i

Table of Contents

Introduction iii

Executive Summary: Nonmarital Childbearing in the United States v

by Kristin A. Moore

The Demography of Nonmarital Childbearing

Introduction 3

Overall Trends 5

Tends and Differentials 10

What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital Births 23

The Path to Nonmarital Fertility 39

Next Steps: Marriage and Childbearing after a First Nonmarital Birth 56

Transfer Payments and Unmarried Mothers 62

International Comparisons 67

Technical Notes 73

References 76

Appendix A: Tables 81

Appendix B: Observed and Standardized Nonmarital Fertility Ratios 131

Expert Papers

The Retreat from Marriage and the Rise in Nonmarital Fertility 137

by Daniel T. Lichter

Family Structure and Nonmarital Fertility: Perspectives from Ethnographic 

 Research 147

by Linda M. Burton

The Effect of the Welfare System on Nonmarital Childbearing 167

by Robert A. Moffitt

How Nonmarital Childbearing is Affected by Neighborhoods, Marital

 Opportunities and Labor-Market Conditions 177

by Greg J. Duncan

Access to and Utilization of Preventative Services: Implications for

 Nonmarital Childbearing 189

by Martha R. Burt
ii

Attitudes, Values, and Norms Related to Nonmarital Fertility 201

by Arland Thornton

Risk Factors for Adolescent Nonmarital Childbearing 217

by Brent C. Miller

The Consequences of Nonmarital Childbearing for Women, Children,

 and Society 229

by Sara S. McLanahan

Strategies to Reduce Nonmarital Childbearing 241

by Theodora Ooms 
Introduction

The Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994 requires that the Secretary, in conjunction with

the National Center for Health Statistics, prepare an analysis of the increases in nonmarital (out-of-wedlock)

births, provide comparative data from foreign nations, and identify potential causes, antecedents and remedial

measures.

Staff from the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, the National Center for Health

Statistics/Center for Disease Control and Prevention and the National Institute for Child Health and Human

Development/National Institutes of Health formed a department working group to oversee the completion of this

report. 

Using data collected by the Department, primarily Vital Statistics and AFDC data, as well as some additional

survey data, the report summarizes the current status and trends in nonmarital childbearing. In addition,

information on related trends such as sexual behavior and marriage is included. International comparison data

are also provided.

In addition, in order to capture the complexity of issues surrounding out of wedlock childbearing, this volume

contains a series of supplemental papers by experts from various social science disciplines. Because researchers

from different fields approach the issue of nonmarital births from different perspectives, their analyses reveals

varied and sometimes contradictory findings. Each author produced paper that summarizes the major literature

related to nonmarital (out of wedlock) fertility in their field. In addition, the experts critically analyzed research

findings, identifying areas of consensus, disparity and gaps in knowledge.

The papers on antecedents of nonmarital childbearing include:

a description of the determinants of marriage;

an ethnographic analysis of the relationship between family structure and nonmarital childbearing;

a synthesis of literature that uses multivariate analyses to examine the relationship between public

transfer programs and nonmarital births;

a similar summary that focuses on the role of individual and neighborhood opportunities;

a discussion of how access to and utilization of preventive services relate to nonmarital childbearing;

an analysis of how the incidence of nonmarital childbearing varies with changes in social norms, both

over time and across populations; and

a description of the interrelationship of risk factors that lead to nonmarital childbearing by adolescents

and identifies the lack of similar research on adults.

Following the papers on antecedents is a paper that discusses the consequences of nonmarital childbearing on both

parents and children. The final paper provides a framework for developing remedial measures.
iv

HHS Working Group on Nonmarital Childbearing

Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation

Kelleen S. Kaye

Elisa C. Koff

Pamela A. Holcomb

National Institute of Child Health and Human Development/National Institutes of Health

Christine A. Bachrach

V. Jeffrey Evans

Gesine K. Hearn

Susan F. Newcomer

National Center for Health Statistics/Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

Stephanie J. Ventura

The Working Group would like to acknowldege the assistance of Sandy Smith, Public Affairs Officer for the

National Center for Health Statistics.
v

Nonmarital Childbearing in the United States

Kristin A. Moore, Ph. D.

Child Trends, Inc.

Introduction

In 1993, 1,240,172 births occurred outside of marriage in the United States. These births accounted for nearly

a third of all births and drew the attention of policy makers, researchers, the media and citizens alike. The

purpose of this report is to summarize available scientific information on nonmarital fertility and specifically to

address four broad but critical questions.

First, what are the trends in nonmarital childbearing? What is the breadth and magnitude of the increase

in nonmarital fertility? Who is having children outside of marriage? How do fertility patterns and trends

vary across demographic and social sub-groups? 

What are the consequences of nonmarital childbearing for children, for adults, and for the public? What

negative consequences can be attributed to nonmarital childbearing per se, as distinct from consequences

due to the generally disadvantaged circumstances of the couples who have children without marrying?

A third important question focuses on the causes of the dramatic increase in nonmarital fertility. What

factors have contributed to the upsurge in childbearing outside of marriage? Any attempt to address the

issues raised by the increased incidence of nonmarital fertility requires an understanding of those factors.

Most social and family behaviors are affected by numerous complex forces. Research findings on a

variety of individual, family, neighborhood, community and policy factors that might affect the incidence

of non-marital childbearing are summarized.

A fourth topic concerns prevention of pregnancy or childbearing among unmarried persons and policies

and actions to ameliorate the negative consequences associated with parenthood outside of marriage. In

particular, issues for federal, state, and local policy makers to consider are outlined, along with

suggestions for policy initiatives that might reduce nonmarital parenthood. 

Finally, reflecting the dramatic increases in nonmarital sex, pregnancy, and parenthood, the need for further

research and better data is addressed.

What Are the Trends and Patterns in Nonmarital Childbearing?

Every indicator points to substantial increases in non-marital fertility in recent decades, but a slowing of the rate

of increase in the last several years. 

The number of nonmarital births has increased dramatically, from 89,500 in 1940 to 1,240,172 in 1993.

However, the pace of the increase has slowed in the 1990s. Between 1980 and 1990, the number of

nonmarital births rose on average by 6 percent annually. Between 1990 and 1993, the number rose by

about 2 percent annually.
vi

Figure 1. Proportion of Births to Unmarried Women: United States, 1940-

Source: Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United St aes, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53);

Ventura SJ. JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995. National

Center for Health Statistics. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1993, Volume I, Natality. In preparation. See Appendix Table I-3

The nonmarital birth rate, which measures the proportion of unmarried women who have a birth each

year, has also increased. The rate rose from 7.1 births per 1,000 unmarried women in 1940 to 45.3 in

1993. However, after steady and dramatic increases in the late 1970s and the 1980s, the nonmarital birth

rate has stayed the same since 1991.

The nonmarital birth ratio describes the proportion of all births that occur outside of marriage. Between

1940 and 1993, the ratio rose from 38 to 310 per 1,000 births. Expressed as a percent, this means

nonmarital births have risen from 4 percent to 31 percent of all births. This reflects both increases in

nonmarital fertility and declines in marital fertility. Again, the 1990s have seen a slowing of the pace of

increase. The nonmarital birth ratio rose by more than 4 percent annually during the 1980-90 decade, and

by about 3 percent annually between 1990-93. 

The incidence of nonmarital childbearing has been rising for more than five decades. Between 1940 and 1960,

increases were slow but clear. Since the 1970s, increases in the number, rate, and ratio of nonmarital births have

been dramatic. Only in the last several years, however, has the pace of the increase slowed. Most notably, the

nonmarital birth rate has not increased during the last three years for which data are available.

Increases in the rate of nonmarital childbearing have been steady for teenagers throughout this time period.

Among women over age 20, however, nonmarital birth rates rose through the mid-1960s, declined, and then began

to increase again in the late 1970s. 

Increases in the proportion of all births that are nonmarital (the nonmarital birth ratio) reflect both an increase in

the number of unmarried women in the population who are at risk of a nonmarital pregnancy and also higher rates

of nonmarital childbearing. The larger population of unmarried persons is due primarily to delayed marriage

among the large baby boom generation, as well as increases in divorce and separation. The combination of a

higher rate of nonmarital childbearing together with a larger population of unmarried persons has resulted in a

substantial increase in the number and proportion of nonmarital births. 
vii

Figure 2. Percent of Births to Unmarried Women by Country, 1992

*1991 data.

Sources: Council of Europe. Recent Demographic Developments in Europe, 1993. Council of Europe Press. 1994; Statistics and Informatio n

Department, Ministry of Health and Welfare. Vital Statistics of Japan. 1992; Central Agency for Austrian Statistics. Demographic yearbook. Austria.

1992; Belle M. McQuillan K. Births Outside of Marriage: A Growing Alternative, Canadian Social Trends. Summer 1994. Statistics Canada.

Among all nonmarital births, the proportion that are first births has been declining. In 1993, less than half (48

percent) of all nonmarital births were first births. 

It is important to recognize that not all births classified as nonmarital occur to women living alone. More than

a quarter of nonmarital births occur to parents who live together without being legally married. Research

indicates, however, that these cohabiting relationships are not as long-lasting as legal marriages. Although about

four in ten cohabiting couples marry within three years of a birth, the majority do not; moreover, marriages

preceded by cohabitation are more likely to dissolve than marriages entered by couples who did not cohabit first.

Other Western industrialized nations are also experiencing increases in the incidence of nonmarital childbearing.

Trends toward delayed marriage, premarital sex, and cohabitation outside of marriage have occurred in a number

of other countries. In 1992, the percent of births to unmarried women in the United States was 30 percent, but

was higher in the United Kingdom, Denmark and Sweden. Americans are unique primarily because of relatively

low levels of contraceptive use and very high rates of adolescent childbearing, compared with other industrialized

democracies.
viii

Widowed, separated or 

divorced at time of birth

23%

Figure 3. Circumstances in which Nonmarital Births Occur: United States, 1987-88

Never Married at

time of birth and at 

1987-88 interview

61%

Never Married at time of

birth; married at time of

1987-88 interview

Source: National Survey of Families and Households, 1987-88

Who Has Births Outside of Marriage?

Contrary to commonly-held beliefs, only 30 percent of all nonmarital births in the United States occur to

teenagers. Thirty-five percent of nonmarital births are to women aged 20-24, while 35 percent are to women 25

and older. On the other hand, teenagers account for about half of all first births to unmarried women. 

Although the nonmarital birth rate is higher for African Americans than for whites, the majority of nonmarital

births (60 percent in 1993) are to white women and the rate is rising faster among white women.

Nonmarital birth rates are highest during the years from 18 to 29. Nonmarital birth rates tend to be higher among

disadvantaged and less-educated women and those in urban areas. Among unmarried women aged 20 and older,

women with less than a high school diploma are at least three times as likely to have a baby as unmarried women

with some college. However, during the past decade, the nonmarital birth rate has risen in all age groups, in small

towns as well as in cities, in all regions and states, and in all socioeconomic groups.

When they hear the phrase “unmarried parent,” many Americans picture a teenage girl having a first child.

However, there is no typical nonmarital birth. Nonmarital births can be first births, second births, or higher-order

births. Nonmarital births can precede a first marriage; they can occur to a parent who is not married and who

never marries; they can occur within a cohabiting relationship; or they can occur to a parent whose marriage has

terminated. A woman with several children may have had one or more births within marriage and one or more

births outside of marriage. It is important to note that more than 70 percent of single parent families have only

one or two children.

Among the women interviewed in the National Survey of Families and Households was a substantial sub-sample

who had a nonmarital birth between 1983 and the time of their interview in late 1987 or 1988. Of the women who

had a nonmarital birth during the previous five years, 61 percent were never-married at the time they were

interviewed; 16 percent had the birth outside of marriage but had married by the time of their interview; and 23

percent had the birth after the dissolution of their marriage.
ix

Figure 4. Percent of Pregnancies to Women 15-44 that are Unintended, by Marital Status, 1987

Source: Forrest J.D. 1994. Epidemiology of Unintended Pregnancy and Contract Use. American Journal of Obstetric Gynecology 170: 1485-1488.

 Path to Parenthood Outside of Marriage

Nonmarital parenthood is preceded by a series of decision points, including decisions about sex, contraceptive use,

abortion, marriage, and adoption. Over the past several decades, premarital and nonmarital sex have become

more common among adolescents and among Americans older than 20. Among women born between 1954 and

1963, who ever married, 82 percent had sex before they married. With delayed marriage and increasing rates of

marital disruption, the size of the population at risk of having a nonmarital pregnancy has expanded substantially.

Despite increases in the proportion of unmarried sexually active persons who use contraception, data indicate that

married women are more regular users of contraception than unmarried women. In 1988, among sexually active

women, 17 percent of never-married women and 11 percent of previously married women were not using

contraception, compared with only 5 percent of currently married women. These differences reflect a variety of

factors, including more stable and predictable relationships among married couples, the higher incomes of married

couples, and frequently a greater ease in discussing and planning for sex among married couples. Nevertheless,

82 percent of unmarried sexually active women were contraceptive users in 1988, primarily relying on the pill

(39 percent), sterilization (19 percent) and condoms (12 percent). Couples who do not use any method of

contraception contribute disproportionately to the incidence of unintended pregnancy; however, rates of method

failure are also high, especially for methods that have to be used at the time of intercourse, such as spermicides.

The vast majority of pregnancies and births to unmarried women are unintended at conception. Data from the

1988 National Survey of Family Growth indicate that 88 percent of the pregnancies experienced by never-married

women were unintended, as were 69 percent of the pregnancies to previously married women and 40 percent of

the pregnancies to married women. 

It takes sustained motivation to abstain from sex and/or contracept consistently, and for a variety of reasons such

motivation is often lacking. Factors such as over-estimation of the risks of contraception, under-estimation of

the likelihood of pregnancy, a lack of educational and career opportunities, passivity and/or impulsiveness, the
x

Figure 5. Percent of Pregnancies Ending in Abortion by Marital Status among 

Women of all Races, Aged 14-55: United States, 1980 and 1991

Source: Ventura et al. 1995. Trends in Pregnancies and Pregnancy Rates: Estimates for the United States, 1980-92. 

Monthly Vital Statistics Report, 43(11). Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics.

cost of contraception, and ambivalence about sex, birth control, and pregnancy undermine the motivation to

prevent pregnancy. In addition, sexual intercourse is coerced in some cases. In fact, data indicate that, among

girls 14 or younger when they first had sex, a majority of these first intercourse experiences were nonvoluntary.

Evidence also indicates that among unmarried teenage mothers, two-thirds of the fathers are age 20 or older,

suggesting that differences in power and status exist between many sexual partners. These differences may be

another factor undermining contraceptive use, especially when the female is quite young. Consequently, many

couples who don't seek pregnancy nevertheless experience pregnancy.

Little progress was made in reducing the rate of nonmarital pregnancies during the 1980s. The nonmarital

pregnancy rate increased among white women between 1980 and 1991 (from 69 to 81 pregnancies per 1,000

unmarried women aged 15-44), while it declined slightly among women of other races between 1980 and 1991

(from 180 to 174 pregnancies per 1,000 unmarried women aged 15-44). Unmarried women experience an

estimated 2.8 million pregnancies annually. 

The probability that a nonmarital pregnancy resulted in a birth increased between 1980 and 1991, as the proportion

of nonmarital pregnancies that ended in abortion declined from 60 to 46 percent. This decline in abortion was

particularly large among white women. In 1991, nonmarital pregnancies were equally likely to end in birth or

abortion; about one in ten ended in miscarriage.

The declines in marriage among couples experiencing a nonmarital pregnancy are as dramatic as the recent

declines in abortion. If unmarried pregnant women who have a live birth had married at the same rate in the

mid-1980s as they did in the 1960s, the increase in nonmarital births would have been quite small. However,

"shotgun" marriages have become the exception rather than the rule. From the 1960s to the 1980s, the
xi

Figure 6. Among Women who Conceived Before Marriage, 

Percent Marrying Before Birth of Child

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Series P-20, No.454, Fertility of American Women: June

1990. Washington, DC.: U.S. Government Printing Office

proportion of nonmarital conceptions carried to a live birth in which the parents married before their child was

born plummeted from 31 to 8 percent among blacks, from 33 to 23 percent among Hispanics, and from 61 to 34

percent among whites. 

Since adoption occurs after childbirth, it does not affect nonmarital birth rates; but the declining incidence of

adoption has served to increase the number of unmarried persons raising children. Between 1960 and 1973,

about one in five premarital births to white women were given up for adoption, compared to less than one in 

ten in the late 1970s and only one in thirty in the 1980s. Formal adoption is rarely chosen by unmarried black

or Hispanic parents.
xii

Figure 7. Among Children Born to Never Married Women Aged 15-44, Percentage 

Who Were Relinquished for Adoption, by Race and Year of Birth: United States

Source: Bachrach, C. et al. 1992. Relinquishment of Premarital Births: Evidence from

National Surey Data. Family Planning Perspectives 24(1):27-33.

What Are the Consequences of Nonmarital Childbearing 

For Women, Children, and Society?

The central, and very difficult, task in identifying the consequences of non-marital childbearing is to disentangle

the effects of a person’s marital status at childbirth from the effects of the person's other characteristics. The men

and the women who become parents outside of marriage tend to be disadvantaged even before pregnancy occurs.

If their children have problems or they receive public assistance, researchers must distinguish whether these

negative consequences occur because the child was born outside of marriage or because of the parents' preexisting disadvantages.

The answer provided by research to date is that pre-existing factors account for much but not all of the difficulties

experienced by children and adults in single-parent families. Despite consistent evidence of greater risk, the

research also shows that the majority of children in single parent families develop normally. The exact magnitude

of the effects that are caused by nonmarital childbearing has not been isolated, but effects have been characterized

as small to moderate, depending on the outcome being examined.
xiii

To date, little research has specifically examined the consequences of nonmarital childbearing. Thus, although

a great deal of research has examined outcomes for children and mothers in single parent families, most studies

of family structure have looked at single parent families without distinguishing among divorced, separated,

widowed, and never-married families. These studies have found that unmarried mothers are less likely to obtain

prenatal care and more likely to have a low birthweight baby. Young children in single-mother families tend to

have lower scores on verbal and math achievement tests. In middle childhood, children raised by a single parent

tend to receive lower grades, have more behavior problems, and have higher rates of chronic health and

psychiatric disorders. Among adolescents and young adults, being raised in a single-mother family is associated

with elevated risks of teenage childbearing, high school dropout, incarceration, and with being neither employed

nor in school. 

Researchers find that these negative effects persist even when they take into account factors, such as parented

education, that often distinguish single parent from two-parent families. Other pre-existing differences may, of

course, still distinguish single-parent families from two-parent families. Researchers have increasingly attempted

to take account of subtle and difficult-to-measure variations in motivation, values, aptitude, and mental and

physical health. To date, such analyses continue to find poorer outcomes among children in single-parent families.

Up to half of the negative consequences for children associated with single motherhood appear to reflect the low

incomes of these families. The remaining effects seem to be due to greater residential instability, pre-disruption

conflict, and less parental supervision and/or involvement in childrearing. Studies do not find that (re)marriage

resolves the negative consequences associated with growing up in a single parent family.

Single mothers themselves experience elevated rates of depression, low self esteem, poor health, and general

unhappiness. In addition, their marriage prospects are reduced relative to women who do not have a premarital

birth. They also have an elevated probability of receiving not only Aid to Families with Dependent Children but

Food Stamps and Medicaid. In 1992, 58 percent of AFDC children were in families with never-married mothers.

As yet, little research has examined the consequences for men, though recent work indicates that men who do not

marry experience few socioeconomic costs. Also, as noted only a few studies have compared outcomes for the

children of never-married mothers with outcomes for children in other types of single- parent families. Results

from these studies suggest that the consequences for children raised by never-married mothers are similarly

negative to those of children in disrupted families. The optimum family situation for children is being born into

and growing up in a family established by both biological parents, particularly if it is a low-conflict family.

Thus, the research to date indicates that, given current economic and social realities, nonmarital childbearing has

negative consequences for children, for women, and for taxpayers. What factors account for the high and

increasing incidence of nonmarital childbearing in the United States?

Causes of Nonmarital Childbearing

During the last several decades, when the incidence of nonmarital childbearing was increasing so dramatically,

numerous other changes were witnessed in virtually every other sector of society. Consequently, not only is it

difficult to disentangle what role these changes have played in increasing nonmarital fertility, it is unlikely that

there is a single factor that explains this important social change. Rather, possible influences on nonmarital

fertility range from individual and family characteristics, to peer, neighborhood and community influences, to

local, state and federal policies and programs, and to larger influences such as the media and changes in attitudes,
xiv

 values and norms. Few studies have examined the predictors of nonmarital fertility using all of these measures.

 Indeed, studies that focus specifically on nonmarital childbearing are not frequent, though the number of studies

is increasing in response to the rising incidence of nonmarital childbearing and the concerns of policy makers.

Findings from the available literature are summarized below. 

The Role of Welfare

A commonly offered explanation for nonmarital childbearing is the availability of welfare benefits for single

mothers. This proposition takes two forms. The first hypothesizes that variation in the generosity of welfare

benefits over time and among states has contributed to the growth in the incidence of nonmarital childbearing.

A second hypothesis focusses on the existence of the program per se and asks whether and how the incidence of

nonmarital childbearing would change if welfare were not available to unmarried mothers. Researchers have little

capacity to address the second question because welfare is available in all states. A number of studies have

addressed the first question, however, by examining whether states with more generous programs have higher

rates of nonmarital childbearing or, sometimes, of teenage childbearing. 

States differ on a host of dimensions apart from their welfare policies and fertility rates which might also affect

the nonmarital fertility rate. Therefore, varied statistical strategies have been used to make comparisons across

states more appropriate. Results from these studies are inconsistent; but when an association is found between

welfare benefit levels and nonmarital fertility it generally applies only to whites. Moreover, when associations

are found, they tend to be small. Given that welfare benefits declined during the 1970s and 1980s, availability

of benefits cannot provide more than a partial explanation for increases in nonmarital fertility.

Welfare policy has also been hypothesized to affect marriage decisions. Given trends toward delayed marriage,

high rates of divorce and separation, declining remarriage rates, and more frequent cohabitation, half of U.S.

women aged 15-44 had either never married or were no longer married in 1993. The possibility that welfare

accounts for some of these marital trends has been examined in several studies with mixed results. Some studies

find an association, while others do not. Again, the decline in marriage occurred during a time period when

welfare benefits were also declining, making it unlikely that welfare represents a major cause of the decline in

marriage.

An additional possible influence of welfare has received little research attention. The hypothesis is that receipt

of welfare on the part of one generation increases the propensity to avoid marriage and/or to have births outside

of marriage in the next generation. The limited evidence on this issue suggests that long-term intergenerational

welfare receipt may increase the risk of nonmarital childbearing; but it should be noted that long-term recipients

represent a small and uniquely disadvantaged portion of all women (less than 3 percent of all women).

In sum, the evidence linking welfare benefits with rising nonmarital fertility is not consistent and does not suggest

that welfare represents an important factor in recent increases in childbearing outside of marriage. A number of

other explanations for rising rates of nonmarital childbearing have also been explored.

Economic Opportunities for Women and for Men

It has been suggested that increased wages and levels of employment for women have freed women from

economic dependence on marriage. However, empirical studies have not supported this expectation. Rather,

while higher levels of women's education, income and employment have been associated with later marriage, they

are related to higher levels of marriage and lower rates of nonmarital childbearing. 
xv

Similarly, marriage is more likely for men who are well-educated, employed, and who have stable and high

earnings. In addition, the supply of marriageable men (e.g., employed men) is related to the nonmarital ratio; that

is, the more employed men in a community, the lower the proportion of births that occur outside of marriage.

Thus, better employment opportunities for men are associated with a higher proportion of births taking place

within marriage. 

However, studies regarding the effect of male employment opportunities on the rate of nonmarital fatherhood,

that is, the frequency of fatherhood among unmarried males, are not consistent. Moreover, economic

explanations do not fully explain racial differences in family formation, nor do they provide a complete

explanation for rising rates of nonmarital childbearing, as marriage and fertility patterns have changed among all

socioeconomic groups. One study estimates that the deteriorating employment and earnings position of young

men, particularly those who are poorly educated and minority, accounts for about 20 percent of the decline in

marriage between 1950 and 1980. Thus, employment opportunities do not completely explain decreases in

marriage or increases in nonmarital fertility. Nevertheless, there is fairly consistent evidence that improved

socioeconomic circumstances are associated with a greater likelihood of marriage for both women and men, and

that deteriorating economic circumstances, particularly for poorly-educated men, provide at least a partial

explanation for rising nonmarital fertility.

Neighborhood Influences

A variety of mechanisms have been suggested as ways that neighborhoods might influence marital and fertility

behavior. For example, undesirable behaviors may be spread throughout a neighborhood by peer interaction.

Adult role models may encourage negative or positive behavior. Positive behavior can be encouraged by the

monitoring of behavior among neighborhood residents. On the other hand, the lifestyles and standards of betteroff neighborhood residents may lead low-income residents to feel discouraged about their own prospects and thus

willing to risk a nonmarital birth.

Some evidence has been found that neighborhoods affect behavior. For example, the absence of advantaged

neighbors has been found associated with teenage childbearing, and the presence of high proportions of public

assistance recipients has been found to be related to nonmarital childbearing. However, because disadvantaged

neighborhoods tend to have multiple negative characteristics, while advantaged neighborhoods tend to enjoy a

variety of positive attributes, it is difficult to distinguish among the various explanations. Moreover, most studies

have found that individual and family characteristics are even more important than neighborhood and community

characteristics as predictors of marital and fertility behavior. 

Variations in neighborhood characteristics cannot fully explain the increase in nonmarital childbearing, since

increases have occurred across socioeconomic and geographic groups. Although the increasing concentration of

impoverished persons within extremely disadvantaged communities does not explain the broader retreat from

marriage that appears to be occurring across socioeconomic groups, it may help explain the acutely high

proportions of births that occur outside of marriage in extremely impoverished neighborhoods. 

Individual and Family Characteristics

Although relatively little research has been conducted on the family and individual factors leading specifically

to nonmarital childbearing, a host of studies have examined the predictors of teenage childbearing. This research

consistently identifies several broad categories of factors that predict early sexual activity, pregnancy, and
xvi

adolescent nonmarital childbearing: school problems, behavior problems, poverty, and family problems. More

specifically, school problems include low grades and low educational aspirations. Behavior problems include

early smoking, use of illegal drugs, alcohol use, delinquency and discipline problems at school. Poverty at both

the family and the community level predict adolescent nonmarital parenthood. Family dysfunction has been

examined in many forms. Research indicates that early sexual abuse increases the risk of adolescent childbearing.

In addition, frequent residential moves and experiencing parental marital disruption have been found to elevate

the risk of adolescent parenthood. Also, varied measures of inadequate parenting, such as poor communication

and a lack of monitoring and involvement in the child’s activities, have been found to predict adolescent

parenthood.

Unfortunately, there are few studies of older unmarried persons, limiting our capacity to provide an assessment

of how educational and occupational goals and opportunities, risk-taking, family functioning, and socioeconomic

status predict to the occurrence of first and subsequent nonmarital births among adults. Confirming the

continuation of patterns identified among adolescents, or revising our understanding regarding older couples,

represents a priority for future research.

Attitudes, Values and Norms

Dramatic changes have occurred in Americans' views of marriage and childbearing. It is difficult to assess

whether changes in attitudes have occurred in response to changes in behavior or vice versa. Most probably,

influences have occurred in both directions. Moreover, the changes that have occurred in attitudes to date

represent a built-in support for sustaining the changes that have occurred, and may provide a momentum for

additional increases in nonmarital childbearing.

Major changes have occurred in attitudes about marriage. Although the vast majority of teenagers and young

adults expect to marry, only a minority feel that marriage is an essential part of life for them. For example, only

one in three young people agree that "It's better for a person to get married than to go through life being single."

Similarly, despite a widespread belief that children develop better when they grow up with both parents and

negative feelings about divorce as a way to resolve marital problems, four in five young people accept marital

dissolution when there are children in the family and parents do not get along. Also, only three in ten young

people agree that "single women should not have children, even if they want to."

Living together without being married is also accepted by a majority of contemporary young people, and only one

in five express strong moral disapproval. Concomitantly, most younger Americans accept premarital sex at least

for older teens and non-teens. Despite strong disagreement on the acceptability of abortion for unmarried people,

a substantial majority of Americans think that contraception should be available for teenagers and older persons.

In general, younger persons hold considerably more tolerant attitudes than older persons. Also, more religious

persons, regardless of affiliation, tend to hold more traditional attitudes. While youth care about the views of their

parents, they tend to be equally or more attentive to the values of their peers on some topics. Indeed, many youth

report acceptance of nontraditional marital and fertility behaviors from friends, and some youth report peer

pressure to become sexually experienced. Moreover, the greater tolerance in recent years for sex and childbearing

outside of marriage extends beyond the individual to family members, religious institutions, the media, and the

legal system. Despite this greater tolerance for childbearing outside of marriage, few young people, or their

parents, describe adolescent parenthood or nonmarital parenthood as desirable or sought-after events. Rather they

are tolerated.
xvii

In sum, the data paint a clear picture of increasing and substantial tolerance for nonmarital childbearing and the

behaviors leading up to nonmarital childbearing. Even if these tolerant attitudes and values do not actively

encourage parenthood outside of marriage for a given individual, they may increase its prevalence by reducing

the personal, social and familial pressures that have discouraged nonmarital parenthood in previous generations.

Strategies to Prevent or Reduce the Incidence of Nonmarital Childbearing

Given that most pregnancies occurring outside of marriage are unintended at the time of conception, there would

appear to be substantial common ground between the individuals who have children outside of marriage and the

policy makers and citizens who seek a reduction in nonmarital fertility. Despite this common ground, available

research doesn't identify any one factor as the reason for the upsurge in nonmarital childbearing. Consequently,

an array of interventions must be considered. While varied possibilities are suggested, a number of questions

might be considered as policies are formulated. 

Who or what system is the target of a given intervention? Are unmarried teenagers the target, or older

unmarried persons as well? Are females the target, or males as well? Are poor persons the target, or all

Americans? Are persons having unintended pregnancies the target, or is the target anyone who is not

financially prepared to support a child without public assistance?

What is the objective of the intervention? To delay sexual activity among teenagers? To delay sexual

activity until the first marriage? To discourage all sexual activity outside of marriage? To encourage

early marriage, to reduce the risk of nonmarital pregnancy? To encourage effective contraceptive use and

pregnancy prevention? To encourage certain resolutions of nonmarital births, e.g., adoption, abortion,

or marriage?

What mechanisms that might affect the incidence of nonmarital childbearing are amenable to policy

manipulation?

Is the intervention based on a short-term or a long-term strategy? For example, approaches to increase

marriage, abortion or adoption would represent short-term interventions, while structural interventions

to enhance job opportunities, to change community norms, or to improve education in at-risk

communities would represent long-term approaches.

How these questions are answered will presumably reflect considerations beyond the information currently

available from statistics and analytic studies. Here, however, the goal is to draw upon available research to

suggest a variety of strategies that might be considered by policy makers or program providers as they develop

strategies to reduce the incidence of nonmarital childbearing.

Family Life and Sex Education

For youth who are enrolled in and attend school, sex education programs can be developed that provide muchneeded information about the risks and responsibilities of sexual activity. Research to date suggests that the most

effective programs combine the teaching of abstinence with information about contraception; however, as yet

even the best programs have had only small to moderate impacts. To date, sex education has been found to

increase knowledge, and it has not been found to have unintended effects, such as hastening the initiation of

sexual activity. On the other hand, standard sex education has not been found to have very substantial intended
xviii

effects on behavior, though more comprehensive programs that combine elements such as role playing and

assertiveness training have been found to have somewhat larger effects. Consequently, there is a need to develop,

implement and evaluate stronger and more comprehensive curricula. In addition, there is a need to develop

approaches that build knowledge and attitudes when children are in elementary school and which continue through

high school. Parental and community involvement can help assure that programs address community needs and

concerns.

However, many youth at risk of a first or second nonmarital pregnancy are not attending conventional high

schools or junior high schools. In addition, most unmarried persons are not teenagers. Program providers might

therefore consider introducing sex and family life education into job training and GED programs, programs for

welfare recipients, television and radio, religious settings, correctional institutions, medical settings, and other

places that unmarried people gather.

Programs to Improve Educational and Occupational Options

Research conducted among adolescents consistently indicates that those teens who become parents are more likely

to be having trouble in school and are more likely to come from poor families and communities. Socioeconomic

disadvantage also characterizes non-teen unmarried parents. Thus, correlational evidence suggests that enhancing

the job skills, occupational prospects, and income of persons who face unstable and poorly-compensated

employment opportunities might be a promising strategy for reducing nonmarital childbearing. Such programs

may, for example, facilitate marriage by improving the economic prospects of prospective spouses. In addition,

enhancing future opportunities for people who often feel they have "nothing to lose" may increase the motivation

of disadvantaged persons for preventing early and nonmarital pregnancies. In addition, such programs could help

absent parents provide economic resources to marry the children’s other parent or at least to provide support for

their children. Examining whether past or current job training programs affect not only employment and earnings

but also marital and fertility behavior would be a useful addition to public policy discussions. At present, based

on the available scientific evidence, it is reasonable to assume that increasing educational and job opportunities

represents a promising strategy for promoting marriage and reducing the incidence of adolescent parenthood,

unintended pregnancy, and nonmarital childbearing.

Contraceptive Services

Among all unmarried American women aged 15-44, less than one in ten are sexually active, do not want to

become pregnant, and yet do not use contraception. However, these women account for about half of all

unintended pregnancies in the United States. The remaining women who had unintended pregnancies were using

contraception but experienced the failure of their method, or were not using their method correctly or consistently.

Contraceptives are not used or are inadequately used for a variety of reasons, including a lack of motivation and

concern over side effects; however, the cost and accessibility of services constitute an important barrier to the use

of effective methods of contraception. Many women lack health insurance, and even those who have insurance

often find that family planning services are not covered. Medicaid serves primarily women who are already

mothers and/or who receive Aid to Families with Dependent Children, while Title V of the Maternal and Child

Health program also focusses primarily on women who are already mothers or who are having a child. Hence,

Title X of the Public Health Service Act remains the critical federal source of funding for pregnancy prevention

among people who are not already parents or on welfare. Although virtually all states also provide monies for
xix

family planning, overall funding for subsidized contraceptive services has declined since 1980. Increased funding

for family planning represents an important step in reducing the incidence of nonmarital childbearing.

Community Awareness and Information Campaigns

Attempts to change individual and community attitudes about nonmarital childbearing (as opposed to adolescent

pregnancy) have rarely been initiated or evaluated. Such campaigns could be informational, providing

information about services available in the community, or persuasive, attempting to change attitudes about issues

such as male involvement in pregnancy prevention and/or childrearing. Community involvement is essential to

determine what the message should be, the target of the message, and the manner in which the message is

conveyed.

The Media

Research studies have repeatedly documented the differential attention given in all forms of media to nonmarital

sex, sex without commitment, spontaneous unprotected sex, and nonmarital parenthood, compared with the

attention given to abstinence, contraception, and marital parenthood. Little information is provided regarding

the risks associated with nonmarital sex or the costs of nonmarital parenthood, and relatively few positive role

models are provided for stable married sex and parenthood. Whether such differential attention reflects changes

in societal attitudes or is a cause of changes in social behavior is not clear; but both directions of influence seem

probable. Such one-sided coverage may cause increases in nonmarital childbearing, or may simply miss

opportunities to provide accurate information about the responsibilities of parenthood or positive role models for

adolescents and adults. 

One possible response is for viewers to avoid programming that encourages nonmarital sex and parenthood.

However, calls for parents to monitor the programming and reading of their children seem most likely to be

responded to by those parents whose children are least at risk. Moreover, appropriate approaches for older

unmarried individuals have not been developed and pose substantial complexities in a free market economy and

a nation that upholds freedom of speech. The availability of alternative programming (e.g., educational television

for children), rating systems, provisions for parents to suppress undesired television shows which can be easily

implemented by parents, and the addition of more positive messages (e.g., popular actors and actresses who

abstain from sex or who consistently use contraception) represent potential approaches.

Strengthening Families

Research indicates that children from single parent families face an elevated risk of themselves having an early,

nonmarital birth. Thus, reducing nonmarital childbearing might ultimately lower adolescent childbearing. 

Research indicates, moreover, that a majority of unmarried mothers had their first birth as teenagers. Numerous

studies of adolescent sexual and fertility behavior suggest that family problems are a risk factor for early

parenthood. Varied approaches to prevent sexual abuse, to support and preserve families, to involve members

of the extended kin network in childbearing, and to strengthen the childrearing knowledge and practices of both

mothers and fathers have been developed. Such approaches might prevent early nonmarital childbearing. They

might also assist unmarried parents to provide a more supportive environment for their children. Whether such
xx

interventions might have long-term impacts in preventing unintended and nonmarital childbearing is a question

in need of rigorous evaluation. 

