensively on 

energy policy and the environmental consequences of energy use. The disaster is described as an 

accident waiting to happen. Conditions that contributed to the occurrence of the spill, the lack of 

preparation for mitigating its environmental effects, and the impacts on Native communities and 

subsistence practices, and the altered sense of place for Alaskans, are all mentioned. It also 

mentions that legal ‘gag orders’ associated with litigation following the disaster have restricted 

the release of scientific and other information on the impacts of the spill and the efficacy of 

clean-up efforts. Renewable energy policy and the reliance on foreign oil are also discussed.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ pamphlet] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, US, global, Bligh Reef] 

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Department of the 

Interior, Department of Energy, Environmental Protection Agency, General Accounting Office, 

Minerals Management Service, National Research Council, Natural Resources Defense Council, 

Exxon, Alyeska, Native Alaskans, Alaskans, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, 

fishermen, Alaska Volunteer Independent Cleanup Effort] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social 

disruption] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic violence] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ 

substance abuse, domestic violence] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ litigation restricts information, 

litigation and scientific research] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ decreased harvest, resource 

availability] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ cultural meaning of subsistence] 

CITATION[ Hanable, William S. 1990. Military support for the cleanup of the Exxon Valdez 

oil spill: a special historical study. Elmendorf Air Force base, Alaska: Headquarters, Alaskan 

Air Command, Office of History, 76 pages.] 
ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Although there was no declaration of a disaster following the 

11-million gallon Exxon Valdez oil spill, President Bush directed that an Alaskan Oil Spill Task 

Force be formed to coordinate military support for oil spill cleanup activities. Troops were not 

involved in the actual physical cleanup activities. Rather, the military provided airlift, command 

control, communications, equipment, landing craft for ship-to-shore transportation and in-shore 

operations, medical support, oil skimmers, and ships for berthing civilian workers. This report 

documents the activities of the task force and its management of the military’s response to the oil 

spill cleanup effort.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound] 

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ Multi-Agency Coordinating Group, 

response organization] 

CITATION[ Hanable, William S. And C. Burkhart. 1990. The Exxon Valdez oil spill and the 

National Park Service: A report on the initial response. Anchorage, Alaska: National Park 

Service, Alaska Region, 115 pages plus appendix.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This work is intended as an official history or record 

contemporary to the events that it documents -- National Park Service activities in response to 

the Exxon Valdez oil spill. It covers the period of time from the beginning of the incident until 

the end of the first phase of the cleanup, when cleanup field teams left the area in the fall. The 

report focuses on the use of the Incident Command System, a pre-existing mechanism for 

managing federal agency response to fires, as the management system used by the national Park 

Service in their efforts. This was the first time that this system was applied in Alaska, and to a 

different kind of environmental disaster than it had been previously been used for. The report is 

divided into several parts. Chapter one describes spill events, provides historical background, 

identifies the national Park Service resources threatened by the spill, and the existing 

mechanisms for dealing with such threats. The initial National Park Service response is also 

documented. Chapter two further describes the methods used to direct and control National Park 

Service response to the spill during its first phase, and the coordination of that direction and 

control with similar efforts by other agencies and institutions. Chapter three is an account of 

staff and field operations conducted in anticipation of the arrival of the spilled oil at various 

on-shore locations. Chapter 4 expands on the topics of chapters 2 and 3 (command and control, 

and field operations) as they evolved after the spilled oil arrived at these on-shore locations. 

Chapter five summarizes the interpretations of previous chapters and presents additional 

conclusions.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound] 

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ Multi-Agency Coordinating Group, 

response organization] 

CITATION[ Hatch, S.A., P.M. Meyers, D.M. Mulcahy, and D.C. Douglas. 1996. Seasonal 

movements and pelagic habitat use of murres and puffins determined by satellite telemetry. 

Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration Project 95021). Anchorage, 

AK: National Biological Service (NTIS No. PB97-112726).] 

CITATION[ Hayes, D.L. 1995. Recovery monitoring of pigeon guillemot populations in Prince 

William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration 

Project 94173). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-194790).] 
CITATION[ Haynes, E., T. Rutecki, M. Murphy, and D. Urban. 1995. Impacts of the Exxon

Valdez oil spill on bottomfish and shellfish in Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill

State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Fish/Shellfish Study Number

18). Juneau: U.S. National Marine Fisheries Service.]

CITATION[ Heintz, R.A., S.D. Rice, and J.W. Short. 1995. Injury to pink salmon eggs and

preemergent fry incubated in oiled gravel (laboratory study). Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration

Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 94191-2). Juneau, AK: National Oceanic and

Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service.]

CITATION[ Hepler, K.R., P.A. Hansen and D.R. Bernard. 1994. Impact of oil spilled from the

Exxon Valdez on survival and growth of Dolly Varden and cutthroat trout in Prince William

Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment

Final Report (Fish/Shellfish Study Number 5; Restoration Study Number 90). Anchorage, AK:

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Sport Fish.]

CITATION[ Highsmith, R.C., M.S. Stekoll, .P.G. Van Tamelen, A.J. Hooten, L. Deysher, L.

McDonald, D. Strickland, and W.P. Erickson. 1993. Herring Bay experimental and monitoring

studies. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report

(Restoration Study 60C). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Commercial

Fisheries Management and Development Division (NTIS No. PB96-194949).]

CITATION[ Highsmith, R.C., M.S. Stekoll, P.G. Van Tamelen, S.M. Saupe, T.L. Rucker, and L.

Deysher. 1995. Herring Bay experimental and monitoring studies, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil

Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 94086). Anchorage, AK: Alaska

Department of Fish and Game, Habitat and Restoration Division.]

CITATION[ Hoffmann, A. and P. Hansen. 1994. Injury to demersal rockfish and shallow reef

habitats in Prince William Sound, 1989-1991. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural

Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Subtidal Study Number 6, Fish/Shellfish 17).

Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Sport Fish.]

CITATION[ Holland-Bartels, L. 1996. Mechanisms of impact and potential recovery of

nearshore vertebrate predators. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report

(Restoration Project 95025). Anchorage, AK: National Biological Service.]

CITATION[ Impact Assessment, Inc. 1990(a) Analysis of fiscal impacts to local jurisdictions.

Interim report number 1. Prepared for Oiled Mayors Subcommittee, Alaska Conference of

Mayors. La Jolla, CA: Impact Assessment Inc.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The report looks at local government revenues and expenditures,

and revenues and expenditures related to the oil spill, and impacts related to the fish tax.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill,

spill, cleanup] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ public expenditures, fish tax] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[

public expenditures]
CITATION[ Impact Assessment, Inc. 1990(b). Public and Private Sector Impacts of the Exxon 

Valdez Oil Spill. Second Interim Report. Prepared for the Oiled Mayors Subcommittee, Alaska 

Conference of Mayors. La Jolla, CA: Impact Assessment Inc.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This research report for the Oiled Mayors Subcommittee uses an 

economic base model to analyze private and public sector economic impacts of the spill and the 

cleanup effort. The discussion of the public sector compares a set of populous jurisdictions with 

a set of communities that are more remote and less populous. In the economic model used here, 

industry sectors which drive the economy (‘base sectors’) include fish harvesting and processing, 

and tourism. An additional base sector industry, spill cleanup, developed after the spill. Support 

sector industries (which vary with the fortunes of the base sectors) increased employment during 

the cleanup and after cleanup ended in September 1989. Continued economic expansion during 

the fourth quarter of 1989 was associated with the windfall earnings during cleanup. Commercial 

fishing continued to be the major contributor to the economy, though fish harvests were below 

official projections for some species and areas. In terms of public sector fiscal impacts, the 

report found that revenues were moving back to normal patterns, though perhaps not in the case 

of fish tax. Further, it was unclear how the postponement of projects would affect their eventual 

costs, or the fiscal impact on insurance and auditing. Mental health and alcoholism costs 

increased after the spill, but future costs in these areas were unknown. It appeared that Exxon 

paid less attention to the less populous set of communities. The spill and cleanup extended 

social and governmental resources beyond capacity, especially in smaller cities, while 

accounting staffs were often overwhelmed, and many costs likely remained unreported and 

un-reimbursed.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova, Valdez, Kodiak, Homer, 

Kenai, Seward, Soldotna, Old Harbor, Ouzinkie, Seldovia, Whittier] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, 

cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen, merchants, cleanup workers, 

Alaskan Natives, government] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ service sector, public expenditures, 

fiscal impacts, economic gain] 

CITATION[ Impact Assessment, Inc. 1990 (c). Social and psychological impacts of the Exxon 

Valdez oil spill: for the economic, social and psychological impact assessment of the Exxon 

Valdez oil spill. Prepared for Oiled Mayors Subcommittee, Alaska Conference of. Mayors. 

Interim Report Number 3. La Jolla, CA: Impact Assessment, Inc.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ An academic study of the social and psychological impacts of the 

Exxon Valdez spill and cleanup in the regions of Kodiak Island, Chignik Bay, Kenai Peninsula, 

Southern Kenai Peninsula, and Prince William Sound, this report presents data from field 

interviews, a household survey, and data from local agencies such as police departments, mental 

health clinics, and hospitals. After presenting pre-existing differences in the characteristics of 

these areas, and the different conditions surrounding the spill and cleanup in each area, the 

villages are described in terms of the response effort, local government, and changes in 

community, way of life, family, mental health, medical factors, and changes in personal 

experience. The report notes that most of the municipalities were extended beyond capacity, and 

ordinary services suffered. In many communities, there was an increase in destructive behavior, 

as indicated by increases in drunk driving arrests, crime, visits to mental health clinics, and 

admittance to women’s shelters. Potential long term impacts emerged in peoples concerns about 

the future of subsistence activities, subsistence food sources, and the cultural and social life 

surrounding the partial reliance on these activities. The oil producing sectors expressed concern 
over a legislative backlash against the oil industry, and in the influx of money for the cleanup 

brought new people to the area and changed expectations among Alaskan Natives about their 

role in the economy.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Kenai Peninsula, Southern Kenai 

Peninsula, Prince William Sound, Kodiak Island, Chignik Bay] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, 

cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, non-Natives, police, 

clinics, hospitals, women’s shelter] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social disruption, natural resource 

community, subsistence-based community] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, increased 

wealth, wage expectations] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ crime, mental health, violence, 

destructive behavior, alcohol abuse, substance abuse] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ service 

demands, fiscal losses] OTHER_EFFECTS[ legislative change, increased regulation] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ resource availability, contamination fears] 

CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ threat to subsistence culture, subsistence roles] 

CITATION[ Impact Assessment, Inc. 1990 (d). Economic, social, and psychological impact 

assessment of the Exxon Valdez oil spill: final report. Prepared for Oiled Mayors Subcommittee, 

Alaska Conference of Mayors. La Jolla, CA.: Impact Assessment, Inc.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This report presents the results of research carried out between 

November of 1989 and September 1990, on the social, psychological and economic impacts of 

the oil spill and cleanup on twenty-two Alaskan communities in three areas, including the 

villages of Kodiak, the Alaska and Kenai Peninsula, and the villages of Prince William Sound. 

Population size of the twenty-two communities before the spill ranged from 6,774 in Kodiak to 

55 in Chignik Lagoon. Social and psychological data were gathered through interviews with 

mental and social health providers and an archival survey, fiscal impacts were studied through 

interviews and reviews of records, and a survey provided data on impacts to the private sector. 

With respect to psychological and social problems, the study found 90% more general anxiety 

disorder in case than control communities, 99% more post traumatic stress disorder, and 90% 

more depression, as well as 11.4 times more drinking, 7.4 times more drug use, and 11.6 times 

more domestic violence. There were also affects on health, specifically on individuals’ sense of 

their own health and the number of health problems verified by physicians as measured before 

and after the spill, with more health problems in those most exposed to the spill. Mental health 

impacts were especially common in Native communities, in part because mental health services 

were less available, since these services were in high demand and many of the counselors and 

staff had left to participate in the cleanup. Participation in the cleanup effort had an impact on 

family and community social life, and participants spent less time with family and friends and in 

community and religious activities. Further, the involvement with the cleanup was a source of 

some community controversy and conflict. 45% of those who worked in the cleanup reported 

that they spent less time with members of their households, compared to 16% of those not taking 

part in the cleanup. Parents reported effects on their children, including separation anxiety, 

parent-child discord, and behavioral problems. The spill and cleanup had an especially marked 

impact on subsistence activities in Native communities, and the social and spiritual values linked 

to traditional uses of the environment were perceived as threatened. While hunting, fishing, and 

gathering decreased by a reported 42%, the social aspects of subsistence, such as joint 

subsistence activities, sharing with other households, available food to share with elders, 

receiving shared food, also decreased. With respect to the economy, the report finds both 

impacts on local government operations, and fiscal impacts. It notes that usual government 
business was displaced by the demands of responding to the spill and cleanup, there were 

communications problems among various entities, the political context was altered by 

factionalism that emerged over the spill and cleanup, and new organizations and alliances 

formed. Local communities were reimbursed by Exxon for only a portion of actual costs, and 

fiscal impacts were not uniform among communities. In terms of private sector economic 

impacts, the report finds the highest cleanup participation in some business sectors and 

occupations, and higher participation in some communities than others. Firms that participated 

in cleanup had lower income in 1988 than firms that did not participate, but participating firms 

had higher income in 1989. Future community preparedness is discussed.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ North Gulf Coast, Kodiak, Alaska 

Peninsula, Kenai Peninsula, Prince William Sound, Akhiok, Karluk, Larsen Bay, Old Harbor, 

Ouzinkie, Port Lions, Chignik Bay, Chignik Lagoon, Chignik Lake, Kenai, Soldotna, Seward, 

Homer, Seldovia, Port Graham, English Bay, Valdez, Cordova, Whittier, Chenega Bay, Tatitlek] 

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ cleanup 

workers, Alaskan Natives, local government, Exxon, merchants, residents] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ 

social disruption, social conflict, crime, kinship, subsistence-based community, emergent groups] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk perception, sense of community, cultural persistence] 

FAMILY_EFFECTS[ role relationships, domestic violence, behavioral problems, separation 

anxiety, children, generational tension, obligations] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, 

economic loss, fiscal impacts] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ depression, anxiety, 

post-traumatic stress disorder, PTSD, substance abuse, separation anxiety, behavioral problems, 

counselors] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ service demands, fiscal losses, operational disruption, 

mayor, city council, Oiled Mayors, service providers take cleanup employment] 

SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, fishing, gathering, decreased harvest, contamination 

fears, contaminated resources, sharing] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, cooperation, 

cultural meaning of resources, enculturation.] 

CITATION[ Jewett, S.C., and T.A. Dean, R.O. Smith, M. Stekoll, L.J. Haldorson, D.R. Laur, 

and L. McDonald. 1995. The Effects of the Exxon Valdez oil spill on shallow subtidal 

communities in Prince William Sound, Alaska 1989-93. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration 

Project Final Report (Restoration Project 93047, Subtidal Study Number 2A). Anchorage, AK: 

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Habitat and Restoration Division, NTIS No. 

PB96-194865).] 

CITATION[ Jorgensen, Joseph G. 1995. Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal villages: VI. 

Analysis of the Exxon Valdez spill area, 1988-1992. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, 

Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 157, OCS Study MMS 94-0064. 

New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ A number of findings are discussed and summarized in this 

volume. Among the findings, the spill sparked a brief boom and bust cycle in employment, 

income, and commercial activities. There were increases in proceeds for rents, services, and 

products. There were job losses, especially in the commercial fishing sector, while there was 

added employment in the cleanup of the spill. Job loss in the private sector was greater than in 

the public sector between 1989 and 1990, and there was a steeper increase in income among 

Native Alaskans than non-Natives, partly because the pre-spill incomes among Native Alaskans 

were lower. In terms of subsistence activities, the study found that Natives decreased their food 
harvests after the oil spill, and relied more on preserved food harvested before the spill, while

non-Native Alaskans increased their harvest of subsistence foods. It also found that Natives and

non-Natives define the environment and its resources differently: Instrumental use and cultural

and spiritual valuation are important parts of the Native definitions, while commodity valuation

takes precedence in the definitions of non-Natives. The Native study members displayed much

greater knowledge of the environment, especially species and habitats, than did non-Natives, and

were able to identify each of the 77 species presented to them in a survey. Comparisons are made

between Native and non-Native study members in terms of beliefs about managing the

environment, evaluation of whether such a spill would be likely to occur again, social

organization, visiting patterns, sharing, conceptions of the environment, religion, knowledge of

political issues and political participation. In most areas, the study found changes in behavior

after the Exxon Valdez oil spill among both Natives and non-Natives, and differences in Native

and non-Native responses to the spill as manifested in different behaviors.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Kodiak, coastal village, Alaska]

EVENT_PHASE[ pre spill, spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan

Natives, non-Natives, fishermen] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ sociability, sharing, political activity]

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ traditional knowledge, religion, stewardship of the environment,

political attitudes] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ household organization, household composition]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, economic loss, unemployment, cost of living,

inflation] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ harvest amounts, harvest methods, decreased harvest,

increased harvest] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, significance of habitats, knowledge

of species]

CITATION[ Jorgensen, Joseph G. 1994. Social indicators study of Alaskan coastal villages: V.