Other approaches might focus on the marital bond, seeking to help parents form viable marriages. Couples who

marry may need additional support to sustain positive, low conflict relationships. Programs that strengthen

marriage would minimize the number of unmarried persons who are divorced or separated; they might also

enhance the lives of the children in these married-couple families.

Pregnancy Resolution

Decisions about how to resolve an unintended nonmarital pregnancy are intensely personal, and most programs

take a neutral, counseling approach. However, consideration might be given to any financial, legal and policy

barriers to adoption, abortion or marriage that serve to increase the number of nonmarital pregnancies that end

in nonmarital births. For example, declines in access and funding for abortion in some communities may have

contributed to the declining proportion of nonmarital pregnancies that end in abortion. Also, dramatic declines

in adoption have occurred in recent decades, in part reflecting changes in attitudes but possibly reflecting legal

and program obstacles to adoption and a lack of counseling that involves all concerned parties in reaching a fully

informed and thoughtful decision. In addition, programs may help couples who wish to marry to overcome the

obstacles they experience to establishing a viable marriage. 

Child Support

Males as well as females can be the target of all of the programs discussed. Given custody patterns, one program

that is more likely to be directed at males is child support enforcement. Not only does stronger enforcement

increase the income available to children and make employment a more realistic alternative to welfare for

mothers, enforcement may provide an incentive to males to prevent pregnancy or to marry. Research shows that

men who do not marry the mothers of their children experience few of the costs associated with childrearing.

Increasingly strict and sure enforcement of child support obligations could change the balance of possible costs

and benefits for unmarried males. Although some of the fathers of babies born outside of marriage are teenagers,

even among teen mothers two-thirds of the fathers are older than age nineteen. Hence, it is realistic to expect the

vast majority of these fathers to provide at least some level of support for their children. While establishing

paternity and enforcing collection of child support require resources, a gain achieved by sending a message about

responsible fatherhood could make more rigorous enforcement increasingly cost-effective. For fathers who are

unemployed or have extremely low and erratic earnings, education and training may enable them to provide

support for their children.

Public Policy

Research does not support the widespread contention that teenagers, unmarried women, or mothers already on

welfare seek pregnancy in order to obtain welfare benefits or greater welfare benefits. Less research is available

on incentives regarding marital decisions. The expansion of welfare eligibility to include two-parent families

experiencing unemployment is intended to reduce any potential marriage effect; but it is not known how many

unmarried fathers qualify under the work history provisions of the program. Research examining the effects of

the expansion of AFDC to unemployed parents (AFDC-UP) seems warranted. Marriage penalties in other

programs and in the tax code also merit re-thinking. Suggestions to cut back the Earned Income Tax Credit,
xxi

which assists married as well as unmarried employed parents, also deserve thoughtful debate. In addition, the

implicit marriage penalty in the Earned Income Tax Credit warrants the attention of policy makers. As noted

repeatedly, increases in nonmarital childbearing reflect changes in marriage as much or more than changes in

fertility behavior, emphasizing the importance of considering how policies and programs affect not just fertility

but marital behavior.

Research and Data Needs

Considerable research has been conducted on adolescent parenthood, but far less is known about fertility and

marital behavior among adults. While available research indicates that nonmarital childbearing reflects a broad

array of influences, little research has been conducted that incorporates the full array of influences. Moreover,

because many of the changes that have occurred have been quite recent, there is a need for research to be equally

up-to-date. Descriptive studies that chart the varied patterns of marital and fertility events over time are needed.

In addition, contemporary studies which examine marriage, fertility, and economic factors in tandem, are much

needed. The differential implications of being never-married as opposed to being separated, widowed, or

divorced also need to be examined, and the effects of cohabitation versus legal marriage need more study. Also,

the mediating links between family structure and negative child outcomes such as school and behavior problems

require further analysis. Moreover, work is needed to understand the effects of media and the sources of recent

changes in attitudes and values about marriage and childbearing. Since most research has focussed on teenagers

and females, more studies are particularly needed of males and adults. 

Surveys that support the tracking of changes in marital and fertility behavior need to be continued, for example,

the National Survey of Family Growth. Comparative data for other industrialized countries also needs to be more

readily available. In addition, studies that have labor force and economic topics as their central focus need to

incorporate measures of marital and fertility behavior as well, e.g., the 1996 Cohort of the National Longitudinal

Survey of Youth and the planned extension of the Survey of Income and Program Participation referred to as the

Survey of Program Dynamics.

Research is also needed that examines the effect of natural and/or planned experiments not just on labor market

and income outcomes, but on marriage and fertility behavior as well. Such studies can examine the effects of

policies implemented during the 1980s and should also track the implications of changes currently being

implemented. Finally, interventions designed to ameliorate the negative consequences associated with nonmarital

childbearing need to be evaluated, e.g., programs that assist absent parents to provide economic and emotional

support to their children.

Conclusions

The dramatic increase in unmarried childbearing in the United States reflects changes in marital behavior as much

or more than changes in fertility behavior. Americans are not having more babies; they're having fewer

marriages. The economic and social circumstances which make marriage less attractive, less necessary, or less

feasible, are one of the root causes of the increase in single-parent families. With young people initiating sexual

activity earlier than before, but delaying or rejecting marriage, they face many years at risk of unmarried

childbearing. Higher divorce rates and more frequent cohabitation have also increased the size of the population

at risk of nonmarital parenthood. Most nonmarital births are unintended, as parents are unable to obtain, do not

choose, or fail to use effective contraception on a regular basis. 
xxii

Today three in ten births is nonmarital. There is no typical unmarried parent, but nonmarital childbearing is

higher among those who are less educated and poor. Rates are higher among black women but rising faster

among white women. Rates of unmarried childbearing have increased in all groups and in all communities across

the country. The majority of teen mothers are unmarried, but the majority of unmarried births are to women in

their twenties or older. 

Public concern tends to focus on adolescent parents, which is reasonable since half of all first nonmarital births

occur to teens. Nevertheless, of all nonmarital births, seven in ten occur to women age twenty and older. Even

among adolescent mothers, two-thirds of the fathers of the babies are twenty or older. Moreover, despite

glamourous media portrayals of nonmarital sex and parenthood, most unmarried partners are economically and

socially disadvantaged. Research studies indicate that single parenthood poses costs for the taxpayer and

difficulties for mothers and for children that range from small to moderate in magnitude, depending on the

outcome. 

Programs and policies to reduce nonmarital childbearing must reflect the many causes or factors associated with

childbearing outside of marriage. Welfare is often asserted to be a primary cause of increases in nonmarital

fertility, but research to date indicates that welfare is at most a small part of the explanation. Current welfare and

other public policies may affect the likelihood that couples marry, remain together or remarry, however,

possibilities that should be studied by researchers and policy makers. 

Given evidence that early and nonmarital childbearing are more common among disadvantaged persons, programs

designed to improve educational and occupational opportunities -- for men and women -- represent a promising

approach to reducing nonmarital fertility. Specifically, the presence of positive opportunities may provide the

motivation to delay sex, use contraception, or not have a child outside of marriage. 

The role of information about sex, pregnancy and pregnancy prevention, as well as access to contraceptive

services also requires recognition. Misinformation about contraception, difficulty in obtaining access to

contraception, and an inability to pay for contraception can increase the risk of unintended pregnancy, irrespective

of individual motivation. 

In sum, as there is no one cause or consequence, there is no one simple strategy certain to reduce the incidence

of nonmarital childbearing or to address the negative consequences associated with childbearing outside of

marriage. Rather, it must be recognized that marriage and fertility have complex causes, ranging from values,

economic and educational opportunities, family problems, role models, peer and media influences, the availability

of contraceptive services and information, and public policies.
The Demography of

Out-of-Wedlock Childbearing

Stephanie J. Ventura

National Center for Health Statistics

Christine A. Bachrach

Laura Hill

National Institute of Child Health and Human Development

Kelleen Kaye 

Pamela Holcomb

Elisa Koff

Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation

This document is the result of the cooperative work of many people besides

those listed as authors, including Joyce Abma, Jeff Evans, Mary Anne

Freedman, Gesine Hearn, Robert Heuser, Tanya Koropeckyj-Cox, Jennifer

Madans, T. J. Mathews, Kristin Moore, Phil Morgan, Susan Newcomer, Janel

Pearlman, Linda Peterson, and Herb Smith. Sarah Hinkle and Dorothy Day were

consulted regarding covers, page layout, and chart design. Donna Wright and

Chris Taylor provided essential expertise and support in the development of

graphics, tables, and report layout. Larry Bumpass, Neil Bennett, Ed Laumann,

Allan Parnell, Ronald Rindfuss, and Arland Thornton provided helpful

comments on earlier drafts of the manuscript.
3

The Demography of Out-of-Wedlock 

Childbearing

Introduction collected annually; thus the statistics presented

The dramatic increases in out-of-wedlock

childbearing observed in the United States Highlights include:

over recent decades are the result of changes 

in demographic behavior that have affected all Out-of-wedlock childbearing has been

segments of our population. The size of the increasing in the United States for over

unmarried population has increased as a half a century. The rate of nonmarital

consequence of the high birth rates during the birth in 1993 was more than six times

late 1940s through the early 1960s, and the the rate in 1940, and the proportion of

unprecedented postponement of marriage by births that occur outside of marriage

those in the “baby-boom” generation. has risen from 4 to 31 percent. By

Dramatic changes in sexual activity, most measures, the increase has

contraceptive use, and abortion have also accelerated sharply over the past 15

contributed to the increases in out-of-wedlock years. Most recently, however, the

childbearing. This report presents information pace of increase has slowed, especially

about the trends in nonmarital for the nonmarital birth rate, which has

(out-of-wedlock) childbearing and the remained essentially unchanged for the

underlying trends in marriage and fertility that three years 1991-93.

have combined to drive up nonmarital or

out-of-wedlock births . It examines variation Out-of-wedlock childbearing has 1

in the level of out-of-wedlock childbearing increased among all women of

from one population group to another, and reproductive age and among all racial

differences among groups in how rapidly and ethnic groups in our population. 

out-of-wedlock births have increased. It Most nonmarital or out-of-wedlock

provides information about how the behavior births occur to women in their 

of unmarried people has changed to increase twenties, and less than one in three

the risk of conceiving or fathering a child occur to teenagers. Nonetheless, 72

outside of marriage, and to increase the percent of births to teenagers are

likelihood of the child beginning life in a out-of-wedlock. Rates of nonmarital

single-parent family. It examines whether birth historically have been higher

nonmarital childbearing is a one-time or a among black than white women, but

repeated event for those who begin their the differences have narrowed over

childbearing careers as unmarried mothers. time, and most out-of-wedlock births

Finally, it puts the experience in the United currently occur to white women.

States in context, by presenting data on

out-of-wedlock childbearing in other Delayed marriage, increasing

industrialized countries. nonmarriage, and high rates of divorce

Although prepared before the release of the increase in out-of-wedlock childbearing

1993 vital statistics data, this report has been

updated to include those data wherever

possible. Data from most other sources are not

in this report vary in recency.

have played a critical role in driving the
4

since the 1960s. Among births to black also contributed to increasing

mothers, the higher proportion outside nonmarital or out-of-wedlock

ofmarriage has been primarily attributable to childbearing. The proportion of

sharp declines in the proportion of unmarried pregnant women who

childbearing-age women who are married; choose abortion has declined

among births to white mothers, the increase substantially over the past decade, from

has resulted from increased birth rates among 60 to 46 percent. Among those

unmarried women as well as declines in unmarried women who carry their

marriage. pregnancies to term, the proportion

A substantial proportion of declined continuously since the early

out-of-wedlock births -- over one 1960s. 

quarter of those between 1970 and

1984 -- occur to cohabiting couples. Although many unmarried mothers

Children born to cohabiting couples marry soon after the birth of their child

begin life in a two-parent family, but (40 percent within five years), being an

their chances of experiencing the unmarried mother may actually reduce

breakup of their parents’ union is the chances of subsequent marriage. 

higher than for children born within a

legal marriage. Among the four million never-married

Changes in the sexual behavior of percent) had additional children. 

unmarried people have contributed to However, only one-fifth had more than

increasing rates of out-of-wedlock two children. 

childbearing. Sexual intercourse has

occurred at an increasingly earlier age Increasing out-of-wedlock childbearing

for both men and women, and the is a fact of life in most industrialized

proportion postponing sexual initiation nations today. Sweden and Denmark

until marriage has declined. Despite have a higher proportion of babies born

some improvement in contraceptive outside of marriage than the United

practice during the 1980s, about one in States; Canada, Great Britain and

ten unmarried women aged 15-44 still France have similar proportions; and

become pregnant each year. The vast Japan and the Netherlands have a lower

majority of these pregnancies are proportion. In all countries but Japan,

unintended, and, in 1991, nearly half the proportion of babies born outside of

ended in induced abortion. marriage has been increasing.

Changes in the behavior of unmarried

women who become pregnant have

who marry before their child's birth has

mothers in 1992, nearly half (48
5

I. Overall Trends

Figure I-1. Number of births to unmarried women: United States, 1940-93

Sources: Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53).

1995. Ventura, SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995. See

Appendix table I-1.

Between 1940 and 1993 the number of

nonmarital births occurring each year in the 2

United States increased from 89,500 to

1,240,172 -- nearly fourteen times the 1940

total. Growth in the number of nonmarital births

has slowed during the last few years. During the

period 1980-90, the number grew an average of

about 6% each year; during the period 1990-93,

it grew by only about 2% each year. Information

on the number of nonmarital births tells us how

many children are beginning their lives with a

mother who is not legally married. To the extent

that such children are more likely to depend on

public programs, this number is useful for

tracking and forecasting demand for social,

financial and health services for babies and their

mothers.
6

I. Overall Trends 

Figure I-2. Birth rate for unmarried women: United States, 1940-93

Sources: Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53).

1995. Ventura, SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995. See

Appendix table I-2.

The rate of nonmarital birth increased from

7.1 births per 1000 women in 1940 to 45.3 in

1993. After declining in the early 1970s, the

rate increased dramatically during the late

1970s and 1980s. Since 1991, it has remained

essentially stable. The nonmarital birth rate

measures the likelihood that an unmarried

woman will give birth in a given year. As a 3

measure of the fertility behavior of unmarried

women, it gives information about one reason

-- but not the only reason -- why the number

of nonmarital births might change.

Comparing rates across time and different

population groups provides information about

which women are most at risk of nonmarital

birth, and sets the stage for investigating the

reasons why.
7

I. Overall Trends 

Figure I-3. Proportion of births to unmarried women: United States, 1940-93.

Sources: Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53).

1995. Ventura, SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995. Vital

Statistics of the United States, 1993, Volume I, Natality. In preparation. See Appendix table I-3.

The nonmarital birth ratio measures the

proportion of all births that occur to unmarried

women. Between 1940 and 1993, this ratio

increased from 38 to 310 per 1000 births -- that

is, from less than 4% to 31% of all births. The

nonmarital birth ratio is useful for

understanding the proportion of all children

who begin life with unmarried parents, and the

extent to which children born in a given year

may be affected by any disadvantage -

economic, social, emotional or health -

associated with being born outside of marriage.

The measure is also used to assess trends in

nonmarital birth when the information needed

to calculate rates is not available.
8

I. Overall Trends 

Figure I-3. Proportion of births to unmarried women: United States, 1940-93.

However, the ratio is not ideal for this purpose, women who are married, and the birth rates of

because it is affected not only by the rate of married women.

nonmarital birth, but by other factors such as

the age distribution of women, the proportion of
Rate per 1,000 women aged 15-44 in specified group

Unmarried

Married

9

I. Overall Trends 

Figure I-4. Birth rates by marital status of mother: United States, 1970-93

Source: Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53).

1995. Ventura SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995. 

National Center for Health Statistics. Vital Statistics of the U.S., 1993. Volume I, Natality. In preparation. See Appendix table I-2.

Comparing trends in the birth rates for married births in the United States has been underway

and unmarried women helps to illustrate why for over half a century. Although both the

the nonmarital birth ratio is an imperfect number and ratio of nonmarital births

indicator of trends in nonmarital birth rates. increased slowly between 1940 and 1960,

During 1991-93, nonmarital birth rates nonmarital birth rates tripled during that 

remained unchanged but the nonmarital birth period, from 7.1 in 1940 to 21.6. This was a

ratio increased from 295 to 310 per 1000 period characterized by increasing fertility for

births. An important reason for this was the

continuing decline in marital birth rates, from

89.9 per 1000 women in 1991 to 86.8 in 1993.

Section III of this report provides a detailed

analysis of the factors that have contributed to

change in the nonmarital birth ratio since 1960.

However measured, the increase in nonmarital

all women and rising divorce rates. Beginning

in the 1970s, the number, rate, and ratio of

nonmarital births all increased dramatically for

women in the United States. The pace has

slowed considerably, however, since 1991.
10

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births

Figure II-1. Birth rates for unmarried women by age: United States, 1940-93

Sources: Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53).

1995. Ventura, SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995. See

Appendix table I-2.

Unmarried women in their twenties are most all age groups over 20 increased between 1940

likely to give birth, and those over age 35 are and the mid-1960s, decreased between the midleast likely. In 1993, unmarried women aged 1960s and mid-1970s (most likely because of

20-24 gave birth at a rate of 69.2 per 1000, increased access to legal abortion), and have

more than three times the rate for unmarried increased since that time. Nonmarital birth

women aged 35-39, 19.0 per 1000. Women in rates for teenagers (15-19 years) have followed

their late teens (aged 18-19) give birth at nearly a different pattern, increasing fairly gradually,

the same rate (66.9 per 1000) as women in their but steadily, since 1940. All age groups

early twenties, but school-age teens (aged experienced sharp increases in nonmarital birth

15-17) had a much lower rate of nonmarital rates during the late 1980s. Rates increased 

birth (30.6 per 1000). very slightly or declined between 1991 and

For most age groups, nonmarital birth rates

have not increased steadily over time. Rates for

4

1993.
11

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births 

Figure II-2. Distribution of nonmarital births by age: United States, 1970 and 1993

Sources: Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53). 

1995. Ventura, SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995. See

Appendix table I-1. 

Less than one in three nonmarital births occur of marriage are also in their twenties when the

to teenaged women; over half occur to women birth occurs. By using data from a 1988 study

in their twenties. This picture has changed to complement incomplete Vital Statistics

since 1970, when half of nonmarital births information on fathers, researchers estimated

occurred to teens. The greater proportion of that men aged 20-29 accounted for 62% of

nonmarital births now occurring to women in nonmarital births. However, unmarried fathers

their twenties reflects the aging of the were older, on average, than unmarried

unmarried population: because women now mothers. Only 15% of unmarried fathers were

wait until older ages to marry, if they marry at under age 20 - about half the proportion among

all, the average age of the population at risk of mothers. Twenty-four percent of unmarried

having a nonmarital birth has increased. fathers, but only 14% of unmarried mothers

The majority of fathers of babies born outside

were aged 30 or above in 1988.5
12

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births 

Figure II-3. Birth rates for unmarried women by race: United States, 1970-93

Sources: Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53). 

1995. Ventura, SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995. See

Appendix table I-2.

The level and trend of nonmarital childbearing women. In 1970, this rate for black women

varies widely among different racial and ethnic (95.5 per 1000) was nearly 7 times as high as

populations within the United States. Rates of the rate for white women (13.9). By 1993, the

nonmarital birth historically have been higher nonmarital birth rate for black women was 2.3

among black than white women. However, the times the rate for white women (84.0 compared

differences have narrowed over time as with 35.9 per 1000). 

nonmarital birth rates for white women have

increased more steadily than those for black
13

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births 

Figure II-4. Birth rates for unmarried women by age, race, and Hispanic origin: United

States, 1993

Sources: Ventura, SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995.

See Appendix table I-2 and II-1.

Overall, the nonmarital birth rate for Hispanic teens and early twenties, and decline sharply at

women, 95.2 per 1,000 in 1993, is higher than older ages. Nonmarital birth rates for Hispanic

those for white or black women. This reflects women are highest during the early and late

the higher rates for Hispanic women aged 25 twenties, and remain high at older ages. 

and older compared with white and black Nonmarital birth rates for white women peak in

women (see Appendix Table II-1). the late teens and early twenties, but decline

The age pattern of nonmarital childbearing those for other groups.

varies among groups. Nonmarital birth rates 

for black women are highest during the late

more gradually in subsequent ages compared to
All origins

Hispanic

Total

Non-Hispanic

Total

14

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births 

Figure II-5. Percent of births to unmarried women by mother’s place of birth, by Hispanic

origin: United States, 1992

Source: National Center for Health Statistics. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1992, Volume I, Natality. In preparation.

Figure II-6. Percent of births to unmarried women by mother’s place of birth, by race or

national origin: United States, 1992

*Includes births to women of Hispanic and non-Hispanic origin.

Source: National Center for Health Statistics. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1992, Volume I, Natality. In preparation.
15

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births 

Figures II-5 and II-6:

The proportion of births to unmarried mothers patterns as well as differences in rates of marital

(the nonmarital birth ratio) also varies among and nonmarital birth.

different racial and ethnic groups in the United

States, and by mother's place of birth. For The impact of immigration on trends in

example, among births to women born in the 50 nonmarital childbearing is not clearly

States and the District of Columbia in 1992, the understood. Nonmarital birth ratios are high in

percent that occurred to unmarried mothers was some, but by no means all, groups whose

12% among Chinese women, 37% among numbers have increased through immigration

Filipino women, 19% among non-Hispanic over recent decades. For most ethnic groups,

white women, 37% among Mexican women, the proportion of nonmarital births is lower for

59% among Puerto Rican women, and 70% mothers who are first generation immigrants

among non-Hispanic black women. These (born outside the United States) than for

differences reflect differences among racial and mothers born in the United States of the same

ethnic populations in age distribution, race or ethnicity.

education, place of residence, and marriage
16

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births

Figure II-7. Distribution of nonmarital births by age and race: United States, 1993

1,240,172 Births

Source: Ventura, SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995 See

Appendix table I-1.

In 1993, the majority of nonmarital births for 48% of all nonmarital births and only 29%

(60%) occurred to white women, and most of of the total were to white women aged 20 and

these (42% of all nonmarital births) occurred to older. The change in distribution reflects the

white women aged 20 or older. Less than 2 in 5 much greater increase in the nonmarital birth

(36%) occurred to black women; less than one rate for white than for black women, especially

in 9 (11%) to black teens. Only 4% of all among women aged 20 and older. 

nonmarital births were to women of other races. 

As recently as 1980, white women accounted
17

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births 

Figure II-8. Birth rates for unmarried women aged 25-29 by educational attainment, race

and Hispanic origin: United States, 1992

Source: Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53).

1995. See Appendix table II-3.

Nonmarital birth rates tend to be highest among discussed above is evident at all ages. In each

women who are least educated, and lowest age group between 20 and 44 years, unmarried

among those who have completed college. women with less than a high school diploma

Rates of nonmarital birth are especially high are at least three times as likely to have a baby

among Hispanic women with fewer than 9 years as unmarried women with some college. (See

of schooling. Among black women, rates of Appendix Table II-3).

nonmarital birth are highest among high school

graduates. In all groups, rates are substantially Educational differences account for some, but

lower for women who have attended college not all, of the differences in nonmarital

(13 years or more), compared to those with childbearing among different racial and ethnic

high school diplomas. groups. Even among college graduates, rates

These comparisons are limited to an age group black and Hispanic women.

(25-29) in which most women have completed

their schooling, but the pattern of differences

of nonmarital birth are lower for white than for
18

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births

Figure II-9. Birth rates per 1,000 unmarried women aged 15-44 by state: United States, 1990

Source: Clarke SC and Ventura SJ. Birth and Fertility Rates for States: United States, 1990. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health

Statistics. Series 21, No. 52. 1994

Birth rates for unmarried women vary widely

by state. Much of the variation is associated

with variations in the composition of state

populations in characteristics such as age, race

and ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and urban

or rural residence. States with the highest rates

in 1990 were mainly concentrated in the south

and southwest regions of the country. 
19

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births

Figure II-10. Percent change in birth rates for unmarried women from 1980 to 1990 by state

Sources: Clarke SC and Ventura, SJ. Birth and Fertility Rates for States: United States, 1990. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health

Statistics. Series 21, No. 52. 1994. Taffel, SM. Birth and Fertility Rates for States: United States, 1980. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and

Health Statistics. Series 21, No. 42. 1984.. 

Nonmarital birth rates increased in all states

between 1980 and 1990. In all but three states,

rates increased by 20% or more. Rates

increased at least 40% in 30 states and the

District of Columbia. States in the southwest

and a few northern states experienced the

greatest increases in nonmarital birth rates.
White

Black

20

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births

Figure II-11. Percent of births to unmarried women by population-size of residence and

race: United States, 1980 and 1992

Source: National Center for Health Statistics. Vital Statistics of the United States, Volume 1, Natality. Issues for 1980 and 1992. See Appendix II-6.

Although nonmarital childbearing is commonly

perceived as an urban phenomenon, a

substantial proportion of births occurs outside

of marriage in places of all sizes. Nonmarital

birth ratios are higher in large cities than in

small towns. But the proportion of births

outside of marriage has increased in all sizes of

places since 1980. For example, among births

to white women living in places of less than

100,000 population, the percent occurring

outside of marriage doubled between 1980 and

1992, from 10 to 20%.
23

16

61

32

46

21

30

69

44

56

60

40

0 20 40 60 80

Percent with characteristic

Characteristics

Previously married at time of birth

Never married at birth; married after birth

Never married at birth; still unmarried

High school graduate

Less than high school education

More than high school education

Family received welfare as child

Family did not receive welfare

Grew up in intact family

Family not intact

First birth as teen

First birth at age 20+

21

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births

Figure II-12. Characteristics of women who had a nonmarital birth, 1983-88

Source: Hearn GV, J Evans, KA Moore, and BW Sugland. The Many Faces of Nonmarital Childbearing. 1995. Child Trends, Inc. Working Paper.

When they hear the phrase “unmarried parent”, than a high school education when they were

many Americans picture a teenage girl who has interviewed in 1988, 47% had graduated high

never been married. However, there is no school and 21% had received at least some

typical unmarried parent. We have seen that college education. Thirty-one percent had

less than one in three nonmarital births occurs grown up in families that received public

to women in their teens, and that most occur to assistance at some point during their childhood;

white women. Data from a national survey tell but 69% had not. Forty-four percent lived with

us more about the varied characteristics of both their mother and their father until they

women who had a nonmarital birth during were 16 years old, while 56% lived in a single1983-88. About one quarter (23%) of these parent household (or in some other

women had already been married, then arrangement) at some time during their

separated, divorced or widowed, by the time childhood. Sixty percent of the unmarried

they had their nonmarital birth, and 16% had mothers had begun their childbearing as

given birth before marrying but then married teenagers, and 29% in their early 20s.

between the time of the birth and their interview

in 1988. While 32% of these mothers had less The same national survey gives us information 
22

II. Trends and Differentials in Nonmarital Births

Figure II-12. Characteristics of women who had a nonmarital birth, 1983-88

about men who became unmarried fathers report having a child outside of marriage are

during 1983-88. Because some men did not older and more economically secure, on

report (and perhaps did not know about) their average, than women who gave birth outside of

out-of-wedlock children, the data are marriage during the same period. 

incomplete. The results show that men who did
23

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-1. Number of women by age: United States, 1940-92, and projections to 2010

Source: Compiled from data published by U.S. Bureau of the Census. See Appendix table III-1.

Increases in the number and ratio of nonmarital The number of women in their childbearing

births can be affected by several demographic years is an important factor influencing the

factors: the size of the population "at risk" of number of births that occur in a given year. 

giving birth, the proportion of individuals who The number of women in their late teens and

are unmarried, and birth rates among both twenties increased sharply during the 1960s and

married and unmarried women . This chart 1970s as the large cohorts born in the "baby 6

and those which follow show trends in these boom" years of the 1950s and early 1960s came

underlying demographic factors, and examine of age. Numbers of women in these age groups

the contributions of each to the increase in the began to decline again in the 1980s, but will rise

proportion of births that occur outside of again soon. The number of teenaged women

marriage. (aged 15-19) will increase by 11% between

1995 and 2000, and by 26% by the year 2010.
24

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-2. Percent unmarried*, female population by age: United States, 1940-92

*Includes never married, widowed, and divorced women.

Source: Compiled from data published by U.S. Bureau of the Census 1940-92. See Appendix table III-1.

Figure III-3. Percent unmarried*, male population by age: United States, 1950-92

*Includes never married, widowed, and divorced men.

Source: Compiled from data published by US Bureau of the Census 1950-92. See Appendix table III-2.
25

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figures III-2 and III-3.

Changing patterns of marriage have combined example, between 1955 and 1992, the percent

with fluctuations in the size of the population at unmarried increased from 49 to 82 among men

each age to alter the number of unmarried 20-24 years of age, and from 30 to 54 among

women of childbearing age. This number is an men 25-29 years of age. During the same time

important determinant of the number of

nonmarital births; the nonmarital birth ratio is

affected by both the number of married women

and the number of unmarried women. Patterns

of marriage among men are just as important as

those among women in affecting these

outcomes. This section examines changes in

marriage among both men and women.

Men and women are much less likely to be

married than they were forty years ago. The

changes in marriage patterns have occurred

among all ages, but have been especially

dramatic among those in their twenties. For

period, the percent of women unmarried

increased from 31 to 68 among those 20-24

years of age, and from 14 to 41% among those

aged 25-29. 

The proportion of teenagers who are unmarried

has historically been very high, but substantial

increases have occurred in the proportion of

college-aged teens (18-19) who are unmarried -

from 68% among women aged 18-19 in 1955 to

91% in 1992. These trends show no sign of

abating.
26

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-4. Divorce rate per 1,000 married women aged 15 years and older: United States,

1940-93

Source: Clarke, SC. Advance Report of Final Divorce Statistics, 1989 and 1990. National Center for Health Statistics, 1995; Division of Vital Statistics,

NCHS. Provisional Data for 1991-93.

Among men and women in the early child, particularly among those over age thirty. 

childbearing ages, the decline in the married

population largely reflects delays in the timing Most nonmarital births occur to women who

of first marriage. The percent of women aged have never been married. But about one in four

25-29 who had never married tripled, from 11 are born to women who are divorced, widowed

to 33%, between 1950 and 1992. In addition, or separated. Among births to unmarried 7

increases in divorce during the 1960s and 1970s women during the period 1970-84, 28%

and declines in remarriage rates have helped to occurred to women who had been previously 8

swell the numbers of previously married men married .

and women who could father or give birth to a

9
Never married Married Separated Divorced Widowed

27

III. What’s Driving The Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-5. Percent distribution by marital status according to race and ethnicity,

population aged 15-44: United States, 1992

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. Current Population Reports. Series P20, No. 468. Marital Status and Living Arrangements: March 1992. See

Appendix table III-3.

Lower rates of marriage, and not increased white and 42% of Hispanic persons of the same

separation or divorce, are primarily responsible age. Further, some studies project that the

for the higher proportions of black men and

women who are unmarried. Over half (58%) of

black men and women aged 15-44 had never

been married in 1992, compared with 38% of

proportion of women who will never marry has

risen over recent decades, with the increase

particularly steep among black women .

10
28

III. What’s Driving The Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-6. Percent population aged 20-29 never married, by sex and race: United States,

1970, 1980 and 1992

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. Current Population Reports. Series P20. Marital Status and Living Arrangements: 1970/80/92. See Appendix

table III-3.

Increases in the proportions never married have 1970. By contrast, 61% of white men and 45%

been dramatic in both the black and white of white women of the same age were never

populations. By 1992, 76% of black men and married in 1992, up from 37% and 23%,

70% of black women aged 20-29 were never respectively, in 1970.

married, up from 43% and 33%, respectively, in
Age of mother

Race/ethnicity

29

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-7. Percent of nonmarital births 1970-84 occurring to cohabiting women, by

characteristics of mother

Source: Bumpass, LL and JA Sweet. 1989. Children’s Experience in Single-Parent Families: Implications of Cohabitation and Marital Transitions. 

Family Planning Perspectives 21(6):256-260.

Over recent decades, as marriage has declined Cohabitation is important for nonmarital

and divorce risen, nonmarital cohabitation has childbearing because a substantial proportion of

emerged as an increasingly common living nonmarital births -- over one quarter of those

arrangement among American men and between 1970 and 1984 -- occurs to cohabiting

women . Although cohabitation has long couples, according to data from the National 11

existed in other societies, it has only recently Survey of Families and Households. 

become well established within the United Nonmarital birth may have different

States. A cohabiting couple is usually defined consequences for these children, who begin life

as one in which the partners are unmarried but with two co-resident parents rather than one. 

share the same living quarters. Information on But research shows important differences

cohabitation is now collected by the Census between cohabitation and legal marriage. Most

Bureau and many surveys, but federal statistics significantly, cohabitation lacks the long-term

provide little information on trends in stability of legal marriage. Many

cohabitation.
30

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-7. Percent of nonmarital births 1970-84 occurring to cohabiting women, by

characteristics of mother

cohabiting couples separate within a few years. 

During the 1970s, about 60% of cohabiting

couples married each other within three years,

but this proportion has since declined to less

than 40%. Furthermore, those couples that do 12

marry are more likely to divorce, compared to

those that did not cohabit before marriage . 

13
31

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-8. Union formation by age 25: Women by year born

Source: Bumpass, LL and JA Sweet. 1989. National Estimates of Cohabitation. Demography 26(4):615-625.

Cohabitation has increased dramatically in

recent decades. Among women born in the

early 1940s, only 3% cohabited before age 25;

among those born twenty years later, 37% had

done so. Because of the rise in cohabitation,

women born in the later time period were nearly

as likely as those born earlier to enter into some

type of union by age 25. This suggests that

young men and women, while delaying legal

marriage, are not delaying the formation of

co-residential sexual unions.
32

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-9. Percent of unmarried women currently cohabiting by age: United States, 1987-

88 and 1992-94

Source: Bumpass, LL and JA Sweet. 1995. Cohabitation, Marriage and Union Stability: Preliminary Findings from NSFH2. CDE Working Paper 65. 

Madison: Center for Demography and Ecology, University of Wisconsin. See Appendix table III-5.

Cohabitation continued to increase in the late up from 17% in 1987-88. In 1992-94, about

1980s and early 1990s. Between 22 and 23% half of all persons aged 25-39 had ever

of unmarried persons in their late twenties and cohabited.

thirties were currently cohabiting in 1992-94;

14
33

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-10. Percent of unmarried women aged 25-39 currently cohabiting, by race and

years of education: United States, 1987-88 and 1992-94

Source: Bumpass, LL and JA Sweet. 1995. Cohabitation, Marriage and Union Stability: Preliminary Findings from NSFH2. CDE Working Paper 65. 

Madison: Center for Demography and Ecology, University of Wisconsin. See Appendix table III-5.

The prevalence of cohabitation differs among Cohabitation is less common among unmarried

different ethnic groups. White women are more women who have attended or graduated from

likely to cohabit than black women, and more college than among those with a high school

likely to marry once cohabiting. Mexican education or less. In the early 1990s, 27% of

American women are about as likely to cohabit unmarried women who had completed 12 or

as non-Hispanic white women , but are more fewer years of education were currently 15

likely to have a nonmarital birth within a cohabiting, compared with 17% among those

cohabitational union (see figure III-7). with 16 or more years of education.
34

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-11. Birth rates for women aged 20-29 years by age and marital status: United

States, 1970-93

Sources: Ventura SJ, Martin JA, Taffel SM, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1992. Monthly Vital Statistics Report, Vol. 43, No. 5,

Suppl. 1994. Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995. Vital Statistics of the

United States, 1992. Volume I, Natality. In preparation. See Appendix tables I-2 and III-7.

The nonmarital birth ratio is affected by

changes in the number of marital births as well

as changes in the number of nonmarital births. 

For example, the ratio would increase if fewer

births occurred to married women, even if the

number of births to unmarried women did not

change at all. To understand changes in this

ratio, then, information on trends in marital

fertility is necessary.

Although the overall birth rate for married

women 15-44 years of age has declined almost

continuously since the early 1960s, from 157

per 1000 women in 1960 to 87 in 1993, agespecific birth rates for married women actually

increased from the early 1970s to 1990. This

apparent anomaly is a result of changing

marriage patterns. As marriage has been

delayed to later and later ages, the population of

married women who could give birth has grown

increasingly older. Marital birth rates decline

sharply with increasing age, so the average rate

at which married women give birth has

declined, even though rates at each age have

increased modestly.

At each age, nonmarital birth rates have

increased more rapidly than marital birth rates, 
35

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-11. Birth rates for women aged 20-29 years by age and marital status: United

States 1970-93

pushing the nonmarital birth ratio up. For affected birth rates within marriage? Little

example, among women 20-24 years of age, research has addressed this question. It is

the marital birth rate increased from 202 to 208 possible that, as increasing proportions of

births per 1000 women between 1980 and 1993, couples enter marriage with children already

a 3% increase. During the same period, the present, the rates of childbearing within

nonmarital birth rate for women of the same age marriage could decline. On the other hand,

increased from 41 to 69, a 69% increase. research has shown that marriage tends to

Despite the increases in nonmarital birth, birth children from previous marriages are present.

rates for married women are still dramatically Further research is needed to study the

higher than those for unmarried women. interrelationship between nonmarital and

Have the increases in nonmarital birth rates

increase the odds of childbearing even when

16

marital fertility trends.
36

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Decomposition of Trends in the Nonmarital Birth Ratio among Black and White Women in

the United States, 1960-92

In a statistical sense, the nonmarital birth ratio is specific rates for unmarried white women aged

a function of four components. These include 20 and older rose from 1960 to the late 1960s

the age-specific birth rates for unmarried and then dropped until the mid 1970s. Since the

women; the age-specific birth rates for married late 1970s, rates have risen substantially for

women; the age distribution of women in the white women in all age groups under 40. Rates

childbearing ages, and the proportion of women for teens aged 15-19 have risen throughout the

unmarried at each age. In this section, we period 1960-92.

examine how important each of these

components has been in influencing trends in The figures which follow depict how strongly,

nonmarital birth ratios for black and white and in what direction, changes in rates of

women. marital and nonmarital birth, changes in the age

Trends in most of these components have been and changes in the proportion not married have

described previously. Nonmarital birth rates affected the proportion of black and white 

declined for black women during the period births that occur to unmarried women (the

1960-76, and have since increased. Birth rates nonmarital birth ratio). Each of these factors is

for married black women also fell from 1960 to represented by a line on the graph. The steeper

1976, and have been generally stable since the upward slope of the line, the more 

1976. The age distribution of black women important that factor was in driving up the

shifted during the period from 1960 to the mid nonmarital birth ratio at that point in time. For

1970s to a markedly younger population, but example, since the early 1980s, increases in

has since aged. The population was on the nonmarital birth rates have had a stronger effect

whole older in 1992 than in 1960. Changes in than increases in the proportion unmarried on

the proportion not married among black women the nonmarital birth ratios for white and black

have been fairly continuous, with increasing births. The steeper the downward slope of the

proportions unmarried at each age throughout line, the more important the factor was in

the period 1960-92. driving down the nonmarital birth ratio. And if

Trends for white women in age-specific marital had no effect on the nonmarital birth ratio

birth rates, the age distribution, and the percent during that period of time. Appendix B displays

not married were similar to those for black the observed and standardized nonmarital birth

women. However, the trends in age-specific ratios calculated to estimate these effects.

nonmarital birth rates were quite different. Agedistribution of women in the childbearing ages,

a line is flat (parallel to the X-axis) the factor

17
37

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital

Births

Figure III-12. Standardized effects of selected factors on nonmarital birth ratios for black

women: United States, 1960-92

Source: Smith HL, Koropeckyj-Cox T, and Morgan PS. A Decomposition of Trends in the Nonmarital Fertility Ratio among Blacks and Whites in the

United States, 1960-92. 1995. See Appendix B.

The most important factor fueling the rise in rates also tended to push the ratio downward

black nonmarital birth ratios between 1968 and

1984 was the decline in the percentage married

at all ages. Declines in marital fertility rates

were another important factor in increases in

this ratio through 1975. However, since that

time, changes in both marital fertility rates and

the age distribution of black women have

exerted a small downward pressure on

nonmarital birth ratios. Trends in nonmarital

through 1984. More recently, however, both

increases in nonmarital birth rates (during

1984-91) and decreases in the percent married

(since 1986) have been responsible for the

continued increase in the percentage of births

that occurred to black unmarried women.
38

III. What’s Driving the Trends: Factors Affecting Change in Nonmarital Births

Figure III-13. Standardized effects of selected factors on nonmarital birth ratios for white

women: United States, 1960-92

Source: Smith HL, Koropeckyj T, and Morgan PS. A Decomposition of Trends in the Nonmarital Fertility Ratio among Blacks and Whites in the United

States, 1960-92. 1995. See Appendix B.

Changes in both nonmarital birth rates and the increase in the nonmarital birth ratio during this

percent unmarried were important in fueling the period was essentially equivalent to that caused

increase in the nonmarital birth ratio among by declines in marriage alone. Since the midwhite women. During the 1960s, this ratio

grew modestly due to increases in nonmarital

fertility, decreases in marital fertility, and an

increasingly “youthful” age structure. In the

early 1970s, declines in nonmarital fertility

tended to push the ratio down, but this effect

was counterbalanced by declines in marital

fertility, which tended to push it up. The net

1970s, the aging of the population and increases

in marital fertility should each have led to a twopoint decline in the percentage of nonmarital

births. However, the strong effects of declining

marriage and, especially, increasing rates of

nonmarital fertility, have continued to push the

nonmarital birth ratio upward.
39

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Given the size and age composition of the

unmarried population, many events lead up to

the birth of a child outside of marriage. At each

point along the path, there are decision points

that may affect the likelihood that a nonmarital

birth will occur. Unmarried men and women

decide whether to have sexual intercourse, and

whether to use a method of contraception to

prevent pregnancy from occurring. If the

woman becomes pregnant, some choose

abortion, while others choose to have the child. 

Couples may choose to marry at any point; if

they do so before conception occurs or during

pregnancy they avoid having a nonmarital birth. 

And, once the nonmarital birth occurs, they may

choose to place a baby born outside of marriage

for adoption. This section reviews trends

affecting these steps along the path to

nonmarital childbearing.
40

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-1. Percent of adults who have had sexual intercourse by age 18, by year of birth:

United States

Source: Laumann et al. 1994. The Social Organization of Sexuality. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Figure IV-2. Percent of ever-married women who had sex before marriage by year of birth:

United States

Source: National Center for Health Statistics. National Survey of Family Growth Cycle 4, 1988. See Appendix table IV-2.
41

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figures IV-1 and IV-2.

A decrease in the age at which men and women later, in 1963-74, the percent beginning to have

begin to have sexual intercourse and an increase sex before age 18 increased from 43 to 61%

in the proportion who begin their sexual among men, and from 32 to 58% among

experience before marriage have placed an women. Among ever married women in 1988,

increasing proportion of unmarried persons at 65% of those born in 1944-53 had begun having

risk of fathering or conceiving a baby. sexual intercourse before marriage; among those

Comparing the experience of those born born in 1964-73, 84% had done so.

between 1933-42 and those born thirty years
42

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-3. Exposure time from median age at physical maturity to sexual initiation to

marriage: United States, 1988

Source: Alan Guttmacher Institute. 1994. Sex and America’s Teenagers. New York: Alan Guttmacher Institute.

The trend toward earlier age at sexual initiation between the median ages of first sex and

and later age at marriage means that the period marriage was seven years for women, and 10

during which the average young man or woman years for men.

is at risk of fathering or conceiving a premarital

birth has been extended. In 1988, the interval

18
43

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-4. Frequency of sexual intercourse in past year, adults 18-59: United States, 1993

Source: Laumann, EO et al. 1994. The Social Organization of Sexuality. Chicago. The University of Chicago Press. See Appendix table IV-1.

Although many unmarried people are sexually unmarried women, but only 3% of married

experienced, they are less exposed to the risk of women had not had sex at all in the past year. 

pregnancy than married people because they However, unmarried cohabiting men and women

have sex, on average, much less frequently. have sex more frequently than married people:

According to data from a 1993 study, 39% of among women, 56% have sex twice a week or

married women have sex twice a week or more, more, and only 1% not at all in the past year (see

compared with 20% of unmarried, Appendix Table IV-1).

noncohabiting women. Thirty-two percent of

19
44

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-5. Contraceptive use among unmarried sexually active women 15-44: United

States, 1982 and 1988

(Excludes women not sexually active within last 3 months, pregnant or postpartum, or sterile not for contraceptive reasons)

Source: Mosher, WD and WF Pratt. 1990. Contraceptive Use in the United States, 1973-88. Advance data from Vital and Health Statistics, No. 182. 

Hyattsville, Maryland. National Center for Health Statistics. See Appendix table IV-3.

Among unmarried people who are sexually three month period, 82% were currently using

active, nonmarital birth can be prevented by a contraceptive method, primarily pill (39%),

effective and consistent use of contraceptive sterilization (19%) and condom (12%). Very

methods. Most sexually active unmarried few - less than 3% in 1988 - do not use a 

women do use a method of contraception. method because they are seeking to become

Among women who were unmarried in 1988 pregnant. 

and exposed to the risk of pregnancy within a

20
45

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-6. Percent of women aged 15-44 using contraceptives at first premarital

intercourse, by year of first intercourse

Source: Mosher, WD and JW McNally. 1991. Contraceptive Use at First Premarital Intercourse: United States, 1965-1988. Family Planning

Perspectives, 23(3):108-115, 117. See Appendix table IV-3.

The contraceptive practice of unmarried people condoms. The proportion of unmarried women

improved during the 1980s. Use of a method at at risk of pregnancy who were not currently

first premarital sexual intercourse increased using a method and not seeking pregnancy

from 47% in 1975-79 to 65% in 1983-88, declined between 1982 and 1988, from 20% to

reflecting a sharp increase in the use of 15% (See Figure IV-5).
46

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-7. Contraceptive use among sexually active women 15-44, by marital status: United

States, 1988

(Excludes women not sexually active within last 3 months, pregnant or postpartum, or sterile not for contraceptive reasons)

Source: Mosher, WD and WF Pratt. 1990. Contraceptive Use in the United States, 1973-88. Advance data from Vital and Health Statistics, No. 182. 

Hyattsville, Maryland. National Center for Health Statistics.

Unmarried women, whether never married or have in planning to use protection. 

previously married, are much less likely than

married women to be using contraception. In Individuals' contraceptive choices vary by

1988, 17% of sexually active never married marital status, reflecting variation in the

women and 11% of sexually active previously characteristics of relationships, childbearing

married women, compared with only 5% of expectations, and the perceived need for

currently married women, were not seeking protection against HIV and other sexually

pregnancy and not using a method of transmitted infections. These choices can have

contraception. In part, these differences reflect an important impact on pregnancy risk. 

differences in age and experience among Although relatively few never married women

married, previously married, and never married choose sterilization, nearly half of previously

women. They may also reflect the sporadic and married women rely on this method of

unpredictable nature of unmarried sex, and the contraception. Use of condoms by unmarried 

greater difficulty unmarried men and women
47

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-7. Contraceptive use among sexually active women 15-44, by marital status: United

States, 1988

couples to prevent sexually transmitted disease increase the risk of unintended pregnancy

has increased. Although a shift from pill use to because the pill is a more effective contraceptive

condom use would tend to reduce sexually method.

transmitted diseases, it would also tend to
48

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-8. Percent of women 15-44 experiencing contraceptive failure during the first 12

months of use: various methods, United States, 1988

*Estimated. See Alan Guttmacher Institute. 1991.

Source: Jones, EF and JD Forrest. 1992. Contraceptive Failure Rates Based on the 1988 NSFG. Family Planning Perspectives 24(1):12-19.

Even effective methods of contraception fail those relying on periodic abstinence methods,

sometimes. Nearly one in seven women become such as rhythm. However, even the highest of

pregnant unintentionally during the first 12 these rates are substantially lower than the

months that they use a method. Failure rates pregnancy rate for unprotected sex, 85% . 

during the first 12 months range from 7% for

women using oral contraceptives to 31% for

21
49

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-9. Pregnancy rates for unmarried women 15-44, by race: United States, 1980 and

1991

Source: Ventura et al. 1995. Trends in Pregnancies and Pregnancy Rates: Estimates for the United States, 1980-92. Monthly Vital Statistics Report,

43(11), Suppl. Hyattsville, Maryland. National Center for Health Statistics. See Appendix table IV-4.

Despite improvements in contraceptive practice rates for unmarried women of all other races

during the 1980s, overall pregnancy rates for

unmarried women increased, from 91 to 103 

per thousand women 15-44 years of age,

between 1980 and 1991. The increase occurred

only among white women, however. Pregnancy

declined from 180 to 174 per 1000, while rates

for white unmarried women increased 69 to 81

per 1000. 
50

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-10. Percent of pregnancies to women aged 15-44 unintended by women’s marital

status: United States, 1987

Source: Forrest, JD. 1994. Epidemiology of Unintended Pregnancy and Contraceptive Use. American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology, 170:1485-

1488. See Appendix table IV-5.

Most pregnancies to unmarried women are future. Data on pregnancies that occurred in

unintended. Information on whether 1987 show that the vast majority of pregnancies

pregnancies are intended comes from survey to never married women (88%) were unwanted

data in which women report whether ever or at the time they occurred, compared 

pregnancies occurred at the "right" time, sooner with 69% of those to previously married 

than intended, or at a time when the woman did women, and 40% of those to married women.

not want to have a child at any time in the
51

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-11. Percent of pregnancies ending in abortion, by marital status among women of

all races aged 15-44: United States, 1980 and 1991

Source: Ventura et al. 1995. Trends in Pregnancies and Pregnancy Rates: Estimates for the United States, 1980-92. Monthly Vital Statistics Report,

43(11), Suppl. Hyattsville, Maryland. National Center for Health Statistics. See Appendix table IV-4.

Fewer than half of the pregnancies that Unmarried women are far more likely than

occurred to unmarried women in 1991 resulted married women to end a pregnancy through

in a birth. About one in ten ended in abortion. In 1991, 7% of pregnancies to 

miscarriage, and about half of the remainder - married women, compared with 46% of

46% - ended in induced abortion. The pregnancies to unmarried women, ended in

proportion ending in abortion has declined over abortion.

the past decade; in 1980, 60% of nonmarital

conceptions ended in induced 

abortion.
52

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-12. Percent of pregnancies ending in abortion by marital status and race for

women aged 15-44: United States, 1980 and 1991

Source: Ventura et al. 1995. Trends in Pregnancies and Pregnancy Rates: Estimates for the United States, 1980-92. Monthly Vital Statistics Report,

43(11), Suppl. Hyattsville, Maryland. National Center for Health Statistics. See Appendix table IV-4.

Although the percent of pregnancies ending in unmarried women is available for only a few

abortion declined somewhat between 1980 and points in time, so the impact of abortion on

1991 for married and unmarried women nonmarital fertility cannot be precisely

regardless of race, the most dramatic decline measured. It is likely that rapid increases in the

occurred among pregnancies to white unmarried accessibility of legal abortion, and rising

women. In 1980, more than two-thirds (69%) of abortion rates, during the late 1960s and early

pregnancies to unmarried white women ended in 1970s helped to reduce nonmarital birth rates in

abortion, the highest proportion of any group. most age groups. Abortion rates for all women

By 1991, this proportion declined to 48%, leveled off and remained relatively stable during

similar to that for unmarried women of other the early and mid-1980s, while nonmarital birth

races (44%). rates were increasing at a modest rate. 

Available evidence suggests that trends in women are likely to be partly responsible for

abortion have played an important role in the much sharper increases in nonmarital birth

influencing the level and trend of nonmarital rates during the late 1980s.

childbearing. Information on abortion rates for

Decreases in abortion rates among unmarried
53

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Infertility

Figure IV-13. Among women who conceived before marriage, percent marrying before birth

of child: United States, 1960-64 and 1985-89

Source: Bachu A. 1993. Fertility of American Women: June 1990. Current Population Reports, Series P-20, No. 454, Washington, DC: US Government

Printing Office. See Appendix table IV-6.

Increased nonmarital childbearing stems not birth. Parallel declines have occurred in the

only from changing behaviors and choices - relinquishment for adoption of babies born

such as having sex, using contraception, and outside of marriage. Both changes indicate that

choosing to end a pregnancy - that determine when nonmarital pregnancy occurs and results 

whether an unmarried women conceives and in birth, women are increasingly choosing to

delivers a child, but also from changes in parent their babies as unmarried mothers.

decisions about marriage that parallel progress

through the stages of reproductive risk and In the early 1960s, 61% of white women who

childbearing. Earlier, we saw that the conceived a first birth before marriage married

separation of sex and marriage had placed men by the time the baby was born. By the late

and women at increased risk of nonmarital 1980s, this proportion had declined to 34%. 

conception, often for extended periods of time. Marriage between conception and birth also

Important changes have occurred to separate declined sharply among black women during 

birth from marriage as well, with the decline of

"shotgun marriage," or marriage that occurs

between a nonmarital conception and the baby's

22

the same time period (from 31 to 8%), and, to a

lesser extent, among Hispanic women (from 33

to 23%). 
54

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-14. Actual and hypothetical rates of nonmarital fertility: United States, 1963-89

*Hypothetical nonmarital fertility rate would be the rate if pregnant unmarried women married before the birth of their child in the same proportions as in

1963.

Source: Morgan, SP et al. 1995. Education, Marital Status and the Changing Age Pattern of American Fertility. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of

the Population Association of America, San Francisco, April.

NOTE: The nonmarital fertility rate is defined here as births during each year per 1,000 women who were unmarried 9 months before the beginning of the

year. These rates differ from those shown elsewhere in this report.

Researchers have demonstrated just how

important these changing decisions about

marriage are. Considering only those

pregnancies ending in live birth, the rate of

nonmarital birth would have increased only

marginally between the early 1960s and the 

mid-1980s if unmarried pregnant women had

continued to marry between conception and

birth at the same rate as they did in 1963. 

23

This means that, up until the mid-1980s,

declines in marriage prior to birth for women

carrying nonmarital pregnancies to term, and

not changes in the propensity of unmarried

women to conceive such pregnancies, largely

accounted for increased nonmarital birth rates. 

As noted above, declines in the incidence of

pregnancies not ending in live birth -

pregnancies ending in abortion - also had an

impact on nonmarital childbearing, especially

among white women (see figure IV-11). The

overall increase in nonmarital birth rates 

resulted from the balance among trends in

pregnancy rates, abortion, and marriage 

between conception and birth. 
55

IV. The Path to Nonmarital Fertility

Figure IV-15. Among children born to never-married women aged 15-44, percentage who

were relinquished for adoption, by race and year of birth: United States

Source: Bachrach, C. et al. 1992. Relinquishment of Premarital Births: Evidence from National Survey Data. Family Planning Perspectives 24(1):27-33. 

Traditionally, adoption provided an alternative by the late 1970s, this proportion had shrunk to

to marrying the baby's father, especially for less than one in ten, and during the period 1982-

white unmarried mothers. Adoption occurs 88, to one in thirty. Relinquishment for formal

after a nonmarital birth has occurred, and

therefore does not affect nonmarital birth rates. 

However, it does make nonmarital childbearing

less visible, by interrupting the formation of

families headed by unmarried mothers. Before

1973, about one in five premarital births to

white women were relinquished for adoption; 

adoption has always been low among black

unmarried mothers, as extended family members

have traditionally played an important role in

helping to raise children born outside of

marriage. Adoption appears to be a rare choice

among Hispanic women as well.
56

V. Next Steps: Marriage and Childbearing after a First Nonmarital Birth

Figure V-1. First birth rates for unmarried women by age, race, and Hispanic origin: United

States, 1993

(1) Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race.

Source: Ventura, SJ, and TJ Mathews. Special tabulation of 1993 birth certificate data. 1995. See Appendix table V-1.

An unmarried woman's risk of becoming a Considering all births that occurred to 

single mother for the first time is highest in the unmarried women in 1993, slightly more than

late teens (18-19), and declines after age 20. half (52%) were second or higher order births

What happens after a first nonmarital birth is (see Appendix Table V-1). However, not all

still incompletely understood. Whether a first these births were "repeat" nonmarital births: in

nonmarital birth is followed by others depends some cases, they may have occurred to mothers

on many factors: whether the woman marries, who were married at first birth, and

the steps she takes to prevent subsequent births, subsequently divorced. 

and how pregnancies are resolved, whether in a

birth or abortion. 

24
57

V. Next Steps: Marriage and Childbearing after a First Nonmarital Birth

Figure V-2. Distribution of never-married mothers aged 15-44 by number of children and

mother’s race: United States, 1992

Source: Bachu, A. 1993. Fertility of American Women: June 1992. US Bureau of the Census. Current Population Reports, P20, No. 470. Washington,

DC: US Government Printing Office. See Appendix table V-2.

Some unmarried first-time mothers do go on to premarital births was higher among black and

have additional births outside of marriage. Hispanic women (26% and 25%, respectively)

Among the four million never married mothers than among white women (15%). However, 

aged 15-44 in 1992, nearly half (48%) had two the experience of these women may be different

or more births, and one-fifth (21%) had three or from the experience of mothers who do marry

more, according to the Current Population after having one or more nonmarital births. 

Survey. The proportion with three or more
58

V. Next Steps: Marriage and Childbearing after a First Nonmarital Birth

Figure V-3. Percent marrying within 5 years of a premarital first birth, by race/ethnicity:

United States, 1979-92

Source: Danziger S, Kaye K, Holcomb P, Koff E and Koutroumanes S. Births Outside of Marriage in the US: Trends, Characteristics and Welfare Receipt. 

Data refer to women aged 14-21 in 1979 followed through 1992.

Figure V-4. Percent marrying within 5 years of a premarital first birth by age: United States,

1979-92

Source: Danziger S, Kaye K, Holcomb P, Koff E, and Koutroumanes S. Births Outside of Marriage in the US: Trends, Characteristics and Welfare Receipt. 

Data refer to women aged 14-21 in 1979 followed through 1992.
59

V. Next Steps: Marriage and Childbearing after a First Nonmarital Birth

Figures V-3 and V-4.

Detailed survey data on women's marriage and within 5 years after the birth. Marriage within 5

fertility histories provide a clearer picture of years was more likely for white than black

what happens after a first nonmarital birth. women, and more likely if the woman was in 

One study of women aged 14-21 in 1979 who her teens when she gave birth. The data do not

had a first premarital birth before 1992 showed tell us whether the woman married the baby's

that about 2 in 5 of those women married father.
60

V. Next Steps: Marriage and Childbearing after a First Nonmarital Birth

Figure V-5. Among childless never-married women at age 19, percent married by age 35:

United States

Source: Bennett NG, Bloom DE, and Miller CK. 1995. The influence of nonmarital childbearing on the formation of first marriages. Demography

32(1):47-62.

Other research shows that having a nonmarital childless and had never married by their

birth may actually decrease a woman's chance nineteenth birthday. Among those who avoided

of eventually marrying. The odds of marrying having a nonmarital birth in the following year, 25

are high in the period just following the birth, 87% were married by the age of 35. Among

but, in the long run, women who give birth those who did become unmarried mothers at 

before marriage are less likely to marry. For age 19, 72% married by age 35. 

example, one study followed women who were
61

V. Next Steps: Marriage and Childbearing after a First Nonmarital Birth

Figure V-6. Percent of unmarried mothers aged 15-44 sterilized for contraception by number

of children: United States, 1988

Source: National Center for Health Statistics. National Survey of Family Growth, Cycle 4, 1988. 

A substantial proportion of unmarried women who had borne two children and 49% of those

who have had children limit subsequent births who had borne three or more children had been

by adopting permanent methods of birth sterilized for contraceptive purposes. 

control. In 1988, 34% of unmarried women
62

VI. Transfer Payments and Unmarried Mothers

Figure VI-1. Trends in AFDC families and female-headed households: 1940-94

NOTE: Shows average monthly AFDC families and female -headed households with children under age 18.

Source: AFDC Families from Social Security Bulletin and ACF/HHS data as cited in 1994 Green Book. Female-Headed Households from US Bureau of

the Census. 1993. Poverty in the United States, 1992. Current Population Reports, P60, No. 185. 

Between 1940 and 1965, the number of AFDC of AFDC families and the gap between AFDC

families and female headed households families and female headed households widened

increased at a similar rate. While the number of significantly. Between 1986 and 1993, AFDC

female headed households with children families and female headed households again

continued to rise substantially between 1970 rose at similar rates.

and 1985, there was little growth in the number
63

VI. Transfer Payments and Unmarried Mothers

Figure: VI-2. Reason for AFDC eligibility: United States, selected years 1942-94

NOTE: Excludes participants in the AFDC-UP program which started in 1970.

Source: AFDC Families from Social Security Bulletin and ACF/HHS data as cited in 1994 Green Book.

It is often thought that AFDC began as a 1942 to 5% in 1992. The proportion of AFDC

program for poor widows with children and children in families headed by divorced and

that the proportion of AFDC mothers who are separated women (with and without a legal 

unmarried increased much later. While it is true court order) rose steadily between 1946 (26%)

that unmarried mothers have made up an and 1973 when these children represented 

increasingly larger share of the AFDC caseload about half of all AFDC children (49%). The

and the program has ceased serving widows share of AFDC children living in families

almost entirely, these trends began in the early headed by unmarried mothers has increased

years of the program. As early as 1942, just steadily -- from 10% to 58% in 1992.

37% of AFDC children were in families headed

by widows and since the 1960s, AFDC children Several different factors are responsible for the

in widowed families represent less than 10% of changes in the composition of families receiving

all AFDC children. The proportion of children AFDC over time. Changes in lows and policies

receiving AFDC due to a parent's incapacitation regarding eligibility -- excluding unmarried

has also decreased substantially -- from 22% in single parent families and/or required long 
64

VI. Transfer Payments and Unmarried Mothers

Figure VI-2. Reason for AFDC eligibility: United States, selected years 1942-94

waiting periods to establish the continued widowed families decreased as Old Age and

absence of the father; making the program Survivors Insurance (OASI) under the Social

available on a state-wide basis in accordance Security Act was expanded and benefits raised. 

with the law; transferring single mother families Widowed families increasingly became covered

from state general assistance rolls to and assisted through OASI rather than the 

AFDC--account for much of the early increase AFDC program. Similarly, the creation and

in unmarried and divorced/separated families. expansion of a separate disability insurance

As discussed earlier, the growth in divorce and program (DI) under the Social Security Act

nonmarital births also contributed to the resulted in a declining share of AFDC recipients

increasing share of non-widowed female headed receiving benefits for reasons of incapacitation.

families receiving AFDC. The proportion of
65

VI. Transfer Payments and Unmarried Mothers

Figure VI-3. Age distribution of adult females receiving AFDC: United States, selected years

1967-93

Source: Administration for Children and Families, as cited in the 1994 Green Book and AFDC Quality Control Data.

The proportion of adult female AFDC of 29 and 34%.

recipients under age twenty rose from 5% to 

7% between 1967 and 1971 and then remained It is important to point out that while relatively

relatively stable through 1993. There was a few mothers on AFDC are under age 20, a

significant increase in the proportion of those significant portion of mothers on AFDC had

aged 20 through 29 from 34% in 1967, to a their first birth before age 20. In 1991,

high of 48% in 1989. Compensating for that approximately 60% of AFDC mothers under 

change, the proportion of females of 40 years age 30 had their first birth prior to age 20. 

or older decreased between 1967 and 1993, However, this percent has been falling, from

from 30 to 12%. The group between ages 30 64% in 1975 and 63% in 1984.

and 39 remained relatively stable within a range
66

VI. Transfer Payments and Unmarried Mothers

Figure VI-4. Average number of child recipients per AFDC family: United States, 1940-92

Source: Administration for Children and Families, as cited in the 1994 Green Book, and Historic Statistics.

The average number of child recipients per Since then, it has remained relatively stable at

AFDC family increased from 2.4 to 3.2 between approximately that average.

1940 and 1970 and then fell to 1.9 by 1982.
67

VII. International Comparisons

Figure VII-1. Percent of births to unmarried women by country, 1992

* 1991 data

Sources: Council of Europe. Recent Demographic Developments in Europe, 1993. Council of Europe Press. 1994; Statistics and Information Department.

Monistry of Health and Welfare. Vital Statistics of Japan, 1992; Central Agency for Austrian Statistics. Demographic Yearbook, Austria, 1992; Belle M,

McQuillan K. Births Outside Marriage: A Growing Alternative. Canadian Social Trends, Summer 1994. Statistics Canada..

The United States does not lead the trend in that are much lower (e.g. the Netherlands and

increasing nonmarital births internationally. In Japan). The United States does lead other

1992, the percent of births to unmarried women industrialized countries in the rate of teen

in the United States was 30%, but was 46-50% childbearing: even in countries with higher

in Sweden and Denmark. Other industrialized proportions of nonmarital births than in the

nations, such as France and the United United States, proportions of teen births are

Kingdom, have a similar proportion of births to much lower.

unmarried women, but some have percentages
Percent

68

VII. International Comparisons

Figure VII-2. Percent of births to unmarried women by country: 1970-90

Source: US Bureau of the Census. 1994. Statistical Abstract of US. 1994. US Department of Commerce. Data for Germany are for former West Germany

prior to 1991.

Many countries experienced as large an increase in Japan has the percent remained relatively

in the percent of births to unmarried mothers as stable. 

did the United States from 1970 to 1990. Only
69

VII. International Comparisons

Figure VII-3. Birth rates for unmarried women in the United States and England and Wales,

1940-91

Source: Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics, Vital and Health Statistics 21(53). 1995. 

Office of Population and Surveys, Review of Registrar General. Birth Statistics, 1993.

Trends in nonmarital childbearing rates in the beginning in the late 1970s, and England and

United States and England and Wales have been Wales beginning about 1981. The rates in 1991

remarkably similar for more than three decades. were 45.2 per 1000 unmarried women for the

Since declining in the 1970s, rates for both United States compared with 40.7 per 1000

countries have risen steadily, the United States unmarried women for England and Wales.
U.S. (1990)

France (1989)

Denmark 

(1988)

Sweden (1988)

70

VII. International Comparisons

Figure VII-4. Percent of women married, by age and country

Source: UN Department for Economic and Social Information and Policy Analysis. UN Demographic Yearbook, 1990

Figure VII-5. Percent of unmarried women cohabiting by age for selected countries

Source: Roussel, L. 1994. Fertility and Family. European Population Conference Proceedings, Volume 1. New York: United Nations.

Bumpass, LL and JA Sweet. 1995. Cohabitation, Marriage and Union Stability. CDE Working Paper 65. Madison: University of Wisconsin.
71

VII. International Comparisons

Figures VII-4 and VII-5. 

International changes in marriage patterns and other developed countries, levels in the United

living arrangements have increased exposure to States fall far short at ages when nonmarital

the risk of a nonmarital birth by increasing the childbearing is most prevalent (20-29). At ages

number of years couples are sexually active 20 to 24, 14% of unmarried women in the

before or outside of marriage. In most cases, United States are currently cohabiting, as

these changes are more pronounced abroad opposed to 45% and 44% respectively, for

than in the United States. From 1950 to 1989, Danish and Swedish unmarried women. At 

the average age of women marrying for the first ages 25 to 29, 17% of unmarried women in the

time rose in the United States from 21 to 26 United States are cohabiting, whereas 31% of

years. However, in Sweden, it rose from 22 to Swedish unmarried women cohabit. By age 30-

30 years. A higher percentage of women in 34, women in the United States are as likely to 26

the United States eventually marry in be currently living with a partner as are Swedish

comparison to Sweden, Denmark, and France. women (14%), and somewhat more likely than

Cohabitation is increasingly common in the Danish women to do so (11%).

United States, but when compared to some 
72

VII. International Comparisons

Figure VII-6. Percent of couples using contraceptives, selected countries, 1988

NOTE: Age ranges vary somewhat by country.

Source: UN Department for Economic and Social Development. 1994. UN World Contraceptive Use, 1994.

Adults in the United States are less likely to use Northern Europe, France, and the United

contraception than are adults in many other Kingdom). In 1988, 81% of all English couples

industrialized countries. Contraception is more of childbearing age (16-49) used contraception,

prevalent among couples with higher exposure compared with 74% of couples in the United

to nonmarital childbearing (e.g. couples in States aged 15-44.
73

Technical Notes

 1. This report draws on several sources of data, described briefly in this note. Vital statistics data

on births to unmarried mothers are based on 100% of the birth certificates from all States and

the District of Columbia (National Center for Health Statistics, in preparation; Ventura, 1995;

Ventura et al., 1994). The data are provided to the National Center for Health Statistics 

(NCHS) by state health departments. Birth certificate data are available for every year and

tabulations of nonmarital births including birth rates and percents by various characteristics

including maternal age, race, Hispanic ethnicity, parity, and education of the mother, can be

provided for states and local areas, an important advantage. In addition to these demographic

characteristics, a number of maternal and infant health characteristics are also available. Birth

certificate data on nonmarital births are limited in some important respects. There is no

information on mother's marital history, and information on other measures of socioeconomic

status, aside from mother's educational attainment, is not available. Finally, information on the

father is not available for more than half of the nonmarital births each year. Current 

Population Survey (CPS) data is collected by the U. S. Bureau of the Census every month 

with a sample of about 60,000 households in the civilian noninstitutional population of the

United States. The survey is primarily designed to provide information on labor force

participation, but covers a broad range of social, economic and demographic characteristics.

This report draws on detailed information collected in March of every year on the marital 

status of individuals, on information collected in June on fertility, and on detailed marital and

fertility histories collected once every five years with funding from the National Institute of

Child Health and Human Development (Bachu, 1991; 1993; Saluter, 1994). The CPS data

provide greater detail on the socioeconomic characteristics of mothers and families, but do not

provide data on maternal and infant health characteristics. Estimates of nonmarital 

childbearing are based on mother's own reports of children born to them rather than official

records. Comparisons of CPS and vital statistics data on births in the United States show a 

high level of agreement on trends, although exact levels of rates and proportions out-ofwedlock may vary (Jones et al, 1985). Other national population surveys that provide

information about nonmarital childbearing include the National Survey of Family Growth,

conducted on a periodic basis by the National Center for Health Statistics (Mosher and

McNally, 1990), the National Survey of Families and Households, conducted in 1987-88 and

1992-94 by researchers at the University of Wisconsin (Bumpass and Sweet, 1989a; 1995), 

the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, conducted by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and

the National Survey of Health and Social Life, conducted in 1993 by researchers at the

University of Chicago (Laumann, et al., 1994).

 2. Births to unmarried mothers are identified by a question on the birth certificates of nearly 

all states, asking if the mother is married (at birth, conception, or any time between). The 

birth is classified as marital if the question is answered "yes". A woman is legally married 

even if she is separated, but is no longer legally married when the divorce papers are 

signed. In the few states which do not report mother's marital status directly (six states in

1992), it is determined from a comparison of the parents' and child's surnames, with 
74

specific modifications of this procedure in each of the states. In many states, the father's 

name cannot be entered if the mother is not married (National Center for Health Statistics,

1987).

The accuracy of information provided by the marital status item has been evaluated

periodically. A recent evaluation of the item was conducted in connection with the 1988

National Maternal and Infant Health Survey. Entries on the birth certificate were compared

with entries on the mother’s questionnaire. That study found an overall agreement on 

marital status of 94% for black mothers and 96% for white mothers. It is possible that the

accuracy has varied over time as public attitudes on nonmarital childbearing have changed. 

It is also likely that variation in accuracy exists among different segments of the population

(Schoendorf, et al., 1993).

 3. Men as well as women are involved in nonmarital childbearing. However, like most 

measures of childbearing, nonmarital fertility rates are usually available only for women. 

Data limitations preclude the presentation of fertility trends and differentials for unmarried

men.

 4. During the mid-to-late 1960s, the rate for all unmarried women continued to rise even 

though rates for most age groups declined. This is a result of the changing age 

composition of the unmarried population during this period. As marriage was increasingly

delayed, the proportions of unmarried women at ages where nonmarital birth rates are high

increased, driving up the average birth rate for all unmarried women.

 5. Landry and Forrest, 1995.

 6. Smith and Cutright, 1988.

 7. U. S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Series P-20, various years.

 8. National Center for Health Statistics, 1991.

 9. Bumpass and Sweet, 1989b. A rough, but more recent, estimate of the percent of nonmarital

births that are born to previously married women is provided by data on births occurring in 

the 12-month period preceding the June, 1992 Current Population Survey (Bachu, 1993). 

Among unmarried women reporting a birth in the past 12 months, 27% were separated,

widowed or divorced. 

10. Bennett, Bloom, and Craig, 1989.

11. Bumpass and Sweet, 1989a.

12. Bumpass, 1994.
75

13. Bennett, Blanc, and Bloom, 1988.

14. Bumpass and Sweet, 1995.

15. Bumpass and Sweet, 1995.

16. Haurin, 1995.

17. See Smith, Morgan, and Koropeckyj-Cox, 1995 for a description of the methods used to 

derive the estimates and a complete discussion of the findings. See also Appendix B.

18. Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1994. The median age at first intercourse and first marriage are

calculated as the ages by which 50% of the female or male population in 1988 had 

experienced the event.

19. Differences in the frequency of intercourse among married, unmarried, and cohabiting 

women reflect differences in the ages of women and their partners and differences in the

duration of relationships as well as the effects of marital status and cohabitation per se. 

For example, one study found that when factors such as age and duration of relationship 

were taken into account, the difference in frequency of sex between cohabiting and married

women was no longer statistically significant (Bachrach, 1987).

20. Women "exposed to the risk of pregnancy" are defined to include those who have had 

sexual intercourse in the past three months, are neither pregnant nor postpartum, and who 

are either nonsterile or sterile because of a contraceptive operation. Women who are

contraceptively sterile are included because they would be "at risk" were it not for the

sterilization.

21. Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1991.

22. Although our discussion examines decisions about abortion and birth separately from 

decisions about marriage and parenting, it is likely that these decisions are strongly

interdependent, and are probably made simultaneously by many pregnant women.