Research methodology for the Exxon Valdez spill area, 1988-1992. Prepared for Minerals

Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 156, OCS

Study MMS 93-0071. New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This report discusses the methodology used in an expanded study

of Alaskan coastal villages. Thirty-one villages had been part of an ongoing study, begun in

1986, on the effects of oil-related factors on Alaskan village life; of those villages, only two,

Kodiak City and Old Harbor, were within the area affected by the Exxon Valdez oil spill. After

the spill, several villages in spill-affected areas were added to the study, and this volume

discusses the research methodology used in this expanded study. As in the pre-EVOS phase of

this study, the research instruments were a questionnaire and a key informant protocol. The

instruments included a series of questions on the EVOS. This document provides information on

the study sites, time period covered by the study, response rates and reasons for refusal, and

issues of instrument reliability and validity. A considerable amount of data appears interspersed

with the discussion of design, methods and data analysis.]

KEYWORDS: REMAINDER[ research methods]

CITATION[ Jorgensen, Joseph. 1994. Social indicators of Alaskan coastal villages: III

analysis. Prepared for Minerals Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies

Program, Technical Report 154, OCS Study MMS 93-0070. New Haven, CT: Human Relations

Area Files.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This document contains analysis on a wide range of social

indicators topics.
Exxon Valdez post spill analysis includes an examination of changes in earnings based on village 

type, degree of participation in village corporation elections, changes in employment, and 

whether or not oil exploration was considered good or bad for the (individual) village, in relation 

to the spill. Three variables are analyzed with respect to their association with impacts from the 

spill. The mixed/Native contrast refers to village composition, and a mixed village is defined as 

one in which over 25% of the population was non-Native, and Native villages, in which over 

75% of residents were Native. A Native/non-Native contrast refers to ethnicity rather than village 

type. The third contrast, commercial fishing versus non-commercial fishing, refers to the degree 

to which the village economy is dependent on commercial fishing.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaskan coastal villages] 

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, post-spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ 

Alaskan Natives, non-Natives, commercial fishermen] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ traditional 

knowledge, belief and cognition, ethics, values] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ infrastructure as a 

variable] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ knowledge, beliefs, cognition, values] 

CITATION[ Jorgensen, Joseph. 1993. Social indicators of Alaskan coastal villages: II. 

Research methodology; design, sampling, reliability, and validity. Prepared for Minerals 

Management Service, Alaska OCS Environmental Studies Program, Technical Report 153, OCS 

Study MMS 93-0035. New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This volume introduces the research design and research 

methods, and the sampling procedures used in the social indicators study conducted in 30 

Alaskan villages beginning in 1986. The project called for an analysis of contemporary life in 

the 30 villages in seven Native regions associated with the Alaska Native Claims Settlement act 

of 1971, in an area that reached from Kodiak Island to the North Slope. Attention in the research 

design was to be paid to differences among ANCSA regions, between Native and non-Native 

residents, between villages with developed infrastructure and those with minimal infrastructure, 

and between Outer Continental Shelf oil-related activities and other development that could 

affect village life. To this end, two social indicator research instruments were developed to 

monitor social conditions in these communities over time. A questionnaire and an interview 

protocol were the instruments developed. This volume addresses the issues of instrument 

validity, research design (including the selection of communities, the sampling design with 

respect to persons and households), variance, reliability, non-response, field testing the 

instruments in 1987, and further testing in 1988, 1989, and 1990.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report volume] GEOGRAPHY[ ANCSA communities, 

Kodiak Island, North Slope] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ ANCSA communities, Alaskan Natives, 

non-Natives] REMAINDER[ research methods] 

CITATION[ Joyce, T.L., Evans, and R. Riffe. 1996 Otolish marking of pink salmon in Prince 

William Sound hatcheries, 1995. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report 

(Restoration Project 95320C). Cordova, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Commercial 

Fisheries Management and Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Klosiewski, S.P. and K.K. Laing. 1994. Marine bird populations of Prince William 

Sound, Alaska, before and after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal 
Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Bird Study Number 2). Anchorage, AK:

U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB97-112684).]

CITATION[ Kuletz, K.J. 1994. Marbled murrelet abundance and breeding activity at Naked

Island, Prince William Sound, and Kachemak Bay, Alaska, before and after the Exxon Valdez oil

spill. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report

(Bird Study Number 6). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No.

PB97-112692).]

CITATION[ Kuletz, K.J. N.L. Naslund, and D.K. Marks. 1994. Identification of marbled

murrelet nesting habitat in the Exxon Valdez oil spill zone. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal

Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Restoration Study Number 15-2).

Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Alaska Maritime National Wildlife Refuge

(NTIS No. PB97-112718).]

CITATION[ Kuletz, K.J., D.K. Marks, N.L. Naslund, N.G. Goodson, and M.B. Cody. 1994.

Information needs for habitat protection: marbled murrelet habitat identification. Exxon Valdez

Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration Project 93051B). Anchorage, AK: U.S.

Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-196886).]

CITATION[ Kuletz, K.J., D.K. Marks, and N.L. Naslund. 1994. At-sea abundance and

distribution of marbled murrelets in the Naked Island area, Prince William Sound, Alaska, in

summer, 1991 and 1992. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage

Assessment Final Report (Restoration Study Number 15-1). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and

Wildlife Service, Alaska Maritime National Wildlife Refuge (NTIS No. PB97-112734).]

CITATION[ Kuwada, M.N., and K. Sundet. 1993. Stream Habitat assessment project: Afognak

Island. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report

(Restoration Study 47). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Habitat and

Restoration Division (NTIS No. PB96-194915).]

CITATION[ Lee, Martin R. 1989. After the Exxon Valdez spill: oil pollution liability and

compensation legislation. Washington D.C.: Congressional Research Service, The Library of

Congress.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Transporting oil involves risks of accidents and thus requires

established liability and compensation standards. This work describes the extent to which such a

set of standards existed in 1989. Four Federal statutes -- the Clean Water Act, the Deepwater

Port Act, the Trans-Alaska Pipeline Authorization Act, and the Outer Continental Shelf Lands

Act Amendments -- established the basic parameters of the system, with additions through the

actions of specific states and two international agreements. The result was a patchwork of

coverage lacking uniformity and perhaps equity. Although the Department of Justice had

recommended a uniform Federal oil pollution liability and compensation standard be established,

and Congress had repeatedly considered such legislation, no act had been passed. The Senate

generally favored the rights of States to establish their own liability standards, whereas the

House had been more willing to preempt those standards.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation] OTHER_EFFECTS[

legislation, liability standards]
CITATION[ Lipscomb, T.P., R.K. Harris, R.B. Moeler, J.M. Pletcher, R.J. Haebler, and B.E. 

Ballachey. 1996. Histopathologic lesions associated with crude oil exposure in sea otters, Exxon 

Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine 

Mammal Study Number 6-10). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.] 

CITATION[ Lipscomb, T.P., R.K. Harris, A.H. Rebar, B.E. Ballachey, and R.J. Haebler. 1996. 

Pathological Studies of sea otters. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource 

Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal Study Number 6-11). Anchorage, AK: U.S. 

Fish and Wildlife Service.] 

CITATION[ Lyles, Dianna M. 1990. Exxon Valdez oil Spill: A geographic information 

management response. National Governors' Association third annual conference, integrating 

data for decision making. Juneau, Alaska: Alaska Department of natural Resources.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The response to the Exxon Valdez oil spill required an immense 

management and coordination effort. A key aspect of this was the role of the Alaska Department 

of natural Resources, Land Records Information Section, in performing comprehensive damage 

assessment mapping and analysis for the involved State and Federal agencies. This required 

gathering information, designing database systems, procuring necessary computer capacity, and 

implementing production responses. This effort yielded enormously valuable rewards, and three 

simple but important lessons: 

1) Using a sophisticated GIS in a large assessment exercise is a strategic decision that requires

top management understanding and commitment.

2) Excellent implementation skills must be immediately applied to similar emergency situations.

3) Contingency planning should comprehensively address issues of geographic information

management.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ state government,

cleanup workers] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ Multi-Agency Coordinating Group, response

organization]

CITATION[ Martin, P.D. 1993. Effects of the Exxon Valdez oil spill on migrant shorebirds 

using rocky intertidal habitats of Prince William Sound, Alaska, during spring, 1989. Exxon 

Valdez oil spill state/federal natural resource damage assessment final report (bird study number 

12-1). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.] 

CITATION[ Marty, C.D., E.F. Friedberg, T.R. Meyers, J.A. Wilcock, C.R. Davis, T.B. Farver, 

and D.E. Hinton. 1995. Ichthyophonus hoferi, viral hemorrhagicsepticemia virus, and other 

causes of morbidity in Pacific herring spawning in Prince William Sound in 1994. Exxon Valdez 

Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 94320S). Anchorage, AK: 

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Habitat and Restoration Division.] 

CITATION[ Matkin, C.O., D. Scheel, G. Ellis, L. Barrett-Lennard, and E. Saulitis. 1996. 

Comprehensive killer whale investigation. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual 

Report (Restoration Project 95012). Homer, AK: North Gulf Oceanic Society.] 
CITATION[ McCarron, S. and A.G. Hoffman. 1993. Technical support study for the restoration 

of Dolly Varden and cutthroat trout populations in Prince William Sound, Exxon Valdez Oil Spill 

State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Restoration Study 106). 

Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Sport Fish.] 

CITATION[ McClintock, Sharon. 1989. Alaska oil spill commission oiled communities 

response investigation report. Alaska Oil Spill Commission.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Alaska Oil Spill commission gathered information following 

the spill in communities affected by the spill. Issues discussed include the spill’s proximity and 

effect on local resources, community responses to the spill, the impact on the community, social 

impacts, response to the cleanup and containment efforts, causes for community specific 

impacts, and recommendations. Communities included in this work are: Akhiok, English Bay 

(Nanwalek), Port Graham, Kodiak, Larsen Bay, Seldovia, Cordova, Chenega Bay, Old Harbor, 

Karluk, and Whittier. Brief discussion of social impacts indicate: social disruption, changes in 

subsistence harvests and practices, conflicts and social dissension, individual and communal 

stress, disruption of local and tribal government, inadequate child care, economic loss for 

commercial and subsistence fishing and their support industries, health concerns about 

contaminated resources, distress and grief following observing dead and dying wildlife, 

frustration with Exxon’s perceived insincere cleanup, suicides and other psychosocial problems, 

influx of outsiders into communities, loss of control over community life and processes, and 

fiscal losses to local governments.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Akhiok, English Bay, Nanwalek, Port 

Graham, Kodiak, Larsen Bay, Seldovia, Cordova, Chenega Bay, Old Harbor, Karluk, Whittier] 

EVENT_PHASE[ post-spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ residents, Alaska Oil 

Spill Commission, Exxon, Alaskan Natives] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social disruption, social 

conflict, disruption of Native communities, population increase] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ 

childcare] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, commercial fisheries losses] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ grief, frustration, suicide, stress, mistrust, disruption] 

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ influx of outsiders, fiscal losses] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ 

decreased harvest, contamination fears] 

CITATION[ McDowell Group. 1990. An assessment of the impact of the Exxon Valdez oil spill 

on the Alaska tourism industry: phase I, initial assessment. Prepared for Preston, Thorgrimson, 

Shidler, Gates, and Ellis. Seattle, Washington: Preston, Thorgrimson, Shidler, Gates, and Ellis.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Exxon Valdez oil spill of March 24, 1989 had major effects 

on the tourism industry throughout Alaska. There were five major negative effects identified by 

the business surveys conducted for this report: 

1) Decreased resident and non-resident vacation/pleasure traffic in the spill-affected areas of 

Valdez, Homer, Cordova, and Kodiak due to the lack of available visitor services 

(accommodations, charter boats, air taxis). 

2) Forty three percent of surveyed businesses felt their business had been significantly adversely 

affected by the oil spill in the summer of 1989. 

3) Costs of doing business were higher due to a severe labor shortage in the visitor industry 

throughout the state, due to traditional service industry workers seeking high-paying spill 

clean-up jobs. 

4) Cancellations due to the spill were reported by 59 percent of the businesses. 
5) Most negatively affected were lodes and resorts, Alaska-based package tour companies,

guided outdoor activities, and charter and sightseeing boats. These businesses did not have the

opportunity to reap spill benefits (such as spending for accommodations) because they were

located away from spill clean-up operations or operated a business which could not serve

clean-up needs.

Other negative effects noted in the report, based on other cited survey work, was the net loss of

$5,500,000 to $19,000,000 in visitor spending in 1989, compared to 1988 (an 8 percent decline

in Southcentral Alaska, but 35 percent in Southwest Alaska). Also, of those visitors who did go

to Alaska in 1989, 16 percent reported that the spill affected their planned activities. Half of

these people avoided the Prince William Sound area altogether. Some businesses (sectors such

as hotels/motels, car/RV rentals, air taxi and boat charters) in areas such as Kodiak, Homer,

Seward, Valdez, and Anchorage experienced increased earnings due to spill clean-up demand for

their

services. Effects in 1990 were generally perceived as less than those for 1989, but still present.

No long term effects assessment was made.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Kodiak,

Homer, Seward, Valdez, Anchorage] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ tourism industry] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[

economic gain, economic loss, money spill] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contamination

fears, contaminated resources]

CITATION[ Mills, Michael J. 1992. Alaska sport fishing in the aftermath of the Exxon Valdez 

oil spill. Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Sport Fish. 

Special Publication #92-5.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The report is based on a mail survey sent to a random sample of 

those holding sports fishing licenses in Alaska. The survey was conducted annually since 1977 

by the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Sport Fish. This report compares 

survey results in the area affected by the spill in the five years prior to the EVOS, 1984-88, to 

survey results in the year 1989. The report includes survey results for streams, but not lakes in 

the area affected by the EVOS. In general, the study finds that in the geographical area of the 

EVOS, sports fishing increased between 1984 and 1988, and then decreased in 1989. In 1984-88 

there was a mean increase per year of 10% in the number of anglers, a mean increase of 10% per 

year in the number of household trips, a mean increase of 8% per year in the number of days 

fished, and a mean increase of 14% per year in the number of fish harvested. The pattern of 

increase continued in areas outside the spill-affected region. In the region of the spill, the 

number of anglers decreased 13% in 1989 from levels in 1988, while household trips decreased 

15%, the number of days fished decreased 6% and the fish harvested decreased 10%. There was 

a difference within the spill area between saltwater sports fishing and freshwater sports fishing, 

and saltwater areas had greater impacts on sportfishing: in streams, the number of anglers 

decreased 16%, but the number of trips increased 5%, the days fished increased 11%, and fish 

harvested increased 9%. The study found different degrees of impact in subareas of the spill 

region. In Prince William Sound the number of anglers, the number of household trips and the 

days fished decreased, but the number of fish increased; in the Kenai Peninsula area all measures 

decreased more than the mean for the spill region as a whole, and the same pattern held for the 

Westside of Cook Inlet. In contrast, in the Kodiak subarea there was only a slight decrease in the 

number of anglers, along with an increase in the number of trips, and in the days fished, but the 
fish harvest decreased 20%. And in the Alaska Peninsula anglers and trips decreased, while days 

fished and fish harvest increased. There was a difference found between Alaskan residents, and 

non-residents of Alaska, with a decrease in fishing and harvesting in the spill area among 

Alaskans, and an increase in fishing and harvesting for non-residents of Alaska. The study found 

that 10% of those fishing in the oil spill area were cleanup workers, and they accounted for 24% 

of the fish harvesting. The report includes tables representing data by year and area, and an 

appendix of comments made by sports fishermen.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Prince William Sound, Kenai 

Peninsula, West Cook Inlet, Kodiak, Alaska Peninsula] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ sportsmen, residents, cleanup workers] 

REMAINDER[ recreation] 

CITATION[ Miraglia, Rita A. 1995. Subsistence Restoration Project. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill 

Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration Project 93017). Anchorage, AK: Alaska 

Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Restoration Project 93017 was initiated as a result of data 

gathered by the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence, documenting 

injury to the subsistence resource by the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The goal was to restore the 

confidence of subsistence users in their abilities to determine the safety of consuming 

subsistence resources. Methods included community meetings, collection and testing of 

subsistence resource samples, accompanying community representatives on test laboratory tours, 

and informational newsletters to communities. Community anticipation was emphasized in 

every phase. Hydrocarbon testing occurred on ninety composite samples from harbor seals 

collected in 1993. The tests of the edible tissue showed aromatic contaminants at low levels so 

as to be within the test's margin of error. The bile of rockfish, seals, and one duck were screened 

for the presence of metabolites of fluorescent aromatic contaminants. The levels were low, so 

one would not expect to find elevated concentrations in the edible flesh of these organisms. The 

project was partly successful in disseminating the subsistence food safety advice of the Oil Spill 

Health Task Force and in improving the level of trust in the results of hydrocarbon test on the 

resources.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Kenai 

Peninsula, lower Cook Inlet, Kodiak Island, Alaska Peninsula, Port Lions, Old Harbor, Karluk, 

Kodiak, Ouzinkie, Akhiok, Larsen Bay, Nanwalek, English Bay, Port Graham, Chenega Bay, 

Tatitlek, Chignik Bay, Chignik Lagoon, Chignik Lake, Perryville, Ivanoff Bay] 

EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, 

subsistence resource users] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ community stability, community resources, 

social organization] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk perception, sense of place, sense of 

community, risk communication, traditional knowledge] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic stress, 

sharing] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ mental health] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ service 

demands, operational disruption] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, fishing, gathering, 

decreased harvest, contamination fears, contaminated resources] 

CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing, symbolic expression of culture] 

CITATION[ Monnett, C. and L.M. Rotterman. 1992. Movements of weanling and adult female 

sea otters in Prince William Sound, Alaska after the T/V Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon Valdez 

Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal 
Study Number 6-12). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No.

PB96-194899).]

CITATION[ Monnett, C. and L.M. Rotterman. 1992. Mortality and reproduction of female sea

otters in Prince William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource

Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal Study Number 6-13). Anchorage, AK: U.S.

Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-195964).]

CITATION[ Monnett, C. and L.M. Rotterman. 1992. Mortality and reproduction of sea otters

oiled and treated as a result of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal

Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal Study Number 6-14).

Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-196902).]

CITATION[ Monson, D.H. and B. Ballachey. 1995. Age distributions of sea otters found dead in

Prince William Sound, Alaska Following the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill

State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal Study

Number 6-14). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, (NTIS No. PB96-194675).]

CITATION[ National Wildlife Federation. Citizens Commission on the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill.

1990. The day the water died: a compilation of the November 1989 Citizens Commission

hearings on the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Edited by Thea Levkovitz. Anchorage, Alaska: Alaska

Natural Resource Center, National Wildlife Federation.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ In November of 1989, four days of public hearings sponsored by

the National Wildlife Federation, the Wildlife Federation of Alaska, the Natural Resources

Defense Council, and the Windstar Foundation were held in Cordova, Kodiak, Old harbor,

Homer, and Anchorage. The hearings were intended as a chance for Alaskans to describe how

the Exxon Valdez oil spill and subsequent cleanup efforts had affected their lives, and to offer

recommendations on how to avoid or at least minimize the effects of any similar future events.

The testimony is quite difficult to summarize and full transcripts are not included in this

relatively short document. Selected quotes are presented within the categories of testimony

constructed by the editors:

"It couldn't happen"

"Who's in charge?"

"The futility of cleaning rocks"

"Impacts of the cleanup"

"The human cost"

"The Native perspective"

"The future"

"Corporate ethics"

The document also contains a selected event chronology of the oil spill and oil spill response,

and a complete list of those who provided testimony.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Cordova,

Kodiak, Old Harbor, Homer, Anchorage] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen, deckhands, cleanup workers, local

government, state government, subsistence resource users] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social

disruption, conflict, local resources, subsistence-based community, response organization,
alienation] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ perceived risk, sense of place, sense of community, 

lifestyle, ethics, dislocation, disruption] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ role relationships, stress, roles, 

children] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic boom, economic loss, money spill] 

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ service demands, fiscal loss] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, 

fishing, contamination fears, contaminated resources] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ symbolic 

expression of culture] REMAINDER[ community involvement, community participation] 

CITATION[ Nishimoto, G. and G.V. Byrd. 1993. Effects of the Exxon Valdez oil spill on 

fork-tailed storm petrels breeding in the Barren Islands, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill 

State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Bird Study Number 7). 

Homer, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB97-112676).] 

CITATION[ Nyswander, D.R., C.H. Dippel, G.V. Byrd, and EP. Knudtson. 1993. Effects of the 

Exxon Valdez oil spill on murres: a perspective from observations at breeding colonies. Exxon 

Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Bird Study 

Number 3). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB97-112700).] 

CITATION[ O'Clair, C.E., J.W. Short, and S.D. Rice. 1995. Subtidal monitoring: recovery of 

sediments in the Northwestern Gulf of Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project 

Annual Report (Restoration Project 94285). Juneau, AK: National Oceanic and Atmospheric 

Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service.] 

CITATION[ O'Clair, C.E., J.W. Short, and S.D. Rice. 1996. Petroleum hydrocarbon-induced 

injury to subtidal marine sediment resources. Exxon Valdez Oil Sill State/Federal Natural 

Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Subtidal Study Number 1A). Juneau, AK: National 

Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service (NTIS No. 

PB96-196944).] 

CITATION[ O'Clair, C.E., J.W. Short, and S.D. Rice. 1996. Recovery of sediments in the lower 

intertidal and subtidal environment. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report 

(Restoration Project 93047-1). Juneau, AK: National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, 

National Marine Fisheries Service (NTIS No. PB96-194832).] 

CITATION[ O'Clair, C.E., J.W. Short, and S.D. Rice. 1996. Subtidal monitoring: recovery of 

sediments in the northern Gulf of Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final 

Report (Restoration Project 95285). Juneau, AK: National Oceanic and Atmospheric 

Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service.] 

CITATION[ Oakley, K.L. and K.J. Kuletz. 1994. Population, reproduction and foraging of 

pigeon guillemots at Naked Island, Alaska, before and after the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon 

Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Bird Study 

Number 9). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-204276).] 

CITATION[ Olsen, J., H. Ferren, and C. Kerns. 1994. Chenega chinook release program. Exxon 

Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 94272). Anchorage, AK: 

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Habitat and Restoration Division.] 
CITATION[ Olsen, J., H. Ferren, and C. Kerns. 1994. Prince William Sound system

investigation: experimental manipulation. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final

Report (Restoration Project 94320L). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game,

Habitat and Restoration Division (NTIS No. PB96-208434).]

CITATION[ Olson, R.A. 1995. Use of aerial photograph, channel-type interpretations to predict

habitat availability in small streams. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report

(Restoration Project 95505B). Anchorage, AK: USDA Forest Service, Chugach National Forest

(NTIS No. PB96-194923).]

CITATION[ Picou, J.S., K. Arata, and S.R. Couch. 1995. The mental health demonstration

project: an interim report (9/27/95). RCAC Contract No. 7.4021.702.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Little or no social science information exists on the mitigation of

and recovery from disasters and technological accidents. Research does indicate that

technological disasters resulting in toxic contamination have different, more severe, and

longer-term and more chronic social and psychological impacts than do natural disasters

resulting primarily in immediate property destruction and/or loss of life. This information on

community recovery from disasters, with special emphasis on the special characteristics of

technological disasters, is briefly reviewed in the interim report. The Mental Health

Demonstration Project (MHDP) itself is an ongoing project to provide original data and

information on programmatic strategies for reducing the severity of chronic impacts of oil spills

for Prince William Sound communities. This first interim report provides a overall description

of the seven-stage project, an initial update on project activities, and outlines proposed

intervention strategies proposed as pilot programs for enhancing community recovery from the

effects of oil spills (stage five of the project, the current stage at the time of this interim report).

These pilot programs were field-tested in later stages of the project. A major goal of these pilot

programs was to aid in the "transformation" of an affected community (Cordova) to a healthy

post-event state, recognizing that the pre-event state can never be "recovered." The pilot

programs proposed were:

Community Education Radio Programs -- annotated separately

Community Education Leaflets -- annotated separately

Community Education Newspaper Series -- annotated separately

The Growing Together Program -- Family/individual group therapy (9 sessions). Outline

provided in interim report.

The Peer Listener Program -- outline provided in interim report.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ progress report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

fishermen, Alaskan Natives, family] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ community stability, social

disruption, social conflict, leadership, emergent groups, kinship, response organizations,

alienation] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk perception, sense of place, sense of community,

lifestyle] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic stress, domestic violence] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[

economic gain, economic loss, work disruption] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ stress,

depression, anger, anxiety, mental health, substance abuse, therapeutic community, PTSD,

post-traumatic stress disorder, corrosive community, mistrust, mental health services]
SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contamination fears, contaminated resources] REMAINDER[

talking circle]

CITATION[ Picou, J.S. 1996. The mental health demonstration project: interim report

(3/01/96). RCAC Contract No. 7.4021.702.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This second interim report is much briefer than the first and is

more of a project management document. It briefly summarizes pilot program development in

the five months since the first report and presents a schedule for the completion of all project

activities.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ progress report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

fishermen, Alaskan Natives, individual, emergent groups] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ community

stability, social disruption, social conflict, leadership, emergent groups, kinship, response

organizations, alienation] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk perception, sense of place, sense of

community, lifestyle] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic stress, domestic violence]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, economic loss, work disruption]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ stress, depression, anger, anxiety, mental health, substance

abuse, therapeutic community, PTSD, post-traumatic stress disorder, corrosive community]

OTHER_EFFECTS[ health] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contamination fears,

contaminated resources]

CITATION[ Picou, J.S. 1996. The mental health demonstration project: a progress report

(9/26-27/96). RCAC Contract No. 7.4021.702.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This third interim or progress report is a synthetic document

incorporating the two previous reports. All scheduled project activities had been accomplished

at the time of this report. The final phase of the project remained, for the preparation of a final

research report, a final programmatic evaluation, and preparation of a draft guidebook for

implementation of the pilot mitigation programs. This third progress report also reported more

detailed psychological data on long-term symptoms experienced by commercial fishermen, one

of the identified high-risk groups affected by the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill. The specific

psychological symptoms of severe depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, social

isolation, anger, and work disruption were then targeted for mitigation by the pilot programs.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ progress report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Cordova, Eyak, Tatitlek, Chenaga Bay, Port Graham] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen, Alaskan Natives, individual]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ community stability, social disruption, social conflict, leadership, emergent

groups, kinship, response organizations, alienation] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk perception,

sense of place, sense of community, lifestyle] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic stress, domestic

violence] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, economic loss, work disruption]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ stress, depression, anger, anxiety, mental health, substance

abuse, therapeutic community, PTSD, corrosive community] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[

contamination fears, contaminated resources] OTHER_EFFECTS[ health] REMAINDER[

talking circle]

CITATION[ Picou, J.S. 1997. The mental health demonstration project: a progress report

(2/03/97). RCAC Contract No. 7.4021.702.]
ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This fourth project progress report reviews activities completed 

for each of the six pilot programs since the last progress report (9/96). As of 2/97, the date of 

this last progress report, all pilot program activities were completed or in their final stages, with 

all formal pilot program activities ending 2/11/97. All pilot programs are described and 

summarized. Outlines for the research report and the guidebook are provided, but delivery of 

draft products was not anticipated until 3/97. These materials are still in draft form and not 

available for review (as of 10/97).] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ progress report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, 

Cordova, Eyak, Tatitlek, Chenaga Bay, Port Graham] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, individual] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ 

social conflict, leadership, emergent groups, kinship, alienation] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk 

perception, sense of place, sense of community, lifestyle] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic stress, 

domestic violence] OTHER_EFFECTS[ health] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ contamination 

fears, contaminated resources] REMAINDER[ talking circle] 

CITATION[ Piper, Ernest. 1993. The Exxon Valdez oil spill: final report, state of Alaska 

response. Juneau, Alaska: Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The report starts with an introduction that traces the most recent 

history of Alaska and the important role of oil and gas development in that history, as 

background to its discussion of the response to the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The report itself 

consists of five main components, from the perspective of the state of Alaska, and especially the 

Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation. Chapter 1 discusses the oil spill response 

organization. It explains how the standard institutions functioned within the spill response, and 

how separate and unique institutions emerged. It looks at how decisions were made (although 

primarily at the state level), but also how state interests and decisions conflicted with, 

overlapped, or were harmonized with the decisions of other entities involved in the response. 

Chapter 2 examined how oil response technology worked on the oil spill. It discusses how 

public and private institutions viewed certain technologies and how they made the decisions to 

use (or not use) certain types of technology. Chapter 3 is a somewhat sequential description of 

the shoreline cleanup, begun after the relatively brief water-response phase. While continuing 

the discussion of earlier sections -- institutional interaction, technology assessment, etc. -- its 

main purpose is to apply the analysis of previous sections to specific incidents and periods of the 

response effort. Chapter 4 is a brief overview of state and federal law and regulation changes 

made since the Exxon Valdez oil spill and the date of the report (June 1993). Chapter 5 describes 

how and why the state of Alaska addressed the principal legal issues raised by the spill. It briefly 

discusses two early, failed attempts to settle various aspects of the cases, as well as the final civil 

and criminal settlements of October 1991. It then examines the basic approaches to restoration 

anticipated by the state and federal governments in the early stages (winter 1992-93) of the 

restoration process.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Alaska] 

EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen, local government, state government] 

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ Multi-Agency Coordinating Group, response organization] 

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ court settlement, class action, damages, plaintiffs, defendants, 

common property resource, maritime law] 
CITATION[ Prince William Sound Economic Development Council. 1996. Sound waste

management plan, Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration Project

95115), Valdez, Alaska.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Restoration Project 95115 was the initial phase of the Sound

Waste Management Plan project. It was designed to address marine pollution generated from

land-based sources within the Prince William Sound communities of Cordova, Valdez, Whittier,

Tatitlek, and Chenega Bay. The project recommended ways to improve the management of three

different waste streams generated within the communities are a chronic source of marine

pollution: used oil, household hazardous waste, and solid waste. Proper handling of these wastes

reduces the stress on recovering resources and services. The recommendations of the report,

some already implemented, include: creation of a comprehensive used oil management system in

each

community, construction of Environmental Operation Stations to improve the overall

management of solid and oily wastes, and the development of a regional household hazardous

waste program. The Sound Waste Management Plan is based on the premise that a coordinated

regional effort will be more effective and cost efficient than individual community efforts.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Chenega Bay,

Cordova, Tatitlek, Valdez, Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ local government] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ community

resources, response organization]

CITATION[ Rebar, A.H., B.E. Ballachey, D.K. Bruden, and K.A. Kloecker. 1996. Hematology

and clinical chemistry of sea otters captured in Prince William Sound, Alaska following the

Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage

Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal Study Number 6-17). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and

Wildlife Service.]

CITATION[ Reeves, G.H., K. Griswold, and K.P. Currens. 1996. Cutthroat trout and Dolly

Varden in Prince William Sound, Alaska: the relation among and within populations of

anadromous and resident forms. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report

(Restoration Project 96145). Corvallis, OR: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Pacific North West

Research laboratory.]

CITATION[ Reger, Douglas, Linda Yarborough, Jeanne Schaaf, Pat McClenahan, and Richard

Bland. 1996. Archaeological site monitoring and restoration, 1994. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill

Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 94007-2). Anchorage, AK: Alaska

Department of Natural Resources.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Index Site Monitoring project originated as an attempt to

monitor vandalism and other site injury through time in the Exxon Valdez oil spill area. Sites

were vandalized and unintentionally injured during and immediately after oil spill cleanup efforts

ceased. Additionally, the potential for oil to adversely affect their research value made

monitoring intertidal sites for intrusion by buried or retransported remnants of the oil spill

another concern of land managers. Because the large number of sites made monitoring of each

site impossible, a few sites were selected to be visited. Monitoring of selected sites commenced

after Project 93007 as a reasonable approach to tracking injury to sites. The aim of the program

is to provide monitoring of area sites for a ten year period after the spill, in order to allow
managers to detect trends of injuries. Some sites are visited yearly and others on a less frequent

schedule. Condition of the index sites have been mapped and those which suffered oiling are

sampled for encroachment of retransported oil. None of the monitored sites have been re-oiled.

The AFG-046 Site and AFG-098 continue to erode and provide fresh exposures to attract vandal

attention. The AFG-097 Site continues to be affected by campers tenting and building campfires

on the site. The SEL-215 Site continues to erode and lose cultural data. The remaining sites do

not appear to be seriously affected.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Kenai

Peninsula, Kodiak Island] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] REMAINDER[ archaeology]

CITATION[ Reger, Douglas, Debra Corbett, Mark Luttrell, and Linda Yarborough. 1996.

Archaeological site restoration, index site monitoring, 1995. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration

Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 95007A). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of

Natural Resources.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Index Site Monitoring project originated as an attempt to

monitor vandalism and other site injury through time in the Exxon Valdez oil spill area. Sites

were vandalized and unintentionally injured during and immediately after oil spill cleanup efforts

ceased. Additionally, the potential for oil to adversely affect their research value made

monitoring intertidal sites for intrusion by buried or retransported remnants of the oil spill

another concern of land managers. Because the large number of sites made monitoring of each

site impossible, a few sites were selected to be visited. Monitoring of selected sites commenced

after Project 93007 as a reasonable approach to tracking injury to sites. The aim of the program

is to provide monitoring of area sites for a ten year period after the spill, in order to allow

managers to detect trends of injuries. Some sites are visited yearly and others on a less frequent

schedule. Condition of the index sites have been mapped and those which suffered oiling are

sampled for encroachment of retransported oil. None of the monitored sites have been re-oiled.