23. Morgan, Offutt, and Rindfuss, 1995. See also Parnell, 1994.

24. Vital statistics data contain no information on mother's marital history, thus precluding the

ability to distinguish whether previous births to women having nonmarital second- and

higher-order births were also born outside of marriage.

25. Bennett, Bloom, and Miller, 1995; Lillard, Panis, and Upchurch, 1994.

26. United Nations, 1992.
76

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81

Appendix A: Data Tables

Section I

1. Number of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: US, 1940 and 1950-93. 

2. Birth rates for unmarried women by age of mother: US, 1940-93, and by age of mother and 

race, 1940, 1950, and 1955-93. 

3. Ratios of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: US, 1940 and 1950-93. 

Section II

1. Estimated birth rate for unmarried women by Hispanic origin and age of mother: U.S. 

 1990-93.

2. Number and percent of births to unmarried women by race and Hispanic origin of mother and by

race of mother for mothers of non-Hispanic origin: US 1993. 

3. Estimated birth rate for unmarried women by educational attainment, age, race, and Hispanic

origin of mother: US, 1992.

4. Birth rates for unmarried women by age and race of mother: US and each State, 1990. 

5. Ratios of births to unmarried women by race of mother: US and each State, 1970, 1980, and

1985-93. 

6. Total births, births to unmarried women, and percent of births to unmarried women, by race, 

for population-size groups and cities of 500,000 or more, 1980 and 1992. 

Section III

1. Female population by marital status and age: US, selected years, 1940-92, and projections of

female population to 2010. 

2. Male population by marital status and age: US, selected years, 1950-92. 

3. Marital Status of Persons 15 Years and Over, by Age, Sex, Race, Hispanic Origin, 

Metropolitan Residence, and Region: March 1992. 

4. Percent Who Have Ever Cohabited, 1987-88 and 1992-94. 

5. Percent Currently Cohabiting, 1987-88 and 1992-94.

6. Percent Currently Cohabiting and Percent Ever Cohabiting, by Sex and Age, 1987-88 and 

1992-94.

7. Birth Rates for Married Women by Age of Mother and Race: US, 1950, 1955, 1960-93. 

Section IV

1. Frequency of Sex in the Past Year by Sex, Age, and Marital Status: United States, 1993.

2. Number of ever married women 15-44 years of age and percent distribution by timing of

marriage relative to first sexual intercourse, according to race, Hispanic origin, and age: US,

1988.
82

3. Number of women 15-44 years of age and percent distribution by current contraceptive status

and method, according to marital status: US, 1982, and 1988.

4. Estimated pregnancy, live birth, and induced abortion rates by marital status and race: US, 1980,

1990, and 1991. 

5. Estimated Proportions of Pregnancies (Excluding Miscarriages) by Outcome and Intention,

Percentage of Pregnancies Unintended, and Percentage of Unintended Pregnancies Ending in

Abortion, 1987, by Marital Status, Age at Outcome, and Poverty Status at Interview. 

6. Number of Women Who Had an Out-of-Wedlock Pregnancy that Resulted in a First Birth and

the Percentage Who Married Before the Birth of the Child: 1960-64 to 1985-89. 

Section V

1. Number and percent distribution of live births to unmarried women by live-birth order and first

birth rate for births to unmarried women, according to age and race of mother: US, 1993.

2. Distribution of Women and Average Number of Children Ever Born, by Race, Age, and Marital

Status. 
Table I-1. Number of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: United States, 1940 and 1950-93

Age of mother

Year and race All Under 15 15-19 years 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40 years

ages years Total 15 years 16 years 17 years 18 years 19 years years years years years and over

ALL RACES

Reported/Inferred1

1993 1,240,172 11,467 357,432 26,153 50,689 75,370 97,450 107,770 438,538 233,776 132,263 55,570 11,126

1992 1,224,876 11,161 353,878 25,459 49,021 74,103 96,009 109,286 435,727 233,467 127,982 52,447 10,214

1991 1,213,769 10,968 357,483 25,083 49,049 74,039 98,118 111,194 429,094 234,593 123,901 48,353 9,377

1990 1,165,384 10,675 349,970 24,068 46,309 72,021 95,961 111,611 403,873 229,991 118,200 44,149 8,526

1989 1,094,169 10,612 337,268 23,358 46,194 71,134 94,815 101,767 378,122 215,477 106,344 39,030 7,316

1988 1,005,299 9,907 312,499 22,456 44,101 69,580 85,659 90,703 350,905 196,365 94,874 34,408 6,341

1987 933,013 9,583 292,958 22,005 44,515 64,220 78,338 83,880 331,257 179,257 84,186 30,271 5,501

1986 878,477 9,415 280,720 22,248 41,625 59,618 75,493 81,736 316,188 165,662 74,928 26,967 4,597

1985 828,174 9,386 270,922 20,930 39,630 58,371 72,934 79,057 300,365 152,024 67,315 24,038 4,124

1984 770,355 9,075 261,104 19,945 38,763 56,647 70,175 75,574 279,192 136,956 59,261 20,916 3,851

1983 737,893 8,816 261,260 20,078 39,356 57,191 70,716 73,919 265,579 126,519 53,884 18,206 3,629

1982 715,227 8,720 260,626 20,142 39,750 57,804 70,496 72,434 257,473 118,954 49,559 16,420 3,475

1981 686,605 8,589 259,239 20,554 40,173 57,881 69,056 71,575 246,919 109,174 45,300 14,281 3,103

1980 665,747 9,024 262,777 21,908 41,386 58,606 69,173 71,704 237,265 99,583 40,984 13,187 2,927

Estimated2

1980 643,400 9,200 262,400 22,200 41,700 58,800 68,800 70,900 229,900 91,900 36,000 11,400 2,600

1979 597,800 9,500 253,200 21,800 41,300 56,900 66,400 66,600 210,100 80,600 31,300 10,600 2,500

1978 543,900 9,400 239,700 21,400 40,200 54,900 62,200 61,000 186,500 70,000 26,500 9,400 2,300

1977 515,700 10,100 239,700 23,000 42,400 55,500 60,800 57,900 168,600 62,400 23,700 8,800 2,300

1976 468,100 10,300 225,000 22,900 41,700 51,900 55,900 52,600 145,400 55,400 21,000 8,600 2,300

1975 447,900 11,000 222,500 23,800 41,400 51,600 55,600 50,200 134,000 50,200 19,800 8,100 2,300

1974 418,100 10,600 210,800 23,100 40,100 49,800 51,500 46,200 122,700 44,900 18,600 8,200 2,300

1973 407,300 10,900 204,900 23,000 39,600 48,700 49,100 44,400 119,100 43,100 18,500 8,200 2,600

1972 403,200 9,900 202,300 22,500 38,400 47,600 49,200 44,500 119,600 41,200 19,000 8,600 2,700

1971 401,400 9,500 194,100 20,400 35,500 44,900 47,800 45,400 125,200 40,900 19,300 9,400 3,000

1970 398,700 9,500 190,400 19,300 34,000 42,800 47,500 46,800 126,700 40,600 19,100 9,400 3,000

1969 360,800 8,300 168,200 16,700 29,100 37,500 42,400 42,500 116,900 37,600 17,700 9,200 3,100

1968 339,200 7,700 158,000 15,400 27,000 35,500 39,500 40,700 107,900 35,200 17,200 9,700 3,300

1967 318,100 6,900 144,400 13,600 24,900 32,400 36,100 37,400 101,600 34,500 17,300 10,100 3,300

1966 302,400 6,200 135,800 12,900 23,000 30,000 34,000 35,800 92,500 35,500 18,400 10,500 3,400

1965 291,200 6,100 123,200 12,200 21,200 28,400 32,700 28,700 90,700 36,800 19,600 11,400 3,700

1964 275,700 5,800 111,400 11,300 20,200 27,200 25,800 26,900 87,900 36,400 19,500 11,100 3,600

1963 259,400 5,400 101,800 10,700 18,600 21,700 24,900 25,800 82,600 35,400 19,800 10,900 3,500

1962 245,100 5,100 94,400 10,100 15,500 20,600 23,600 24,700 77,400 34,000 19,800 11,100 3,300

1961 240,200 5,200 93,200 9,000 15,500 20,500 24,600 23,500 74,000 33,700 19,800 11,100 3,200

1960 224,300 4,600 87,100 8,700 15,100 19,900 21,800 21,600 68,000 32,100 18,900 10,600 3,000

1959 220,600 4,600 84,500 8,800 15,200 19,100 20,900 20,600 67,300 32,000 19,000 10,500 2,800

1958 208,700 4,400 79,400 8,400 13,900 17,800 19,700 19,600 62,800 30,800 18,700 9,900 2,700

1957 201,700 4,600 76,400 8,200 13,900 17,300 19,000 18,100 60,500 29,800 18,200 9,400 2,800

1956 193,500 4,200 72,800 7,500 13,200 16,200 18,400 17,500 58,800 29,400 17,000 8,800 2,500

1955 183,300 3,900 68,900 7,200 11,900 15,700 17,200 17,100 55,700 28,000 16,100 8,300 2,400

83
Table I-1. Number of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: United States, 1940 and 1950-93, cont.

Age of mother

Year and race All Under 15 15-19 years 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40 years

ages years Total 15 years 16 years 17 years 18 years 19 years years years years years and over

ALL RACES...cont. --------------------15-17 years------------------- ------------18-19 years----------

1954 176,600 3,900 67,200 33,600 33,500 53,300 26,600 15,500 7,900 2,200

1953 160,800 3,400 61,500 30,900 30,600 48,800 24,500 13,400 7,000 2,100

1952 150,300 3,200 58,700 30,700 28,000 45,500 22,400 12,400 6,500 1,600

1951 146,500 3,200 57,400 29,200 28,300 43,900 22,000 11,900 6,200 1,900

1950 141,600 3,200 56,000 28,700 27,400 43,100 20,900 10,800 6,000 1,700

1940 89,500 2,100 40,500 --- --- --- --- --- 27,200 10,500 5,200 3,000 1,000

WHITE

Race of mother

Reported/Inferred1

1993 742,129 4,868 213,080 13,280 28,656 45,096 59,890 66,158 263,538 139,905 79,136 34,283 7,319

1992 721,986 4,553 206,830 12,664 27,323 43,861 57,566 65,416 258,268 137,639 75,696 32,218 6,782

1991 707,502 4,346 207,035 12,615 27,150 43,058 58,132 66,080 251,228 136,727 72,484 29,607 6,075

1990 669,698 4,157 199,896 11,625 25,063 41,398 56,195 65,615 232,529 131,967 68,400 27,050 5,699

1989 613,543 3,920 188,253 10,904 24,094 40,110 54,599 58,546 211,815 120,640 60,344 23,730 4,841

1988 557,394 3,595 173,981 10,369 23,183 39,087 49,166 52,176 192,584 108,787 53,498 20,812 4,137

1987 513,984 3,466 162,039 10,238 23,672 36,208 44,907 47,014 180,698 98,554 47,424 18,195 3,608

1986 480,533 3,420 153,605 10,414 21,729 33,510 42,393 45,559 172,014 90,379 41,848 16,323 2,944

1985 445,595 3,430 145,457 9,758 20,796 32,119 39,933 42,851 161,046 81,628 37,235 14,242 2,557

1984 403,022 3,258 136,065 9,188 19,640 30,294 37,158 39,785 145,873 71,057 32,102 12,329 2,338

1983 381,276 3,269 134,966 9,247 19,710 30,126 37,292 38,591 136,349 64,850 28,968 10,700 2,174

1982 365,647 3,270 133,457 9,010 19,805 30,108 36,749 37,785 130,731 60,411 26,191 9,508 2,079

1981 346,541 3,090 131,452 9,135 19,792 29,907 35,847 36,771 123,602 54,650 23,909 8,112 1,726

1980 328,984 3,166 130,417 9,356 19,916 29,433 35,088 36,624 116,445 48,722 21,325 7,298 1,611

Race of child

Estimated2

1980 294,200 3,200 125,500 9,300 19,600 28,600 33,500 34,500 103,600 39,200 15,900 5,500 1,200

1979 263,000 3,300 116,400 9,000 18,600 26,700 31,300 30,800 90,200 33,200 13,700 4,900 1,200

1978 233,600 3,300 108,500 8,900 18,200 25,400 28,300 27,600 77,000 28,300 11,400 4,200 1,100

1977 220,100 3,400 107,100 9,500 18,900 25,400 27,500 25,700 69,300 25,200 10,200 3,800 1,100

1976 197,100 3,500 97,600 9,200 17,900 22,900 24,600 23,000 58,900 22,800 9,400 3,900 1,000

1975 186,400 3,600 93,900 9,500 17,400 22,000 23,600 21,400 54,500 21,200 8,600 3,600 1,000

1974 168,500 3,300 85,000 8,600 16,100 20,100 21,000 19,200 49,600 18,600 7,600 3,400 1,000

1973 163,000 3,200 81,100 8,100 15,200 19,100 20,300 18,400 48,300 18,300 7,600 3,400 1,100

1972 160,500 2,700 78,600 7,500 13,800 18,600 19,600 19,100 49,500 17,300 7,700 3,500 1,100

1971 163,800 2,500 76,000 6,500 12,400 17,300 20,000 19,900 55,300 17,200 7,800 3,800 1,300

1970 175,100 2,500 79,300 6,100 12,600 17,500 21,100 22,100 62,100 18,000 7,700 4,000 1,400

1969 163,700 2,100 70,400 5,000 10,700 15,100 18,500 21,000 60,700 17,500 7,700 4,000 1,400

1968 155,200 1,900 67,400 4,500 9,700 14,200 17,800 21,100 56,800 16,100 7,300 4,200 1,500

1967 142,200 1,700 60,300 3,700 8,200 12,900 16,300 19,200 52,500 15,200 6,800 4,200 1,500

1966 132,900 1,400 57,500 3,600 7,800 12,000 15,200 18,900 45,800 14,900 7,300 4,500 1,500

1965 123,700 1,400 50,700 3,300 7,100 11,100 15,200 14,000 43,400 14,900 7,200 4,500 1,600

1964 114,300 1,400 45,200 3,200 6,900 11,500 11,000 12,600 40,600 14,300 6,800 4,400 1,600

1963 104,600 1,300 40,700 3,300 6,800 8,300 10,400 12,000 36,800 13,000 7,000 4,200 1,500

84
Table I-1. Number of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: United States, 1940 and 1950-93, cont.

Age of mother

Year and race All Under 15 15-19 years 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40 years

ages years Total 15 years 16 years 17 years 18 years 19 years years years years years and over

WHITE...cont.

Race of child

Estimated2

1962 94,700 1,300 36,700 3,000 5,100 7,700 9,800 11,100 32,300 11,900 7,000 4,100 1,400

1961 91,100 1,400 36,100 2,700 5,200 7,600 10,300 10,400 29,900 11,600 6,600 4,100 1,400

1960 82,500 1,200 32,800 2,600 5,100 7,400 8,800 9,000 26,700 10,700 6,000 3,900 1,300

1959 79,600 1,200 30,900 2,500 5,100 6,800 8,000 8,500 26,200 10,500 5,900 3,700 1,100

1958 74,600 1,200 28,500 2,400 4,400 6,300 7,300 8,000 24,100 10,000 6,100 3,500 1,100

1957 70,800 1,100 26,900 2,200 4,300 6,000 7,300 7,100 22,700 9,800 6,000 3,100 1,200

1956 67,500 1,000 25,200 1,900 3,900 5,600 6,900 7,000 22,200 9,500 5,400 3,200 1,100

1955 64,200 900 23,700 1,800 3,600 5,200 6,300 6,800 21,000 9,100 5,400 3,000 1,000

--------------------15-17 years------------------- ------------18-19 years----------

1954 62,700 800 23,200 10,200 13,000 20,600 8,900 5,200 3,000 1,000

1953 56,600 800 20,700 9,100 11,600 19,000 8,200 4,700 2,600 800

1952 54,100 700 19,600 8,800 10,800 18,500 7,700 4,300 2,600 700

1951 52,600 600 19,700 8,900 10,900 17,300 7,800 4,200 2,300 800

1950 53,500 700 19,900 8,700 11,100 17,800 7,900 4,200 2,300 700

1940 40,300 500 16,000 --- --- --- --- --- 14,700 5,200 2,200 1,300 500

ALL OTHER

Race of mother

Reported/Inferred1

1993 498,043 6,599 144,352 12,873 22,033 30,274 37,560 41,612 175,000 93,871 53,127 21,287 3,807

1992 502,890 6,608 147,048 12,795 21,698 30,242 38,443 43,870 177,459 95,828 52,286 20,229 3,432

1991 506,267 6,622 150,448 12,468 21,899 30,981 39,986 45,114 177,866 97,866 51,417 18,746 3,302

1990 495,686 6,518 150,074 12,443 21,246 30,623 39,766 45,996 171,344 98,024 49,800 17,099 2,827

1989 480,626 6,692 149,015 12,454 22,100 31,024 40,216 43,221 166,307 94,837 46,000 15,300 2,475

1988 447,905 6,312 138,518 12,087 20,918 30,493 36,493 38,527 158,321 87,578 41,376 13,596 2,204

1987 419,029 6,117 130,919 11,767 20,843 28,012 33,431 36,866 150,559 80,703 36,762 12,076 1,893

1986 397,944 5,995 127,115 11,834 19,896 26,108 33,100 36,177 144,174 75,283 33,080 10,644 1,653

1985 382,579 5,956 125,465 11,172 18,834 26,252 33,001 36,206 139,319 70,396 30,080 9,796 1,567

1984 367,333 5,817 125,039 10,757 19,123 26,353 33,017 35,789 133,319 65,899 27,159 8,587 1,513

1983 356,617 5,547 126,294 10,831 19,646 27,065 33,424 35,328 129,230 61,669 24,916 7,506 1,455

1982 349,580 5,450 127,169 11,132 19,945 27,696 33,747 34,649 126,742 58,543 23,368 6,912 1,396

1981 340,064 5,499 127,787 11,419 20,381 27,974 33,209 34,804 123,317 54,524 21,391 6,169 1,377

1980 336,763 5,858 132,360 12,552 21,470 29,173 34,085 35,080 120,820 50,861 19,659 5,889 1,316

Race of child

Estimated2

1980 349,300 6,000 136,900 12,800 22,100 30,200 35,300 36,400 126,300 52,700 20,100 5,900 1,300

1979 334,800 6,200 136,700 12,800 22,800 30,300 35,100 35,800 119,900 47,400 17,600 5,700 1,300

1978 310,200 6,100 131,200 12,500 22,100 29,400 33,900 33,400 109,500 41,800 15,200 5,200 1,200

1977 295,500 6,700 132,600 13,400 23,500 30,200 33,300 32,200 99,200 37,200 13,500 5,000 1,300

1976 271,000 6,800 127,400 13,700 23,800 29,000 31,300 29,600 86,500 32,700 11,600 4,700 1,300

1975 261,600 7,500 128,600 14,300 24,000 29,600 31,900 28,800 79,500 29,000 11,200 4,500 1,300

1974 249,600 7,300 125,700 14,600 24,000 29,700 30,500 27,000 73,200 26,400 11,000 4,700 1,300

1973 244,300 7,700 123,800 15,000 24,400 29,600 28,800 26,000 70,800 24,800 11,000 4,800 1,400

85
Table I-1. Number of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: United States, 1940 and 1950-93, cont.

Age of mother

Year and race All Under 15 15-19 years 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40 years

ages years Total 15 years 16 years 17 years 18 years 19 years years years years years and over

ALL OTHER...cont.

1972 242,700 7,200 123,600 14,900 24,600 29,000 29,600 25,500 70,000 23,900 11,200 5,100 1,500

1971 237,500 7,100 118,100 13,900 23,200 27,600 27,900 25,600 69,800 23,700 11,500 5,600 1,700

1970 223,600 7,000 111,100 13,200 21,500 25,300 26,400 24,700 64,600 22,600 11,300 5,400 1,700

1969 197,200 6,200 97,800 11,700 18,400 22,400 23,900 21,500 56,200 20,100 10,000 5,200 1,700

1968 183,900 5,800 90,600 10,900 17,300 21,300 21,700 19,500 51,100 19,100 10,000 5,500 1,800

1967 175,800 5,200 84,000 9,900 16,700 19,500 19,800 18,200 49,100 19,300 10,500 5,900 1,700

1966 169,500 4,800 78,300 9,300 15,200 18,000 18,800 17,000 46,700 20,700 11,100 6,100 1,900

1965 167,500 4,600 72,400 8,900 14,100 17,200 17,500 14,700 47,300 21,900 12,400 6,900 2,000

1964 161,300 4,400 66,200 8,100 13,300 15,800 14,800 14,300 47,300 22,100 12,700 6,700 1,900

1963 154,900 4,200 61,000 7,500 11,800 13,400 14,500 13,800 45,800 22,300 12,800 6,700 2,000

1962 150,400 3,900 57,600 7,100 10,400 12,900 13,800 13,500 45,000 22,100 12,900 7,100 1,800

1961 149,100 3,800 57,100 6,400 10,300 12,900 14,400 13,100 44,100 22,100 13,100 7,000 1,900

1960 141,800 3,500 54,300 6,100 10,000 12,600 13,100 12,600 41,300 21,300 12,900 6,700 1,700

1959 141,100 3,400 53,600 6,300 10,100 12,300 12,900 12,100 41,100 21,500 13,100 6,700 1,700

1958 134,100 3,300 50,900 6,000 9,400 11,500 12,400 11,600 38,600 20,800 12,600 6,300 1,600

1957 130,900 3,500 49,600 6,000 9,600 11,200 11,700 11,000 37,800 20,100 12,200 6,300 1,600

1956 126,000 3,200 47,600 5,600 9,300 10,700 11,600 10,400 36,600 19,900 11,600 5,600 1,500

1955 119,200 3,000 45,300 5,400 8,300 10,500 10,900 10,300 34,700 18,900 10,700 5,300 1,400

--------------------15-17 years------------------- ------------18-19 years----------

1954 113,900 3,100 44,000 23,400 20,600 32,700 17,700 10,300 4,900 1,200

1953 104,200 2,700 40,800 21,800 19,000 29,900 16,300 8,700 4,400 1,300

1952 96,200 2,600 39,000 21,800 17,200 27,000 14,700 8,000 3,900 900

1951 93,900 2,600 37,700 20,300 17,400 26,600 14,200 7,700 4,000 1,200

1950 88,100 2,500 36,100 19,900 16,200 25,300 13,000 6,600 3,600 1,000

1940 49,200 1,600 24,500 --- --- --- --- --- 12,500 5,300 2,900 1,700 600

BLACK

Race of mother

Reported/Inferred1

1993 452,476 6,293 133,031 12,018 20,489 27,905 34,509 38,110 159,598 84,604 47,330 18,526 3,094

1992 458,969 6,296 135,994 12,059 20,158 27,985 35,422 40,370 162,561 86,853 46,860 17,608 2,797

1991 463,750 6,298 139,325 11,701 20,402 28,714 36,902 41,606 163,532 89,198 46,370 16,357 2,670

1990 455,304 6,240 139,442 11,732 19,894 28,476 36,875 42,465 157,819 89,614 44,930 14,946 2,313

1989 442,395 6,458 138,718 11,797 20,735 28,840 37,398 39,948 153,551 86,846 41,468 13,333 2,021

1988 413,157 6,057 129,333 11,498 19,680 28,470 33,914 35,771 146,697 80,125 37,290 11,833 1,822

1987 387,468 5,861 122,502 11,188 19,722 26,134 31,207 34,251 139,771 74,133 33,112 10,511 1,578

1986 369,786 5,762 119,357 11,310 18,749 24,499 31,022 33,777 134,380 69,623 29,892 9,387 1,385

1985 356,205 5,753 118,058 10,653 17,881 24,695 30,867 33,962 130,032 65,126 27,262 8,650 1,324

1984 342,524 5,599 117,844 10,285 18,179 24,842 31,026 33,512 124,541 61,091 24,580 7,579 1,290

1983 333,183 5,324 119,216 10,383 18,636 25,527 31,542 33,128 120,905 57,122 22,586 6,735 1,295

1982 327,998 5,272 120,243 10,685 19,015 26,218 31,796 32,529 119,133 54,500 21,366 6,229 1,255

1981 321,383 5,323 121,738 11,016 19,543 26,662 31,553 32,964 116,568 51,170 19,712 5,633 1,239

1980 318,799 5,691 126,276 12,137 20,602 27,809 32,457 33,271 114,538 47,594 18,160 5,338 1,202

86
Table I-1. Number of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: United States, 1940 and 1950-93, cont.

Age of mother

Year and race All Under 15 15-19 years 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40 years

ages years Total 15 years 16 years 17 years 18 years 19 years years years years years and over

BLACK...cont.

Race of child

Estimated2

1980 327,000 5,800 129,700 12,400 21,100 28,600 33,400 34,200 118,300 48,500 18,300 5,200 1,200

1979 315,800 6,100 130,100 12,300 21,800 28,800 33,200 33,900 113,100 44,000 16,100 5,200 1,200

1978 293,400 5,900 125,200 12,000 21,100 28,100 32,300 31,700 103,500 38,900 14,000 4,800 1,200

1977 281,600 6,500 127,200 12,900 22,600 28,900 31,900 30,800 94,600 35,000 12,600 4,700 1,200

1976 258,800 6,600 122,700 13,200 22,900 28,000 30,200 28,400 82,400 30,800 10,700 4,400 1,200

1975 249,600 7,200 123,800 13,800 23,200 28,500 30,600 27,600 75,600 27,100 10,500 4,200 1,200

1974 238,800 7,100 121,200 14,200 23,300 28,600 29,300 25,900 69,700 24,900 10,200 4,400 1,200

1973 234,500 7,500 119,800 14,600 23,700 28,700 27,900 25,000 67,500 23,400 10,400 4,500 1,400

1972 233,300 7,100 119,900 14,600 23,900 28,100 28,700 24,500 67,000 22,600 10,500 4,800 1,500

1971 229,000 6,900 114,900 13,600 22,600 26,900 27,000 24,800 67,000 22,400 10,900 5,300 1,500

1970 215,100 6,800 107,800 13,000 20,900 24,500 25,600 23,900 61,800 21,300 10,700 5,100 1,600

1969 189,400 6,100 95,000 11,500 17,900 21,800 23,200 20,700 53,500 18,900 9,400 4,900 1,600

1 Data for States in which marital status was not reported have been inferred from other items on the birth certificate and included with data from the reporting States.

2 Births to unmarried women are estimated for the United States from data for registration areas in which marital status of mother was reported.

Note: Figures by age may not add to estimated totals for years prior to 1980 because of rounding.

Sources: Ventura, SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. Monthly Vital Statistics Report, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Suppl.). 1995.

 Ventura SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53). 1995.

87
Table I-2. Birth rates for unmarried women by age of mother: United States, 1940-93, and by age of mother

and race, 1940, 1950, and 1955-93

 [Rates are live births per 1,000 unmarried women in specified group.] 

Age of mother

15-19 years

Year and race 15-44 Total 15-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44

years1 years years years years years years years2

ALL RACES

Reported/Inferred 3

1993 45.3 44.5 30.6 66.9 69.2 57.1 38.5 19.0 4.4

1992 45.2 44.6 30.4 67.3 68.5 56.5 37.9 18.8 4.1

1991 45.2 44.8 30.9 65.7 68.0 56.5 38.1 18.0 3.8

1990 43.8 42.5 29.6 60.7 65.1 56.0 37.6 17.3 3.6

1989 41.6 40.1 28.7 56.0 61.2 52.8 34.9 16.0 3.4

1988 38.5 36.4 26.4 51.5 56.0 48.5 32.0 15.0 3.2

1987 36.0 33.8 24.5 48.9 52.6 44.5 29.6 13.5 2.9

1986 34.2 32.3 22.8 48.0 49.3 42.2 27.2 12.2 2.7

1985 32.8 31.4 22.4 45.9 46.5 39.9 25.2 11.6 2.5

1984 31.0 30.0 21.9 42.5 43.0 37.1 23.3 10.9 2.5

1983 30.3 29.5 22.0 40.7 41.8 35.5 22.4 10.2 2.6

1982 30.0 28.7 21.5 39.6 41.5 35.1 21.9 10.0 2.7

1981 29.5 27.9 20.9 39.0 41.1 34.5 20.8 9.8 2.6

1980 29.4 27.6 20.6 39.0 40.9 34.0 21.1 9.7 2.6

Estimated 4

1980 28.4 27.5 20.7 38.7 39.7 31.4 18.5 8.4 2.3

1979 27.2 26.4 19.9 37.2 37.7 29.9 17.7 8.4 2.3

1978 25.7 24.9 19.1 35.1 35.3 28.5 16.9 8.2 2.2

1977 25.6 25.1 19.8 34.6 34.0 27.7 16.9 8.4 2.4

1976 24.3 23.7 19.0 32.1 31.7 26.8 17.5 9.0 2.5

1975 24.5 23.9 19.3 32.5 31.2 27.5 17.9 9.1 2.6

1974 23.9 23.0 18.8 31.2 30.5 27.9 18.4 10.0 2.6

1973 24.3 22.7 18.7 30.4 31.5 29.6 20.3 10.8 3.0

1972 24.8 22.8 18.5 30.9 33.2 30.8 22.6 12.0 3.1

1971 25.5 22.3 17.5 31.7 35.5 34.5 25.2 13.3 3.5

1970 26.4 22.4 17.1 32.9 38.4 37.0 27.1 13.6 3.5

1969 24.8 20.4 15.2 30.8 37.3 37.9 27.0 13.5 3.6

1968 24.3 19.7 14.7 29.6 37.2 38.3 27.8 14.8 3.8

1967 23.7 18.5 13.8 27.6 38.1 41.1 28.9 15.3 4.0

1966 23.3 17.5 13.1 25.6 39.0 45.1 32.7 16.3 4.1

1965 23.4 16.7 --- --- 39.6 49.1 37.2 17.4 4.5

1964 23.0 15.9 --- --- 39.5 49.9 36.9 16.3 4.4

1963 22.5 15.3 --- --- 39.9 48.8 33.1 16.1 4.3

1962 21.9 14.8 --- --- 40.7 46.6 29.6 15.6 4.1

1961 22.7 16.0 --- --- 41.4 46.4 28.2 15.4 3.9

1960 21.6 15.3 --- --- 39.7 45.1 27.8 14.1 3.6

1959 21.9 15.5 --- --- 40.2 44.1 28.1 14.1 3.3

1958 21.2 15.3 --- --- 38.2 40.5 27.5 13.3 3.2

1957 21.0 15.8 --- --- 37.3 36.8 26.8 12.1 3.1

1956 20.4 15.6 --- --- 36.4 35.6 24.6 11.1 2.8

1955 19.3 15.1 --- --- 33.5 33.5 22.0 10.5 2.7

1954 18.7 14.9 --- --- 31.4 31.0 20.4 10.3 2.5

1953 16.9 13.9 --- --- 28.0 27.6 17.3 9.0 2.4

1952 15.8 13.5 --- --- 25.4 24.8 15.7 8.2 1.9

1951 15.1 13.2 --- --- 23.2 22.8 14.6 7.6 2.2

1950 14.1 12.6 --- --- 21.3 19.9 13.3 7.2 2.0

1949 13.3 12.0 --- --- 21.0 18.0 11.4 6.8 1.9

1948 12.5 11.4 --- --- 19.8 16.4 10.0 5.8 1.6

1947 12.1 11.0 --- --- 18.9 15.7 9.2 5.6 1.8

1946 10.9 9.5 --- --- 17.3 15.6 7.3 4.4 1.8

1945 10.1 9.5 --- --- 15.3 12.1 7.1 4.1 1.6

1944 9.0 8.8 --- --- 13.1 10.1 7.0 4.0 1.3

1943 8.3 8.4 --- --- 11.4 8.8 6.7 3.8 1.3

1942 8.0 8.2 --- --- 11.0 8.4 6.3 3.8 1.2

1941 7.8 8.0 --- --- 10.5 7.8 6.0 3.7 1.4

1940 7.1 7.4 --- --- 9.5 7.2 5.1 3.4 1.2
Table I-2. Birth rates for unmarried women by age of mother: United States, 1940-93, and by age of mother 

and race, 1940, 1950, and 1955-93....continued.

 [Rates are live births per 1,000 unmarried women in specified group.] 

Age of mother

15-19 years

Year and race 15-44 Total 15-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44

years1 years years years years years years years2

WHITE

 Race of mother

Reported/Inferred 3

1993 35.9 33.6 22.1 52.4 54.2 46.7 32.2 16.4 3.9

1992 35.2 33.0 21.6 51.5 52.7 45.4 31.5 16.2 3.6

1991 34.6 32.8 21.8 49.6 51.5 44.6 31.1 15.2 3.2

1990 32.9 30.6 20.4 44.9 48.2 43.0 29.9 14.5 3.2

1989 30.2 28.0 19.3 40.2 43.8 39.1 26.8 13.1 2.9

1988 27.4 25.3 17.6 36.8 39.2 35.4 24.2 12.1 2.7

1987 25.3 23.2 16.2 34.5 36.6 32.0 22.3 10.7 2.4

1986 23.9 21.8 14.9 33.5 34.2 30.5 20.1 9.7 2.2

1985 22.5 20.8 14.5 31.2 31.7 28.5 18.4 9.0 2.0

1984 20.6 19.3 13.7 27.9 28.5 25.5 16.8 8.4 2.0

1983 19.8 18.7 13.6 26.4 27.1 23.8 15.9 7.8 2.0

1982 19.3 18.0 13.1 25.3 26.5 23.1 15.3 7.4 2.1

1981 18.6 17.2 12.6 24.6 25.8 22.3 14.2 7.2 1.9

1980 18.1 16.5 12.0 24.1 25.1 21.5 14.1 7.1 1.8

 Race of child

Estimated 4

1980 16.2 15.9 11.7 22.8 22.4 17.3 10.5 5.3 1.4

1979 14.9 14.6 10.8 21.0 20.3 15.9 10.0 5.1 1.4

1978 13.7 13.6 10.3 19.3 18.1 14.8 9.4 4.8 1.3

1977 13.5 13.4 10.5 18.7 17.4 14.4 9.3 4.9 1.4

1976 12.6 12.3 9.7 16.9 15.8 14.0 10.1 5.5 1.4

1975 12.4 12.0 9.6 16.5 15.5 14.8 9.8 5.4 1.5

1974 11.7 11.0 8.8 15.3 15.0 14.7 9.5 5.5 1.5

1973 11.8 10.6 8.4 14.9 15.5 15.9 10.6 5.9 1.7

1972 11.9 10.4 8.0 15.1 16.6 16.5 12.1 6.5 1.6

1971 12.5 10.3 7.4 15.8 18.7 18.5 13.2 7.2 1.9

1970 13.9 10.9 7.5 17.6 22.5 21.1 14.2 7.6 2.0

1969 13.4 9.9 6.6 16.6 23.0 22.5 15.1 7.6 2.0

 ------35-44 years------

1968 13.1 9.7 6.2 16.6 23.0 22.1 15.0 4.7

1967 12.5 8.9 5.6 15.3 23.0 22.7 14.0 4.7

1966 11.9 8.5 5.4 14.1 22.6 23.4 15.7 4.9

1965 11.6 7.9 --- --- 22.0 24.3 16.6 4.9

1964 11.0 7.4 --- --- 21.1 24.0 15.9 4.8

1963 10.5 7.0 --- --- 20.7 21.9 14.2 4.6

1962 9.8 6.5 --- --- 19.9 19.8 12.6 4.3

1961 10.0 7.1 --- --- 19.7 19.4 11.3 4.2

1960 9.2 6.6 --- --- 18.2 18.2 10.8 3.9

1959 9.2 6.5 --- --- 18.3 17.6 10.7 3.6

1958 8.8 6.3 --- --- 17.3 15.8 10.8 3.4

1957 8.6 6.4 --- --- 16.6 14.6 10.5 3.0

1956 8.3 6.2 --- --- 16.3 14.0 9.2 3.0

1955 7.9 6.0 --- --- 15.0 13.3 8.6 2.8

1950 6.1 5.1 --- --- 10.0 8.7 5.9 2.0

1940 3.6 3.3 --- --- 5.7 4.0 2.5 1.2
Table I-2. Birth rates for unmarried women by age of mother: United States, 1940-93, and by age of mother 

and race, 1940, 1950, and 1955-93....continued.

 [Rates are live births per 1,000 unmarried women in specified group.] 