The AFG-046 Site and AFG-098 continue to erode and provide fresh exposures to attract vandal

attention. The AFG-097 Site continues to be affected by campers tenting and building campfires

on the site. The SEL-215 Site continues to erode and lose cultural data. The remaining sites do

not appear to be seriously affected.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Kenai

Peninsula, Kodiak Island] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] REMAINDER[ archaeology]

CITATION[ Reger, D. R., J.D. McMahan, and C.E. Holmes. 1992. Effect of crude oil

contamination on some archaeological sites in the Gulf of Alaska, 1991 investigations. Exxon

Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Archaeology

Study Number 1). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Natural Resources, Division of Parks

and Outdoor Recreation, Office of History and Archaeology (NTIS No. PB96-194659).]

CITATION[ Riffe, R.R., S. Gehlbach, D.G. Evans, and B.G. Bue. 1996. Coded wire tag

recoveries from pink salmon in Prince William Sound fisheries, 1995. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill

Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 95320B). Cordova, AK: Alaska

Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development Division.]

CITATION[ Rosenberg, D.H. 1995. Experimental harlequin duck breeding survey in Prince

William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration
Project 94427). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Wildlife Conservation 

Division.] 

CITATION[ Rosenberg, D.H., M.J. Petrula, and D.W. Crowley. 1996. Distribution, abundance, 

and composition of harlequin duck populations in Prince William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez 

Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 95427). Anchorage, AK: 

Alaska Department of Fish and Game.] 

CITATION[ Roseneau, D.G., A.B. Kettle, and G.V. Byrd. 1995. Common murre restoration 

monitoring in the Barren Islands, Alaska, 1993. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final 

Report (Restoration Project 93049). Homer, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Alaska 

Maritime National Wildlife Refuge (NTIS No. PB96-204334).] 

CITATION[ Rotterman, L.M. and C. Monnett. 1991. Mortality of sea otter weanlings in eastern 

and western Prince William Sound, Alaska, during the winter of 1990-91. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill 

State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal Study 

Number 6-18). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-194998).] 

CITATION[ Russell, John C., Lawrence A. Palinkas, and Michael A. Downs. 1993. Social, 

psychological, and municipal impacts related to the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Report prepared as a 

litigation support document concerning the Exxon Valdez . Placerville, CA: Expert Support 

Services. (Note: This source is still under court protective order and not yet in the public domain.)] 

CITATION[ Sale, D.M., J.C. Gibeaut and J.W. Short. 1995. Nearshore transport of hydrocarbons 

and sediments following the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural 

Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Subtidal Study Number 3B). Juneau, AK: Alaska 

Department of Environmental Conservation (NTIS No. PB96-194907).] 

CITATION[ Sanger, G.A. and M.B. Cody. 1994. Survey of pigeon guillemot colonies in Prince 

William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration 

Project 93034). Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (NTIS No. PB96-194808).] 

CITATION[ Scheel, D., R. Dodge, and T.L.S. Vincent. 1996. Survey of octopus in the intertidal 

in Prince William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report 

(Restoration Project 95012). Homer, AK: North Gulf Oceanic Society.] 

CITATION[ Schell, D.M. and A. Hirons. 1996. Isotope ratio studies of marine mammals in 

Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration 

Project 94320I). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Habitat and Restoration 

Division.] 

CITATION[ Schmidt, D.C., K.E. Tarbox, B.M. Barrett, L.K. Brannian, S.R. Carlson, J.A. 

Edmundson, J.M. Edmundson, S.G. Honnold, B.E. Kind, G.B. Kyle, P.A. Roche, P. Shields, and 

C.O. Swanton, 1993. Sockeye salmon over escapement. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal 

Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Fish/Shellfish Study Number 27). Soldotna, 
AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and 

Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Schmidt, K., E.P. Bailey, and G.V. Byrd. 1995. Introduced predator removal from 

islands. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report(Restoration Project 94041). 

Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.] 

CITATION[ Schmidt, D.C., K.E. Tarbox, B.M. Barrett, G.B. Kyle, J. A. Edmundson, B.E. King, 

S.G. Honnald, L.K. Brannian, C.O. Swanton, P. Shields, J.M. Edmundson, P.A. Roche, and S.R. 

Carlson. 1995. Sockeye salmon over escapement. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project 

Annual Report (Restoration Project 94258). Soldotna, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and 

Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Schmidt, D.C., K.E. Tarbox, G.B. Kyle, and S.R. Carlson. 1995. Sockeye salmon 

over escapement. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 

93002). Soldotna, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries 

Management and Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Seeb, L., J. Seeb, R. Gates, and C. Habicht. 1993. Assessment of genetic stock 

structure of salmonids. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage 

Assessment Annual Report (Restoration Study number 59). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department 

of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Seeb, J.E., S.E. Merkouris, L.W. Seeb, P. Bentzen, and J.M. Wright. 1995. Genetic 

discrimination of Prince William Sound herring populations. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration 

Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 95165). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish 

and Game, Genetics Laboratory.] 

CITATION[ Sharr, S., B.G. Bue, S.D. Moffitt, A. Craig, and D.G. Evans. 1994. Injury to salmon 

eggs and preemergent fry in Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural 

Resource Damage Assessment Final Report(Fish/Shellfish Study Number 2). Cordova, AK: 

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development 

Division (NTIS No. PB96-194840).] 

CITATION[ Sharr, S., C.J. Peckham, D.G. Sharp, D.G. Evans, and B.G. Bue. 1995. Coded wire 

tag recoveries from pink salmon in Prince William Sound salmon fisheries, 1993. Exxon Valdez 

Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report (Restoration Project 93067). Anchorage, AK: Alaska 

Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development Division 

(NTIS No. PB96-196928).] 

CITATION[ Sharr, S., C.J. Peckham, D.G. Sharp, L. Peltz, J.L. Smith, M.T. Willette, D.G. 

Evans, and B.G. Bue. 1996. Coded wire tag studies on Prince William Sound salmon, 

1989-1991. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final 

Report (Fish/Shellfish Study Number 4, NMFS Component). Anchorage, AK: National Oceanic 

and Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service (NTIS No. PB96-196936).] 
CITATION[ Sharr, S., C.J. Peckham, D.G. Sharp, J.L. Smith, D.G. Evans, and B.G. Bue. 1995. 

Coded wire tag studies on Prince William Sound salmon, 1992. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill 

State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Restoration Study 60A). 

Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and 

Development Division (NTIS No. PB96-196878).] 

CITATION[ Sharr, S., R. Riffe, S. Gehlbach, D.G. Evans, and B.G. Bue. 1995. Coded wiretag 

recoveries from pink salmon in Prince William Sound salmon fisheries, 1994. Exxon Valdez Oil 

Spill Restoration Project (Restoration Project 94320B). Cordova, AK: Alaska Department of 

Fish and Game.] 
CITATION[ Sharr, S., J.E. Seeb, G.B. Bue, A. Craig, G.D. Miller. 1994. Injury to salmon eggs 

and preemergent fry in Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final 

Report (Restoration Project 93003). Cordova, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, 

Commercial Fisheries Management and Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Sharr, S., J.E. Seeb, B.G. Bue, A. Craig, and G.D. Miller. 1994. Injury to salmon 

eggs and preemergent fry in Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural 

Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Restoration Study 60C). Anchorage, AK: Alaska 

Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Short, J.W. and P.M. Harris. 1996. Petroleum hydrocarbons in near-surface 

seawater of Prince William Sound, Alaska, following the Exxon Valdez oil spill I: Chemical 

sampling and analysis. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage 

Assessment Final Report (Air/Water Study Number 3). Auke Bay (Alaska): National Oceanic 

and Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service (NTIS No. PB96-196951).] 

CITATION[ Short, J.W. and P. Rounds. 1995. Petroleum hydrocarbons in near-surface seawater 

of Prince William Sound, Alaska, following the Exxon Valdez oil spill II: analysis of caged 

mussels. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final 

Report (Air/Water Study Number 3, Subtidal Study Number 3A). Juneau, AK: National Oceanic 

and Atmospheric Administration (NTIS No. PB96-196969).] 

CITATION[ Steiner, Rick and Kurt Byers. 1990. Lessons of the Exxon Valdez. Fairbanks, AK: 

Alaska Sea Grant College Program, University of Alaska Fairbanks.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This report includes in introduction on the damage caused by the 

oil spill, and suggestions aimed at preventing future spills. It suggests new liability standards, 

research on prevention and mitigation, mentions the dangers inherent in current energy use, and 

discusses the impact of oil on sea life and the marine environment. Impacts on people, including 

possible contaminated food resources, economic and social impacts, and psychological impacts 

are also reviewed. The various measures used to clean up oil are presented. Legal issues are 

mentioned, including new federal laws and funding, and the restriction on release of scientific 

data, and the denial of funding for scientific research based on legal considerations. There is also 

a short annotated bibliography at the end of the report, and a 1991 update on the impact of the 

spill on wildlife and archaeological sites. This section concludes that a minimum of 26 

archaeological sites were damaged, including home sites and burial sites that suffered severe 

damage. There is the additional concern about looting of exposed sites. Also, the 1991 update 

indicates that subsistence patterns remain disrupted.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Cordova, Valdez, Kodiak, 

Prince William Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen, Alaskan Natives, Alaska Department of 

Environmental Conservation, Food and Drug Administration, National Oceanographic and 

Atmospheric Administration, Exxon, Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Oiled Mayors, 

Minerals Management Service, Oil Spill Health Task Force, Valdez Counseling Center, National 

Wildlife Federation, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, National Marine 

Fisheries Service] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social disruption] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic 

loss] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ stress, depression] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ litigation 
and scientific research, litigation restricts information] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ 

decreased harvest, contaminated resources] REMAINDER[ archaeology] 

CITATION[ Stephan R. Braund & Associates and Jon Isaacs & Associates. 1995. Community 

conference on subsistence and the oil spill: summary report. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration 

Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 95138). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish 

and Game, Division of Subsistence.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Six years after the Exxon Valdez oil spill (EVOS), the subsistence 

activities of people from the spill area were still being negatively affected. Due to reduced 

subsistence resource uses, opportunities to teach subsistence skills and traditional knowledge 

have also been reduced, thereby affecting cultural life. A conference was sponsored by the 

EVOS Trustee Council and the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence to 

bring together elders, youth, and other subsistence users from all over the spill region to share 

observations, experiences, and ideas about their continuing subsistence and natural resource 

problems and possible solutions. The following goals emerged: to allow users from 20 

communities to talk to one another about their common experiences related to the spill and 

subsistence; to facilitate communication between communities, regions, resource managers, and 

the EVOS Trustee Council; and to identify how communities can be more involved in the 

restoration of subsistence resources. Outcomes included the formation of a Steering Committee 

composed of representatives from each region as a vehicle for continuing the work begun at the 

conference and the formation of a committee to seek funding for a spirit camp/healing 

conference. The conference was videotaped to serve as an educational tool. Participant lists are 

included in the summary report.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Alaska 

Peninsula, Kodiak Island, Kenai Peninsula, lower Cook Inlet, Southeast Alaska, Chenega Bay, 

Tatitlek, Cordova, Valdez, Nanwalek, English Bay, Port Graham, Seward, Seldovia, Akhiok, 

Karluk, Larsen Bay, Old Harbor, Ouzinkie, Port Lions, Kodiak, Chignik Bay, Chignik Lagoon, 

Chignik Lake, Ivanoff Bay, Perryville] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, local government, subsistence 

resource users] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ community resources, subsistence-based community, 

community stability, social disruption] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place, sense of 

community, lifestyle, traditional knowledge] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic stress, sharing] 

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ chronic psychological stress, mental health] 

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ service demands, Oiled Mayors] SUBSISTENCE_CULTURAL[ 

hunting, fishing, decreased harvest, contamination fears, contaminated resources] 

CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ sharing] 

CITATION[ Sundet, K., M.N. Kuwada, and J. Barnhart. 1994. Stream habitat assessment 

project: Prince William Sound and Lower Kenai Peninsula. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration 

Project Final Report (Restoration Project 93051). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish 

and Game, Habitat and Restoration Division, (NTIS No. PB96-195029).] 

CITATION[ Swanton, C.O., T.J. Dalton, B.M. Barrett, D. Pengilly, K.R. Brennan, and P.A. 

Nelson. 1993. Effects of pink salmon (Oncorhynchus gorbuscha)escapement level of egg 

retention, preemergent fry, and adult returns to the Kodiak and Chignik management areas 

caused by the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource 
Damage Assessment Final Report (Fish/Shellfish Study Number 7B and 8B). Kodiak, AK: 

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development 

Division.] 

CITATION[ Tarbox, K.E., R.Z. Davis, L.K. Brannian, B.E. King, J.R. Fox, and S.M. Fried. 

1994. Kenai River sockeye salmon restoration. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project 

Annual Report (Restoration Project 93015). Soldotna, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and 

Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Tarbox, K.E., D.L. Waltmyer, L.K. Brannian, R.Z. Davis, B.E. King, J.R. Fox, and 

S.M. Fried. 1994. Kenai River sockeye salmon restoration. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal 

Natural Resource Damage Assessment Annual Report (Restoration Study Number 53). Soldotna, 

AK: Alaska Department of Fish and game, Commercial Fisheries Division.] 

CITATION[ Tarbox, K.E., R.Z. Davis, L.K. Brannian, and S.M. Fried. 1995. Kenai River 

sockeye salmon restoration. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report 

(Restoration Project 94255). Soldotna, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Commercial 

Fisheries Management and Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Townsend, Richard and Burr Heneman. 1989. The Exxon Valdez oil spill: a 

management analysis. Washington, D.C. Center for Marine Conservation.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The intent of this document is to assess the effectiveness of the 

response to the Exxon Valdez oil spill, concentrating on conditions prior to the spill that may 

have contributed to its occurrence and which conditioned industry and government efforts in 

response to it. Members of the research team spent several weeks in the area of the spill and 

interviewed dozens of government and industry officials, scientists, and private citizens. They 

concluded that there is a need for a much greater commitment to preparing for the next spill. 

The chief recommendation of the report concerned the organization and management of spill 

response -- their recommendation is that one person in the federal government should be in 

charge of any oil spill response effort. Other recommendations emphasize more practical aspects 

of preparedness (equipment on hand, standardization of equipment, and soon). The tone of the 

report continually underlines the need for continued public scrutiny of oil companies and 

government regulators. As the report summarizes, "Early commitments to oil spill response by 

Alyeska, the consortium of oil companies responsible for the operation of the Valdez terminal, 

faded with time until Alyeska had eliminated independent oil spill response teams entirely. 

Assurances and contingency plans alone do not make for meaningful preparedness." The report 

also assesses the preliminary research plans for assessing damages to resources caused by the 

Exxon Valdez oil spill, and makes recommendations for suggested immediate and future 

research.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Valdez, 

Seward, Cordova, Anchorage, Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup, restoration] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ local resources, 

response organization] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ perceived risk] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ 

service demands, fiscal loss, operational disruption] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ 

contamination fears, contaminated resources] 
CITATION[ Trowbridge, Charles. 1992. Injury to Prince William Sound spot shrimp. Exxon 

Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Subtidal 

Study Number 5). Anchorage, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries 

Management and Development Division.] 

CITATION[ Udevitz, M.S., B.E. Ballachey, and D.L. Bruden. A population model for sea otters 

in western Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final Report 

(Restoration Project 93043-3). Anchorage, AK: National Biological Service.] 

CITATION[ Udevitz, M.S., J.L. Bodkin, and D.P. Costa. 1995. Detection of sea otters in 

boat-based surveys of Prince William Sound, Alaska. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal 

Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Marine Mammal Study Number 6-19). 

Anchorage, AK: U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.] 