Age of mother

15-19 years

Year and race 15-44 Total 15-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44

years1 years years years years years years years2

 ALL OTHER

 Race of mother

Reported/Inferred 3

1993 74.3 85.4 63.4 119.5 118.8 85.3 54.2 25.7 6.1

1992 76.1 87.9 64.2 123.9 121.2 86.9 53.6 25.4 5.7

1991 78.8 90.3 66.3 125.0 124.4 90.1 55.8 25.1 5.7

1990 79.7 88.3 65.0 120.6 124.3 94.3 57.8 24.6 5.2

1989 80.7 87.8 65.6 119.5 123.5 94.7 57.9 24.3 5.1

1988 77.3 81.6 61.9 111.8 116.7 89.9 54.9 23.5 5.0

1987 74.3 78.0 59.4 107.0 110.1 85.0 51.6 22.2 4.9

1986 71.4 76.6 57.4 106.3 104.0 78.5 48.5 20.1 4.6

1985 70.1 76.6 57.6 104.7 101.0 74.4 46.4 20.0 4.4

1984 68.8 76.1 58.0 102.2 97.5 72.7 43.0 19.3 4.4

1983 69.9 76.4 59.1 101.3 97.8 73.8 42.5 18.9 4.7

1982 71.5 76.7 59.1 103.0 100.1 75.4 42.4 19.2 5.1

1981 72.8 76.7 58.9 104.3 101.6 75.9 43.5 18.7 5.5

1980 75.2 80.2 62.1 109.3 103.5 76.4 45.2 18.5 5.4

 Race of child

Estimated 4

1980 78.0 83.0 64.0 113.4 108.2 79.1 46.2 18.5 5.3

1979 78.2 83.9 64.8 115.3 107.1 77.7 44.8 19.1 5.7

1978 76.5 81.2 63.2 111.6 104.9 76.4 43.6 18.2 5.6

1977 77.4 84.0 67.2 112.7 103.1 74.4 43.7 18.5 6.6

1976 76.4 82.5 67.5 108.9 101.1 74.0 43.4 18.7 6.9

1975 79.0 86.3 70.7 114.3 102.1 73.2 47.9 20.0 6.9

1974 80.3 87.3 73.2 113.4 103.0 77.0 50.9 23.2 6.6

1973 83.2 88.5 75.6 112.8 107.8 81.0 55.8 26.2 7.2

1972 86.2 91.8 77.6 119.3 112.4 83.3 55.7 29.0 8.2

1971 90.2 92.0 75.4 125.4 120.6 92.6 65.3 32.2 10.4

1970 89.9 90.8 73.3 126.5 121.0 93.8 69.8 32.0 10.7

1969 84.8 84.2 67.3 118.9 115.4 93.9 69.0 33.3 10.4

 --------35-44---------

1968 85.1 82.1 66.2 115.4 116.4 100.0 75.8 24.6

1967 88.3 80.0 64.1 114.5 126.2 113.5 92.1 28.4

1966 92.1 77.4 61.2 113.3 137.0 138.0 113.3 33.3

1965 97.4 77.1 --- --- 147.8 161.0 131.9 38.7

1964 97.2 75.5 --- --- 158.2 164.9 127.0 34.4

1963 97.2 75.3 --- --- 156.3 168.9 120.8 34.4

1962 97.6 75.5 --- --- 158.5 171.3 113.2 35.5

1961 101.0 78.8 --- --- 165.8 171.3 110.0 37.4

1960 98.3 76.5 --- --- 166.5 171.8 104.0 35.6

1959 100.8 80.8 --- --- 167.8 168.0 106.5 34.9

1958 97.8 80.4 --- --- 153.2 161.2 110.5 32.5

1957 95.3 81.4 --- --- 147.7 142.6 115.1 30.3

1956 92.1 79.6 --- --- 143.5 132.7 113.7 27.0

1955 87.2 77.6 --- --- 133.0 125.2 100.9 25.3

1950 71.2 68.5 --- --- 105.4 94.2 63.5 20.0

1940 35.6 42.5 --- --- 46.1 32.5 23.4 9.3
Table I-2. Birth rates for unmarried women by age of mother: United States, 1940-93, and by age of mother

and race, 1940, 1950, and 1955-93....continued.

 [Rates are live births per 1,000 unmarried women in specified group.] 

Age of mother

15-19 years

Year and race 15-44 Total 15-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44

years1 years years years years years years years2

BLACK

 Race of mother

Reported/Inferred 3

1993 84.0 102.4 76.8 141.6 142.2 94.5 57.3 25.9 5.8

1992 86.5 105.9 78.0 147.8 144.3 98.2 57.7 25.8 5.4

1991 89.5 108.5 80.4 148.7 147.5 100.9 60.1 25.6 5.4

1990 90.5 106.0 78.8 143.7 144.8 105.3 61.5 25.5 5.1

1989 90.7 104.5 78.9 140.9 142.4 102.9 60.5 24.9 5.0

1988 86.5 96.1 73.5 130.5 133.6 97.2 57.4 24.1 5.0

1987 82.6 90.9 69.9 123.0 126.1 91.6 53.1 22.4 4.7

1986 79.0 88.5 67.0 121.1 118.0 84.6 50.0 20.6 4.4

1985 77.0 87.6 66.8 117.9 113.1 79.3 47.5 20.4 4.3

1984 75.2 86.1 66.5 113.6 107.9 77.8 43.8 19.4 4.3

1983 76.2 85.5 66.8 111.9 107.2 79.7 43.8 19.4 4.8

1982 77.9 85.1 66.3 112.7 109.3 82.7 44.1 19.5 5.2

1981 79.4 85.0 65.9 114.2 110.7 83.1 45.5 19.6 5.6

1980 81.1 87.9 68.8 118.2 112.3 81.4 46.7 19.0 5.5

 Race of child

Estimated 4

1980 83.2 90.3 70.6 121.8 116.0 82.9 47.0 18.5 5.5

1979 83.0 91.0 71.0 123.3 114.1 80.0 44.8 19.3 5.9

1978 81.1 87.9 68.8 119.6 111.4 79.6 43.9 18.5 6.2

1977 82.6 90.9 73.0 121.7 110.1 78.6 45.7 19.0 6.6

1976 81.6 89.7 73.5 117.9 107.2 78.0 45.0 19.2 7.0

1975 84.2 93.5 76.8 123.8 108.0 75.7 50.0 20.5 7.2

1974 85.5 93.8 78.6 122.2 109.8 80.3 51.8 24.3 6.7

1973 88.6 94.9 81.2 120.5 116.0 84.5 57.8 27.6 7.7

1972 91.6 98.2 82.8 128.2 121.2 88.3 57.4 30.4 8.5

1971 96.1 98.6 80.7 135.2 130.6 99.6 68.6 32.7 10.1

1970 95.5 96.9 77.9 136.4 131.5 100.9 71.8 32.9 10.4

1969 90.6 90.3 72.0 128.4 125.3 99.5 70.1 34.3 10.1

NOTE: Rates for 1981-89 have been revised and differ, therefore, from rates published in Vital Statistics of the United States, Vol. 1, Natality, for 1991 and earlier years.

(1) Rates computed by relating births to unmarried women, regardless of age of mother to unmarried women aged 15-44 years.

(2) Rates computed by relating births to unmarried women aged 40 and over to unmarried women aged 40-44 years. Rates by race for years prior to 1969 are 

computed by relating births to unmarried women aged 35 years and over to unmarried women aged 35-44 years.

(3) Data for states in which marital status was not reported have been inferred from other items on the birth certificate and included with data from the reporting states.

(4) Births to unmarried women are estimated for the United States from data for registration areas in which marital status of mother was reported.

data for registration areas in which marital status of mother was reported.

Sources: Ventura SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. Monthly Vital Statistics Report, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Suppl.). 1995.

 Ventura SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53). 1995.
Table I-3. Ratios of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: United States, 1940 and 1950-93

(Ratios are live births to unmarried women per 1,000 total live births in specified group.)

Age of mother

Year and race All Under 15 15-19 years 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40 years

ages years Total 15 years 16 years 17 years 18 years 19 years years years years years and over

ALL RACES

Reported/Inferred 1

1993 310.0 913.4 713.3 869.6 818.1 765.2 704.6 625.7 422.4 207.1 146.8 155.6 181.2

1992 301.3 913.3 700.2 869.9 815.2 755.0 692.4 609.8 407.0 198.0 143.0 152.2 177.0

1991 295.3 912.9 688.0 870.6 810.6 748.6 681.2 593.6 393.8 192.3 140.0 146.1 174.3

1990 280.3 915.8 670.7 868.8 799.8 737.0 661.9 576.7 369.3 180.1 133.4 139.0 169.7

1989 270.8 923.9 665.9 873.8 806.5 733.1 656.8 561.9 350.9 170.6 126.2 132.8 159.0

1988 257.1 935.7 653.3 877.0 799.7 725.8 642.3 538.7 328.7 158.5 118.1 127.7 155.5

1987 244.9 929.4 633.7 867.0 789.8 706.9 615.3 516.5 307.9 147.4 110.7 122.1 152.1

1986 233.9 925.2 607.7 857.3 767.7 674.4 590.7 493.8 286.9 138.1 103.9 117.1 147.8

1985 220.2 918.4 579.5 837.1 741.1 653.6 562.9 464.7 263.2 126.5 96.7 112.2 139.8

1984 210.0 910.7 555.9 826.2 728.9 633.5 539.1 437.4 244.6 117.5 90.0 106.8 137.8

1983 202.8 904.0 534.0 813.3 715.6 615.0 516.5 411.4 228.9 110.2 86.3 100.9 134.2

1982 194.3 892.3 507.3 802.8 693.1 585.5 486.4 386.0 213.5 103.3 81.9 97.8 134.2

1981 189.2 891.7 491.5 791.7 674.0 568.4 469.7 370.9 203.7 96.8 77.9 97.8 126.6

1980 184.3 887.4 475.9 777.5 654.9 548.5 451.1 357.4 193.5 89.9 74.5 93.7 120.5

Estimated 2

1980 178.1 904.7 475.2 787.8 659.8 550.3 448.7 353.4 187.5 82.9 65.4 81.0 107.0

1979 171.1 887.9 460.8 768.2 645.9 527.8 433.2 339.7 176.8 75.4 60.5 78.5 103.2

1978 163.2 872.6 441.1 741.4 619.2 504.2 410.4 322.4 163.7 69.0 55.9 74.5 96.3

1977 155.0 881.7 428.7 743.0 605.3 492.1 396.0 301.8 147.1 61.4 53.0 72.8 90.3

1976 147.8 863.5 402.7 719.0 585.6 461.6 363.5 277.6 133.2 57.0 53.6 74.4 89.1

1975 142.5 870.1 382.1 711.5 558.4 431.1 342.6 260.5 122.5 53.6 52.7 70.2 82.3

1974 132.3 846.0 354.0 685.1 528.3 399.8 312.9 234.9 110.7 48.6 49.9 69.4 77.7

1973 129.8 847.5 339.2 661.8 508.4 387.2 293.1 224.0 108.2 48.5 50.0 64.7 76.9

1972 123.7 819.4 328.3 666.9 500.6 377.2 284.7 215.2 101.9 45.8 50.7 60.9 69.0

1971 112.9 820.5 309.1 655.6 491.2 365.3 270.8 201.7 92.4 43.2 47.5 57.8 65.7

1970 106.9 808.4 295.3 433.8 346.8 271.0 208.6 162.3 89.3 40.8 44.6 52.2 56.5

1969 100.2 792.9 278.2 627.8 461.1 334.6 245.0 184.9 86.2 39.3 41.8 48.5 53.5

1968 96.9 810.2 267.2 624.5 452.8 326.6 235.9 176.3 82.6 38.9 41.0 47.1 51.4

1967 90.3 803.0 242.1 597.0 425.7 302.9 213.6 156.3 77.5 39.8 39.4 44.4 46.3

1966 83.9 762.8 218.5 577.9 406.1 278.4 191.9 139.0 71.3 40.7 38.8 41.6 43.1

1965 77.4 785.3 208.3 563.6 374.1 257.5 175.5 132.9 67.8 39.8 37.0 40.3 42.9

1964 68.5 742.1 190.2 529.9 349.2 232.4 160.6 117.5 61.1 36.1 33.3 35.8 39.0

1963 63.3 711.1 173.6 501.8 315.4 216.4 152.7 106.3 56.8 34.6 32.4 33.8 37.3

1962 58.8 694.8 157.3 469.5 306.1 204.6 138.2 96.2 53.6 32.5 31.0 33.2 34.2

1961 56.3 696.9 154.9 465.9 291.8 194.4 136.1 96.7 51.2 31.2 29.2 31.2 32.2

1960 52.7 678.5 148.4 443.9 281.3 182.4 129.2 91.6 47.7 29.4 27.5 29.5 31.0

1959 52.0 678.9 148.0 437.2 275.3 186.4 126.9 90.1 47.9 29.1 27.1 28.9 29.5

1958 49.6 661.9 143.3 426.2 269.1 177.3 123.5 87.9 45.9 27.8 26.3 27.6 28.8

1957 47.4 660.9 138.9 426.1 268.1 173.7 120.0 81.8 44.4 26.1 24.9 25.7 29.1

1956 46.5 660.8 139.9 421.6 268.1 173.2 120.9 84.3 44.4 26.0 23.4 24.8 26.4

1955 45.3 662.9 142.3 427.7 265.1 178.4 124.4 87.2 43.7 25.0 22.3 24.0 25.9

92
Table I-3. Ratios of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: United States, 1940 and 1950-93...continued

(Ratios are live births to unmarried women per 1,000 total live births in specified group.)

Age of mother

Year and race All Under 15 15-19 years 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40 years

ages years Total 15 years 16 years 17 years 18 years 19 years years years years years and over

ALL RACES...cont. ------------------15-17 years-------------------- ----------18-19 years--------

1954 44.0 643.8 140.6 231.5 100.7 42.4 23.7 21.5 23.4 23.9

1953 41.2 639.6 134.9 223.0 96.4 40.0 22.1 19.4 21.5 23.8

1952 39.1 645.3 134.0 228.4 92.2 37.5 20.3 18.2 20.3 19.2

1951 39.1 638.0 129.4 217.6 91.2 36.6 20.5 18.6 20.3 23.0

1950 39.8 637.3 133.5 226.1 93.6 38.1 20.5 18.1 20.4 21.3

1940 37.9 644.8 134.7 --- --- --- --- --- 36.8 16.3 13.0 14.9 15.0

WHITE

 Race of mother

Reported/Inferred 1

1993 235.6 845.9 623.4 797.3 740.1 684.0 619.0 534.6 333.5 151.9 105.6 117.1 148.8

1992 225.5 848.3 603.5 793.2 733.4 669.0 600.0 511.0 317.1 142.7 101.5 114.0 146.0

1991 218.3 837.5 587.6 795.9 726.7 656.4 584.4 492.8 302.2 136.7 98.4 108.6 141.2

1990 203.5 835.7 563.9 785.4 707.1 640.0 559.3 471.8 277.6 125.5 92.5 103.3 140.8

1989 192.2 846.7 552.9 786.2 705.9 629.3 549.8 452.3 257.0 115.9 85.8 97.9 130.9

1988 179.7 865.0 537.3 785.9 696.0 618.1 532.0 428.8 234.5 106.0 79.6 94.0 126.5

1987 168.9 846.2 513.7 770.2 683.8 596.7 502.0 400.4 215.8 97.2 74.2 89.1 124.1

1986 159.2 836.2 483.1 755.6 651.4 558.1 471.6 376.9 198.0 89.9 68.8 85.9 119.7

1985 146.7 824.1 448.1 721.6 617.6 528.3 436.0 342.8 177.2 80.7 63.3 80.7 109.0

1984 135.8 807.8 417.0 703.2 594.0 499.5 403.9 312.0 159.7 72.3 57.6 76.3 105.7

1983 129.4 799.5 393.3 682.0 574.8 475.8 380.8 287.8 146.2 66.9 54.9 71.7 102.3

1982 122.5 776.9 366.9 664.6 547.8 443.2 351.2 267.1 134.2 62.0 51.3 68.6 102.9

1981 117.6 764.9 350.1 644.2 522.7 424.1 335.2 252.0 125.9 57.1 48.7 68.0 91.2

1980 112.0 753.8 331.4 616.2 496.0 397.7 314.1 240.1 116.8 51.6 45.9 63.6 85.8

 Race of child

Estimated 2

1980 101.5 767.2 323.4 620.9 493.9 391.8 304.1 229.7 105.4 42.0 34.6 48.6 64.7

1979 93.6 749.7 303.3 593.8 470.7 364.3 285.2 210.8 94.6 36.7 31.5 44.8 64.1

1978 87.1 731.4 285.5 564.9 446.3 341.3 261.9 195.7 84.2 32.9 28.4 41.2 59.6

1977 81.8 727.9 273.1 562.1 428.6 328.9 250.0 178.5 74.6 29.0 26.9 39.1 55.8

1976 76.8 692.5 248.2 528.1 399.2 295.0 221.9 161.4 66.3 27.3 28.3 41.8 49.8

1975 73.0 709.6 229.0 519.4 369.6 265.1 201.7 147.8 60.9 26.2 27.0 38.6 45.9

1974 65.4 653.1 202.3 475.9 335.2 233.3 176.3 129.0 54.4 23.2 24.0 35.6 42.8

1973 63.9 652.1 190.9 442.6 312.2 221.0 166.9 122.8 53.4 23.6 24.3 33.0 41.1

1972 60.4 590.4 181.1 431.1 293.4 215.1 156.2 121.2 51.0 22.0 24.4 30.5 35.3

1971 56.1 605.3 170.1 418.8 282.4 205.0 154.3 114.8 48.8 20.9 22.8 28.7 35.8

1970 56.6 578.7 171.0 416.8 286.7 205.7 156.1 119.6 51.8 20.7 21.2 27.0 32.5

1969 54.7 570.0 162.1 391.4 277.6 196.5 145.8 117.2 52.7 20.8 21.4 25.5 29.7

1968 53.3 610.1 158.0 387.1 271.9 192.3 144.3 116.0 51.0 20.4 20.5 24.5 28.4

1967 48.7 615.7 138.5 355.4 236.8 176.7 129.0 100.6 47.0 20.3 18.4 22.2 25.7

1966 44.4 525.1 123.6 341.2 227.1 160.2 112.7 89.8 41.6 19.9 18.3 21.4 23.1

1965 39.6 572.8 114.3 321.6 201.1 141.0 104.4 80.5 38.4 18.8 16.1 19.0 22.2

93
Table I-3. Ratios of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: United States, 1940 and 1950-93...continued

(Ratios are live births to unmarried women per 1,000 total live births in specified group.)

Age of mother

Year and race All Under 15 15-19 years 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40 years

ages years Total 15 years 16 years 17 years 18 years 19 years years years years years and over

WHITE...cont.

1964 33.9 523.2 101.7 300.3 184.3 132.9 88.7 67.8 33.1 16.5 13.7 16.9 20.7

1963 30.4 487.4 89.9 294.9 171.9 112.8 81.4 59.8 29.7 14.8 13.5 15.4 19.0

1962 27.0 480.1 78.2 256.2 152.1 103.5 72.4 51.8 26.2 13.3 12.9 14.5 17.1

1961 25.3 498.6 76.5 260.1 145.6 96.1 71.3 51.5 24.2 12.5 11.4 13.6 16.6

1960 22.9 475.4 71.6 238.7 140.2 89.9 65.7 46.2 21.9 11.4 10.2 12.7 15.8

1959 22.1 466.6 69.4 224.2 134.7 88.5 61.3 45.0 21.8 11.1 9.8 11.9 13.5

1958 20.9 453.2 65.9 215.0 125.2 83.6 57.7 43.4 20.6 10.4 9.9 11.3 13.7

1957 19.6 415.4 62.7 208.6 123.5 80.3 58.0 38.8 19.5 9.9 9.5 9.8 14.6

1956 19.0 425.9 62.6 200.1 119.1 80.1 57.6 41.0 19.6 9.6 8.5 10.4 13.5

1955 18.6 421.3 63.6 204.7 120.9 80.1 58.2 42.3 19.3 9.3 8.5 10.0 12.5

 -------------------15-17 years------------------ ----------18-19 years--------

1954 18.2 368.3 63.1 102.2 48.5 19.1 9.1 8.2 10.2 12.6

1953 16.9 431.5 59.0 95.7 45.3 18.1 8.4 7.7 9.1 10.6

1952 16.3 381.8 58.4 96.3 44.1 17.6 7.9 7.2 9.3 9.7

1951 16.3 376.6 57.9 97.3 43.5 16.7 8.2 7.4 8.5 10.6

1950 17.5 419.4 62.4 102.2 47.5 18.3 8.7 7.9 9.0 10.2

1940 19.5 443.7 69.7 --- --- --- --- --- 22.7 8.9 6.0 7.3 8.5

ALL OTHER

 Race of mother

Reported/Inferred 1

1993 585.7 970.6 906.3 959.4 948.1 929.5 903.6 858.3 705.7 451.1 350.2 330.7 311.9

1992 582.5 964.2 903.9 962.0 948.3 928.2 900.0 856.9 693.0 446.4 349.1 326.1 304.4

1991 582.2 970.3 899.7 962.0 946.0 930.1 897.4 847.3 688.2 445.2 347.3 320.5 306.4

1990 571.1 975.3 896.8 964.5 946.2 926.9 893.9 844.5 668.9 435.0 339.1 306.5 289.8

1989 566.4 976.1 897.5 968.4 954.8 931.6 892.7 836.4 656.3 426.4 329.9 297.6 274.2

1988 554.7 981.3 896.4 973.9 957.8 934.4 891.1 825.2 643.1 412.2 314.1 283.1 273.4

1987 547.3 984.2 891.5 973.4 958.4 928.7 882.6 819.8 631.1 399.7 303.2 276.4 266.9

1986 539.7 985.0 883.1 972.6 953.6 920.5 873.5 810.3 618.0 388.2 292.1 263.6 254.3

1985 529.4 983.2 878.0 973.2 951.2 920.6 868.9 802.5 599.7 371.1 278.9 259.0 259.7

1984 523.2 980.6 872.1 971.2 950.7 916.0 865.3 790.7 584.3 359.8 267.5 252.1 259.7

1983 515.0 979.5 864.5 973.3 948.7 912.1 857.2 775.0 567.0 345.1 256.5 240.5 252.1

1982 502.5 979.5 847.7 965.1 941.1 899.5 837.2 750.2 546.3 328.9 245.6 235.8 244.8

1981 499.0 983.4 840.9 969.3 937.6 893.2 829.2 739.3 536.3 319.2 235.4 230.0 246.5

1980 498.2 981.4 834.6 965.9 931.5 888.4 818.6 729.6 526.7 309.4 228.7 225.6 239.1

 Race of child

Estimated 2

1980 489.5 1000.0 834.2 969.8 939.9 892.1 818.0 722.5 518.3 300.9 220.4 213.2 226.2

1979 488.1 984.6 825.2 968.2 933.3 877.8 806.1 716.7 509.0 286.6 215.3 220.9 235.7

1978 475.6 974.4 803.2 953.7 915.2 853.4 779.7 693.5 487.2 269.7 207.9 213.9 221.5

1977 464.9 987.6 794.1 953.3 905.3 849.5 764.6 672.9 456.7 251.7 200.4 211.4 225.7

1976 451.5 989.2 769.9 949.3 902.8 833.4 728.8 630.7 425.3 239.2 194.8 209.5 226.2

1975 441.7 990.9 747.2 943.2 886.8 806.5 704.7 601.1 399.5 226.8 195.3 203.1 211.4

94
Table I-3. Ratios of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: United States, 1940 and 1950-93...continued

(Ratios are live births to unmarried women per 1,000 total live births in specified group.)

Age of mother

Year and race All Under 15 15-19 years 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40 years

ages years Total 15 years 16 years 17 years 18 years 19 years years years years years and over

ALL OTHER...cont.

1974 427.3 976.5 717.1 933.0 860.9 773.5 670.2 564.0 372.3 219.7 196.8 208.5 209.1

1973 416.9 968.1 690.6 911.9 835.4 752.6 627.5 537.5 358.9 217.5 194.4 201.5 199.7

1972 402.6 958.8 678.0 911.8 829.1 729.9 624.6 518.8 343.2 206.6 190.2 192.0 188.5

1971 373.3 953.3 651.7 891.4 817.8 716.3 595.0 493.9 316.4 193.4 177.3 185.4 182.3

1970 349.3 941.9 613.5 872.2 782.4 677.7 554.0 461.7 295.0 180.6 172.8 168.8 169.1

1969 325.1 913.9 574.0 846.1 748.9 636.1 517.2 425.2 275.0 170.8 156.4 158.6 158.7

1968 312.0 907.7 549.7 836.3 722.3 611.7 492.2 398.6 264.0 168.0 155.3 157.2 156.5

1967 293.8 891.6 521.1 800.3 699.9 574.1 464.3 376.3 253.2 164.4 151.5 155.3 133.0

1966 276.5 878.8 500.9 790.0 681.9 548.1 443.8 361.3 237.2 167.5 147.7 145.9 137.2

1965 263.2 864.0 492.0 781.5 659.7 545.2 429.4 349.4 229.9 162.8 149.0 148.8 140.1

1964 245.0 856.0 468.3 759.1 651.8 517.2 404.5 331.5 220.4 155.0 140.7 136.2 125.2

1963 235.5 852.4 455.6 740.1 607.5 502.3 409.4 326.8 213.9 151.2 138.3 133.8 134.6

1962 227.8 842.0 439.3 724.3 607.8 490.9 390.6 316.9 212.5 147.2 134.6 136.6 120.7

1961 223.4 816.5 439.2 716.4 592.2 489.1 396.5 319.5 209.4 143.5 132.0 129.9 126.7

1960 215.8 822.4 421.5 700.7 577.8 469.3 376.2 306.2 199.6 141.3 129.9 127.7 116.8

1959 218.0 808.8 426.5 701.6 582.4 479.7 377.2 306.2 202.3 143.4 133.4 130.1 124.4

1958 212.3 825.0 419.0 702.1 569.4 459.9 375.8 301.9 194.2 141.6 130.9 127.1 119.7

1957 206.7 811.7 409.1 689.5 563.7 449.0 360.5 288.7 190.5 135.9 125.6 127.6 117.4

1956 204.0 798.4 404.8 675.2 564.0 453.2 357.7 282.8 189.7 136.0 123.4 116.7 111.6

1955 202.4 800.6 406.6 671.8 549.1 455.3 363.1 292.8 189.4 133.4 119.9 117.1 108.6

-------------------15-17 years-------------------- ----------18-19 years--------

1954 198.5 797.7 399.8 516.4 318.1 184.6 127.2 119.7 113.7 94.8

1953 191.1 779.9 389.0 501.0 309.6 177.3 122.1 108.7 108.7 103.4

1952 183.4 783.8 384.1 513.7 290.9 163.7 116.2 106.5 99.9 79.3

1951 182.8 771.4 365.5 472.5 289.1 162.6 117.4 109.4 102.5 98.5

1950 179.6 745.8 358.4 475.7 275.1 159.0 114.7 102.4 98.5 92.9

1940 168.3 751.2 344.4 --- --- --- --- --- 136.4 88.3 80.1 75.3 77.4

BLACK

 Race of mother

Reported/Inferred 1

1993 686.7 980.7 929.3 970.1 961.1 947.6 927.1 890.9 766.7 558.2 468.8 448.1 425.2

1992 681.3 976.4 926.4 970.0 961.3 945.4 923.4 888.5 752.4 549.8 467.0 447.0 421.2

1991 679.4 981.1 923.0 972.5 960.2 947.9 922.1 878.4 747.0 547.1 465.4 437.8 426.7

1990 665.3 984.5 919.7 975.8 959.5 945.3 918.0 874.5 726.4 532.7 451.5 419.9 399.6

1989 657.2 984.5 920.5 979.2 968.4 949.6 915.1 868.5 712.3 519.2 437.6 405.9 371.7

1988 647.0 988.9 919.8 983.8 972.3 951.3 916.2 857.1 698.9 505.3 423.2 388.7 377.2

1987 634.0 990.5 913.9 982.3 970.0 945.5 907.0 850.3 685.2 486.4 402.5 372.8 365.1

1986 623.7 990.2 907.0 979.7 967.5 939.3 899.3 842.4 672.2 472.5 384.3 355.5 342.1

1985 612.2 987.6 902.2 981.1 965.0 940.1 894.9 834.2 653.5 452.2 370.1 351.1 344.3

1984 602.9 985.7 896.2 977.7 963.1 936.1 890.5 822.9 637.7 438.2 352.3 334.8 333.9

1983 592.2 985.2 890.0 981.2 961.7 932.6 884.5 808.8 620.7 419.4 336.9 317.5 322.2

95
Table I-3. Ratios of births to unmarried women by age of mother and race: United States, 1940 and 1950-93...continued

(Ratios are live births to unmarried women per 1,000 total live births in specified group.)

Age of mother

Year and race All Under 15 15-19 years 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40 years

ages years Total 15 years 16 years 17 years 18 years 19 years years years years years and over

BLACK...cont.

 Race of child

Estimated 2

1982 576.9 984.1 874.8 972.7 954.4 921.4 865.7 786.4 598.8 400.1 322.3 308.2 312.8

1981 568.9 989.4 867.4 977.3 951.7 915.0 857.4 773.8 584.4 385.6 307.5 297.7 307.1

1980 561.2 985.8 856.8 973.1 943.1 904.4 843.4 759.2 569.5 367.5 295.7 284.0 295.0

1980 554.6 1000.0 862.6 985.7 954.9 914.0 850.2 758.3 564.4 357.5 284.3 264.9 286.1

1979 546.5 993.6 851.4 971.2 945.1 900.0 833.5 749.2 549.0 338.1 272.3 269.9 275.2

1978 532.0 972.3 829.1 958.1 927.3 877.1 808.9 724.6 526.1 319.9 261.7 261.7 279.3

1977 517.4 987.5 819.6 957.7 922.6 870.1 792.4 704.0 494.8 297.4 249.7 254.5 258.1

1976 503.0 990.8 797.1 956.0 917.0 857.6 761.1 663.1 460.6 284.9 239.9 251.2 252.8

1975 487.9 984.3 768.7 947.7 896.4 826.0 726.2 627.9 429.8 268.4 241.0 238.9 231.0

1974 470.9 973.8 737.1 937.2 875.4 790.5 689.9 588.4 400.9 261.7 237.8 241.1 226.7

1973 457.5 964.3 709.8 914.6 849.2 769.8 648.5 560.7 386.3 257.0 233.4 229.0 231.8

1972 439.1 964.3 695.7 916.3 839.0 743.5 644.2 537.5 369.5 240.5 221.9 216.3 220.2

1971 405.3 949.9 669.3 897.8 826.3 732.2 611.9 513.2 338.8 221.3 204.5 207.0 185.2

1970 375.8 934.8 627.4 883.0 785.8 688.9 570.0 477.7 312.8 202.7 196.4 186.0 183.4

1969 348.7 917.3 586.6 851.0 754.6 645.3 530.6 438.6 290.2 190.2 176.4 174.1 170.9

1 Data for states in which marital status was not reported have been inferred from other items on the birth certificate and included with data from the reporting states.

Sources: Ventura SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics. 21(53). 1995.

 Ventura, SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. Monthly Vital Statistics Report, Vol. 44, No.3 (Suppl.). 1995.

96
Table II-1. Estimated Birth Rates for Unmarried Women by Hispanic Origin and Age of Mother: United States, 1990-93

[Rates per 1,000 unmarried women in specified group. For method of estimation, see reference below]

Age of mother

Year and 15-19

origin 15-44 15-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 

years (1) Total years years years years years years years (2)

Hispanic

1993 95.2 74.7 51.9 114.6 140.5 137.7 90.9 47.8 14.1

1992 95.3 72.9 51.0 110.5 142.2 138.3 91.8 48.1 14.5

1991 93.7 72.4 50.5 109.6 135.4 137.5 89.1 47.7 14.2

1990 89.6 65.9 45.9 98.9 129.8 131.7 88.1 50.8 13.7

Non-Hispanic (3)

1993 39.8 40.5 27.7 61.0 61.3 48.2 32.9 16.2 3.6

1992 39.7 40.8 27.6 61.7 60.5 47.8 32.4 16.0 3.3

1991 39.9 41.3 28.3 60.4 60.6 48.3 32.8 15.2 3.0

1990 39.2 39.7 27.5 56.5 58.4 48.7 32.6 14.6 2.9

(1) Computed by relating all births to unmarried mothers, regardless of age of mother, to unmarried women aged 15-44 years.

(2) Computed by relating births to unmarried mothers aged 40 years and over to unmarried women aged 40-44 years.

(3) Includes births with origin of mother not stated. 

Sources: Ventura SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53). 1995.

Ventura SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995.

97
Table II-2. Number and percent of births to unmarried women, by race and Hispanic

origin of mother and by race for mothers of non-Hispanic origin: United States, 1993

 Race and Hispanic origin Number of births Percent of all births

 All races 1,240,172 31.0

White 742,129 23.6

Black 452,476 68.7

American Indian 21,620 55.8

Chinese 1,698 6.7

Japanese 867 10.0

Hawaiian 2,776 47.8

Filipino 5,261 17.7

Other Asian or

 Pacific Islander 13,345 16.1

 Hispanic, Total (1) 261,586 40.0

Mexican (1) 164,164 37.0

Puerto Rican (1) 34,491 59.4

Cuban (1) 2,498 21.0

Central and South

 American (1) 41,751 45.2

Other and unknown

 Hispanic (1) 18,682 38.7

 Non-Hispanic (2) 965,185 29.3

White 481,503 19.5

Black 441,811 68.9

(1) Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race.

(2) Includes races other than white and black.

Source: Ventura SJ, Martin JA, Taffel SM, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. National Center for 

 Health Statistics. 1995.

98
Table II-3. Estimated birth rates for unmarried women by educational attainment, age, race and Hispanic

origin of mother: United States, 1992

[Rates are live births to unmarried women per 1,000 unmarried women in specified group.]

 Years of school completed

Age, race and 0-8 9-11 12 13-15 16 years

Hispanic origin of mother Total years years years years or more

All races 1

15-44 years 2 45.2 82.3 59.2 70.2 21.2 10.8

15-17 years 30.4 28.2 28.4 244.1 6.3 ... 

18-24 years 68.1 259.1 127.2 111.9 19.8 11.0

25-29 years 56.5 210.8 109.4 77.1 40.2 11.1

30-34 years 37.9 82.8 71.7 46.7 26.7 15.5

35-39 years 18.8 58.4 28.8 20.9 13.6 11.6

40-44 years 3 4.1 15.1 6.3 4.0 2.6 3.3

White

15-44 years 2 35.2 85.5 47.9 55.8 14.4 7.9

15-17 years 21.6 24.2 19.4 168.8 5.1 ... 

18-24 years 52.3 256.9 116.8 85.3 13.2 6.9

25-29 years 45.4 256.5 122.6 61.8 28.1 7.3

30-34 years 31.5 102.1 62.7 39.5 19.4 12.4

35-39 years 16.2 59.9 32.2 17.6 10.0 10.1

40-44 years 3 3.6 17.0 5.8 3.3 2.0 3.0

Black

15-44 years 2 86.5 76.1 101.0 111.9 54.7 31.6

15-17 years 78.0 46.5 79.9 671.7 15.3 ... 

18-24 years 145.4 228.0 168.3 200.2 66.6 76.7

25-29 years 98.2 78.8 97.5 123.1 85.0 46.2

30-34 years 57.7 32.3 88.2 64.8 49.2 32.2

35-39 years 25.8 47.3 24.4 28.2 27.0 16.8

40-44 years 3 5.4 9.2 6.3 5.8 4.4 5.0

Hispanic 4

15-44 years 2 95.3 169.1 100.7 111.0 33.2 29.0

15-17 years 51.0 66.0 44.2 419.5 12.2 ... 

18-24 years 130.9 306.4 196.9 140.3 28.6 28.5

25-29 years 138.3 302.3 185.6 131.4 59.3 34.4

30-34 years 91.8 153.9 99.7 105.6 40.0 38.7

35-39 years 48.1 87.4 61.4 37.6 25.0 20.0

40-44 years 3 14.5 33.8 12.5 10.0 6.1 8.9

1 Includes race other than white and black.

2 Rates computed by relating total births, regardless of age of mother, to unmarried women aged 15-44 years in specified group.

3 Rates computed by relating births to unmarried mothers aged 40 years and over to unmarried women aged 40-44 years in specified group.

4 Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. For method of estimation, see reference below.

Source: Ventura SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53). 1995.

99
Table II-4. Birth rates for unmarried women by age and race of mother: United States and each State, 1990

[Rates per 1,000 unmarried women residing in area for specified group]

Age of mother

State1 and 15-19 years

 race of mother 15-44 15-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44

years2 Total years years years years years years years3

United States 43.8 42.5 29.6 60.7 65.1 56.0 37.6 17.3 3.6

 White 32.9 30.6 20.4 44.9 48.2 43.0 29.9 14.5 3.2

 Black 90.5 106.0 78.8 143.7 144.8 105.3 61.5 25.5 5.1

Alabama 45.6 48.1 35.9 65.8 73.0 54.4 28.3 12.7 2.3

 White 19.6 21.0 15.7 28.6 29.2 24.4 12.9 5.6 * 

 Black 86.3 101.0 75.9 136.0 145.5 92.1 46.4 21.3 4.6

Alaska 56.7 45.5 25.0 84.2 104.1 83.0 49.6 24.0 4.7

 White 35.2 32.2 17.0 61.3 66.2 47.8 30.5 15.8 * 

 Black 66.7 57.3 * 81.3 101.0 84.8 71.4 * * 

Arizona 57.5 57.8 41.2 81.5 88.6 74.2 45.4 20.6 4.4

 White 50.4 52.8 38.1 73.6 78.3 63.7 38.5 17.4 3.5

 Black 96.2 110.0 85.6 146.1 152.8 119.7 58.5 22.5 * 

Arkansas 50.2 52.5 37.8 76.0 85.8 59.2 29.6 11.4 2.8

 White 30.7 30.5 20.7 46.8 52.8 39.7 20.2 7.0 1.8

 Black 103.3 126.7 97.9 170.2 172.5 99.7 48.8 21.8 6.3

California 56.4 49.7 34.4 71.4 81.3 74.7 57.2 29.5 7.2

 White 57.8 50.6 34.9 72.8 84.6 76.9 57.9 30.5 7.5

 Black 83.2 92.0 64.4 130.8 129.5 104.3 71.1 29.1 5.7

Colorado 31.1 37.7 27.0 53.0 50.0 36.4 19.6 9.3 2.2

 White 28.2 34.7 24.8 48.8 44.9 32.6 18.0 8.7 2.0

 Black 77.7 96.8 70.4 135.1 140.0 85.5 42.8 18.1 * 

Connecticut 35.0 32.1 24.0 42.4 46.4 44.2 37.5 19.2 4.0

 White 26.8 23.3 17.2 31.0 34.8 33.7 31.0 18.0 3.9

 Black 85.2 100.2 77.6 128.2 128.2 98.3 66.2 23.4 * 

Delaware 41.5 44.2 34.5 55.2 59.5 49.7 29.4 15.0 * 

 White 24.5 24.9 18.9 31.3 33.6 29.7 19.6 12.7 * 

 Black 92.5 117.1 90.7 148.3 152.5 99.3 50.0 20.7 * 

District of Columbia 64.4 89.7 87.0 91.8 86.8 75.2 55.7 20.6 5.1

 White 8.7 9.5 17.8 6.5 9.1 9.1 10.4 8.2 * 

 Black 90.6 119.4 99.2 140.9 138.8 112.1 74.4 24.2 5.8

Florida 48.8 52.1 37.6 72.9 74.7 58.7 40.5 18.8 5.0

 White 31.6 31.1 20.8 45.7 48.1 40.9 28.6 13.9 3.9

 Black 111.7 131.8 100.5 177.0 175.5 120.7 78.8 35.8 9.6

Georgia 50.2 55.7 40.2 78.2 82.8 55.9 32.9 12.6 2.2

 White 24.2 26.4 17.9 39.1 39.0 27.7 16.9 6.4 1.2

 Black 89.6 112.8 84.7 152.0 151.9 91.9 51.6 19.9 3.7

Hawaii 42.5 46.5 29.2 73.4 67.8 48.7 30.9 16.0 3.5

 White 23.3 20.6 11.2 35.3 35.3 29.1 27.9 15.5 * 

 Black 52.9 38.3 * * 103.0 47.2 * * * 

Idaho 31.4 26.2 17.1 40.8 56.7 46.6 25.6 13.2 3.5

 White 30.8 25.5 16.8 39.4 56.3 46.0 25.2 12.1 3.6

 Black * * * * * * * * * 

Illinois 47.6 52.8 36.8 75.3 69.8 54.6 36.1 15.3 3.4

 White 29.1 31.0 19.9 46.5 42.4 33.8 22.6 9.9 2.6

 Black 109.8 143.8 106.5 196.4 181.8 116.7 68.2 28.5 5.8

Indiana 38.5 41.7 29.5 58.2 60.9 45.2 23.4 9.3 1.8

 White 30.6 33.0 22.8 46.8 47.9 36.3 18.6 7.2 1.6

 Black 91.9 120.2 89.5 164.2 166.1 92.9 45.5 19.4 3.5

Iowa 31.3 29.7 17.8 45.5 48.3 42.0 23.1 8.2 1.6

 White 29.1 27.5 16.2 42.6 45.7 38.9 21.3 7.6 1.5

 Black 96.5 115.8 85.9 151.5 136.3 114.4 61.4 * * 

Kansas 36.3 37.9 24.7 57.0 58.7 42.1 23.5 8.4 2.0

 White 29.9 31.3 19.8 48.0 48.3 34.6 19.7 7.3 1.6

 Black 98.6 126.1 90.0 177.4 171.5 100.2 49.2 18.3 * 

Kentucky 35.8 38.3 25.9 57.1 61.3 40.9 20.8 8.5 1.8

 White 29.8 31.2 20.6 47.6 50.3 34.9 17.5 7.6 1.8

 Black 80.3 110.6 83.3 147.6 148.3 74.6 36.8 13.6 * 
Table II-4. Birth rates for unmarried women by age and race of mother: United States and each State, 

1990....continued

[Rates per 1,000 unmarried women residing in area for specified group]

Age of mother

State1 and 15-19 years

 race of mother 15-44 15-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44

years2 Total years years years years years years years3

Louisiana 56.7 57.5 42.9 78.9 90.6 68.2 39.7 17.8 3.2

 White 25.3 26.0 18.2 37.6 38.0 31.1 19.0 9.1 1.6

 Black 95.8 108.0 83.6 141.9 157.1 104.7 59.6 26.5 5.2

Maine 31.5 32.8 20.3 50.2 51.7 39.9 21.1 8.4 * 

 White 31.1 32.6 20.2 49.8 51.4 39.1 20.8 8.1 * 

 Black 62.3 * * * * * * * * 

Maryland 41.8 43.6 29.5 62.3 62.5 50.6 34.6 13.6 2.3

 White 24.9 24.4 14.8 37.5 35.9 30.8 22.5 9.7 1.8

 Black 71.0 89.0 65.2 119.2 116.3 79.4 49.4 18.1 2.9

Massachusetts 29.3 30.0 22.2 38.2 38.5 35.5 27.2 12.9 3.3

 White 23.7 25.5 18.8 32.8 31.5 27.6 20.5 9.7 2.5

 Black 92.5 86.9 64.6 112.9 127.8 120.3 88.4 40.0 10.9

Michigan 37.1 40.7 28.7 57.1 54.8 44.4 27.3 11.5 1.9

 White 21.2 22.9 15.0 33.5 31.3 24.6 15.5 6.5 1.2

 Black 92.2 120.3 89.0 164.1 152.2 103.4 57.3 24.2 3.9

Minnesota 30.3 29.8 18.2 45.4 44.9 37.5 24.0 10.4 2.6

 White 25.1 24.5 14.0 38.4 37.2 31.2 20.4 8.7 2.1

 Black 114.5 151.3 113.4 199.2 179.9 114.0 60.2 28.7 * 

Mississippi 62.0 62.6 48.2 82.8 101.2 71.5 37.7 15.8 3.1

 White 22.3 21.4 15.9 29.1 36.2 29.2 15.1 5.4 * 

 Black 97.8 109.4 85.3 142.9 158.9 99.6 52.7 23.7 5.0

Missouri 43.6 46.7 33.0 66.0 68.3 52.4 29.8 12.8 2.3

 White 29.1 31.1 20.4 46.1 44.4 35.5 20.1 8.6 1.6

 Black 109.4 142.2 110.9 185.5 187.9 114.3 61.5 26.8 5.4

Montana 37.9 34.8 20.0 59.6 65.0 57.1 30.1 11.0 * 

 White 27.4 26.0 15.3 43.8 47.9 38.6 22.2 7.8 * 

 Black * * * * * * * * * 

Nebraska 33.2 31.7 20.2 47.8 52.9 41.5 23.4 9.3 2.2

 White 27.3 25.8 15.6 40.0 43.4 35.2 18.9 8.1 2.1

 Black 99.8 132.7 99.4 180.5 176.4 90.0 55.9 * * 

Nevada 43.7 45.2 30.6 67.7 72.1 57.5 37.8 14.1 2.7

 White 37.6 37.5 24.6 57.3 62.5 50.7 34.0 13.4 2.5

 Black 99.0 121.7 88.4 174.1 157.6 108.8 67.7 19.7 * 

New Hampshire 25.5 24.4 15.0 35.8 36.4 35.0 22.1 9.3 * 

 White 25.5 24.5 15.0 36.1 36.7 34.9 22.3 9.1 * 

 Black 40.9 * * * * * * * * 

New Jersey 33.9 33.6 21.8 50.2 47.0 42.6 30.5 13.6 3.4

 White 22.2 20.3 12.3 31.6 29.6 28.4 22.6 11.5 3.1

 Black 79.4 95.5 67.5 132.5 124.0 92.4 54.0 20.0 4.2

New Mexico 59.6 58.5 39.2 90.2 101.8 76.4 42.8 21.9 5.2

 White 50.2 53.1 36.3 80.5 86.3 62.2 32.5 17.1 3.6

 Black 74.3 92.1 70.3 124.5 122.3 83.0 * * * 

New York 44.5 36.2 25.1 50.3 57.7 61.8 51.5 26.6 6.1

 White 33.8 27.6 18.3 39.2 44.1 46.3 39.0 20.8 4.9

 Black 81.5 73.1 52.9 100.6 114.1 109.0 84.5 41.9 9.4

North Carolina 44.5 48.8 36.6 65.1 69.4 51.0 27.1 10.2 1.7

 White 22.8 25.6 19.7 33.5 33.4 25.5 15.1 5.9 1.2

 Black 85.3 102.7 76.3 137.4 141.3 91.0 44.2 16.6 2.6

North Dakota 29.3 25.4 13.4 42.8 42.8 38.6 27.8 10.3 * 

 White 21.9 19.3 9.7 33.0 32.4 28.6 19.8 6.3 * 

 Black * * * * * * * * * 

Ohio 40.8 44.9 29.5 66.2 63.9 48.1 26.8 10.6 1.7

 White 29.5 32.7 20.3 49.9 45.8 34.5 18.2 7.4 1.4

 Black 95.9 127.3 92.1 174.5 170.9 101.8 55.6 22.1 3.0

Oklahoma 41.2 41.0 27.9 61.5 71.9 52.3 29.2 9.2 2.2

 White 31.2 31.6 21.2 47.8 53.3 41.8 21.4 7.2 1.9

 Black 91.8 109 78.9 149.6 164.1 88.6 56.5 15.7 * 
Table II-4. Birth rates for unmarried women by age and race of mother: United States and each State, 

1990....continued

[Rates per 1,000 unmarried women residing in area for specified group]

Age of mother

State1 and 15-19 years

 race of mother 15-44 15-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44

years2 Total years years years years years years years3

Oregon 38.5 38.9 25.5 59.2 63.3 54.5 31.3 11.8 2.3

 White 36.9 37.4 24.0 58.0 61.4 53.0 30.1 11.3 2.2

 Black 89.1 105.8 80.2 146.8 165.7 91.4 58.0 * * 

Pennsylvania 38.6 37.2 25.9 51.4 54.7 52.2 32.9 13.2 2.7

 White 27.2 26.4 17.3 37.9 39.0 35.5 22.7 9.7 2.2

 Black 103.3 124.3 95.0 161.6 164.1 127.4 71.9 27.3 4.7

Rhode Island 33.3 36.3 28.8 43.8 45.0 42.7 24.0 11.4 2.0

 White 27.6 30.8 24.0 37.5 36.9 35.2 19.0 9.7 * 

 Black 104.0 117.2 94.5 143.5 161.8 112.8 72.1 32.0 * 

South Carolina 50.6 53.6 39.1 73.2 79.0 58.3 33.0 13.7 2.2

 White 24.3 26.8 19.5 36.6 35.1 28.7 15.9 7.1 1.1

 Black 86.5 96.7 70.4 133.2 142.6 91.5 51.2 21.1 3.6

South Dakota 39.8 33.7 20.3 53.8 61.7 56.1 36.4 14.7 * 

 White 24.1 21.8 12.8 34.8 38.0 31.6 19.8 7.6 * 

 Black * * * * * * * * * 

Tennessee 44.8 47.6 33.4 68.4 75.6 52.2 30.0 12.0 2.4

 White 27.3 28.6 19.0 43.1 46.6 32.6 17.4 7.0 1.6

 Black 94.0 118.3 90.1 155.9 157.8 95.8 56.4 23.0 4.8

Texas 31.4 32.6 23.9 46.0 50.3 36.7 21.3 9.6 2.1

 White 24.1 23.7 17.1 33.8 38.1 29.7 18.0 8.4 2.0

 Black 67.0 87.7 66.7 117.8 113.0 65.7 33.6 14.0 2.4

Utah 29.7 25.1 17.1 37.6 46.3 43.1 27.4 10.0 3.0

 White 27.7 24.2 16.5 36.1 43.1 39.0 25.1 8.9 2.6

 Black 83.7 99.5 92.8 108.1 117.0 111.6 * * * 

Vermont 26.4 24.6 16.2 34.0 40.6 36.3 19.6 10.6 * 

 White 26.6 24.6 16.3 34.1 40.8 36.6 19.9 10.7 * 

 Black * * * * * * * * * 

Virginia 38.3 37.9 26.2 53.2 57.4 47.9 30.0 12.6 2.5

 White 22.9 21.9 13.8 32.8 33.6 29.0 19.7 9.0 1.8

 Black 81.9 93.6 70.7 121.6 131.9 94.4 51.4 20.5 3.7

Washington 36.6 37.9 24.9 56.6 58.8 47.3 29.1 12.0 2.4

 White 34.1 35.9 23.2 54.5 55.2 44.5 27.0 10.6 2.2

 Black 72.0 85.3 61.5 118.9 125.9 79.1 43.5 21.8 * 

West Virginia 34.2 33.3 22.6 49.5 58.3 45.4 22.6 8.7 2.2

 White 32.6 32.1 21.9 47.6 55.5 42.9 21.5 7.8 2.1

 Black 67.0 70.9 46.6 101.1 121.4 80.2 36.4 20.1 * 

Wisconsin 33.9 34.9 21.9 52.2 49.1 41.3 24.6 10.7 2.1

 White 24.2 23.6 13.1 37.5 35.2 30.7 19.0 8.4 1.7

 Black 122.7 174.5 124.8 246.5 209.2 117.0 56.5 24.8 * 

Wyoming 34.1 33.9 21.7 55.5 61.9 44.5 23.3 6.6 * 

 White 31.6 32.4 20.6 53.2 57.2 40.5 20.1 5.9 * 

 Black 63.0 * * * * * * * * 

1 Totals for areas include races other than white and black.

2 Rates computed by relating total births to unmarried mothers, regardless of age of mother, to unmarried women aged 15-44 years.

3 Rates computed by relating total births to unmarried mothers aged 40 years and over to unmarried women 40-44 years. 

* Figure does not meet standards of reliability or precision; based on fewer than 20 births.

Source: Clarke SC, Ventura SJ. Birth and Fertility Rates for States: United States, 1990. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(52). 1994.
Table II-5. Ratios of births to unmarried women by race: United States and each State, 1970, 1980 and 1985-93

[Ratios per 1,000 total live births in specified group]

State and race1 1993 1992 1991 1990 1989 1988 1987 1986 1985 1980 19702

United States 310.0 301.3 295.3 280.3 270.8 257.1 244.9 233.9 220.2 184.3 106.9

 White 235.6 225.5 218.3 203.5 192.2 179.7 168.9 159.2 146.7 112.0 56.6

 Black 686.7 681.3 679.4 665.3 657.2 647.0 634.0 623.7 612.2 561.2 375.8

Alabama 335.1 325.6 318.6 301.3 297.9 278.8 267.8 258.7 249.4 221.7 139.2

 White 148.9 137.3 127.8 119.7 115.4 105.1 93.8 85.8 80.5 59.2 31.5

 Black 693.2 682.1 681.5 647.4 642.0 612.5 607.2 593.7 582.0 521.0 360.7

Alaska 280.1 274.2 269.4 261.6 245.9 233.9 219.6 208.0 182.5 156.2 93.0

 White 201.4 189.7 188.0 171.9 158.1 145.4 139.6 132.9 116.4 95.2 44.3

 Black 329.9 352.4 343.6 300.9 296.4 272.0 268.0 296.7 242.9 201.1 141.8

Arizona 378.7 362.3 350.9 326.6 308.2 286.7 271.9 256.2 238.8 187.1 91.4

 White 344.4 327.1 313.1 288.9 267.4 245.0 229.3 214.0 198.0 146.0 66.3

 Black 659.6 652.8 641.0 612.0 612.5 579.6 571.2 550.0 550.5 489.3 339.8

Arkansas 317.2 309.6 298.8 293.9 276.9 264.7 245.9 239.8 224.2 204.8 127.6

 White 197.5 185.9 174.6 171.3 152.6 144.7 129.3 121.2 106.8 85.3 40.9

 Black 719.2 714.2 704.8 695.7 682.1 660.0 641.0 633.0 615.6 571.9 385.3

California 352.6 343.0 334.8 315.9 300.3 286.2 271.7 264.8 245.6 213.8 ---

 White 352.3 340.4 329.6 307.4 287.3 272.5 254.2 247.1 226.7 186.5 ---

 Black 627.1 628.4 635.4 623.3 621.2 613.5 606.3 600.5 580.9 541.0 ---

Colorado 247.5 237.8 235.7 212.5 204.6 195.5 189.0 180.0 166.1 130.1 90.8

 White 227.0 217.6 215.5 192.1 186.1 177.8 171.4 163.0 150.9 116.5 81.9

 Black 583.9 560.5 568.8 545.9 532.0 520.7 521.6 509.4 500.4 441.3 292.5

Connecticut 298.1 287.1 279.6 265.9 262.9 238.4 235.3 189.6 212.7 179.4 ---

 White 235.2 221.8 214.0 202.7 201.6 177.5 189.7 139.7 154.1 121.4 ---

 Black 708.1 707.4 701.3 691.5 661.4 670.3 570.3 575.1 672.4 643.2 ---

Delaware 338.5 325.6 318.1 289.9 291.2 270.9 277.3 269.7 262.2 241.8 155.7

 White 222.3 201.6 182.7 166.5 161.7 154.2 149.5 141.6 141.5 115.4 63.4

 Black 741.6 725.8 719.9 702.7 714.3 673.7 704.1 687.3 689.9 670.7 498.6

Dist of Columbia 678.4 669.2 662.9 649.1 643.0 617.4 597.0 577.4 567.2 564.5 387.3

 White 162.4 151.8 123.4 193.2 129.8 135.3 145.5 147.5 171.4 174.4 212.8

 Black 787.8 775.6 773.4 759.6 759.3 737.1 716.6 685.9 673.8 645.2 417.1

Florida 350.2 341.6 330.4 316.9 301.9 287.1 275.2 267.4 257.6 230.1 145.4

 White 249.7 236.9 221.5 208.9 191.4 175.3 161.5 153.0 140.9 106.2 63.3

 Black 690.7 688.5 687.0 676.2 665.7 651.6 648.7 645.2 638.5 599.2 409.2

Georgia 357.7 350.3 345.6 328.2 316.7 296.0 279.5 272.0 257.0 231.5 ---

 White 178.6 168.7 162.1 149.3 140.0 121.8 113.5 105.5 93.6 66.0 ---

 Black 678.0 671.2 668.0 649.1 636.7 619.1 602.7 594.0 574.6 522.3 ---

Hawaii 271.9 262.0 260.8 248.3 238.0 221.7 213.3 203.2 199.0 175.5 97.4

 White 160.7 154.8 158.9 144.9 144.8 146.3 140.9 133.8 131.2 132.8 94.7

 Black 176.3 194.2 179.9 176.6 151.2 152.2 145.8 121.8 123.9 110.3 *

Idaho 187.4 183.1 173.8 166.6 161.2 140.8 130.1 118.5 107.8 78.7 ---

 White 182.4 179.2 169.5 162.0 155.6 136.9 126.1 114.9 103.1 75.3 ---

 Black 434.8 362.1 * * * * * * * * ---

Illinois 341.4 334.3 325.5 317.4 309.3 294.5 280.5 270.7 257.3 225.3 134.3

 White 216.9 206.8 199.1 190.2 180.1 168.4 156.9 149.3 136.5 108.5 57.9

 Black 788.4 792.0 781.8 778.2 756.3 758.0 740.2 730.3 725.4 665.9 446.5

Indiana 307.9 294.6 283.5 261.7 238.4 227.1 219.7 210.0 197.9 155.0 81.5

 White 252.2 236.2 225.1 203.4 181.5 168.8 164.9 155.4 144.1 103.7 54.0

 Black 763.2 767.8 759.6 738.5 713.0 707.8 712.0 699.9 684.1 595.7 351.5

Iowa 245.8 235.5 222.0 210.2 194.1 176.7 162.2 150.2 135.6 102.5 70.5

 White 229.2 218.5 205.5 194.7 177.1 160.8 146.8 136.7 122.8 92.0 62.8

 Black 775.6 750.8 743.5 730.9 767.3 750.3 718.4 701.4 676.4 595.7 437.0

Kansas 259.2 242.6 231.1 215.2 195.6 181.1 172.2 167.3 147.3 122.5 65.9

 White 218.2 201.6 191.6 175.4 157.2 142.2 135.0 131.9 114.2 88.3 49.9

 Black 670.8 657.8 647.7 628.1 606.5 601.3 584.0 574.0 551.3 530.7 280.3

Kentucky 271.7 263.4 253.9 236.0 225.5 219.5 207.4 199.9 185.3 150.5 84.6

 White 227.0 216.8 205.8 190.0 178.6 172.1 164.4 155.6 142.9 106.9 53.2

 Black 723.6 705.3 706.5 685.8 674.0 673.6 669.6 648.2 641.5 594.7 411.1

103
Table II-5. Ratios of births to unmarried women by race: United States and each State, 1970, 1980 and 1985-93..cont.

[Ratios per 1,000 total live births in specified group]

State and race1 1993 1992 1991 1990 1989 1988 1987 1986 1985 1980 19702

Louisiana 420.4 402.4 383.6 368.5 353.1 334.9 319.0 302.3 285.6 233.6 147.6

 White 199.8 184.9 167.5 155.8 142.7 129.4 119.8 109.7 99.2 70.8 38.3

 Black 714.5 700.3 681.1 672.0 655.3 638.6 617.5 600.1 584.0 504.8 330.6

Maine 269.6 253.0 249.5 226.5 217.9 203.2 198.1 189.8 178.2 138.6 70.6

 White 267.4 252.5 248.5 224.2 216.1 202.5 196.7 188.6 176.9 137.0 69.5

 Black 368.4 365.9 259.3 385.4 320.5 * * * * * * 

Maryland 324.5 304.8 306.8 296.5 288.9 326.2 315.2 304.8 290.7 251.5 ---

 White 179.8 163.0 170.9 162.1 153.6 182.4 173.5 163.7 153.1 114.7 ---

 Black 619.4 601.9 607.6 601.5 600.9 655.7 643.9 644.0 626.2 586.4 ---

Massachusetts 264.3 259.3 259.3 247.0 238.2 221.8 208.6 193.0 183.8 156.5 ---

 White 224.9 217.8 219.7 207.0 199.5 186.7 175.7 165.0 155.9 130.3 ---

 Black 622.1 629.8 623.4 607.9 608.2 581.1 577.5 560.3 584.2 551.6 ---

Michigan 259.7 268.0 272.6 262.1 245.4 216.1 204.3 193.4 180.7 161.8 109.6

 White 146.1 150.1 153.7 146.2 135.2 122.9 115.8 111.8 105.6 89.3 62.6

 Black 706.9 720.6 718.4 703.4 679.6 639.9 614.9 592.1 577.6 539.7 364.0

Minnesota 233.6 229.5 223.4 208.7 194.6 183.3 170.5 163.0 150.7 114.1 80.7

 White 200.1 193.5 186.7 175.8 162.2 152.2 142.1 137.2 126.9 98.5 70.8

 Black 721.0 744.2 745.9 732.8 720.2 732.6 696.4 701.5 688.0 602.1 479.3

Mississippi 444.1 429.0 424.0 404.6 393.9 376.1 351.1 339.8 328.5 280.4 173.5

 White 165.3 151.6 150.7 133.3 123.8 115.4 99.3 92.7 85.6 59.7 31.2

 Black 737.2 724.6 713.1 699.1 687.9 666.3 638.5 626.3 610.8 523.9 330.9

Missouri 323.6 315.2 301.7 285.7 271.3 250.0 237.2 224.8 215.6 176.3 114.6

 White 226.0 215.5 203.3 187.9 177.1 160.1 151.0 138.3 129.3 96.3 56.3

 Black 792.0 786.6 770.8 759.7 749.8 728.7 706.8 711.5 704.3 647.3 445.3

Montana 273.1 264.3 251.7 237.4 217.4 207.8 194.3 177.6 168.2 125.2 ---

 White 221.2 208.0 199.4 179.6 161.5 149.6 139.2 130.8 124.7 93.7 ---

 Black * * * * * * * * * * ---

Nebraska 234.6 226.1 215.7 207.4 192.5 181.2 168.2 155.1 148.3 116.0 75.9

 White 197.5 187.8 175.8 169.6 153.6 142.1 131.6 119.7 116.5 89.6 59.2

 Black 732.5 727.1 746.6 710.7 701.7 720.9 706.0 700.3 660.4 615.2 420.3

Nevada 339.9 332.9 318.5 253.7 235.0 190.6 164.4 165.9 156.5 134.5 108.8

 White 301.3 288.0 273.8 212.4 190.3 144.0 119.6 118.1 110.2 92.7 74.7

 Black 710.1 718.9 727.5 662.3 636.4 609.3 577.9 614.6 582.5 523.1 403.1

New Hampshire 205.9 191.9 183.3 168.9 157.1 144.1 147.4 139.2 133.6 109.6 61.8

 White 204.4 190.9 183.3 168.7 156.8 144.1 147.3 139.5 133.7 109.7 61.5

 Black 541.3 495.4 412.5 371.7 283.3 260.0 302.8 * * * *

New Jersey 271.5 263.8 263.3 243.3 241.0 242.7 235.0 228.7 222.6 210.8 106.2

 White 180.0 174.2 172.3 155.9 149.5 150.8 142.6 140.1 132.7 113.2 44.5

 Black 669.7 657.3 658.1 635.5 630.3 644.0 646.0 635.1 626.2 615.7 388.3

New Mexico 413.8 394.8 375.7 354.1 345.4 322.5 295.5 278.5 262.9 160.8 ---

 White 365.1 345.6 327.7 305.0 292.9 269.2 246.0 232.0 219.7 129.2 ---

 Black 584.7 580.9 572.2 566.1 558.9 539.4 494.2 456.3 451.3 273.9 ---

New York 372.2 348.3 340.8 329.7 319.1 300.7 297.4 293.7 280.7 238.1 ---

 White 288.6 266.4 257.3 243.1 231.2 210.7 208.0 202.3 190.3 147.7 ---

 Black 705.5 678.1 677.6 674.4 657.9 645.8 638.8 639.4 630.4 601.3 ---

North Carolina 321.5 313.1 315.9 293.9 277.3 262.6 248.8 236.3 221.2 190.0 124.6

 White 169.8 161.0 160.2 141.7 128.2 119.1 108.6 98.5 89.4 64.0 37.3

 Black 676.3 668.0 668.8 644.1 621.7 600.5 590.1 573.1 551.3 485.1 349.8

North Dakota 230.0 226.4 219.6 183.7 168.8 156.2 138.7 129.2 114.9 92.4 66.8

 White 185.5 182.0 174.0 140.4 126.8 117.4 102.4 98.3 85.8 69.3 54.9

 Black 280.9 * * * * * * * * * *

Ohio 329.9 316.3 306.6 289.3 280.1 264.4 248.6 233.6 217.6 178.1 ---

 White 245.2 230.9 221.5 205.9 197.1 184.2 172.1 160.3 145.9 112.3 ---

 Black 782.2 771.4 761.8 747.3 740.4 725.6 707.0 690.1 675.4 614.2 ---

Oklahoma 290.7 283.6 271.4 251.8 237.6 223.6 206.6 186.1 172.2 140.4 83.3

 White 224.4 215.1 201.2 185.1 169.7 158.3 145.4 127.4 116.9 84.4 50.5

 Black 681.0 684.0 686.7 649.2 642.0 627.7 602.1 567.6 558.6 534.6 345.9

104
Table II-5. Ratios of births to unmarried women by race: United States and each State, 1970, 1980 and 1985-93..cont.

[Ratios per 1,000 total live births in specified group]

State and race1 1993 1992 1991 1990 1989 1988 1987 1986 1985 1980 19702

Oregon 282.1 269.8 266.5 257.4 252.8 235.6 224.1 206.5 187.5 147.9 75.1

 White 271.7 257.5 253.5 245.1 240.2 222.8 211.7 195.6 175.3 138.7 67.0

 Black 718.9 707.9 726.2 713.8 696.5 697.1 675.6 638.4 645.4 589.1 398.3

Pennsylvania 322.1 315.6 304.2 286.4 279.0 265.1 253.0 244.1 227.7 176.9 97.1

 White 238.6 229.3 218.0 202.4 193.5 182.8 172.0 165.2 154.1 111.2 51.8

 Black 797.3 794.4 787.9 774.9 772.1 758.1 753.3 746.0 725.0 672.9 413.2

Rhode Island 317.4 296.4 276.4 263.0 249.5 229.3 218.1 197.6 195.6 156.5 69.9

 White 277.9 256.9 236.8 226.3 213.4 196.8 186.7 166.8 166.1 130.7 53.1

 Black 684.6 672.0 662.9 629.5 647.5 614.2 618.0 635.9 608.0 598.2 392.6

South Carolina 359.6 354.7 347.4 326.7 316.0 303.4 290.4 276.1 264.2 230.3 150.3

 White 174.8 167.6 158.5 146.5 136.6 123.9 115.3 105.1 94.0 68.1 36.0

 Black 661.2 656.0 644.2 618.1 600.3 588.5 574.9 551.6 543.6 473.9 350.1

South Dakota 276.9 266.2 248.5 228.7 217.8 208.5 193.6 175.3 179.3 134.1 69.0

 White 190.1 181.3 166.3 144.7 133.5 133.0 115.2 101.8 107.0 78.6 48.4

 Black 272.7 329.1 * * * * * * * * * 

Tennessee 336.3 326.9 322.5 302.3 290.8 275.9 263.4 253.1 242.9 198.5 124.3

 White 207.6 200.6 194.1 177.3 163.2 149.1 139.3 130.7 123.2 87.5 45.9

 Black 743.5 732.7 731.5 710.8 700.9 688.7 678.4 674.1 658.4 586.4 416.3

Texas 169.7 174.5 177.9 175.2 196.0 197.2 190.3 176.6 163.7 133.1 87.4

 White 130.0 130.7 130.9 127.7 143.1 143.5 138.5 127.1 114.8 82.9 49.9

 Black 444.6 465.7 484.9 483.0 532.2 543.1 530.4 511.8 501.0 450.2 301.1

Utah 154.7 151.5 144.2 135.3 126.6 117.1 111.2 98.2 87.0 62.0 36.0

 White 145.9 141.7 135.2 125.8 116.6 109.6 103.7 91.8 81.3 58.2 32.2

 Black 449.6 518.4 511.1 527.3 481.3 539.9 472.8 443.8 442.4 412.2 229.2

Vermont 242.1 234.1 227.4 201.4 198.4 186.2 179.5 167.0 171.5 137.0 ---

 White 240.3 232.5 226.1 200.5 198.1 186.8 179.9 167.4 171.5 137.2 ---

 Black * * * * * * * * * * ---

Virginia 290.0 283.3 278.6 260.4 252.2 237.6 227.6 224.1 214.3 191.9 116.2

 White 179.7 170.0 166.8 151.0 142.4 131.7 124.5 117.2 107.7 86.1 47.0

 Black 636.5 638.8 630.0 612.8 603.8 587.1 572.0 579.0 574.2 533.0 367.5

Washington 262.8 253.2 249.2 236.5 234.0 222.7 207.9 197.9 184.8 136.0 91.6

 White 244.9 234.7 231.4 218.2 213.2 201.7 186.6 178.5 165.8 121.9 79.7

 Black 555.2 553.3 542.3 543.0 530.4 527.7 517.8 496.7 500.4 460.6 362.3

West Virginia 290.4 277.4 268.3 254.3 235.2 226.5 210.6 195.0 174.1 130.5 63.5

 White 273.8 261.6 252.5 238.2 219.0 209.9 195.1 181.1 160.0 114.7 53.7

 Black 742.1 712.9 721.7 680.2 665.5 659.9 621.6 578.8 560.6 545.5 297.6

Wisconsin 270.6 261.0 253.0 242.2 233.5 219.3 207.2 196.1 181.2 138.7 75.7

 White 204.0 192.5 186.0 177.0 170.2 159.0 149.1 143.5 133.1 102.1 60.8

 Black 828.0 822.1 826.6 806.9 799.2 795.0 790.1 764.2 750.9 656.6 342.5

Wyoming 257.7 239.9 230.6 198.0 184.9 171.6 157.7 139.2 132.8 82.1 66.6

 White 247.8 224.9 217.3 185.9 174.4 161.7 146.4 130.6 123.7 75.2 60.3

 Black 524.6 507.7 600.0 447.8 413.3 391.9 395.3 523.1 381.0 397.4 307.7

1 Totals for geographic areas include races other than white and black.

2 Data are by race of child. Figures for the District of Columbia include an unknown number of births to unmarried women erroneously allocated to this 

 area because of incomplete residence reporting.

* Figure does not meet standards of reliability or precision; based on fewer than 20 births.

--- Data on marital status of mother were not reported by the state in 1970.

NOTE: For the years 1980 and 1985-92, marital status of mother is inferred for births to residents of several states. See reference below.

Sources: Ventura, SJ. Births to Unmarried Mothers: United States, 1980-92. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics 21(53). 1995.

 Ventura SJ, JA Martin, SM Taffel, et al. Advance Report of Final Natality Statistics, 1993. Monthly Vital Statistics Report, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Suppl.). 1995.

105
Table II-6. Total births, births to unmarried women, and percent of births to unmarred women, by race of mother, for population-size groups and cities of 500,000 or more : United States, 1980 and 1992

Population-size All races White Black

groups and 1992 1980 1992 1980 1992 1980

Cities of 500,000+ Total Unmarried % Total Unmarried % Total Unmarried % Total Unmarried % Total Unmarried % Total Unmarried %

United States, total 4,065,014 1,224,876 30.1 3,612,258 665,747 18.4 3,201,678 721,986 22.6 2,898,732 320,063 11.2 673,633 458,969 68.1 589,616 325,737 56.1

Places < 100,000 2,831,061 705,154 24.9 2,640,527 367,313 13.9 2,406,541 479,485 19.9 2,282,682 216,100 9.5 310,637 197,083 63.4 277,767 137,122 49.4

Cities 100,000+ 1,233,953 519,722 42.1 971,731 298,434 30.7 795,137 242,501 30.5 616,050 103,963 16.9 362,996 261,886 72.2 311,849 188,615 60.5

Cities 100,000-500,000 622,435 234,730 37.7 471,116 128,046 27.2 430,311 118,969 27.6 323,812 48,793 15.1 153,073 108,756 71.0 126,498 74,712 59.1

Cities 500,000+, total 611,518 284,992 46.6 500,615 170,388 34.0 364,826 123,532 33.9 292,238 55,170 18.9 209,923 153,130 72.9 185,351 113,903 61.5

Baltimore, MD 13,029 7,918 60.8 12,351 6,977 56.5 3,678 1,070 29.1 4,129 946 22.9 9,179 6,804 74.1 8,049 5,974 74.2

Boston, MA 9,291 4,482 48.2 7,673 2,843 37.1 4,650 1,572 33.8 4,424 1,091 24.7 3,980 2,742 68.9 2,936 1,728 58.9

Chicago, IL 59,494 33,198 55.8 57,722 25,712 44.5 28,871 9,222 31.9 27,049 5,232 19.3 28,520 23,744 83.3 28,989 20,348 70.2

Cleveland, OH 10,911 7,174 65.8 10,749 4,716 43.9 4,605 1,953 42.4 5,288 1,108 21.0 6,182 5,193 84.0 5,372 3,591 66.8

Columbus, OH 10,967 4,523 41.2 10,073 2,825 28.0 7,239 2,018 27.9 7,064 1,111 15.7 3,366 2,454 72.9 2,831 1,693 59.8

Dallas, TX 21,377 6,230 29.1 17,508 5,006 28.6 14,284 2,516 17.6 10,694 1,343 12.6 6,464 3,599 55.7 6,459 3,635 56.3

Detroit, MI 21,660 15,570 71.9 20,539 8,823 43.0 3,613 1,531 42.4 5,976 998 16.7 17,852 13,995 78.4 14,297 7,802 54.6

District of Columbia 10,960 7,334 66.9 9,361 5,284 56.4 1,607 244 15.2 1,407 227 16.1 8,803 6,828 77.6 7,839 5,041 64.3

Houston, TX 40,812 10,957 26.8 35,595 6,718 18.9 27,603 4,827 17.5 24,012 2,285 9.5 11,317 5,947 52.5 10,313 4,385 42.5

Indianapolis, IN 14,298 5,714 40.0 12,707 3,420 26.9 10,243 2,763 27.0 9,190 1,307 14.2 3,920 2,933 74.8 3,403 2,106 61.9

Jacksonville, FL 11,764 4,068 34.6 10,013 2,483 24.8 7,553 1,496 19.8 6,624 620 9.4 4,019 2,539 63.2 3,281 1,860 56.7

Los Angeles, CA 86,808 42,603 49.1 58,548 18,574 31.7 70,944 34,539 48.7 43,383 11,091 25.6 10,355 7,336 70.8 11,535 7,129 61.8

Memphis, TN 12,432 7,462 60.0 12,027 4,749 39.5 3,521 689 19.6 4,557 326 7.2 8,753 6,727 76.9 7,349 4,423 60.2

Miami, FL 16,873 8,556 50.7 11,292 4,346 38.5 9,226 3,183 34.5 5,533 808 14.6 7,477 5,353 71.6 5,701 3,529 61.9

Milwaukee, WI 12,437 7,181 57.7 11,723 3,957 33.8 5,834 1,986 34.0 7,623 1,342 17.6 6,045 5,043 83.4 3,831 2,540 66.3

New York, NY 131,742 60,798 46.1 102,771 36,938 35.9 76,776 27,250 35.5 58,670 13,615 23.2 44,328 29,818 67.3 37,068 22,227 60.0

New Orleans, LA 9,024 5,777 64.0 10,353 4,255 41.1 1,579 278 17.6 2,874 313 10.9 7,228 5,460 75.5 7,248 3,940 54.4

Philadelphia, PA 28,079 17,106 60.9 24,921 10,738 43.1 11,743 4,390 37.4 12,475 2,311 18.5 15,063 12,364 82.1 11,815 8,362 70.8

Phoenix, AZ 20,499 8,504 41.5 14,240 3,141 22.1 18,261 7,023 38.5 12,538 2,317 18.5 1,317 975 74.0 1,110 608 54.8

San Antonio, TX 20,247 3,969 19.6 15,739 2,542 16.2 18,598 3,345 18.0 14,392 2,032 14.1 1,374 607 44.2 1,184 506 42.7

San Diego, CA 22,183 7,379 33.3 13,474 2,976 22.1 16,960 5,517 32.5 9,943 1,775 17.9 2,358 1,361 57.7 1,896 985 52.0

San Francisco, CA 9,611 3,020 31.4 8,227 2,296 27.9 4,936 1,695 34.3 3,749 882 23.5 1,310 932 71.1 1,909 1,069 56.0

San Jose, CA 17,020 5,469 32.1 13,009 1,069 8.2 12,502 4,425 35.4 10,644 2,090 19.6 713 376 52.7 936 422 45.1

NOTE: Population size refers to populations as of 1980 census; figures by race for 1980 are by race of child.