CITATION[ United States. Congress. House. Committee on the Budget. Task Force on Urgent 

Fiscal Issues. 1991. Budgetary implications of the Exxon Valdez oil spill settlement. Hearing 

before the Task Force on Urgent Fiscal Issues of the Committee on the Budget, House of 

Representatives, One Hundred Second Congress, first session, October 31, 1991.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The document opens with the statement of the Chair, 

Congressman Guarini. Also included are the statements of a resource economist with the 

National Wildlife Federation, a representative of the Alaska Attorney General’s Office, an 

Alaska State Legislator, the Acting Assistant Attorney General with the Environmental and 

Natural Resources Division of the Department of Justice, a representative of the Natural 

Resources Defense Council, and a prepared statement was submitted by the American Petroleum 

Institute among others. The following excerpts the opening statement by the Task Force Chair: 

The Federal Government, Exxon, and the State of Alaska reached an agreement in which Exxon 

would pay $1.025 billion in fines and damages. No public comment on the agreement was 

taken. This agreement represented the largest settlement on record of an environmental case, and 

was meant to cover cleanup costs and the long-term expenses of restoring ecological balance. It 

was also to include claims, including those by third parties. The question to be addressed in the 

Hearing was whether it was a good settlement. Estimates of cleanup costs and environmental 

restoration range from $3 to $15 billion, and if this proves true, taxpayers are paying a large part 

of the cleanup costs. The Federal Government commissioned studies to establish the magnitude 

of the spill, but the studies were not released. The Chair goes on to say that the criminal penalties 

indicated in the settlement appear to have been manipulated for tax deductibility. For example, 

Exxon says it paid $2.5 billion in voluntary cost cleanup, and this expense is cited as a reason to 

offset criminal penalties, while the cleanup costs were deducted from Exxon’s taxes. The Chair 

stated that “in the end, the agreement will actually cost Exxon perhaps, according to our 

calculations, $463 million in today’s dollars. Almost all of the total settlement is deductible for 

Exxon.”] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ Congressional Hearing] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] 

EVENT_PHASE[ cleanup] US Congress, Task Force on Urgent Fiscal Issues, Committee on the 

Budget, National Wildlife Federation, Attorney General of Alaska, Alaskan Legislature, 

Department of Justice Division of Environmental and Natural Resources, Natural Resources 

Defense Council, American Petroleum Institute, taxpayers, Exxon, Federal Government, Alaska 

State Government] MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ municipal and State costs, fiscal impacts] 
LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ litigation, adequacy of settlement] REMAINDER[ who paid costs of 

spill] 

CITATION[ United States. Congress. House. Committee on Merchant Marines and Fisheries. 

Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Navigation. 1989. Exxon Valdez oil spill: hearing before the 

Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Navigation of the Committee on Merchant Marines and 

Fisheries, House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, first session, on topics 

concerning the Exxon Valdez oil spill into the Prince William Sound of Alaska. April 6, 1989.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This document includes statements, a chronology of Exxon’s 

response to the oil spill, reviews and discussion of spill liability laws, and interviews of 

witnesses. Statements included those made by Representatives Bentley, Brennan, Carper, 

Clement, Coble, Curtis, Davis, Hughes, Inhofe, Jones, Laughlin, Lent, Lowey, Manton, Miller, 

Moore, Pickett, Schneider, Shumway, Tauzin, Weldon, and Young. There are also statements 

from a representative of the Commerce division of NOAA, the U.S. Coast Guard, the Prince 

William Sound Aquaculture Association, the EPA, the Trans Alaskan Pipeline Liability Fund, 

the US Fish and Wildlife Service, Exxon, the Department of Transportation, the National Marine 

Manufactures, and a statement by the Lieutenant Governor of Alaska.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ Congressional Hearing] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Prince 

William Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ 

Rep. Bentley, Rep. Brennan, Rep. Carper, Rep. Clement, Rep. Coble, Rep. Curtis, Rep. Davis, 

Rep. Hughes, Rep. Inhofe, Rep. Jones, Rep. Laughlin, Rep. Lent, Rep. Lowey, Rep. Manton, 

Rep. Miller, Rep. Moore, Rep. Pickett, Rep. Schneider, Rep. Shumway, Rep. Tauzin, Rep. 

Weldon, Rep. Young, National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Coast 

Guard, Prince William Sound Aquaculture Association, Environmental Protection Agency, 

Trans Alaskan Pipeline Liability Fund, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Exxon, Department of 

Transportation, National Marine Manufactures, Lieutenant Governor of Alaska] REMAINDER[ 

liability laws] 

CITATION[ United States. Congress. House. Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries. 

Subcommittee on Coast Guard and Navigation. 1989. Hearing Before the Subcommittee on 

Coast Guard and Navigation of the Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries, House of 

Representatives, One Hundred First Congress.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This Congressional Hearing was held in Cordova, Alaska, in 

August of 1989 at the Mt. Eccles Elementary School. The Members present were the Chairman 

of the Subcommittee, the Hon W.J. Billy Tauzin, and Representatives Lowey, Studds, Young, 

Goss, Herger, and Unsoeld. This document is a transcript of the Hearing, along with the 

statements and letters filed by those attending or otherwise involved in the Hearing. Thee 

document begins with a statement from Chairman Tauzin from Louisiana, followed by a 

statement from Rep. Young from Alaska, and then Rep. Davis from Michigan. Next there is a 

statement from Victor Rezendes, the Associate Director of Transportation Issues with the 

General Accounting Office. He was accompanied by Assistant Director Maccaroni, G. Ziebarth, 

an evaluator, and by Consultant V. Keith and Jackie Goff the GAO General Counsel. They state 

that the response to the Exxon Valdez oil spill was clearly inadequate, and that we are equally 

unprepared elsewhere in the US. Second, they note that even if more resources were devoted to 

spill cleanup, the ability to manage a spill of that magnitude is very limited. Third, they state 

that it is important to avoid scattered leadership, and mention that one problem currently is that 
there is no single designated leader. They believe the Federal Government should take the 

leadership role. They conclude that it is important to significantly increase funding to aid 

preparation. Following this statement, the GAO personnel were questioned by the Congressional 

panel. Then others offered statements and were questioned by the panel, including the head of 

Exxon in the US, the Vice President for Operations of the Alyeska Pipeline Service, the 

Assistant Regional Administrator for Alaska Operations of the Environmental Protection 

Agency, the Alaska Dept. of Environmental Conservation, the Hazardous Material Response 

Branch Representative for the National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration, and the 

Coast Guard’s Federal on-scene coordinator. Written statements were submitted by a larger 

number of individuals and groups, and those submitting statements included Cordova District 

Fishermen United, Chugach Alaska Corporation, a commercial fisherman, the mayor of 

Cordova, and the US Fish and Wildlife Service.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ Congressional Hearing] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Prince 

William Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ General Accounting Office, Alyeska, Exxon, 

Environmental Protection Agency, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, National 

Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration, U.S. Coast Guard, Cordova District Fishermen 

United, Chugach Alaska Corporation, commercial fishermen, Cordova mayor, U.S. Fish and 

Wildlife Service, federal government] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social disruption] 

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of place] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss] 

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ municipal actions, municipal costs] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ 

decreased subsistence activity, resource availability, contaminated resources] REMAINDER[ 

legislative oversight] 

CITATION[ United States. Congress. Senate. 1989. National Ocean Policy Study. Exxon oil 

spill: hearings before the National Ocean Policy Study and the Subcommittee on Merchant 

Marine of the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, United States Senate, One 

Hundred First Congress, first session on cleanup, containment, and impact of the Exxon Valdez 

oil spill and oil spill prevention and maritime regulations. Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The first part of the Senate hearings was held on April 6, 1989, 

and included a statement by the chair Ernest Hollings, and Senators Stevens, Packwood, Gorton, 

and Inoye. The document includes a transcript of the statements and the questioning of 

witnesses, who included representatives from National Oceanographic and Atmospheric 

Administration, Exxon, the Environmental Protection Agency, the Department of the Interior’s 

Fish and Wildlife Service, the US Geological Survey, and the U.S. Coast Guard. The document 

also includes letters from the governor of Alaska, and the president of Exxon. The second part 

of the document includes hearings held on May 10th and July 20, 1989. There were additional 

Senators present, and witnesses included representatives from the US Navy, Alaska Department 

of Fish and Game, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, the Center for Marine 

Conservation, Cordova District Fishermen United, Exxon, the U.S. Coast Guard, the Port Pilot’s 

Association, Chevron, the American Institute of Marine Shipping. Letters and statements were 

introduced from the Chugach Alaska Corporation, the Forest Service, NOAA, and Laborer’s 

International Union.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ Senate Hearing] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Prince William 

Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Senator Hollings, 

Senator Stevens, Senator Packwood, Senator Gorton, Senator Inoye, William E. Evans, Under 
Secretary of Commerce for Oceans and Atmosphere, National Oceanographic and Atmospheric 

Administration, L.G. Rawl, C.E.O. of Exxon, William Reilly, Environmental Protection Agency, 

Samuel Skinner, Department of the Interior, Captain Larrabee, U.S. Geological Survey, Admiral 

Paul Yost, U.S. Coast Guard, Captain Ken Thompson, Captain Dave Spade, Governor Steve 

Cowper, L.R. Raymond President of Exxon, Senator Kerry, Senator Burns, Senator Breaux, 

Senator Bryan, Senator Lott, Senator Gore, Senator Adams, Senator Pressler, U.S. Navy, Alaska 

Department of Fish and Game, Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation, Center for 

Marine Conservation, Cordova District Fishermen United, Exxon, Port Pilots Association, 

Chevron, American Institute of Marine Shipping, Chugach Alaska Corporation, U.S. Forest 

Service, Laborer’s International Union] REMAINDER[ legislative hearings] 

CITATION[ United States. General Accounting Office. 1989. Coast Guard: adequacy of 

preparation and response to Exxon Valdez oil spill: report to congressional requesters. 

Washington, D.C.: U.S. General Accounting Office.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The report was requested by the House Committee on Merchant 

Marines and Fisheries to evaluate how well the Coast Guard was carrying out its environmental 

responsibilities. After the spill, the Committee requested that the topic be redirected to include 

the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The report finds that no one realistically prepared to deal with a spill 

of such magnitude in Prince William Sound. Alyeska had equipment available to manage a spill 

of 42,000 to 84,000 gallons, which was less than 1% of the oil spilled from the Exxon Valdez. It 

indicates that current technology is unable to contain or recover a spill of that size, and therefore 

emphasis must be placed on spill prevention. The report also faults the leadership structure 

overseeing transportation of hazardous materials by sea, and problems with the National 

Response System. It observes that states often leave spill planning to be done by industry on a 

voluntary basis, and suggests that National standards and oversight be developed. With respect 

to the spill, the Coast Guard reported that there were equipment breakdowns and that weather 

and water conditions made recovery more difficult. Spill prevention would include monitoring 

or directing ship movements, and harbor pilot or tug assistance. These were rarely done in 

Prince William Sound. Further, the Coast Guard did not have radar coverage for the whole 

Sound, because of the cost. And it indicates that greater funding would be needed to improve 

spill prevention. An appendix outlines the current National Response System.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ government report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Prince William 

Sound, U.S. states] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill, cleanup] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alyeska, Exxon, U.S. Coast Guard, National 

Response Team, On Scene Coordinators, National Response Center] REMAINDER[ regulatory 

change, spill response, risk estimates, risk assessment] 

CITATION[ United States. General Accounting Office. 1990. Coast Guard: federal costs 

resulting from the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Washington, D.C.: U.S. General Accounting Office.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The report finds that as of September of 1989, nine federal 

agencies incurred costs from the Exxon Valdez oil spill. These agencies were the Departments of 

Defense, the Interior, Commerce, Agriculture, Justice, Transportation, Health and Human 

Services, Labor, and the Environmental Protection Agency. The total estimated costs were 

$125.2 million, with 89% representing cleanup costs, 9.8% damage assessment costs, and .9% 

other costs. The agencies spending the most were, the Department of Defense ($62.8 million), 

the Department of Transportation ($33.3 million), Department of the Interior ($12 million), and 
the Department of Commerce ($9.6 million). Distribution of costs with in the agencies is

presented, as is an overview of the cost reimbursement procedures, and also cases in which

reimbursement is uncertain.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ spill,

cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ General Accounting Office, Department

of Defense, Department of the Interior, Department of Commerce, Department of Agriculture,

Department of Justice, Department of Transportation, Department of Health and Human

Services, Department of Labor, Environmental Protection Agency, Exxon]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, claims process]

CITATION[ United States. General Accounting Office. 1990. Coast Guard: millions in federal

costs may not be recovered from Exxon Valdez oil spill: report to Congressional requesters.

Washington, D.C.: U.S. General Accounting Office.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The report finds that the federal government reported spending

$154 million on the Exxon Valdez oil spill as of June 30, 1990, but might recover only $123

million. Further, there are millions in costs that the government will not recover because they

were undocumented or unreported.. The amount of un-reimbursed costs is likely to grow.

Reasons for the limited recovery are investigated and reported in this document. The report finds

that Coast Guard regulations provide for reimbursement of oil removal costs from the pollution

funds, and agencies have been unable to collect directly from Exxon. Damage assessment and

restoration of natural resources may not be funded unless Exxon agrees to fund the costs. A

second reason for losses is that the Coast Guard’s spill coordinator, responsible for approving the

spill costs incurred by agencies, did not authorize agencies to recover some spill costs from the

pollution fund, though these expenditures could have been authorized under the broad definition

of oil removal. The spill coordinator’s definition of these costs as unrelated to oil removal meant

they could not be reimbursed. The study concludes that there was significant confusion over the

reimbursement process and suggest the kinds of information that should be provided following a

disaster.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[ spill,

cleanup, restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ U.S. Coast Guard, General

Accounting Office, Coast Guard Spill Coordinator, Secretary of Transportation, Department of

Defense, Department of Energy, Environmental Protection Agency, Federal Aviation

Administration, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National Park Service]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, federal costs, claims process] REMAINDER[

inter-agency coordination, reimbursement process]

CITATION[ United States. National Transportation Safety Board. 1990. Marine accident

report: grounding of the U.S. tankership Exxon Valdez on Bligh Reef, Prince William Sound near

Valdez Alaska, March 24, 1989. Washington, D.C. : The Board.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This report of the investigation, analysis, findings, and

recommendations was signed on July 31, 1990 by the chair and members of the NTSB. The

report indicates that during the Exxon Valdez accident, there were no injuries, but that around

258,000 barrels of crude oil spilled following the rupture of 8 cargo tanks. Damage to the vessel

was estimated at $25 million, the cost of the lost cargo had an estimate of $3.4 million, and the

cost of the cleanup during 1989 was $1.85 billion. The report found that the specific cause of the

accident was the failure of the 3rd mate to properly maneuver the vessel due to fatigue and an
excessive work load, along with the failure of the master to provide a proper navigational watch 

because of alcohol, the failure of Exxon to provide a fit master and a rested and sufficient crew, 

the lack of vessel traffic service because of inadequate equipment and manning levels, 

inadequate personnel training and deficient management oversight, along with a lack of effective 

pilotage services. The general safety issues involved in the grounding included the adequacy of 

the navigation watch on the night of the grounding; the role of human factors, including fatigue 

and alcohol use; the Coast Guard and Exxon Shipping Company manning standards, along with 

Exxon’s procedures for determining manning levels for tanker-ships; Exxon Shipping 

Company’s drug and alcohol testing and rehabilitation programs; the Coast Guard regulations 

and procedures for drug and alcohol testing aboard commercial vessels; the role of the Coast 

Guard Vessel Traffic Service at Valdez; and the oil spill contingency planning and initial 

response. Recommendations included research, education, regulations regarding fatigue, and a 

range of recommendations regarding substance use and toxicology testing. One of the Board 

members filed an exception in which he concurred with the probable cause of the accident but 

added that a factor contributing to the severity of environmental damage was the lack of a double 

bottom on the Exxon Valdez, and a failure to initiate early burning of the crude because a needed 

boom was lacking. And in addition to the recommendations offered by the other Board 

members, this member recommended that all tank vessels over 20,000 dead weight tons and 

foreign vessels over that weight entering US waters, have double hulls.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ government report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, 

Bligh Reef] EVENT_PHASE[ spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Exxon 

crew, U.S. Coast Guard, Environmental Protection Agency, U.S. Geological Survey, Alaska 

Regional Response Team] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss] REMAINDER[ regulatory 

change] 

CITATION[ Varanasi, Usha, Donald W. Brown, Tom Hom, Douglas G. Burrows, Catherine A. 

Sloan, L. Jay Field, John E. Stein, Karen L. Tilbury, Bruce B. McCain, and Sin-Lam Chan. 

1993. Volume I: Survey of Alaskan subsistence fish, marine mammal, and invertebrate samples 

collected 1989-91 for exposure to oil spilled from the Exxon Valdez. Seattle, Washington: 

National Marine Fisheries Service, Northwest Fisheries Science Center. U.S. Department of 

Commerce, NOAA technical memorandum NMFS-NWFSC-12, 110 p.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Exxon Valdez oil spill raised concerns of native Alaskans 

that their subsistence seafoods were contaminated by the spilled petroleum. A study was 

conducted as a cooperative effort among NOAA, Exxon, and the Alaska Department of Fish and 

Game to assess the degree of contamination of subsistence organisms by Prudhoe Bay crude oil. 