Source: National Center for Health Statistics. Vital Statistics of the United States, Volume I, "Natality." Issues for 1980 and 1992.

106
Table III-1. Female population by marital status and age: United States, selected years, 1940-92, and

projections of female population to 2010

[Numbers in thousands]

Unmarried Percent unmarried

Age & year Total Total Never Marr'd. Wid/Divorced Total Never Marr'd. Wid/Divorced

15-19

1940 6,153 5,439 --- --- 88.4 --- --- 

1945 5,844 5,200 --- --- 89.0 --- --- 

1950 5,305 4,434 4,409 25 83.6 83.1 0.5

1955 5,458 4,555 4,534 21 83.5 83.1 0.4

1960 6,586 5,709 5,683 26 86.7 86.3 0.4

1965 8,366 7,374 7,358 16 88.1 87.9 0.2

1970 9,437 8,485 8,471 14 89.9 89.8 0.1

1975 10,465 9,316 9,287 29 89.0 88.7 0.3

1980 10,413 9,532 9,501 31 91.5 91.2 0.3

1985 9,174 8,624 8,578 46 94.0 93.5 0.5

1990 8,709 8,236 8,219 17 94.6 94.4 0.2

1992 8,324 7,943 7,918 25 95.4 95.1 0.3

1995 8,659 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2000 9,651 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2005 10,162 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2010 10,895 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

15-17

1950 3,101 2,927 2,913 * 94.4 93.9 *

1955 3,333 3,112 3,110 * 93.4 93.3 *

1960 4,159 3,965 3,962 * 95.3 95.3 *

1965 5,134 4,986 4,985 * 97.1 97.1 *

1970 5,726 5,621 5,622 * 98.2 98.2 *

1975 6,324 6,059 6,059 * 95.8 95.8 *

1980 6,100 5,918 5,917 * 97.0 97.0 *

1985 5,409 5,310 5,291 * 98.2 97.8 *

1990 4,890 4,814 4,812 * 98.4 98.4 *

1992 4,959 4,891 4,886 * 98.6 98.5 *

1995 5,240 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2000 5,755 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2005 6,092 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2010 6,379 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

18-19

1950 2,204 1,507 1,496 11 68.4 67.9 0.5

1955 2,125 1,443 1,424 19 67.9 67.0 0.9

1960 2,427 1,744 1,721 23 71.9 70.9 0.9

1965 3,232 2,388 2,372 16 73.9 73.4 0.5

1970 3,711 2,864 2,849 15 77.2 76.8 0.4

1975 4,141 3,257 3,228 29 78.7 78.0 0.7

1980 4,313 3,614 3,584 30 83.8 83.1 0.7

1985 3,765 3,314 3,287 27 88.0 87.3 0.7

1990 3,819 3,422 3,407 15 89.6 89.2 0.4

1992 3,365 3,052 3,032 20 90.7 90.1 0.6

1995 3,419 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2000 3,896 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2005 4,070 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2010 4,516 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

107
Table III-1. Female population by marital status and age: United States, selected years, 1940-92,

and projections of female population to 2010...continued

[Numbers in thousands]

Unmarried Percent unmarried

Age & year Total Total Never Marr'd. Wid/Divorced Total Never Marr'd. Wid/Divorced

20-24

1940 5,895 2,870 --- --- 48.7 --- --- 

1945 5,974 2,562 --- --- 42.9 --- --- 

1950 5,876 2,021 1,890 131 34.4 32.2 2.2

1955 5,335 1,664 1,583 81 31.2 29.7 1.5

1960 5,528 1,712 1,606 106 31.0 29.1 1.9

1965 6,846 2,289 2,163 126 33.4 31.6 1.8

1970 8,454 3,296 3,073 223 39.0 36.4 2.6

1975 9,677 4,300 3,929 371 44.4 40.6 3.8

1980 10,655 5,798 5,390 408 54.4 50.6 3.8

1985 10,541 6,463 6,098 365 61.3 57.9 3.5

1990 9,389 6,204 5,930 274 66.1 63.2 2.9

1992 9,344 6,363 5,891 472 68.1 63.0 5.1

1995 9,088 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2000 8,838 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2005 9,808 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2010 10,323 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

25-29

1940 5,646 1,461 --- --- 25.9 --- --- 

1945 5,923 1,167 --- --- 19.7 --- --- 

1950 6,270 1,050 --- --- 16.7 --- --- 

1955 5,947 836 664 172 14.1 11.2 2.9

1960 5,536 711 532 179 12.8 9.6 3.2

1965 5,727 750 492 258 13.1 8.6 4.5

1970 6,855 1,096 766 330 16.0 11.2 4.8

1975 8,660 1,825 1,211 614 21.1 14.0 7.1

1980 9,816 2,928 2,051 877 29.8 20.9 8.9

1985 10,823 3,811 2,891 920 35.2 26.7 8.5

1990 10,625 4,105 3,307 798 38.6 31.1 7.5

1992 10,047 4,134 3,307 827 41.1 32.9 8.2

1995 9,623 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2000 9,191 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2005 8,938 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2010 9,891 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

30-34

1940 5,172 1,016 --- --- 19.6 --- --- 

1945 5,539 1,007 --- --- 18.2 --- --- 

1950 5,892 814 --- --- 13.8 --- --- 

1955 6,306 733 448 733 11.6 0.0 11.6

1960 6,105 680 421 259 11.1 0.0 4.2

1965 5,607 527 295 527 9.4 0.0 9.4

1970 5,865 706 364 706 12.0 0.0 12.0

1975 7,173 1,108 532 576 15.4 7.4 8.0

1980 8,884 1,946 845 1,101 21.9 9.5 12.4

1985 10,081 2,670 1,340 1,330 26.5 13.3 13.2

1990 10,971 3,147 1,866 1,281 28.7 17.0 11.7

1992 11,165 3,376 2,103 1,273 30.2 18.8 11.4

1995 11,212 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2000 9,987 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2005 9,553 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2010 9,297 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

108
Table III-1. Female population by marital status and age: United States, selected years, 1940-92,

and projections of female population to 2010...continued

[Numbers in thousands]

Unmarried Percent unmarried

Age & year Total Total Never Marr'd. Wid/Divorced Total Never Marr'd. Wid/Divorced

35-44

1940 9,168 1,737 --- --- 18.9 --- --- 

1945 9,974 1,738 --- --- 17.4 --- --- 

1950 10,842 1,770 907 863 16.3 8.4 8.0

1955 11,584 1,781 799 982 15.4 6.9 8.5

1960 12,326 1,580 722 858 12.8 5.9 7.0

1965 12,489 1,479 605 874 11.8 4.8 7.0

1970 11,826 1,538 615 923 13.0 5.2 7.8

1975 11,631 1,766 568 1,198 15.2 4.9 10.3

1980 13,065 2,477 741 1,736 19.0 5.7 13.3

1985 16,097 3,720 1,109 2,611 23.1 6.9 16.2

1990 18,925 4,895 1,752 3,143 25.9 9.3 16.6

1992 20,139 5,281 2,149 3,132 26.2 10.7 15.6

1995 21,238 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2000 22,697 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2005 21,702 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

2010 20,038 --- --- --- --- --- --- 

* Figure does not meet standards of reliability or precision.

---Data not available.

Sources and notes: Total population: U.S. Bureau of the Census. Estimates of the population of the United States and components of change, by age, color, 

and sex: 1940 and 1950. Current population reports; series P-25, No. 98. Washington: U.S. Department of Commerce. 1954. Also P-25, nos. 310, 519, 917, 

and 1095. U.S. Bureau of the Census. United States population estimates, by age, sex, race, and Hispanic origin: 1992. Census file RESPO792. Washington: 

U.S. Department of Commerce. 1994. U.S. Bureau of the Census. Marital status and living arrangements. Current population reports; series P-20, nos. 62, 

105, 144, 212, 287, 368, 410, 450, and 468. Washington: U.S. Department of Commerce.

Total unmarried populations are based on three-year averages of proportion unmarried in each age group, applied to July 1 estimates of total resident 

population. These populations are used by Division of Vital Statistics, National Center for Health Statistics, to compute birth rates by marital status. 

Population projections from Day JC. Population projections of the United States, by age, sex, race, and Hispanic origin: 1993 to 2050. U.S. Bureau of the 

Census. Current population reports; P-25, no. 1104. 1993.

109
Table III-2. Male population by marital status and age: United States, selected years, 1950-92

[Numbers in thousands]

Unmarried Percent Unmarried

Age & year Total Total Never Marr'd Wid/Divorced Total Never Marr'd Wid/Divorced

14-19 (1)

1950 6,229 6,074 6,068 6 97.5 97.4 0.1

1955 6,478 6,296 6,293 3 97.2 97.1 0.0

1960 7,754 7,534 7,531 3 97.2 97.1 0.0

1965 9,831 9,584 9,580 4 97.5 97.4 0.0

1970 11,497 11,197 11,196 1 97.4 97.4 0.0

1975 12,358 12,034 12,030 4 97.4 97.3 0.0

1980 10,159 9,892 9,886 6 97.4 97.3 0.1

1985 9,222 9,099 9,099 0 98.7 98.7 0.0

1990 8,722 8,598 8,595 3 98.6 98.5 0.0

1992 8,380 8,289 8,289 0 98.9 98.9 0.0

14-17 (1)

1950 4,244 4,233 4,233 * 99.7 99.7 * 

1955 4,614 4,604 4,604 * 99.8 99.8 * 

1960 5,606 5,574 5,574 * 99.4 99.4 * 

1965 7,123 7,079 7,079 * 99.4 99.4 * 

1970 8,046 7,994 7,994 * 99.4 99.4 * 

1975 8,480 8,423 8,421 * 99.3 99.3 * 

1980 6,117 6,082 6,078 * 99.4 99.4 * 

1985 5,582 5,565 5,565 * 99.7 99.7 * 

1990 5,083 5,074 5,072 * 99.8 99.8 * 

1992 5,097 5,082 5,082 * 99.7 99.7 * 

18-19

1950 1,985 1,841 1,835 6 92.7 92.4 0.3

1955 1,864 1,692 1,689 3 90.8 90.6 0.2

1960 2,148 1,960 1,957 3 91.2 91.0 0.1

1965 2,708 2,505 2,501 4 92.5 92.4 0.2

1970 3,451 3,203 3,202 1 92.8 92.8 0.0

1975 3,878 3,611 3,609 2 93.1 93.1 0.0

1980 4,042 3,810 3,808 2 94.3 94.2 0.1

1985 3,640 3,534 3,534 0 97.1 97.1 0.0

1990 3,639 3,524 3,523 1 96.8 96.8 0.0

1992 3,283 3,207 3,207 0 97.7 97.7 0.0

20-24

1950 5,327 3,019 2,987 32 56.7 56.1 0.6

1955 3,978 1,955 1,943 12 49.1 48.8 0.3

1960 4,860 2,693 2,671 22 55.4 55.0 0.5

1965 6,074 3,263 3,215 48 53.7 52.9 0.8

1970 7,198 4,015 3,937 78 55.8 54.7 1.1

1975 8,955 5,496 5,361 135 61.4 59.9 1.5

1980 9,801 6,877 6,721 156 70.2 68.6 1.6

1985 10,055 7,746 7,605 141 77.0 75.6 1.4

1990 8,811 7,080 6,985 95 80.4 79.3 1.1

1992 8,800 7,188 7,067 121 81.7 80.3 1.3

110
Table III-2. Male population by marital status and age: United States, selected years, 1950-92

 ...continued

[Numbers in thousands]

Unmarried Percent Unmarried

Age & year Total Total Never Marr'd Wid/Divorced Total Never Marr'd Wid/Divorced

25-29

1950 5,972 --- --- --- --- --- ---

1955 5,602 1,680 1,573 107 30.0 28.1 1.9

1960 5,279 1,307 1,230 77 24.8 23.3 1.5

1965 5,351 1,015 922 93 19.0 17.2 1.7

1970 6,592 1,423 1,262 161 21.6 19.1 2.4

1975 8,048 2,141 1,793 348 26.6 22.3 4.3

1980 9,076 3,427 2,940 487 37.8 32.4 5.4

1985 10,420 4,669 4,037 632 44.8 38.7 6.0

1990 10,515 5,248 4,749 499 49.9 45.2 4.8

1992 10,024 5,380 4,882 498 53.7 48.7 4.9

30-34

1950 5,625 --- --- --- --- --- ---

1955 5,972 1,008 887 121 16.9 14.9 2.0

1960 5,834 882 754 128 15.1 12.9 2.2

1965 5,344 735 605 130 13.8 11.3 2.3

1970 5,599 692 527 165 12.4 9.4 2.9

1975 6,728 1,095 746 349 16.3 11.1 5.1

1980 8,270 1,960 1,298 662 23.7 15.7 8.0

1985 9,764 2,960 2,027 933 30.3 20.8 9.6

1990 10,947 3,840 2,955 885 35.1 27.0 8.1

1992 11,101 4,109 3,262 847 37.0 29.4 7.6

35-44

1950 10,554 1,478 1,132 346 14.0 10.7 3.3

1955 11,082 1,300 987 313 11.7 8.9 2.8

1960 11,749 1,457 1,121 336 12.4 9.5 2.9

1965 11,810 1,507 1,106 401 12.8 9.4 3.4

1970 11,277 1,143 759 384 10.1 6.7 3.4

1975 10,992 1,465 870 595 13.3 7.9 5.4

1980 12,297 1,938 904 1,034 15.8 7.4 8.4

1985 15,333 3,079 1,444 1,635 20.1 9.4 10.7

1990 18,331 4,459 2,345 2,114 24.3 12.8 11.5

1992 19,506 5,057 2,744 2,313 25.9 14.1 11.9

*Figure does not meet standards of reliability or precision.

---Data not available.

(1) Figures for 1980-92 exclude men aged 14; more than 99 percent of men aged 14-17 prior to 1980 and aged 15-17 in 1980-92 were unmarried.

Sources: U.S. Bureau of the Census. Marital Status and Living Arrangements. Current Population Reports, P-20, Nos. 62, 105, 144, 287, 

 365, 410, 450, and 468.

111



Table III - 4: Percent Who Have Ever Cohabited, 1987-88 and 1992-94

 Total 25-34 35-44

1987-88 1992-94 1987-88 1992-94 1987-88 1992-94

Age

 19-22* 18 27

 25-29 40 49

 30-34 44 48

 35-39 34 49

 40-44 26 41

 45-49 20 30

 50-54 14 26

Persons 25-44

Total 37 47 42 47 31 45

Race / Ethnicity

 Black 43 50 48 50 36 49

 White 36 47 42 49 30 45

 Mex/Am 30 38 34 38 24 39

Education

 0-11 41 55 47 62 34 48

 12 35 48 42 51 26 43

 Some Col 41 47 46 45 36 49

 Col Grad 33 41 36 37 30 42

Gender

 Male 37 47 42 47 32 48

 Female 36 46 42 50 29 42

* 1992-94 estimates for ages 19-22 from interviews

Source: Bumpass, L.L. and J.A. Sweet. 1995. Cohabitation, Marriage and Union Stability: Preliminary Findings

from NSFH2. CDE Working Paper 65. Madison: Center for Demography and Ecology, University of Wisconsin.
Table III - 5: Percent Currently Cohabiting, 1987-88 and 1992-94

 Percent of Total Percent of Unmarried

1987-88 1992-94 1987-88 1992-94

Age

 25-29 7.2 12.9 16.8 23.3

 30-34 4.9 8.6 16.6 21.9

 35-39 3.7 6.5 16.5 21.8

 40-44 3.9 4.8 17.0 17.9

 45-49 2.9 4.2 12.9 15.9

 50-54 0.9 3.7 3.6 15.6

 55-59 1.9 2.3 7.2 7.6

 60-65 0.5 0.6 1.9 2.1

Persons 25-39

Race / Ethnicity

 Black 6.3 12.2 11.4 17.9

 White 5.1 8.5 18.5 23.4

Education

 Less than HS Grad 9.3 13.5 22.5 27.3

 HS Grad 5.3 10.9 17.9 26.9

 Some Col 4.9 8.8 14.9 19.8

 Col Grad 4.1 5.9 14.1 16.6

Source: Bumpass, L.L. and J.A. Sweet 1995. Cohabitation, Marriage and Union Stability: Preliminary Findings

 from NSFH2. CDE Working Paper 65. Madison: Center for Demography and Ecology, University of Wisconsin.
Table III - 6: Percent Currently Cohabiting and Percent Ever Cohabiting, by Sex and Age,

 1987-88 and 1992-94

 Currently Cohabiting Ever Cohabited

 All Unmarried All

1987-88 1992-94 1987-88 1992-94 1987-88 1992-94

Males

20-24 6 * 7 * 21 *

25-29 7 14 15 23 40 49

30-34 6 10 20 24 44 48

35-39 5 6 26 20 34 49

40-44 4 5 22 20 26 41

45-49 4 4 20 23 20 30

50-54 2 6 10 31 14 26

Females

20-24 10 * 14 * 32 *

25-29 7 12 20 23 42 52

30-34 4 7 14 19 41 49

35-39 2 7 10 23 32 47

40-44 4 5 14 16 24 38

45-49 2 4 8 12 16 30

50-54 1 2 1 6 12 21

* not available for the dates 1992-94

Source: Bumpass, L.L. Personal communication. National Survey of Families and Households, Waves 1 and 2.
Table III-7. Birth rates for married women by age of mother and race: United States, 1950, 1955, and 1960-93

 [Rates are live births to married women per 1,000 married women in specified group. Beginning 1970 excludes births to nonresidents of the United States.] 

Age of mother

15-19 years

 Year and race 15-44 15-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44

years1 Total years years years years years years years2

 ALL RACES

Reported/Inferred 3

1993 86.8 388.0 578.5 346.5 208.1 157.5 99.6 38.0 7.0

1992 89.0 397.8 579.9 358.8 212.9 160.0 98.5 37.3 6.8

1991 89.9 410.4 564.2 377.8 212.5 159.6 96.7 36.9 6.3

1990 93.2 420.2 610.9 385.1 216.7 161.8 97.7 36.4 6.2

1989 91.9 394.5 538.1 363.0 212.4 157.4 93.8 34.5 6.0

1988 90.8 371.0 440.1 353.1 209.3 153.7 91.0 32.2 5.5

1987 90.0 358.8 406.3 345.5 202.9 151.0 87.8 30.3 5.1

1986 90.7 351.8 429.3 332.8 204.2 147.8 85.7 28.2 4.7

1985 93.3 357.4 483.7 327.5 206.2 149.6 84.9 27.7 4.6

1984

4

93.1 356.5 519.1 323.4 205.5 146.3 82.3 26.3 4.5

1983

4

93.6 348.1 471.0 322.1 202.8 145.6 79.1 25.3 4.4

1982

4

96.2 354.0 470.1 327.0 206.2 147.8 77.4 24.2 4.4

1981

4

96.0 331.9 422.0 308.6 201.4 146.5 73.6 22.5 4.3

1980

4

97.0 349.5 486.1 318.0 202.4 145.2 72.5 22.0 4.4

Estimated 5

1980

4

97.8 350.0 481.5 319.7 204.0 146.3 73.2 22.3 4.5

1979

4

96.4 331.8 473.4 299.2 196.7 143.3 71.3 22.0 4.5

1978

4

93.6 323.1 489.8 284.7 187.5 137.0 67.5 21.2 4.6

1977

4

94.9 309.2 471.6 271.1 188.2 138.2 64.8 21.4 4.9

1976

4

91.6 307.6 490.6 265.8 178.3 129.3 60.7 20.9 4.9

1975

4

92.1 313.1 482.1 270.6 178.5 129.7 58.6 21.3 5.3

1974

4

94.2 324.1 484.4 281.0 182.5 131.6 59.9 21.9 5.5

1973

4

94.7 340.3 527.4 292.1 181.1 130.8 61.2 23.8 6.2

1972

4

100.8 376.0 602.8 324.6 194.8 136.0 65.6 26.7 7.1

1971

6

113.2 414.3 712.5 354.1 223.7 154.2 73.5 30.9 8.2

1970

6

121.1 443.7 720.3 386.3 246.6 164.3 79.2 34.2 9.5

1969

6

118.8 437.8 693.0 385.0 245.1 161.3 79.4 35.8 10.2

1968

6

116.6 435.9 605.8 395.6 242.6 156.9 79.8 37.5 11.4

1967

7

118.7 439.8 614.1 399.9 246.2 158.2 84.7 40.9 12.4

1966

6

123.6 456.4 674.9 412.3 260.9 164.1 90.9 44.7 13.7

1965

6

130.2 462.7 --- --- 273.6 178.6 100.4 49.9 14.8

1964

6

141.8 480.2 --- --- 307.8 197.8 110.2 54.7 15.9

1963

6

145.9 486.6 --- --- 320.6 205.6 114.2 56.9 16.2

1962

6

150.8 502.1 --- --- 335.8 213.6 118.9 59.6 16.8

1961

6

155.8 521.5 --- --- 347.0 220.7 124.5 64.0 17.5

1960

6

156.6 530.6 --- --- 353.6 221.0 123.9 61.8 18.3

1955 153.7 460.2 --- --- 332.1 213.7 126.8 64.8 19.3

1950 141.0 410.4 --- --- 282.6 191.8 115.7 59.0 18.3

 WHITE

 Race of mother

Reported/Inferred 3

1993 87.6 379.4 * * 208.2 159.2 100.4 37.7 6.8

1992 89.6 389.2 * * 211.8 161.6 99.1 37.0 6.6

1991 90.6 402.6 * * 211.3 161.3 97.4 36.7 6.1

1990 94.1 414.4 * * 216.3 164.4 98.9 36.1 6.0

1989 92.9 386.3 * * 213.0 160.0 95.2 34.4 5.7

1988 91.7 363.7 * * 209.0 156.4 92.3 31.9 5.2

1987 91.1 355.2 * * 202.1 153.9 89.2 30.0 4.8

1986 91.7 345.3 * * 203.0 149.9 87.0 27.6 4.4

1985 94.1 348.5 * * 204.9 151.3 86.1 27.1 4.3

1984

4

93.7 349.1 * * 203.6 147.8 83.0 25.7 4.2

1983

4

94.3 343.1 * * 201.4 147.6 79.6 24.6 4.1

1982

4

96.8 352.7 * * 205.3 149.9 77.4 23.4 4.1

1981

4

96.6 331.0 * * 201.0 148.6 73.4 21.6 4.0

1980

4

97.5 352.7 * * 201.9 147.1 71.9 21.0 4.0
Table III-7. Birth rates for married women by age of mother and race: United States, 1950, 1955, and 1960-93..continued

 [Rates are live births to married women per 1,000 married women in specified group. Beginning 1970 excludes births to nonresidents of the United States.] 

Age of mother

15-19 years

 Year and race 15-44 15-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44

years1 Total years years years years years years years2

 WHITE...cont.

 Race of child

Estimated 5

1980

4

97.4 352.0 * * 201.5 146.9 72.0 21.0 4.1

1979

4

95.8 331.8 * * 193.3 143.5 70.2 20.8 4.2

1978

4

92.9 318.4 * * 184.3 137.3 66.5 20.0 4.2

1977

4

94.3 305.2 * * 185.6 138.8 64.0 20.1 4.5

1976

4

91.1 303.9 * * 176.5 129.8 60.0 19.7 4.6

1975

4

91.5 309.4 * * 177.0 130.1 58.2 20.1 4.9

1974

4

93.6 318.5 * * 181.2 132.5 59.5 20.8 5.1

1973

4

93.8 328.4 * * 179.0 131.7 60.6 22.6 5.8

1972

4

99.4 364.5 * * 192.3 136.2 64.6 25.4 6.6

1971

6

111.7 402.5 * * 221.3 154.6 72.1 29.3 7.6

1970

6

119.6 431.8 * * 244.0 164.9 78.2 32.7 8.8

1969

6

117.1 423.1 * * 242.5 162.3 79.8 34.2 9.6

 -----35-44 years-----

1968

6

114.8 422.0 * * 240.0 157.8 78.7 23.1

1967

7

116.5 424.1 * * 243.5 158.1 83.3 25.2

1966

6

121.1 438.8 * * 258.3 163.4 89.6 27.7

1965

6

127.5 443.2 --- --- 270.9 177.3 98.9 30.8

1964

6

139.0 461.0 --- --- 306.8 196.8 108.5 33.6

1963

6

143.0 473.0 --- --- 318.9 204.1 112.5 34.8

1962

6

147.8 490.5 --- --- 334.3 212.0 117.0 36.4

1961

6

152.7 505.3 --- --- 345.9 219.2 122.5 38.9

1960

6

153.6 513.0 --- --- 352.5 220.5 121.6 39.7

1955 150.6 440.9 --- --- 328.5 211.2 126.2 42.2

1950 139.3 398.5 --- --- 281.2 193.1 115.9 39.3

 ALL OTHER

 Race of mother

Reported/Inferred 3

1993 81.8 482.2 * * 207.1 146.8 94.3 39.7 8.3

1992 84.8 492.6 * * 221.6 149.5 94.9 39.5 8.0

1991 85.6 493.2 * * 221.4 148.2 91.9 38.4 7.9

1990 87.4 507.9 * * 220.3 145.7 90.4 37.9 8.0

1989 85.5 486.2 * * 208.4 140.8 85.1 35.3 7.9

1988 84.5 457.3 * * 211.7 136.1 83.0 34.1 7.5

1987 82.6 398.2 * * 209.6 131.7 79.0 32.2 6.8

1986 84.3 442.6 * * 214.2 133.6 77.7 31.7 6.8

1985 87.4 484.2 * * 217.3 137.7 77.1 32.4 6.5

1984

4

88.6 447.4 * * 222.1 135.6 77.2 30.9 6.6

1983

4

88.8 412.4 * * 215.0 131.9 76.0 30.2 6.6

1982

4

91.8 362.7 * * 214.0 133.9 77.4 29.8 6.7

1981

4

91.4 335.7 * * 205.0 132.1 75.0 29.1 6.7

1980

4

93.5 320.0 * * 207.2 131.3 76.2 29.6 7.0

 Race of child

Estimated 5

1980

4

100.5 331.7 * * 224.0 141.5 81.7 31.9 7.3

1979

4

101.2 332.2 * * 226.0 141.7 79.6 31.2 7.1

1978

4

99.4 369.0 * * 214.3 135.1 75.0 30.8 7.2

1977

4

99.2 347.5 * * 208.8 133.9 71.4 31.3 7.6

1976

4

95.4 339.3 * * 192.3 125.6 65.4 30.4 7.5

1975

4

96.2 342.5 * * 189.1 126.8 62.1 30.4 8.3

1974

4

98.5 367.4 * * 192.8 124.4 62.6 30.7 8.6

1973

4

102.3 440.5 * * 196.4 124.1 65.3 32.4 9.9

1972

4

111.2 465.1 * * 214.2 134.4 72.9 36.6 11.3

1971

6

124.6 500.8 * * 243.2 151.1 83.2 42.6 13.1

1970

6

132.8 522.4 * * 267.6 159.3 86.7 46.1 14.5

1969

6

131.7 529.9 * * 266.5 153.1 86.9 47.8 14.9
Table III-7. Birth rates for married women by age of mother and race: United States, 1950, 1955, and 1960-93..continued

 [Rates are live births to married women per 1,000 married women in specified group. Beginning 1970 excludes births to nonresidents of the United States.] 

Age of mother

15-19 years

 Year and race 15-44 15-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44

years1 Total years years years years years years years2

 ALL OTHER...cont.

 -----35-44 years-----

1968

6

130.6 518.9 * * 263.9 150.4 88.0 33.4

1967

7

135.5 536.1 * * 268.1 159.0 94.2 36.2

1966

6

141.9 577.8 * * 280.7 169.2 100.5 39.5

1965

6

150.9 602.4 --- --- 293.3 188.6 110.3 42.9

1964

6

163.3 616.4 --- --- 315.1 205.6 122.0 47.8

1963

6

168.6 580.2 --- --- 333.7 217.0 126.1 49.1

1962

6

174.2 583.3 --- --- 346.8 224.6 132.6 51.6

1961

6

179.6 645.1 --- --- 355.0 231.4 139.3 53.8

1960

6

180.9 659.3 --- --- 361.8 225.0 142.1 53.5

1955 180.2 598.2 --- --- 360.5 235.4 131.8 53.7

1950 155.8 475.2 --- --- 292.4 180.2 113.9 46.9

 BLACK

 Race of mother

Reported/Inferred 3

1993 73.7 548.9 * * 201.1 133.0 79.6 32.6 6.3

1992 76.8 511.0 * * 222.3 132.8 79.2 31.8 6.0

1991 77.4 505.7 * * 219.8 132.4 76.0 30.9 5.8

1990 79.7 486.8 * * 225.2 130.6 75.4 30.1 6.1

1989 78.6 499.2 * * 208.8 130.1 71.5 28.0 6.1

1988 76.4 490.2 * * 207.8 122.2 68.0 26.6 5.6

1987 76.1 427.7 * * 199.4 120.1 66.9 26.1 5.2

1986 78.6 489.5 * * 206.7 122.6 67.2 26.1 5.3

1985 81.8 556.5 * * 212.8 127.9 66.4 26.5 5.2

1984

4

83.2 470.8 * * 219.0 123.9 67.5 26.0 5.4

1983

4

82.7 446.6 * * 211.7 118.6 65.8 25.7 5.6

1982

4

85.4 382.5 * * 210.6 119.1 67.1 25.5 5.6

1981

4

85.7 357.8 * * 203.2 119.7 65.0 24.9 5.7

1980

4

89.2 340.4 * * 205.7 122.3 67.0 25.7 6.1

 Race of child

Estimated 5

1980

4

94.0 332.3 * * 216.9 130.1 71.4 27.5 6.3

1979

4

95.6 315.3 * * 222.8 131.9 69.9 27.6 6.8

1978

4

94.0 353.4 * * 212.3 124.4 65.9 27.5 6.5

1977

4

94.7 337.3 * * 207.7 125.1 63.1 28.8 7.3

1976

4

90.4 313.0 * * 191.5 115.5 56.9 27.5 7.2

1975

4

91.8 318.8 * * 188.7 117.3 54.3 27.6 8.3

1974

4

93.8 363.0 * * 189.5 113.0 54.9 27.8 8.4

1973

4

98.2 453.7 * * 191.8 113.0 58.3 29.8 9.9

1972

4

107.6 490.7 * * 209.5 122.9 66.2 34.3 11.2

1971

6

121.5 511.7 * * 238.9 139.2 76.5 40.9 13.2

1970

6

130.3 533.3 * * 263.2 148.3 81.0 44.6 14.2

1969

6

129.1 514.6 * * 260.2 143.5 81.3 46.4 14.6

* Figure does not meet standards of reliability or precision.

1 Rates are computed by relating total births to married women, regardless of age of mother, to married women aged 15-44 years.

2 Rates are computed by relating births to married women aged 40 years and over to married women 40-44 years. Rates by race for years prior to 1969 are computed by relating births

 to married women aged 35 years and over to married women aged 35-44 years.

3 Data for states in which marital status was not reported have been inferred from other items on the birth certificate and included with data from the reporting states.

4 Based on 100 percent of births in selected states and on a 50-percent sample of births in all other states.

5 Births to married women are estimated for the United States from data for registration areas in which marital status of mother was reported.

6 Based on a 50-percent sample of births.

7 Based on a 20- to 50-percent sample of births.

Source: National Center for Heatlh Statistics. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1993, Volume I, Natality. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. In preparation.
Table IV - 1: Frequency of Sex in the Past Year for Men and Women, by Age and Marital Status

 Frequency of Sex in Past Year (%)

A Few TimesA Few Times Two to Three Four or More

Not at All per Year per MonthTimes a Week Times a Week Total N

Men 9.8 17.6 35.5 29.5 7.7 1,330

Total Population

18-24 14.7 21.1 23.9 28.0 12.4 218

25-29 6.7 14.8 31.0 36.2 11.4 210

30-34 9.7 16.7 34.7 31.5 7.4 216

35-39 6.8 12.6 40.0 35.3 5.3 190

40-44 6.7 16.9 44.4 26.4 5.6 178

45-49 12.7 19.8 33.3 27.8 6.3 126

50-54 7.8 19.6 45.1 22.5 4.9 102

55-59 15.7 24.7 41.6 16.9 1.1 89

Marital Status:

Nev. marr., not coh. 22.0 26.2 25.4 18.8 7.6 382

Nev. marr., coh. 0.0 8.5 35.6 37.3 18.6 59

Married 1.3 12.8 42.5 36.1 7.3 687

Div./sep./wid., not coh. 23.8 22.5 28.5 20.5 4.6 151

Div./sep./wid.,coh. 0.0 8.3 36.1 44.4 11.1 36

Women 13.6 16.1 37.2 26.3 6.7 1,664

Total Population

18-24 11.2 16.1 31.5 28.8 12.4 267

25-29 4.5 10.3 38.1 36.8 10.3 223

30-34 8.1 16.6 34.6 32.9 7.8 283

35-39 10.8 15.7 37.8 32.5 3.2 249

40-44 14.6 15.5 46.1 16.9 6.8 219

45-49 16.1 16.1 41.0 23.6 3.1 161

50-54 19.3 20.7 40.0 17.8 2.2 135

55-59 40.8 22.4 29.6 4.8 2.4 125

Marital Status:

Nev. marr., not coh. 30.2 23.5 26.0 13.3 7.0 315

Nev. marr., coh. 1.4 6.9 31.9 43.1 16.7 72

Married 3.0 11.9 46.5 31.9 6.6 905

Div./sep./wid., not coh. 34.3 23.2 21.9 16.8 3.7 297

Div./sep./wid.,coh. 0.0 9.4 39.6 39.6 11.3 53

Source: Laumann, E.O. et al. 1994. The Social Organization of Sexuality. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Table IV - 2: Number of ever married women 15-44 years of age and percent distribution by timing of marriage relative to first 

sexual intercourse, according to race, Hispanic origin, and birth cohort: United States, 1988

Race, Hispanic

origin, and Birth

Cohort

Ever

Married

Women Total

marr. before or

same month as

1st intercourse

5 months or

less 6-11 months 12-35 months 36-59 months

60 months or

more

Total

# in

thousands Percent distribution

All cohorts 36,841 100.0 25.0 8.5 8.0 24.1 14.8 19.6

1964-73 3,971 100.0 16.5 5.9 13.6 29.9 21.0 13.0

1954-63 16,888 100.0 17.8 7.2 6.9 24.9 17.9 25.3

1944-53 15,982 100.0 34.7 10.5 7.8 21.7 10.0 15.3

White (Non-Hisp)

All cohorts 28,579 100.0 24.5 8.2 8.2 25.5 14.7 18.8

1964-73 3,084 100.0 14.5 4.7 14.2 32.2 20.9 13.5

1954-63 12,995 100.0 15.9 6.8 7.3 26.9 18.3 24.9

1944-53 12,500 100.0 36.0 10.6 7.7 22.3 9.6 13.9

Black (Non-Hisp)

All cohorts 3,458 100.0 7.5 7.7 7.4 23.9 18.9 34.5

1964-73 332 100.0 6.6 7.0 2.5 38.6 27.8 17.5

1954-63 1,581 100.0 5.0 3.7 6.6 24.3 18.9 41.6

1944-53 1,545 100.0 10.2 12.0 9.4 20.3 17.1 30.9

Hispanic Origin

Hispanic 3,452 100.0 39.1 13.1 6.9 15.2 10.9 14.8

Non-Hispanic 33,390 100.0 23.5 8.0 8.1 25.0 15.2 20.1

Source: National Survey of Family Growth, Cycle 4, 1988. National Center for Health Statistics.