Samples of edible flesh of fish, marine mammals, and shellfish were taken from 22 potentially 

affected native subsistence food collection areas and from two reference areas (Angoon and 

Yakutat) and analyzed for aromatic compounds. Elevated concentrations of fluorescent aromatic 

compounds in some samples from fish and marine mammals was clear evidence of their 

exposure to petroleum. However, aromatic compounds were not found in the muscle tissue of 

fish, harbor seals, and sea lions. Some harbor seal blubber samples did contain aromatic 

compounds, but generally at low levels (less than 100 ng/g). Smoked salmon contained higher 

concentrations of aromatic compounds (8,000 to 20,000 ng/g) than any of the untreated 

subsistence samples. The concentrations of aromatic compounds were less than 100 ng/g in 

approximately 90 percent of the more than 1,000 mollusc samples from 80 different beaches 

sampled. The concentrations of aromatic compounds were elevated in some mollusc samples (as 
high as 18,000 ng/g) and exceeded 1,000 ng/g in 24 samples. In an advisory opinion, the Food 

and Drug Administration indicated that little risk was involved in the consumption of the 

nonsmoked subsistence foods studied. Subsistence food gatherers were advised not to collect or 

consume food if oil was observed to be present. The results also show that in future oil spills, 

shellfish tissue should be given the highest priority for analysis, whereas rapid screening of bile 

from fish and marine mammals should be sufficient to provide information on their level of 

exposure.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, Tatitlek, 

Chenega Bay, Port Graham, Nanwalek, English Bay, Kodiak, Larsen Bay, Karluk, Akhiok, Old 

Harbor, Ouzinkie, Port Lions] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] 

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ subsistence resource users] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ 

subsistence-based community, local resources] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[ hunting, fishing, 

gathering, clamming, contamination fears, contaminated resources] 

CITATION[ Varanasi, U., T.K. Collier, C.A. Krone, M.M. Krahn, L.L. Johnson, M.S. Myers, 

and S.L. Chan. 1995. Assessment of oil spill impacts on fishery resources: measurement of 

hydrocarbons and their metabolites, and their effects, in important species. Exxon Valdez Oil 

Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Subtidal Study Number 

7). Seattle, WA: National Marine Fisheries Service, NOAA (NTIS No. PB96-194741).] 

CITATION[ Wedemeyer, K. and D. Gillikin. 1995. In stream habitat and stock restoration for 

salmon, Shrode Creek Barrier bypass subproject. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project 

Final Report (Restoration Project 93139-B1). Anchorage, AK: USDA Forest Service (NTIS No. 

PB96-194766).] 

CITATION[ Wedemeyer, K. and D. Gillikin. 1995. In stream habitat and stock restoration for 

salmon, Otter Creek barrier bypass subproject. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Final 

Report (Restoration Project 93139-B1). Anchorage, AK: USDA Forest Service (NTIS No. 

PB96-194774).] 

CITATION[ Wells, Peter G., James N. Butler, and Jane Staveley Hughes, (eds.). 1995. Exxon 

Valdez oil spill: fate and effects in Alaskan waters. Philadelphia, PA: ASTM, Series title: 

ASTM special technical publication; 1219.] 

CITATION[ Wertheimer, A.C., A.G. Celewycz, M.G. Carls, and M. V. Sturdevant. 1994. Impact 

of the oil spill on juvenile pink and chum salmon and their prey in critical nearshore habitats. 

Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report 

(Fish/Shellfish Study Number 4, NMFS Component). Juneau, AK: National Oceanic and 

Atmospheric Administration, National Marine Fisheries Service.] 

CITATION[ Wertheimer, A.C., S.D. Rice, A.G. Celewycz, J.F. Thedinga, R.A. Heintz, R.F. 

Bradshaw, and J.M. Maselko. 1996. Affects of Oiled incubation substrate on straying and 

survival of wild pink salmon. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report 

(Restoration Project 95076 and 95191B). Juneau, AK: Auke Bay Fisheries Laboratory, National 

Marine Fisheries Service, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.] 
CITATION[ Wilcock, J.A., E.D. Brown, and E. Debevec. 1995. Herring spawn deposition and

reproductive impairment. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration

Project 94166-1). Cordova, AK: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries

Management and Development Division.]

CITATION[ Willette, T.M., N.C. Dudiak, G., Honnald, G. Carpenter, and M. Dickson. 1995.

Survey and evaluation of in stream habitat and stock restoration techniques for wild pink and

chum salmon. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final

Report (Restoration Study Number 105-1, Restoration Project 93063). Cordova, AK: Alaska

Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development Division.]

CITATION[ Willette, T.M., G. Carpenter, P. Shields, and S.R. Carlson. 1994. Early marine

salmon injury assessment in Prince William Sound. Exxon Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural

Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Fish/Shellfish Study Number 4A). Cordova, AK:

Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Commercial Fisheries Management and Development

Division (NTIS No. PB96-194758).]

CITATION[ Wolf, D.A. 1994. Fate and toxicity of spilled oil from the Exxon Valdez. Exxon

Valdez Oil Spill State/Federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment Final Report (Subtidal

Study Number 4). Silver Spring, MD: National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NTIS

No. PB96-194857).]

CITATION[ Yarborough, Linda Finn. 1995. Site specific archaeological restoration. Exxon

Valdez Oil Spill Restoration Project Annual Report (Restoration Project 95007B). Anchorage,

AK: Chugach National Forest.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Project 94007 provided for restoration of two archaeological sites

(SEW-440 and SEW-488) damaged during the Exxon Valdez oil spill and its subsequent cleanup

program. Assessment and test excavations were carried out during 1994 field season. Because

restoration was not completed during 1994 at one of the sites, field work continued in 1995. No

further field work is anticipated, and the project is in its final phases of analysis (FY 96) and

public presentation of results is planned for FY 97. This report describes the analysis and field

work that took place in 1995.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ report] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound]

EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] CULTURAL_SUBSISTENCE[ symbolic expression of culture]

REMAINDER[ archaeology]

COMMUNITY OUTREACH DOCUMENTS 

CITATION[ Picou, J.S. 1996. March 24, 1989: trying to understand. RCAC Contract No.

7.4021.702. Developed by Sound Alternatives and the Family Resource Center (Cordova) in

cooperation with the University of South Alabama. Reprint of newspaper articles originally

published in The Cordova Times.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This document contains reprints of nine newspaper articles

published in the Cordova Times from May to August in 1996. The series provides information

about technological disasters, their impacts on communities, and strategies that people can use to

overcome chronic stress. The articles were developed as one part of a larger mental health
demonstration project developed, funded, and directed by the Prince William Sound Regional

Citizens' Advisory Council. Brief summaries of the main points put forth in each article follow

below.

"Technical disasters: why are they different?"

Natural disasters are caused by uncontrollable forces of nature, bring people together to rebuild

and help each other, and allow people to rebuild and return to their pre-disaster lives.

Technological disasters are caused by humans or human error, produce mistrust and anxiety in

people unable to repair the environment affected by such disasters, and do not allow people to

return to predisaster conditions, instead requiring communities to form new patterns for their

lives.

"Three Mile Island: a continuing disaster"

Technological disasters become embedded in the consciousness of victims, producing

uncertainty long after the event is over. Chronic stress is common because of the fear of a

potential second technological disaster. Guilt is produced from the fear of passing on genetic

defects potentially caused by exposure to toxic contamination. Additional stress is produced

from increased sensitivity to other potential environmental problems.

"Understanding anger from technological disasters"

Anger is a normal and healthy response that can help ease the pain and stress of a trauma.

Allowing anger to be all-consuming is unhealthy and prolonged anger does nothing for

long-term recovery. Deal with anger by directing it only at those responsible, understand that

you have control only over yourself and your own emotions, that anger harms only you. Talk

about your feelings, get physically active, and redirect your anger to concentrate on solutions

rather than blame. Let go of your anger by realizing that you have no control over those who

caused the disaster. Realize that others are sharing the pain and emotions of the disaster.

"Letting go of chronic depression"

Signs of depression are persistent sadness, loss of interest in usual activities, poor appetite,

weight loss, sleeplessness or excessive sleep, fatigue, low self-esteem, guilt, difficulty

concentrating, and thoughts of suicide or death. Release depression by accepting that a disaster

has occurred and concentrate on helping yourself and others. Do not dwell on retribution.

Rather, become a helper for others, even if only by listening to them. Establishing a new routine

of regular sleeping, eating, and exercising will help reduce depression. Isolation increases

depression, so talk with others and work together on solutions.

"Chronic stress and alcohol consumption"

Stress and alcohol become a vicious cycle when the desire to drink is associated with stress. The

use of alcohol decreases an individual's ability to seek solutions to stressful situations. Being

male, single, unemployed, and/or angry is correlated with abusive drinking patterns. To break

the cycle, realize you have a problem, learn what situations cause you to desire alcohol, and seek

professional help.

"Talking to children in stressful situations"

Children need to understand why their parents and other adults are acting differently following a

technological disaster. Be honest and reassure them that the family will work through the

problem together. Children may react to stressful situations by reverting to earlier

developmental habits. Children need to know that they can ask questions about what they see

and hear, and feel that they are secure within their families. Allow children to express and talk

about their emotions. Show children that adults are seeking solutions and not affixing blame or

projecting anger into the family.
"The mood-food connection and stress"

Negative emotions may trigger the desire or produce the opportunity to overeat. Limit sugar,

salt, saturated fat, caffeine, and alcohol, and try to drink eight glasses of water a day. Remove

tempting food from areas you are likely to be, establish regular meal times, and don't snack

between meals. Stress can cause people to lose their appetites, but a regular schedule of

exercise, sleep, and meals will help maintain health and decrease the incidence and effects of

chronic stress.

"Chronic stress and cancer: is there a link?"

Depression and stress are thought to be commonly linked to cancer through effects on the

immune system. Chronic stress causes people to begin or increase habits (smoking, alcohol

abuse, overeating) which are known to increase the incidence of cancer. To reduce the risk of

cancer, establish a regular schedule of eating, sleeping, and exercising and avoid alcohol,

tobacco, red meat, and heavy diary products.

"Coping with technological disasters"

Victims of technological disasters commonly wish to withdraw and try to shelter their own

families. For individuals this often leads to depression, and collectively to the formation of a

corrosive community where people are mistrustful of each other and all institutions and feel

powerless. Instead, people must realize that parts of the disaster will be permanent, recognize

that anger is justifiable and that they need not forgive nor forget, but that they cannot be forever

preoccupied by the past. They must assert control over what they can affect and actively seek

positive solutions in conjunction with other community members.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ public outreach document] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[

psychological outreach, mental health services]

CITATION[ Sound Alternatives. 1996a. Community Education Leaflets. Prepared in

cooperation with the Family Resource Center (Cordova) and the University of South Alabama

for the Prince William Sound Regional Citizens' Advisory Council.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This eight leaflet series presents different aspects of the

"Growing Together Program." The first leaflet is a general introduction to the series, while the

others describe potential psychological or social pathological consequences of technological

disasters and ways to counter or cope with them. Titles of the leaflets are:

Growing together: a community education program

Plain talk about depression

Plain talk about domestic violence and wife abuse

Plain talk about managing anger

All about alcohol just for kids

Plain talk about alcohol

Plain talk about helping children cope with disaster

Plain talk about post-traumatic stress disorder.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ community outreach documents] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social

disruption] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk communication] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ family

outreach] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ psychological outreach, mental health services]

CITATION[ Sound Alternatives. 1996b. Community Education Taped Radio Programs.

Prepared in cooperation with the Family Resource Center (Cordova) and the University of South

Alabama for the Prince William Sound Regional Citizens' Advisory Council.]
ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This five tape series presents an overview of the characteristics

of technological disasters and some of the psychological and other impacts which commonly

result from them. The tapes also discuss ways to mitigate, cope with, and recover from such

effects, on the personal as well as community level. Each tape features host Ray Farnell and a

variety of academic and professional specialists. Titles of the tapes programs are:

Growing Together: Program One -- What are Technological Disasters

Steve Kroll-Smith, Bill Freudenburg, Dwayne Gill

Steve Picou

Growing Together: Program Two -- Community Recovery

Growing Together: Program Three -- Depression

Growing Together: Program Four -- Anxiety and PTSD

Growing Together: Program Five -- Substance Abuse and Anger

Each tape is separately annotated. Keywords included here are a combination of those from all

five tapes.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ public outreach radio/audio tape] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social

disruption] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk communication] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ family

outreach] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ psychological outreach, mental health services]

CITATION[ Sound Alternatives. 1996b1. Growing Together: Program One -- What are

Technological Disasters. Prepared in cooperation with the Family Resource Center (Cordova)

and the University of South Alabama for the Prince William Sound Regional Citizens' Advisory

Council.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Host Ray Farnell, specialists Steve Kroll-Smith, Bill

Freudenburg, Dwayne Gill, and Steve Picou. The program summarizes the differing patterns of

sociological disruption of natural (geological and meteorological) disasters as compared to

technological (human caused) disasters. Effects of natural disasters tend to be short-term,

unambiguous (or at least largely agreed upon by all concerned), and provoke responses

conducive to the formation of a "therapeutic community." Effects of technological disasters tend

to be longer-term, ambiguous and not agreed on by all concerned, and provoke responses more

conducive to the formation of a "corrosive community" rather than a therapeutic one. The bulk

of the program is concerned with the differences between the "therapeutic community" and the

"corrosive community," especially in terms of the psychological pathologies characteristic of the

second and the characteristics of technological disasters which seem to foster them.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ taped radio program] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup, restoration, litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ rural residents, fishermen, Alaskan Natives]

SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ community stability, social disruption, social conflict, leadership,

community resources, crime rates, response organizations, demographic characteristics,

alienation] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk perception, sense of place, sense of community,

ethics] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic stress] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ chronic stress,

depression, anxiety, isolation, dislocation, disruption] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ litigation,

lawyers, litigation as secondary disaster] OTHER_EFFECTS[ health]

CITATION[ Sound Alternatives. 1996b2. Growing Together: Program Two -- Community

Recovery. Prepared in cooperation with the Family Resource Center (Cordova) and the
University of South Alabama for the Prince William Sound Regional Citizens' Advisory

Council.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Host Ray Farnell, specialists Steve Kroll-Smith, Bill

Freudenburg, Dwayne Gill, and Steve Picou. This program proceeds from the concept of

technological disasters as "technological violence" and discusses the effects of technological

disasters in terms of victims -- both individual and collective (community). Recovery is

dependent upon moving out of the "victim" category, and depends upon the realization of several

unalterable aspects of the situation:

1) the pain of trauma being expressed is real

2) the pain being expressed is not the fault of the victims

3) while the pain is real, and not the victim's fault, what the victim does about the pain is the

victim's choice

4) it is most often impossible to return to pre-event conditions, so victims need to progress

towards positive (individual and community) transformation.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ taped radio program] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ rural

residents] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social disruption, social conflict, crime rates, alienation, social

pathology] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of community, ethics] FAMILY_EFFECTS[

domestic stress, domestic violence] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ victim stress, depression,

anxiety, therapeutic community, corrosive community, mental health] OTHER_EFFECTS[

health]

CITATION[ Sound Alternatives. 1996b3. Growing Together: Program Three -- Depression. 

Prepared in cooperation with the Family Resource Center (Cordova) and the University of South 

Alabama for the Prince William Sound Regional Citizens' Advisory Council.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Host Ray Farnell, specialists K. Arata, K. Welsh, and S. Picou. 

This tape focuses on one individual psychological response common after technological disasters 

-- depression. It discusses what depression is, what it often derives from, correlates of 

depression, and how one can cope with and move beyond it.] 

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ taped radio program] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound, 

Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ rural 

residents] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ alienation] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk perception, sense of 

community] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic stress] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ chronic 

psychological stress, depression, self-image] 

CITATION[ Sound Alternatives. 1996b4. Growing Together: Program Four -- Anxiety and 

PTSD. Prepared in cooperation with the Family Resource Center (Cordova) and the University 

of South Alabama for the Prince William Sound Regional Citizens' Advisory Council.] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Host Ray Farnell, specialists K. Arata, K. Welsh, and S. Picou. 

This tape, like the last, focuses on selected individual psychological responses to technological 

disasters. For both anxiety and PTSD it defines what they are, their relationship to the 

characteristics of technological disasters, and what people can do about them. For PTSD the 

interesting point is raised that in many cases the technological disaster is not really over. This 

stresses the ambiguity of the effects of a technological disaster, the variable nature of individual 

experiences, and the long-term nature of those effects.] 
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ taped radio program] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ rural

residents] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ alienation] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ risk perception, sense of

community] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ domestic stress] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ chronic

stress, PTSD, self-image]

CITATION[ Sound Alternatives. 1996b5. Growing Together: Program Five -- Substance Abuse

and Anger. Prepared in cooperation with the Family Resource Center (Cordova) and the

University of South Alabama for the Prince William Sound Regional Citizens' Advisory

Council.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Host Ray Farnell, specialists K. Arata, K. Welsh, and S. Picou.

This tape concentrates on a few behavioral responses to technological disasters, where previous

programs have discussed psychological responses. As discussed, all are related and in the end

are discussed in much the same terms. An important aspect of the program is advising people

how to deal with these problems, how to seek the help of others in this regard, and the

recovery/transformation process in general.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ taped radio program] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Cordova] EVENT_PHASE[ restoration] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ rural

residents] SOCIAL_EFFECTS[ social disruption, social conflict, crime rates, alienation]

CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ lifestyle, ethics] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ chronic stress,

sense of health, pathology, disruption, substance abuse, anger] OTHER_EFFECTS[ health]

VIDEOTAPE 

CITATION[ Seed, Paul. 1992. Disaster at Valdez. Videocassette. British Broadcasting 

Company.] 

NEWSPAPERS 

Newspaper Search Resources 

CITATION[ Anchorage Daily News (ADN).] 

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Anchorage Daily News is Alaska's largest newspaper. At 

the time of the EVOS, it was engaged with the Anchorage Times (AT) in a vigorous circulation 

battle which contributed to the eventual sale of the AT to the ADN as of June 4, 1992. The AT 

now exists only as a half page editorial forum in the ADN, and its archives are the property of 

the ADN. Nonetheless, this situation created a spirited competition for EVOS news for the 

period 03/23/89-06/03/92. The coverage of the two papers appears to be somewhat different, but 

we have not been able to devote the time to examining them to draw any firm conclusions in this 

regard. Most mention of potential social effects of the EVOS is in terms of stories about specific 

people or more general speculation -- little "hard" news has general perspectives on the potential 

social effects of the EVOS as its primary aim. The main exception to this may be coverage of 

fishery effects. On the other hand, many stories contain facts which contribute to an 

understanding of the socioeconomic effects of the EVOS. Access to newspaper files is 

unfortunately somewhat limited. The ADN library is open only one hour a day. Arrangements 

may be available to allow greater access, but would require negotiation with the ADN and an 
allocation of time for the desired analysis. It appears that a commercial service has digitized at

least some ADN archives and has them available via the Internet on a for-fee basis, but those of

the AT are not digitized.]

CITATION[ Alaska Resource Library and Information Service (ARLIS).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ ARLIS contains two main resources in terms of newspaper

accounts related to the EVOS. The first is electronic access to various databases which index

some newspapers for that period. The one with the most potential use, PolarPac, unfortunately

lumps newspapers and books together as a searchable area. That is, there is no easy way to

search indexed newspaper sources only. This limits the utility of the database in terms of

recovering information from newspaper accounts. The second ARLIS newspaper resource is an

extensive clippings file for various newspapers, for various periods of time. This is a physical

clippings file, with no index, filed in roughly chronological order. No attempt has been made to

gauge the "completeness" with which articles related to the EVOS and its effects were clipped,

and no documentation or guidelines are explicated for the files. The clippings do appear to be

extensive and are presumed to be at least fairly comprehensive. Papers included, and period of

coverage, are as follows:

Alaska Commercial Fisherman 05/19/89-09/08/89

Aleutian Eagle 03/31/89-06/15/90

Aleutians East Borough Advocate 03/31/89-06/15/90

Anchorage Daily News 03/24/89-12/31/95a

Anchorage Times 03/24/89-06/03/92b

Arctic Sounder 06/30/89-12/01/89

Barrow Sum 03/31/89-04/13/90

Borough Post 03/31/89-06/15/90

Bristol Bay Times and Dutch Harbor Fisherman 

Bristol Bay News 03/31/89-06/15/90

Chilkat Valley News 04/13/89-06/21/90

Copper valley Views 03/29/89-04/26/89

Cordova Times 04/12/89-06/21/90

03/31/89-06/15/90

Cordova Valdez Special Combined Issue 04/05/89

Delta Paper 04/05/89-03/14/90

Fairbanks Daily News Miner 03/25/89-06/21/90

Homer News 06/23/89-06/07/90

Island News 04/10/89-06/18/90

Juneau Empire 03/23/89-12/12/91

Ketchikan Daily News 03/23/89-06/20/90

Kodiak Daily Mirror 03/24/89-01/01/90

Mukluk News 04/06/89-05/17/90

Nome Nugget 04/13/89-05/17/90

Palmer Frontiersman 03/31/89-05/23/90

Peninsula Clarion 03/27/89-06/20/90

Petersburg Pilot 03/30/89-12/28/89

Pioneer All-Alaska Weekly 03/30/89-06/22/90

Senior Voice 01/89-07/89

Seward Phoenix Log 03/30/89-12/31/89
Skagway News 05/12/89-06/22/90

Southeastern Log 06/89-10/89

Tundra Drums 04/17/89-06/14/90

Tundra Times 04/03/89-05/23/90

USA Today 03/27/89-06/15/90

Valdez Pioneer 09/01/89-06/15/90

Valdez Vanguard 03/29/89-06/20/90

Valley Sun 04/18/89-03/27/90

Wrangell Sentinel 04/05/89-04/05/90

Librarians state that the clippings service continue (at least for the ADN) but that funding and

staff shortages have not allowed for their processing for public access.

aFor the Anchorage Daily News, clippings from 1992 were not found. Also, clippings for years

after 1990 were much more sparse than for 1989 and 1990. This is no doubt related to reduced

press coverage.

bFor the Anchorage Times, clippings after 1991 are much sparser than for 1989 and 1990. This

is probably related to reduced press coverage.]

CITATION[ Z. J. Loussac Public Library.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Z.J. Loussac Library contains several newspaper resources

of note. First, it maintains microfilm copies of all available Alaskan newspapers. Second, it

possesses the electronic backfiles for the ADN, which are searchable by key words. Third, it

maintains a physical clippings file related to the EVOS for Anchorage papers. Fourth, it allows

access to various electronic databases which include newspaper sources. The microfilmed

newspapers are not indexed, and thus are minimally useful without some sort of filtering device.

The ADN electronic back files are potentially useful, but would require an extremely developed

search strategy to recover useful article without a large number of "false positives." The physical

clippings file appears useful for 1989 and 1990. Although the intent of the library staff is to keep

it current, it is obvious from the file that the clipping guidelines for more recent stories is quite

rigid -- relatively few are included. The databases accessible from library terminals do not

appear to index newspapers from the EVOS time period.]

Newspaper Articles 

CITATION[ Galagher, Susan. 1989. Editorial on the proper importance and overall significance

of the spill. Anchorage Times 3/25/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The content and tone of the piece is that while people should not

overreact to the spill with doom-and-gloom scenarios, neither should its potential for significant

negative effects be minimized or overlooked.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper editorial] EVENT_PHASE[ spill]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ emotional response]

CITATION[ Lamming, Jean. 1989. Damage to wildlife feared. Anchorage Times 3/25/89, A1,

A8.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article gives a brief report of the spill and stresses the many

unknown factors and dynamics at work. It discusses the obvious concern of the herring (roe)

fishery. The spill occurred days before the opening of two large roe fisheries, sac roe and
roe-on-kelp. Much (25% to 50%) of the herring in PWS spawn just outside Port Valdez. Rick

Steiner is quoted on the general perception of the cleanup -- "The fishermen expected a quicker

job and a more professional response. People around here are shocked, ... and worried, really

worried. They're walking around in a daze." The article concludes that "The spill may draw

increasing fire from environmentalists already sensitive about the trans-Alaska pipeline and

efforts to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil development."]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Port Valdez] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

fishermen] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ shock, worry, dazed] REMAINDER[

environmentalist’s response, trans-Alaska pipeline]

CITATION[ Ortega, Bob. 1989. Different kind of oil boom explodes in Valdez. Anchorage

Times 3/26/89, A8.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ "The massive oil spill in PWS is creating an economic boom in

Valdez, where hundreds of workers are being hired to help with the cleanup and to work at

overstuffed hotels and other facilities in the small town." "But the influx of money is

overshadowed by the potentially disastrous long-term economic effects of the spill on highly

profitable herring, pink salmon and other fisheries in the sound." "The immediate result of the

spill has been to transform Valdez into a boom town. By mid-day Friday, there was not a hotel

room or rental car available in town, and waiting lists grew longer by the hour." The Westmark

Valdez was booked as of 7AM, and had opened a wing that had been closed for the winter.

Boats were offered for hire, as were rooms in private homes -- for stiff fees. At least

temporarily, local unemployment was non-existent. "'The {unemployment} office was open

Saturday, to help line up 150 laborers, mostly local, being hired to help with the cleanup.'" "'And

those are just jobs we're looking at as a direct result of the spill.'" "'All the hotels are also in dire

need of housekeeping help, dishwashers, cocktail waitresses, and that kind of help.'" (Doris

Giusti, manager of Valdez state Job Service office). Sea Hawk Seafoods Inc. had already

suffered a loss due to spill. It had to turn away a scallop boat after the port of Valdez was closed

(the boat went elsewhere to offload). Sea Hawk Seafoods normally hires 40 people for 2 weeks

to process $2 million in roe (last year, 20 million pounds, paid wages of $2 million), but was

worried that the spill could wipe this out completely (Sandy Cesarini, executive vice president of

Sea Hawk Seafoods).]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Valdez] EVENT_PHASE[ spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen, boat

owners, service workers] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, labor shortage]

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ service sector]

CITATION[ Hunt, Joe. 1989. Irate fishermen assess damages. Anchorage Times 3/26/89.

A-1,A-12.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The article discusses how local people cite the slow response

time of the state and oil companies in dealing with the spill, and the potential damage to the

herring and salmon fisheries (through damage to the biological resources). It is stated that the

situation could be worse, but that there still many unknowns.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ spill]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ residents, state government, oil companies]

REMAINDER[ spill response time]
CITATION[ AP story. 1989. Oil prices leap in trading after tanker spill. Anchorage Times

3/27/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The article notes that oil prices increased in trading after the

spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ spill]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ fuel prices]

CITATION[ Brendler, Beau. 1989. Environmentalists ask Bush to stop offshore drilling.

Anchorage Times 3/27/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The article reports that environmentalists asked President Bush to

stop offshore oil drilling.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ spill]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ environmentalists, President Bush] REMAINDER[

environmental concerns, offshore drilling]

CITATION[ Hebert, H. Josef. 1989. Spill fuels scrutiny of Bush ANWR plan. Anchorage

Times 3/28/89, A1, A8.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Bush had a proposal to open ANWR to oil drilling, which now

faces more scrutiny in Congress.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ spill]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ President Bush, Congress] REMAINDER[

Congressional debate, ANWR, increased environmental scrutiny]

CITATION[ Kranish, Michael (Boston Globe). 1989. Valdez spill triggers concerns over

ANWR plan. Anchorage Times 3/28/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Pipeline construction was authorized by Congress by a

tie-breaking vote by Spiro Agnew in 1973 -- over warnings from Senator Walter F. Mondale

about the potential dangers of tanker spills. Now the EVOS spill threatens the opening of

ANWR to oil exploration and drilling. The Senate Energy and Commerce Committee has voted

12-7 to approve drilling in ANWR 2 weeks ago, but the future of the bill is now stated to be

unclear.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Congress, Spiro Agnew, Walter Mondale, Senate

Energy and Commerce Committee] REMAINDER[ Congressional debate, ANWR]

CITATION[ Lamming, Jean. 1989. Sound fishermen demand immediate compensation.

Anchorage Times 3/27/89, B1, B6.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The article reports that local fishermen want and need immediate

compensation if herring are tainted or the fishery is called off. Many have borrowed against the

herring and salmon fisheries and have immediate debt service needs. They cannot afford to wait

years as those hurt by the Glacier bay spill incident had to. Raymond Cesaruni, owner of Sea

Hawk Seafoods, Inc. (one of 2 processors in Valdez and one of the biggest Alaska-owned

operations) foresees dismal prices as an effect of the spill on the herring fishery. He thinks that

Japan may not even want to buy PWS herring in 1989, and that the effect could last 15 to 20

years.]
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Valdez] EVENT_PHASE[ spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ debt service, compensation for damages]

CITATION[ Lamming, Jean. 1989. Spill stench permeates Aleut village. Anchorage Times

3/28/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Residents of the village can smell the slick, and fear the potential

effects of burning if the wind should change. Some people (especially pregnant women) have

flown or plan to fly to Cordova for personal health reasons or to protect their unborn children.

Residents are also worried about the possible tainting of subsistence resources.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ spill]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Aleut] FAMILY_EFFECTS[ children]

OTHER_EFFECTS[ odor of oil, health concerns, health] SUBSISTENCE_ACTIVITIES[

contamination fears]

CITATION[ Whitney, David. 1989. Spill could add to development foes' arguments.

Anchorage Daily News 3/27/89, E1, E2.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Bristol Bay, ANWR -- state opposed to the first, wants

exploration and development of the second. The spill may well argue against both.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Bristol Bay, ANWR]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill] REMAINDER[ future oil exploration, Bristol Bay, ANWR]

CITATION[ AP story. 1989. Valdez spill boosts U.S. crude oil prices. Anchorage Daily News

3/28/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The article reports that U.S. crude oil prices increased after the

spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ spill]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ fuel prices]

CITATION[ Medred, Craig. 1989. Spill dooms Sound animals. Anchorage Daily News

3/28/89 E1, E3.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The article reports on damage to animals in the Sound.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill] REMAINDER[ wildlife impacts]

CITATION[ Laurie, Robert. 1989. Oil spill consumes employees' time. Anchorage Times

3/29/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The State DEC office has expended 20 to 25% of the agency's

staff to the task of coordinating the state's response to the spill. Forty agency officers (including

Com. Dennis Kelso) were in Valdez with another ten to twelve in other offices devoting time to

it. This hurt the other duties of the agency. Other state agencies were similarly affected. 20

ADF&G biologists and administrators were in Valdez. The Division of Emergency Services has

six staff in a mini-Emergency Operations Center in Valdez. The Department of Military and

Veterans Affairs was assisting with air support. Two assistant attorneys general from the

Department of Law provided legal advice to stat officials, while DNR deployed Infrared Camera

with two technicians, and also had three other specialists to determine the priority of cleanup for
the oiled beaches. The Division of Forestry was to deploy five emergency fire crews (80 people)

to help cleanup. These 16 member crews were from Delta, Copper Center, Wasilla. The

Division of Parks has offered two six-member Alaska Conservation Corps crews. The

Department of Public Safety has several State Troopers assisting in the investigation of the

accident.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ municipal workers, state workers, federal workers]

MUNICIPAL_EFFECTS[ infrastructure demands]

CITATION[ Francis, Karl. 1989. Congratulations, Alaska, the spill is our own fault.

Anchorage Daily News 3/29/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Alaska lives on oil and its politicians kowtow to oil. The logical

way to deliver oil from the North Slope was through a Canadian pipeline rather than through the

Trans-Alaska pipeline aimed at Asian exports. Spill contingency plans were grossly inadequate,

but this was the result not only of Alyeska/oil company noncompliance but also of lax state

oversight.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper editorial] EVENT_PHASE[ pre-spill, spill]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ oil companies, Alaska] REMAINDER[ causes of

spill]

CITATION[ Murphy, Mary Pat. 1989. Oil cleanup efforts leave many legislators seething.

Anchorage Times 3/29/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ ‘If there's one word I can convey to you from the people of

Valdez and Cordova, that word is betrayal,' McAlpine told those gathered for a briefing on the

spill called by House Speaker Sam Cotten, D-Eagle River. 'Every citizen feels betrayed,'

McAlpine said, adding that the city of Valdez years ago offered to stockpile boom materials and

other materials needed to respond to an oil spill".]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova, Valdez]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ anger, sense of betrayal]

CITATION[ Saddker, Daniel R. 1989. Cordova fishermen fear lifestyle threat. Anchorage

Times 3/29/89 A1, A8.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Most of the reported concern has so far focused on Valdez, but

residents note that Cordova is more dependent on fishing than Valdez. They worry that the spill

may claim the fish, fishermen’s jobs, their town, and their way of life. Exxon reportedly

promised to pay off reasonable claims. "But fishermen were skeptical of any rapid settlement of

their claims, and many doubted any monetary value could be placed on their loss. 'How much is

your lifestyle worth to you?' challenged one speaker." Shrimp pot harvest was halted, the

pending black cod opening was canceled, and the salmon season was uncertain. "After listening

politely to the fisheries managers, questioners zeroed in on representatives of the Coast Guard,

Exxon, and Alyeska Pipeline Service Company. Fishermen blasted them for inadequate

contingency plans, insufficient quantities of clean-up materials, delays in deciding whether to use

chemical dispersants, and their refusal to accept volunteer cleanup help offered by fishermen."

John Mehelich, seiner from Cordova -- "'My biggest concern is my whole way of life. This year

I'm going to have to go out and clean up oil, and I'd rather be fishing.'"]
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova, Valdez]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ U.S. Coast Guard, Exxon,

Alyeska, fishermen, volunteers] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ claims process]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ anger] REMAINDER[ contingency plans and preparation]

CITATION[ Times Staff. 1989. Battle rages to save hatcheries. Anchorage Times 3/29/89, A1,

A8.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ "It's not a cleanup anymore; it's a long-shot effort to avert a total

disaster for one of the largest salmon hatchery systems in the world." One estimate of potential

losses to the fisheries was put at $150 million.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska] EVENT_PHASE[

spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen, hatchery workers]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ fish hatchery industry]

CITATION[ Tson, Ray. 1989. State losses from spill keep rising. Anchorage Times 3/29/89,

B6, B8.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Pipeline flow reduced, revenue losses projected to be $90 million

(state share about $20 million).]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ revenue loss]

CITATION[ AP story. 1989. Washington fishermen lament loss. Anchorage Times 3/31/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Estimates of losses from spill -- $11 million from herring, $200

million from salmon. 250 of 910 herring permits held by WA state residents, so losses felt in

Washington as well as Alaska.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Washington State]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Washington State

fishermen] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, commercial fishermen]

CITATION[ Hunt, Joe. 1989. Sierra club targets loading tankers. Anchorage Times 3/31/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Sierra Club had questioned of why tankers could be loaded

in Valdez during the cleanup effort -- since most or all of cleanup equipment was deployed away

from the port. The oil spill contingency plan requires that a minimal amount of spill response

equipment is required to be available in the event of a spill during tanker loading, and such

events have occurred in the past.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ environmentalists, Sierra

Club] REMAINDER[ spill response, contingency plans]

CITATION[ Times Staff. 1989. Murkowski's faith in oil unshaken. Anchorage Times 3/31/89.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

Murkowski]

CITATION[ Akre, Brian S. 1989. Oil firms withdraw advertising. Anchorage Times 3/31/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Oil companies withdraw ads about their contribution to the state

in light of the ongoing spill and cleanup effort.]
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

REMAINDER[ oil company advertizing]

CITATION[ Katz, John. 1989. Action on pending policy issues could be influenced by Valdez

spill. Anchorage Times 3/31/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Issues: 1) Federal oil leasing in Bristol Bay, 2) arctic offshore

seasonal restrictions on drilling, 3) drilling in ANWR, 4) even non-oil and gas matters -- Tongass

National Forest management, federal lands protection in general. Author supports exploration

and appropriate development of ANWR, opposes any oil and gas leasing in Bristol Bay.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ spill] REMAINDER[

increased scrutiny of oil companies, ANWR]

CITATION[ Saddler, Daniel R. 1989. Anger gives way to depression. Anchorage Times

3/31/89, A1, A8.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Doris Lopez, Valdez. She and husband have two limited entry

permits, representing a $450,000 investment. "'It's like somebody died. People are experiencing

the grieving process. First they are extremely irate, now they are angry and depressed.'" "'It's

like we lost all the innocence. No matter how they clean it up, it's never going to be the clean

Prince William Sound again.'" The article reports that "Instead of preparing for what was

predicted to be a record salmon harvest, the frustrated fishermen are beached, hoping to

contribute their efforts to the cleanup." There are many people who want to go to work but have

no direction or organization. Exxon says they cannot use volunteers because of the lack of

workman's compensation coverage for them.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez, Prince William

Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen,

Exxon, volunteers, Doris Lopez] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic loss, workmen’s

compensation] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ anger, depression, loss of innocence,

frustration]

CITATION[ Toomey, Sheila. 1989. 2 fishermen file first lawsuit over spill; more suits likely.

Anchorage Daily News 3/30/89 C1, C3.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ see headline]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ first lawsuits

filed]

CITATION[ Wohlforth, Charles. 1989. Valdez folks feel 'cheated'. Anchorage Daily News

3/30/89 A1, A6.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Valdez always has been a pro-development town, married to oil,

but now realizes some of the downside to this. But Valdez lives on oil -- except for the

fishermen -- but they are relatively muted compared to Cordova fishermen. Alyeska pays 90%

of Valdez' annual city budget of $33 million (4 to 5 times the size of other cities its size). The

article reports that "For that minority of people in town who lived here before the pipeline was

built and don't owe oil a thing, the dependence of Valdez on oil and the cozy relationship it led to

can be frustrating." As a example it cites Doris Lopez -- married into a two-generation Valdez

fishing family -- who says that Alyeska was always apathetic about the risks of a spill. Still, the
article concludes that "The town was shocked (by the spill), but for land dwellers in Valdez, the

spill is already fading." "For fishermen, it's harder."]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez, Cordova]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen, oil

industry] ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ fishing sector vs oil sector]

CITATION[ Pulliam, Elizabeth. 1989. Nothing to do. Anchorage Daily News 3/30/89 D1, D2.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Sort of a "feeling" piece, about lack of use of volunteers

(especially those from outside PWS who felt an attachment to the area) by those seen to be "in

charge." Kelly Weaverling --"'Perhaps that is the definition of a true disaster, when even your

best efforts are basically useless.'" Michael O'Callaghan of Anchorage raises and for most part

dismisses idea of a grass-roots cleanup effort described. Reasons for the lack of use of

volunteers were that there was no room in Valdez for outside volunteers, and conditions were

quite harsh.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Anchorage, Valdez] EVENT_PHASE[ spill, cleanup]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ volunteers] CULTURAL_EFFECTS[ sense of

place] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ futility] REMAINDER[ lack of use of volunteers]

CITATION[ Postman, David. 1989. Cordova fears end of the line. Anchorage Daily News

3/30/89 A1, A6.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Local residents feel Cordova has been left out and will die as a

town if the spill seriously affects fish resources. Other towns have tourism or the pipeline

terminal or other economic options, while Cordova is dependent on fishing. The article's tagline

description of Cordova -- "Cordova has more canneries than bars and more bars than anything

else."]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Cordova]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic diversification, fishery dependence]

PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ fear about future, fear for town]

CITATION[ Letters to the Editor. 1989. Anchorage Daily News. Readers respond with anger,

sadness to PWS oil spill. Anchorage Daily News 4/01/89.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Mostly from non-PWS residents, emotional for the most part.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] PSYCHOLOGICAL_EFFECTS[ emotional

response]

CITATION[ O'Harra, Doug. 1989. Pilots, in treacherous waters. Anchorage Daily News

4/02/89 (We Alaskans section).]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Portraits of Alaskan pilots working in Port Valdez, especially in

relation to the EVOS.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Port of Valdez]

REMAINDER[ life of pilots]

CITATION[ Wohlforth, Charles. 1989. Scientists turn Sound into laboratory. Anchorage Daily

News 4/03/97 A1, A?.]
ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Straight reporting, except for a comment that the spill is a boon

to scientists' careers.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound]

REMAINDER[ science]

Recent Newspaper Articles 

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1994. Exxon Valdez Natives' claims. Wall Street Journal

11/17/94]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article discusses payments to 4,000 Alaskan Natives for

replacement cost of food.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Alaskan Natives] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[

claims, payments, Native claims]

CITATION[ New York Times. 1995. Exxon verdict is upheld. New York Times 1/29/95.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Verdict for punitive damages is upheld in the Exxon case.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ verdict, punitive damages, verdict upheld]

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1995. Exxon plans to appeal Alaska court ruling for damage

award. Wall Street Journal 1/30/95]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ appeal, damages,

award]

CITATION[ Los Angeles Times. 1995. Exxon Valdez $5 billion verdict affirmed by judge. Los

Angeles Times 1/31/95]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ A $5 billion dollar verdict in the Exxon Valdez case is affirmed

by Judge H. Russel Holland]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper articles] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Judge H. Russell Holland, U.S. District

Court] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ verdict, $5 billion award]

CITATION[ New York Times. 1995. Part of Valdez award is voided. New York Times

4/1/95.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, jury] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ damages,

jury, award, voided]

CITATION[ Los Angeles Times. 1995. Judge clears Exxon of duty to pay natives. Los Angeles

Times 4/3/95.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Exxon cleared of liability for damages to Native Alaskans from

the oil spill]
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives, Exxon, judge]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ liability, damages, judicial decision]

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1996. Exxon seeks a new trial in Valdez oil-spill case. Wall

Street Journal 9/12/95.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ new trial]

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1996. Exxon has partial accord with Lloyd's of London. Wall

Street Journal 1/18/96.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ partial settlement, lawsuit, recovery] REMAINDER[ insurance

claim]

CITATION[ New York Times. 1996. Exxon to get $300 million in a partial settlement. New

York Times 1/18/96]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Exxon to receive $300 million in a partial settlement from

insurers including Lloyd's of London.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ insurers, Lloyd’s of London, Exxon]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ settlement] REMAINDER[ insurance claim]

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1996. Request for new trial for Exxon is denied. Wall Street

Journal 2/22/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Request for a new trial for Exxon in the oil spill case is denied.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ request new

trial]

CITATION[ Los Angeles Times. 1996. Exxon loses appeal on Valdez case. Los Angeles

Times 2/22/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Exxon loses liability appeal for oil spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ liability, appeal]

CITATION[ Phillips, Natalie. 1996. A $5 billion payday could make rich Alaskans as common

as moose. Anchorage Daily News 3/17/96, B-1 and B-3.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article discusses the probable split of the $5 billion punitive

damage award assessed to Exxon as a result of the Exxon Valdez oil spill. Although most of the

award will be paid to commercial fishermen and their attorneys, the article makes it clear that not

all claimants will receive an equal amount. A complex distribution matrix has been agreed to

which allocates the proceeds of the award based on a number of factors, some related to the

degree of harm caused by the spill, and others more related to the practicalities of pursuing and

increasing the probability of success in the legal case. While there is no true "average" award

that can be noted, many of the claimants will indeed receive large payments if and when Exxon
pays the award (estimated as 2.5 to 4 years from the date of award by the winning attorneys,

based on how long Exxon's appeals would take to be heard).]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound]

EVENT_PHASE[ spill, litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ money spill]

CITATION[ Phillips, Natalie. 1996. Payout comes at high price. Anchorage Daily News

3/17/96, B-1 and B-3.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article provides somewhat more detailed information on the

probable payout of the $5 billion Exxon Valdez punitive damage award to a specific group of

claimants, salmon fishermen with permits for the Chignik area. The 92 to 100 permit holders

will split about $186.8 million, or about $1.9 million each. This must be shared with crew

members, typically three or four per vessel. While these payments appear to be large, the

fisherman interviewed for the article points out that before the spill Chignik permit holders

earned $80,000 to $240,000 a season, but averaged a lower $130,000 after the spill. Further, this

decline was not shared equally by all fishermen, but hit the "highliners" the most. All Chignik

permit holders had additional expenses and worries. The fisherman interviewed concludes that

while the award may appear large, it is balanced by the heartache and losses he has had to sustain

since the spill event, and that the delay of any settlement is an additional cost.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Chignik] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ fishermen]

ECONOMIC_EFFECTS[ economic gain, economic loss, money spill]

CITATION[ Gerstenzang, James. 1996. Tanker seeks return to Alaskan waters. Los Angeles

Times 5/4/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Exxon Valdez has been forbidden to return to Prince William

Sound, but Exxon seeks to see that situation reversed.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound]

EVENT_PHASE[ litigation] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ lawsuit]

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1996. Jury decides insurers should pay Exxon for Valdez

expenses. Wall Street Journal 6/11/96.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, insurers, jury] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[

verdict, jury, lawsuit] REMAINDER[ insurance claim]

CITATION[ Strom, Stephanie. 1996. Exxon wins $250 million from Lloyd's for Alaska oil spill.

New York Times 6/11/96.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Lloyd’s of London, insurers]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ lawsuit, verdict] REMAINDER[ insurance claim]

CITATION[ Los Angeles Times. 1996. Exxon wins $250-million verdict in Valdez suit. Los

Angeles Times 6/11/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Exxon wins lawsuit against Lloyds of London for unpaid

insurance claims relating to the Exxon Valdez oil spill]
KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, insurers, Lloyd’s of London, court]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ lawsuit, win lawsuit, verdict] REMAINDER[ insurance claim]

CITATION[ McCoy, Charles. 1996. Exxon's secret Valdez deals anger judge. Wall Street

Journal 6/13/96.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, judge] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ punitive

damages, damage awards, secret agreement]

CITATION[ McCoy, Charles; Fritsch, Peter. 1996. Exxon defends its 'novel' approach to

reducing Valdez punitive damages. Wall Street Journal 6/14/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Discussion of secret agreements made by Exxon that would

enable Exxon to reduce its punitive damage payments]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ secret agreement, punitive damages, payments]

CITATION[ Salpukas, Agis. 1996. Exxon is accused of 'astonishing ruse' in oil-spill trial .New

York Times 6/14/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ A federal judge criticizes a secret agreement made between

Exxon and seafood processors over damage awards for the oil spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ judge, Exxon, seafood processors]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ secret agreement, judicial criticism, damage awards]

CITATION[ Murphy, Kim. 1996. Valdez spill's sticky legacy of public land. Los Angeles

Times 6/23/96.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Latouche Island]

EVENT_PHASE[ litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Alaskan Natives]

REMAINDER[ public land]

CITATION[ McAllister, Bill. 1996. Report says Congress is sinking traffic control system for

ships. Washington Post 6/28/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Traffic control systems for vessels was an important issue after

the Exxon Valdez oil spill. This article cites a National Research Council report that the

Congress, specifically the House Appropriations Committee, eliminated $6 million that the U.S.

Coast Guard states is critical for Vessel Traffic Services.]

NOTATION: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation] REMAINDER[

regulation]

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1996. Insurers owe energy giant $161 million over Valdez.

Wall Street Journal 7/25/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Insurers owe Exxon $161 million in claims over the oil spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ insurers, Exxon] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[

insurance award] REMAINDER[ insurance]
CITATION[ Los Angeles Times. 1996. Exxon insurers ordered to pay interest in Valdez spill.

Los Angeles Times 7/25/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Insurers, including Lloyd's of London and other underwriters are

ordered to pay Exxon on an insurance policy, for the Exxon Valdez oil spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Lloyd’s of London, underwriters]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ insurance award] REMAINDER[ insurance claim]

CITATION[ McCoy, Charles. 1996. Exxon's effort to secure award for spill rejected. Wall

Street Journal 9/20/96.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ insurance award] REMAINDER[ financing of award]

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1996. Judgement over Valdez entered in Exxon case, starting

long appeal. Wall Street Journal 9/26/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Appeals process begins in 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals over

Exxon Valdez judgement.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Court of Appeals]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ appeal, judgement]

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1996. Exxon, Lloyd's agree to Valdez settlement. Wall Street

Journal 11/1/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This article concerns settlement of insurance claims by Exxon for

coverage for the Exxon Valdez oil spill. The insurers include Lloyd’s of London.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Lloyd’s of London]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ settlement] REMAINDER[ insurance claim]

CITATION[ Treaster, Joseph B. 1996. With insurers' payment, Exxon says Valdez case is

ended. New York Times 11/1/96.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Settlement between Exxon and an insurer, Equitas, over the

Exxon Valdez oil spill.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Equitas] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[

settlement] REMAINDER[ insurance claim]

CITATION[ Los Angeles Times. 1996. Exxon, insurers settle Valdez litigation. Los Angeles

Times 11/1/96.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ settlement] REMAINDER[ insurance claim]

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1997. Exxon pushing for return of Valdez to Alaska Sound.

Wall Street Journal 1/16/97.]
ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Exxon seeks to return the Exxon Valdez tankership to Prince

William Sound, and wants to have a law overturned that prevents the ship from visiting Valdez.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Prince William Sound,

Valdez] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ overturn law]

CITATION[ Schoch, Deborah. 1997. Exxon Valdez-linked funds to help Bolsa Chica. Los

Angeles Times 2/14/97.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Funds to be used for Bolsa Chica wetlands restoration project.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Valdez, Bolsa Chica

wetlands, California] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[

Exxon] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ settlement expenditures]

CITATION[ Los Angeles Times. 1997. Exxon appeals judgment in Valdez case. Los Angeles

Times 2/14/97.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ Article describes legal appeal in Exxon Valdez case.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Court of Appeals]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ appeal]

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1997. Appeal is filed of award in Exxon Valdez oil spill. Wall

Street Journal 2/14/97.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ This newspaper article concerns a legal appeal filed by Exxon

Corporation.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation]

SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Court of Appeals]

LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ appeal]

CITATION[ Goldberg, Carey. 1997. A tanker hauling memories is shunned; Alaska residents

oppose Exxon's effort to bring back the Valdez. New York Times 3/16/97.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The Exxon Valdez has been renamed the Mediterranean, and

Exxon Corporation wants to send it back to Prince William Sound, though some Alaskans object

to its return.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, Prince William

Sound] EVENT_PHASE[ litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon,

Alaskans]

CITATION[ Wall Street Journal. 1997. Exxon Corp. submits brief outlining Valdez appeal.

Wall Street Journal 6/20/97.]

ABSTRACT/ANNOTATION[ The award in the Exxon Valdez oil spill case is appealed to Ninth

Circuit United States Court of Appeals in California.]

KEYWORDS: SOURCE_TYPE[ newspaper article] GEOGRAPHY[ Alaska, California]

EVENT_PHASE[ litigation] SOCIAL_OR_CULTURAL_IDENTIFIER[ Exxon, Court of

Appeals] LITIGATION_EFFECTS[ award, appeal, Court of Appeals]

CITATION[ Martin, Douglas. 1997. Exxon Valdez money to aid city wetlands. New York

Times 9/11/97.]