Table IV-4. Estimated pregnancy, live birth, and induced abortion rates by marital status and race: United States, 1980, 1990, and 1991

[Rates are births per 1,000 women aged 15-44 years in specified group]

All races White All other

Marital status and measure 1980 1990 1991 1980 1990 1991 1980 1990 1991

Married

All pregnancies1 126.9 121.9 117.6 124.4 120.7 116.1 145.3 129.7 127.6

 Live birth 97.0 93.2 89.9 97.5 94.1 90.6 93.5 87.4 85.6

 Induced abortion 10.5 8.8 8.4 8.6 7.1 6.6 24.7 20.4 20.6

Unmarried

All pregnancies1 90.8 103.6 103.3 68.9 81.0 80.9 179.7 177.4 174.3

 Live birth 29.4 43.8 45.2 18.1 32.9 34.6 75.2 79.7 78.8

 Induced abortion 54.4 49.8 47.8 47.4 41.3 39.1 82.7 77.7 75.8

1 Includes pregnancies ending in fetal loss, not shown separately.

Source: Ventura SJ, Taffel SM, Mosher WD, et al. 1995. Trends in Pregnancies and Pregnancy Rates: Estimates for the United States, 1980-92. Monthly Vital Statistics Report, Vol. 43, No. 11, Supplement.

 Hyattsville, Maryland: National Center for Health Statistics.

124
Table IV - 5: Estimated Proportions of Pregnancies (Excluding Miscarriages) by Outcome and Intention, Percentage of

 Pregnancies Unintended, and Percentage of Unintended Pregnancies Ending in Abortion, 1987, by Marital Status, 

 Age at Outcome, and Poverty Status at Interview

All Pregnancies (miscarriages excluded)

Demographic

Characteristics

Total

Pregnancies

Intended

Pregnancies

Ending in Births

Unintended

Pregnancies

Ending in Births

Abortions

Percentage of

Pregnancies

Unintended

Percentage of

Unintended

Pregnancies Ending

in Abortion

Total 100.1 42.8 28.4 28.9 57.3 50.4

Marital Status

 Currently married 100.0 59.9 29.7 10.4 40.1 25.9

 Formerly married 100.0 31.5 32.4 36.1 68.5 52.7

 Never married 100.0 11.8 22.0 66.2 88.2 75.1

Age

 15-19 100.0 18.3 40.0 41.7 81.7 51.0

 20-24 100.0 39.4 29.7 30.9 60.6 51.0

 25-29 100.0 54.8 23.8 21.4 45.2 47.3

 30-34 100.0 57.9 21.0 21.1 42.1 50.1

 35-39 100.0 44.1 25.1 39.7 55.9 55.1

 40-44 100.0 23.1 31.3 45.6 76.9 59.3

Poverty Status

 <100% 100.0 24.6 35.6 39.8 75.4 52.8

 100-199% 100.0 36.0 26.8 37.2 64.0 58.1

 >199% 100.0 55.0 25.7 19.3 45.0 42.9

Source: Forrest, J.D. 1994. Epidemiology of unintended pregnancy and contraceptive use. American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology 170:

1485-1488.
Table IV - 6: Number of Women Who Had an Out-of-Wedlock Pregnancy that Resulted in a First Birth and the Percentage Who

 Married Before the Birth of the Child: 1960-64 to 1985-89

 (Numbers in thousands)

 Total, 15-34 years Age at first birth

Race and period of first birth* 15 to 17 years 18 and 19 years 20 to 24 years 25 to 34 years

 Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

 RACE

 All Races

 1985 to 1989 3,039 26.6 617 12.2 852 23.8 1,106 34.9 463 31.2

 1980 to 1984 2,849 31.3 666 20.6 852 34.1 1,009 34.8 322 34.5

 1975 to 1979 2,456 33.2 720 28.1 721 36.7 791 35.0 225 32.5

 1970 to 1974 2,294 44.9 691 36.4 714 52.4 741 46.5 148 40.4

 1965 to 1969 1,768 52.0 411 41.2 610 59.5 625 56.0 122 30.6

 1960 to 1964 1,468 52.2 430 41.4 447 56.5 469 58.3 121 41.4

 White

 1985 to 1989 2,077 33.5 353 18.5 591 30.4 824 40.5 309 38.0

 1980 to 1984 1,825 41.6 368 32.9 567 43.6 685 43.0 205 46.8

 1975 to 1979 1,569 43.3 417 42.9 474 46.0 516 44.8 162 31.9

 1970 to 1974 1,639 54.2 449 49.4 524 60.8 538 54.8 129 41.8

 1965 to 1969 1,236 61.4 243 58.5 443 69.0 469 60.7 81 32.4

 1960 to 1964 1,028 60.9 286 53.9 322 66.8 339 65.9 80 41.6

 Black

 1985 to 1989 840 7.7 234 - 229 6.5 244 15.3 133 9.3

 1980 to 1984 926 11.6 280 5.1 263 13.4 297 17.2 87 8.4

 1975 to 1979 818 12.9 287 6.7 233 18.2 247 12.6 50 (B)

 1970 to 1974 593 18.2 236 11.8 172 27.6 171 17.3 13 (B)

 1965 to 1969 474 28.0 162 16.3 150 33.7 132 38.0 30 (B)

 1960 to 1964 389 31.0 135 27.0 106 30.1 120 36.7 28 (B)

Asian and Pacific Islander

 1960-89 278 47.2 (B) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B)
Number of Women Who Had an Out-of-Wedlock Pregnancy that Resulted in a First Birth and the Percentage Who

Married Before the Birth of the Child: 1960-64 to 1985-89 - Con.

 Total, 15-34 years Age at first birth

Race and period of first birth* 15 to 17 years 18 and 19 years 20 to 24 years 25 to 34 years

 Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

 HISPANIC ORIGIN 

Hispanic**

 1985 to 1989 432 23.4 65 11.3 118 20.0 203 27.0 46 (B)

 1980 to 1984 325 25.4 86 21.8 88 25.6 118 25.1 32 (B)

 1975 to 1979 350 28.2 89 28.7 109 39.0 109 16.4 44 (B)

 1970 to 1974 253 33.5 63 26.5 67 54.9 77 34.0 45 (B)

 1965 to 1969 144 45.2 34 49.8 40 39.5 56 55.1 13 (B)

 1960 to 1964 114 33.1 32 30.5 36 41.0 33 30.3 13 (B)

Not Hispanic 

 1985 to 1989 2,607 27.2 552 12.3 735 24.4 903 36.7 416 31.0

 1980 to 1984 2,524 32.0 580 20.4 764 35.1 891 36.1 290 34.4

 1975 to 1979 2,106 34.1 631 28.0 612 36.3 682 37.9 180 33.2

 1970 to 1974 2,041 46.3 628 37.4 647 52.2 663 47.9 103 53.5

 1965 to 1969 1,624 52.6 377 40.4 569 60.9 569 56.1 110 33.4

 1960 to 1964 1,354 53.8 399 45.4 411 57.8 436 60.4 108 43.4

 (B) Base too small to show derived statistic

 - Represents zero or rounds to zero

 * Periods are for complete calendar years.

 ** Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race.

Bachu, Amara. 1991. Fertility of American Women: June 1990. Current Population Reports, Series P-20, No. 454. U.S Bureau of the Census, 

Department of Commerce.
Table V-1. Number and percent distribution of births to unmarried women by live-birth order and first-birth

rate for births to unmarried women, by age and race of mother: United States, 1993

Number of births Percent distribution2

Age of mother Live-birth order Live-birth order First birth

and race All births1 First 2nd and higher All births First 2nd and higher rate3

All races4 1,240,172 596,599 637,410 100.0 48.4 51.7 21.9

Under 15 years 11,467 11,095 323 100.0 97.2 2.8 ---

15-19 years 357,432 274,934 81,029 100.0 77.2 22.8 34.4

 15-17 years 152,212 130,983 20,600 100.0 86.4 13.6 26.4

 18-19 years 205,220 143,951 60,429 100.0 70.4 29.6 47.1

20-24 years 438,538 200,152 236,425 100.0 45.9 54.2 31.7

25-29 years 233,776 65,810 166,581 100.0 28.3 71.7 16.2

30-34 years 132,263 30,332 101,119 100.0 23.1 76.9 8.9

35-39 years 55,570 11,881 43,298 100.0 21.5 78.5 4.1

40-44 years 11,126 2,395 8,635 100.0 21.7 78.3 1.0

White 742,129 390,243 348,231 100.0 52.8 47.2 19.0

Under 15 years 4,868 4,734 109 100.0 97.8 2.3 ---

15-19 years 213,080 175,102 37,098 100.0 82.5 17.5 27.7

 15-17 years 87,032 78,418 8,250 100.0 90.5 9.5 20.0

 18-19 years 126,048 96,684 28,848 100.0 77.0 23.0 40.4

20-24 years 263,538 135,431 126,943 100.0 51.6 48.4 28.0

25-29 years 139,905 44,007 95,095 100.0 31.6 68.4 14.8

30-34 years 79,136 20,520 58,147 100.0 26.1 73.9 8.4

35-39 years 34,283 8,596 25,444 100.0 25.3 74.8 4.1

40-44 years 7,319 1,853 5,395 100.0 25.6 74.4 1.0

Black 452,476 185,022 265,157 100.0 41.1 58.9 34.5

Under 15 years 6,293 6,068 201 100.0 96.8 3.2 ---

15-19 years 133,031 91,049 41,430 100.0 68.7 31.3 70.4

 15-17 years 60,412 48,455 11,709 100.0 80.5 19.5 61.9

 18-19 years 72,619 42,594 29,721 100.0 58.9 41.1 83.4

20-24 years 159,598 57,550 101,311 100.0 36.2 63.8 51.5

25-29 years 84,604 19,003 65,073 100.0 22.6 77.4 21.4

30-34 years 47,330 8,326 38,693 100.0 17.7 82.3 10.1

35-39 years 18,526 2,622 15,782 100.0 14.3 85.8 3.7

40-44 years 3,094 404 2,667 100.0 13.2 86.8 0.8

 Hispanic (5) 261,586 115,279 145,014 100.0 44.3 55.7 42.2

Under 15 years 2,358 2,279 72 100.0 96.9 3.1 ---

15-19 years 69,523 52,372 16,829 100.0 75.7 24.2 56.5

 15-17 years 30,866 26,304 4,412 100.0 85.6 14.4 44.4

 18-19 years 38,657 26,068 12,417 100.0 67.7 32.3 77.6

20-24 years 88,946 38,847 49,696 100.0 43.9 56.1 61.6

25-39 years 55,826 14,259 41,263 100.0 25.7 74.3 35.4

30-34 years 29,862 5,354 24,351 100.0 18.0 82.0 16.4

35-39 years 12,389 1,838 10,473 100.0 14.9 85.1 7.1

40-44 years 2,682 330 2,330 100.0 12.4 87.6 1.7

(1) Includes live-birth order not stated.

(2) Based only on records for which live-birth order is stated.

(3) First births per 1,000 unmarried women in specified group.

(4) Includes races other than white and black.

(5) Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race.

Source: Ventura SJ and TJ Mathews. Special tabulation of 1993 birth certificate data. National Center for Health Statistics. 1995.

128


131

Appendix B: Observed and Standardized Nonmarital Fertility Ratios

The following two tables provide observed and standardized nonmarital fertility (birth) ratios for

black and white women over the period 1960-1992. Standardized ratios were calculated using a

method developed by Das Gupta (1993) as part of a study to measure the importance of four

factors influencing trends in nonmarital fertility ratios. The four factors considered were

nonmarital birth rates, marital birth rates, the percent unmarried at each age, and age distribution. 

 A full description of the method and the findings of this study are provided in a separate paper

(Smith, Morgan, and Koropeckyj-Cox, 1995). 

Tables 1 and 2 present the observed nonmarital fertility ratios for each of the years 1960-92, and

four sets of standardized ratios which estimate what the nonmarital fertility ratios would have

been if the designated factor were allowed to change over time but other factors were not. The

ratios are calculated in a way that allows a straightforward interpretation of the effect of any

factor over any interval of time. For example:

The nonmarital fertility ratio among black women increased from .3504 in 1970 to .5622 in

1980 (see column 2 of Table 1), an increase of .2118. 

The effect on the nonmarital fertility ratio of changes in any of the four factors during this

period is calculated as the difference between the standardized ratios for that factor (in columns

3-6) for 1980 and 1970:

 Effect of changes in age distribution: .4761 - .4907 = -.0146

 Effect of changes in the percent unmarried: .5451 - .3498 = .1953.

 Effect of changes in nonmarital fertility rate: .4457 - .4862 = -.0405

 Effect of changes in marital fertility rate: .5149 - .4432 = .0717. 

Notice that the sum of these effects (-.0146 +.1953 -.0405 +.0717 = .2119) is essentially

identical to the difference between the two unadjusted or observed ratios, .2118. These

calculations tell us that the primary factor pushing the nonmarital fertility ratio upward for 

black women between 1970 and 1980 was changes in the percent unmarried, that declines in

marital fertility rates also led to an increase in the nonmarital fertility ratio, and that both

changes in age distribution and declines in nonmarital birth rates were acting to push the

nonmarital fertility ratio downward during the period.

Further examples are given in the paper by Smith, Morgan, and Koropeckyj-Cox cited above.
132

Table 1. Nonmarital Fertility Ratios for Blacks, 1960-1992: Observed and Standardized

Year Nonmarital

Fertility Ratio

Nonmarital Fertility Ratios, Standardized for All Factors Save:

Age Percent

Distribution Married

Nonmarital Marital

Fertility Fertility

Rates Rates

1960 0.2420 0.4654 0.3013 0.5191 0.3757

1961 0.2302 0.4660 0.2844 0.5205 0.3788

1962 0.2482 0.4688 0.2977 0.5146 0.3865

1963 0.2590 0.4717 0.2986 0.5134 0.3947

1964 0.2521 0.4749 0.2828 0.5107 0.4032

1965 0.2844 0.4785 0.2972 0.5100 0.4183

1966 0.2997 0.4823 0.3068 0.4969 0.4333

1967 0.2996 0.4838 0.3040 0.4837 0.4476

1968 0.3420 0.4882 0.3443 0.4769 0.4521

1969 0.3525 0.4897 0.3615 0.4747 0.4461

1970 0.3504 0.4907 0.3498 0.4862 0.4432

1971 0.4175 0.4916 0.3987 0.4866 0.4601

1972 0.4318 0.4923 0.3954 0.4746 0.4891

1973 0.4497 0.4913 0.4012 0.4653 0.5113

1974 0.4631 0.4919 0.4099 0.4563 0.5245

1975 0.4815 0.4905 0.4321 0.4510 0.5274

1976 0.5055 0.4892 0.4649 0.4442 0.5267

1977 0.5065 0.4873 0.4843 0.4480 0.5064

1978 0.5471 0.4850 0.5337 0.4440 0.5038

1979 0.5476 0.4824 0.5397 0.4498 0.4951

1980 0.5622 0.4761 0.5451 0.4457 0.5149

1981 0.5626 0.4708 0.5584 0.4414 0.5115

1982 0.5745 0.4665 0.5822 0.4396 0.5056

1983 0.5884 0.4639 0.6046 0.4367 0.5027

1984 0.6056 0.4592 0.6301 0.4371 0.4986

1985 0.6247 0.4580 0.6503 0.4444 0.4915

1986 0.6107 0.4549 0.6240 0.4517 0.4995

1987 0.6310 0.4525 0.6270 0.4640 0.5070

1988 0.6418 0.4522 0.6333 0.4772 0.4986

1989 0.6568 0.4486 0.6453 0.4925 0.4899

1990 0.6538 0.4479 0.6481 0.4962 0.4811

1991 0.6825 0.4463 0.6785 0.4969 0.4803

1992 0.6857 0.4461 0.6909 0.4913 0.4768
133

Table 2. Nonmarital Fertility Ratios for Whites, 1960-1992: Observed and Standardized

Year Nonmarital

Fertility Ratio

Nonmarital Fertility Ratios, Standardized for All Factors Save:

Age Percent

Distribution Married

Nonmarital Marital

Fertility Fertility

Rates Rates

1960 0.0226 0.0967 0.0660 0.0673 0.0740

1961 0.0257 0.0972 0.0667 0.0697 0.0736

1962 0.0261 0.0988 0.0651 0.0686 0.0753

1963 0.0300 0.0995 0.0648 0.0708 0.0764

1964 0.0338 0.1005 0.0646 0.0726 0.0776

1965 0.0396 0.1015 0.0635 0.0738 0.0824

1966 0.0430 0.1026 0.0615 0.0744 0.0861

1967 0.0479 0.1024 0.0633 0.0745 0.0892

1968 0.0543 0.1030 0.0664 0.0759 0.0905

1969 0.0534 0.1023 0.0661 0.0766 0.0900

1970 0.0556 0.1024 0.0673 0.0776 0.0898

1971 0.0560 0.1025 0.0696 0.0701 0.0954

1972 0.0598 0.1024 0.0694 0.0653 0.1043

1973 0.0620 0.1020 0.0696 0.0629 0.1090

1974 0.0649 0.1016 0.0736 0.0615 0.1098

1975 0.0727 0.1013 0.0767 0.0641 0.1122

1976 0.0759 0.1006 0.0799 0.0644 0.1124

1977 0.0810 0.1001 0.0849 0.0684 0.1091

1978 0.0876 0.0995 0.0907 0.0696 0.1093

1979 0.0947 0.0987 0.0958 0.0758 0.1060

1980 0.1107 0.0969 0.0995 0.0920 0.1039

1981 0.1181 0.0949 0.1056 0.0950 0.1041

1982 0.1212 0.0933 0.1095 0.0986 0.1015

1983 0.1304 0.0917 0.1161 0.1019 0.1023

1984 0.1350 0.0901 0.1191 0.1065 0.1009

1985 0.1456 0.0888 0.1229 0.1165 0.0990

1986 0.1569 0.0875 0.1273 0.1242 0.0995

1987 0.1681 0.0860 0.1338 0.1326 0.0972

1988 0.1791 0.0846 0.1389 0.1433 0.0939

1989 0.1907 0.0828 0.1425 0.1569 0.0901

1990 0.2005 0.0815 0.1449 0.1695 0.0861

1991 0.2152 0.0799 0.1496 0.1794 0.0879

1992 0.2232 0.0794 0.1553 0.1831 0.0870
135

EXPERT PAPERS 

These expert papers represent the views of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of

the Department.
The author benefited from the helpful comments and assistance of Alan Booth, Edith Ericson, Jeff Evans, Gesine Hearn, Wendy

Manning, and David Ribar.

137

The Retreat from Marriage and the Rise in Nonmarital Fertility

Daniel T. Lichter

Population Research Institute

Pennsylvania State University

Introduction

Public policy discussions about the causes and consequences of nonmarital childbearing are incomplete without

some reference to the current "retreat from marriage" in America. Slowing marriage rates, rising age-at-marriage,

high divorce rates, declining remarriage rates, and increasing cohabitation are responsible for the growing

proportion of unmarried women of reproductive age (Ventura, Bachrach and Kaye, this volume). Indeed, 46

percent of women aged 15-44 were unmarried in 1993; another 4 percent were living apart from their husbands

(U.S. Bureau of the Census 1994). The increasing percentage of young women "at risk" of a nonmarital birth by

virtue of being single has contributed to the growing proportion of all births occurring outside of marriage (i.e.,

the nonmarital fertility ratio). This trend is even more pronounced due to continuing low fertility rates among

married couples. Clearly, an adequate understanding of why nonmarital fertility has increased from 5 percent in

1960 to nearly one-third of all U.S. births today requires some understanding of current U.S. marriage patterns.

The problem is that the research to date is often ambiguous about causal linkages between changing patterns of

marriage and unmarried childbearing. Simple explanations that emphasize changing proportions of unmarried

women and married women are insufficient. They cannot explain the fact that fertility rates among unmarried

women also are rising. 

One common view is that the rise in nonmarital fertility rates is largely a consequence of the lack of marital

opportunities or incentives (e.g., shortages of "marriageable" men). Another view is that nonmarital childbearing

provides an alternative route to adulthood, especially when other options, such as employment or marriage, are

limited (Hayward, Grady, and Billy 1992; Hogan and Kitagawa 1985; South and Lloyd 1992). Alternatively,

some view that unmarried childbearing is instead a cause of declining marriage rates (Bennett, Bloom, and Miller

1995). Unmarried mothers presumably are less attractive potential marital partners or, some argue, they have

little incentive to marry because they are more likely to be eligible for public assistance if they remain unmarried.

Yet another perspective is that declining marriage rates and rising nonmarital fertility are not causally related, but

instead are jointly determined by other factors, such as changes in family or religious values or decreasing

earnings of males (Bumpass 1990; Cherlin 1992). The rise in the proportion of single individuals and nonmarital

fertility provide clear evidence of broader cultural shifts that emphasize the individual over the collectivity (e.g.,

family, community, nation). 

There can be little disagreement that trends in marriage and nonmarital childbearing are inextricably linked and

that the relationship is complex. This is especially true for African Americans. Roughly two-thirds of all African

American children today are born outside of marriage. The loosening connection between marriage and fertility
138

among African Americans has gone hand-in-hand with the growth of single-parent families and with rising

poverty rates among women and children (Eggebeen and Lichter 1991; Lichter and Eggebeen 1993; McLanahan

and Casper 1995). Arguably, the accelerated growth of female-headed families, especially among African

Americans, has muted the potential beneficial effects of public policies aimed at reducing racial economic

inequality. Not surprisingly, promoting marriage is now increasingly viewed as a potential panacea for the

problems of nonmarital childbearing, poverty, and racial inequality in America. But effective family policies

require some understanding of why U.S. marriage patterns have changed, especially over the past decade or so.

This paper provides an overview of common explanations of declining marriage rates and divergent racial patterns

in America. Four "causes" of declining marriage are evaluated: (a) changing gender roles and the rising

economic independence of women; (b) access to welfare and other public assistance; the deterioration in the

economic status of young men; and (d) cultural shifts toward individualism and personal fulfillment. Alone, each

explanation is inadequate. Together they provide a rather complex, yet still incomplete, picture of the causes of

changing marriage patterns in America.

 

Four Common Explanations for the Retreat From Marriage

The Changing Status of Women

The conventional wisdom is that the changing economic status of women, reflected in rising labor force rates and

earnings, is mostly responsible for declining marriage and increasing divorce. Simply put, it is commonly argued

that American women are less dependent on men and marriage for economic security and are better able than in

the past to leave an abusive or emotionally unsatisfying relationship or marriage. 

This explanation has intuitive appeal. The decline in marriage and the rise in divorce rates accelerated during a

period when young women--especially mothers--entered the work force in record proportions. The lower

marriage rates among African American women compared to white women also presumably reflect African

American women's historically higher employment and the fact that the ratio of female-to-male earnings has

typically been much higher among African Americans than among whites (Bianchi 1995).

The problem with this explanation is that the empirical evidence is limited, at best (Oppenheimer 1994). On the

one hand, areal studies consistently show that marriage rates are lowest in communities where female economic

opportunities are highest (Schultz 1994; South and Lloyd 1993). Moreover, in a study of the 100 largest U.S.

metropolitan areas, McLanahan and Casper found that 70 percent of the 1980-90 decline in marriage among

white women was due to increasing female employment and earnings (McLanahan and Casper 1995). But such

studies often fail to distinguish cause from effect (for discussion, see Lichter, LeClere, and McLaughlin 1991).

An alternative interpretation is that unmarried women have a greater economic incentive or need for employment.

As singlehood rises, for whatever reason, an increasing percentage of women are pushed into the labor force in

order to support themselves economically. Indeed, in a national time series study, Mare and Winship (1991)

showed that trends in female employment and earnings had little overall effect on marriage trends over

1940-1980 for either African American or white women. Qian and Preston (1993) similarly provided little

evidence that changing economic independence of women, if measured by levels of education, were associated

with marriage trends over 1972-1987. Instead, they found that declines in marriage were most pronounced among

less educated women (see also Ellwood and Crane 1990). Moreover, the growing convergence between African
139

American and white women’s employment and earnings is incompatible--at least theoretically--with evidence of

increasing racial divergence in family formation.

Explanations of declining marriage that emphasize women’s changing economic status also have limited support

in studies that involve surveys of individuals. Several recent studies have shown that women's education, income,

and employment increase rather than decrease the likelihood of marriage (Lichter et al. 1992; Oppenheimer

1994). It may still be that a woman’s greater economic independence reduces her incentive to marry, but this may

be more than offset by the fact that her higher income makes marriage more economically feasible for a man who

would not be able to support a family on his salary alone. Highly educated women presumably can both seek and

better attract educated or "economically attractive" men. Indeed, attitude studies show that men--both white and

African American--now express a strong preference for economically attractive spouses with steady employment

(South 1991). The fact that the proportion of spouses with the same educational levels has increased over the past

several decades (Mare 1991) also implies that men may be less indifferent than in the past to women's education

and economic status. 

From a public policy standpoint, the implication of these findings is straightforward. Improving the education

and employment options of both men and women may, on balance, stimulate marriage rather than discourage it.

On the other hand, while highly educated women are more likely than less educated women to marry men who

have a high socio-economic status, they also are more likely to forgo marriage than to marry men who have a low

socio-economic status (Lichter, Anderson, and Hayward 1995). 

Welfare and Other Public Assistance

Explanations that emphasize women's economic independence are closely related to those that focus on welfare

dependence. One view is that welfare might very well enable women to become economically independent from

men and marriage by providing single women with a "surrogate husband (Bennett et al. 1989). Welfare also may

reduce the economic imperative for single women resolve a premarital pregnancy by marrying. Indeed, welfare

may be preferred over marriage, especially among African American women whose marital prospects are

disproportionately drawn from the chronically unemployed or poorly paid (Lichter, et al. 1992). The implication

of this hypothesis is that welfare programs, such as AFDC, undermine marriage and encourage nonmarital

childbearing. 

Several cross-sectional areal studies have shown that welfare availability is significantly associated with marriage

prevalence (e.g., percentage currently or ever-married). In a study of 382 labor market areas, Lichter et al. (1991)

reported that areas with higher than average benefits among public assistance recipients had lower percentages

of women, age 20-29, who were married. McLanahan and Casper (1995) and Schultz (1994), using data from

the decennial censuses, found similar results. Marriage was less common in states with more generous welfare

provisions. Medicaid benefit levels were also associated with fewer women being currently married (Schultz

1994). The common interpretation is that welfare undermines the traditional family. An alternative view--one

not yet satisfactorily addressed in the literature -- is whether less stringent Medicaid eligibility requirements and

higher welfare payments are simply state policy responses to growing poverty rates. Thus, changes in family

structure may to some extent be a cause of changing welfare policy rather than a consequence of it.

From a policy perspective, these areal studies seem to imply that providing AFDC payments to married couples

may reduce or eliminate any unintended disincentives to marriage. Currently all states must now extend cash

assistance -- through the AFDC-Unemployed Parents (AFDC-UP) Program -- to needy married couple families

in which at least one spouse has had extensive work experience or who has been chronically unemployed. These
140

work history requirements for eligibility for AFDC-UP are often difficult to meet for young couples with little

job experience. Indeed, only about 9 percent of all AFDC families are currently headed by married couples.

However, the findings of these cross-sectional areal studies are inconsistent with studies based on time-series or

individual-level data. For example, the average maximum AFDC and food stamps were actually falling during

this period--from $9,595 in 1970 for a family of four to $7,142 in 1990 (McLanahan and Casper 1995), yet

nonmarriage and the nonmarital fertility ratio experienced a large upswing over the same period. 

Furthermore, Lichter et al.(1992) found no relationship between the receipt of public assistance and the annual

probability of getting married. The results indicated that the lower probability of marriage among African

Americans compared to whites could not be attributed to the greater receipt of public assistance among African

Americans. Indeed, the percent of African American children on AFDC changed very little or even declined

during the 1980s (Ellwood and Crane 1990), yet the nonmarital fertility ratio of African American women

continued to rise.

Thus, it is premature to conclude that expanding welfare benefits to married couples will encourage a premaritally

pregnant woman to marry her partner rather than bear the child outside of marriage. In fact, previous studies

indicate that state AFDC-UP payments are not strongly associated with marriage rates (Moffitt 1990; Schultz

1994). Existing evidence of welfare effects on marriage is mixed. The results seem to depend on whether the

data are based on community or aggregated census data, national time-series data, or individual survey data.

Additional research is needed to answer the critical question of whether living in a welfare dependent or

single-parent family during childhood contributes to subsequent nonmarriage and nonmarital fertility during

adulthood (Franklin, Smith, and McMiller 1995; Li and Wojtkiewicz 1994). Here again, the verdict is mixed. 

Men's Deteriorating Employment and Earnings 

An increasingly dominant view is that the decline in marriage is a result of the growing labor market problems

of men, especially those who are young, poorly educated, and African American. Economic uncertainty provides

a weak foundation for marriage and childbearing. Wilson (1987) argued that declining marriage rates among

African Americans are largely the result of shortages of "marriageable men"--those with steady employment.

This explanation also implies that racial differences in men's employment and earnings may contribute to racial

differences in family formation. 

Indeed, Mare and Winship (1992) showed that roughly 20 percent of the 1950-80 decline in marriage could be

attributed to changing employment patterns among men. Declines in marriage were most apparent among the

least educated males. Lichter et al. (1991) concluded that men's economic circumstances were more important

in explaining inter-area variation in women's marriage rates than were women's (South and Lloyd 1992). Testa

et al. (1989) showed that premaritally pregnant women were more likely to get married if the father was

employed. In summarizing this growing literature, Oppenheimer (1994) concluded that attention to women's

changing economic status--as a cause of declining marriage--is misplaced. The emphasis should be on men's

deteriorating circumstances, as has been the case historically (e.g., Landale and Tolnay 1991).

Others criticize such studies because, once again, they confuse cause and effect (Schultz 1994). To date, it has

been difficult to evaluate empirically whether economically attractive men are more likely to get married, or

simply that married men tend to be more productive in the workplace and are rewarded accordingly (Korenman

and Neumark 1991). One recent study, for example, showed that married men were more likely to be employed

and earn more than single men with similar characteristics (Teachman, Call, and Carver 1994). Unfortunately,

recent nuptiality studies have rarely viewed marriage as a both a cause and consequence of men's employment.
141

Furthermore, perspectives that focus solely on men's economic status are incomplete, particularly for

understanding either African American marriage patterns or racial differences in family formation. To be sure,

the African American "marriage market" is different from the white "marriage market" in terms of lower

employment and earnings. However, there is also a severe imbalance in the basic ratio of African American men

to African American women. Compared with white women, African American women's marital prospects are

clearly diminished by this severe imbalance in the sex ratio. This demographic deficit in the supply of African

American men, reinforced by continuing strong norms against interracial marriage, depresses African American

female marriage rates (Fossett and Kiecolt 1991; Lichter et al. 1991). While this shortage is exacerbated by

men's deteriorating employment and earnings described above, economic conditions are not the only factors that

affect racial differences in the marriage market.

Economic explanations also are incomplete when racial differences in marriage rates are considered from an

historical perspective. African American and white marriage patterns were more similar in the aggregate in 1950

than they have been in recent years (Walker 1988), despite trends toward racial convergence in earnings,

occupational distributions, residential patterns (i.e., less segregation), and political representation. 

Simple economic explanations also cannot fully account for the decline in marriage among African Americans.

Over the 1960-80 period, African American men experienced declining unemployment rates and substantial

occupational mobility and real earnings gains, while marriage rates declined (Farley 1985). It is perhaps not

surprising then that Wood (1995) found that the changing supply of marriageable African American men

accounted for only 3-4 percent of the 1970-80 decline in African American marriage rates across 76 U.S.

metropolitan areas. Since the mid-1980's, however, economic progress for African Americans has stagnated,

while income inequality has grown (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1995). The problem has been especially

problematic for young African American men. Unfortunately, studies linking post-1980 economic indicators with

marriage trends, especially among young men, are lacking. Thus, the empirical support for supply-side arguments

(i.e., those that emphasize shortages of marriageable men) remains inconclusive.

Economic explanations are, however, very helpful in explaining local racial differences in marriage patterns.

McLanahan and Casper (1995) suggested that African American-white differences in local marriage market

characteristics accounted for nearly one-third of the racial difference in marriage percentages. Recent contextual

analyses, which have linked individual women's marital behavior to local marriage market indicators (e.g., sex

ratio imbalances), have similarly emphasized the importance of marriage market conditions. Although market

deficits of marriageable men, cannot completely "explain away" racial differences in women's marriage (Lichter

et al. 1992), market factors are nevertheless more important in 

explaining racial differences than were other individual factors, such as women's employment, fertility history,

or welfare receipt.

From a policy standpoint, the implication is that strategies that improve the marriageability of men, perhaps

through job training or compensatory educational programs, may ultimately contribute to raising marriage rates

but will not restore them to levels in the past, nor will they entirely eliminate the currently wide disparities in

marriage patterns between African Americans and whites.

Cultural Shifts and Changing Family Values

Because economic and incentive-based arguments (e.g., welfare effects) seem inadequate in explaining marriage

trends or African American-white differences, cultural explanations have become increasingly common (Bumpass
142

1990; Cherlin 1992; Morgan et al. 1993). The new "individualism" in America, the quest for personal

fulfillment, and the (alleged) decline in moral or religious values have gone hand-in-hand with declining marriage

rates. Marriage is often seen as restricting personal freedom and growth, as well as potentially handicapping work

careers (e.g., tied migration). According to this argument, marriage and traditional family life are increasingly

incompatible with the demands of a modern industrial economy. 

What constitutes evidence supporting or refuting a cultural argument? One approach is to evaluate changing

family attitudes. Here, the statistical association is clear: singlehood and unmarried motherhood are viewed as

much more acceptable lifestyles today than in the past (Thornton 1989; Thornton, this volume). African

Americans also generally are less likely to desire marriage than their white counterparts, even when differences

in economic status and education are taken into account (South 1993). One interpretation is that the stigma

associated with nonmarriage has declined overall, and especially among African Americans. An alternative view

is that attitudes simply reflect behavior; individuals bring their attitudes into line with their behaviors. Previous

studies have shown that individual attitudes toward divorce become more accepting after experiencing a divorce.

Thus, there is built-in momentum to current marriage trends. Rising singlehood (through delayed marriage and

divorce) reduces the stigma associated with this lifestyle, which in turn reduces the disincentives to singlehood

for others.

Another approach is essentially a residual one, meaning that what cannot be explained by conventional variables

(i.e., market conditions or women's employment) can be attributed to unmeasured cultural factors. For example,

McLanahan and Casper's (1995) multivariate analyses showed that time period (i.e., 1970, 1980, and 1990) had

the largest single negative effect on African American proportions married. This result means that marriage rates

declined with time, even after taking into account changes in various indicators of women's and men's economic

circumstances, sex ratio imbalances, and welfare. Although not discussed by McLanahan and Casper, this

temporal shift in African American marriage can not be explained away by conventional economic or welfare

arguments. Cultural changes evidently are cross-cutting most demographic and economic segments of American

society.

A related approach is to examine changes in marriage directly for different economic segments of the population.

The overwhelming evidence is that declines in marriage have occurred for virtually every segment of American

society--the young and the old; employed and unemployed; affluent and poor; highly educated and less educated;

urban and rural residents; African American, white, and Hispanic. Current marriage trends are ubiquitous and

therefore imply sweeping cultural changes that have affected virtually all social, economic, and demographic

groups.

Another approach that emphasizes culture rather than economic circumstances is to compare marriage patterns

for different racial and ethnic groups with similar economic disadvantages. Oropesa, Lichter, and Anderson

(1994) noted that African Americans and Mexican Americans have similar economic circumstances, as measured

by poverty and employment, but that Mexican Americans have marriage rates that are more similar to their

economically-advantaged white counterparts. The substantive implication is straightforward: economic factors

alone cannot account for the depressed marriage rates of African Americans. Indeed, Oropesa (1995) reported

that Mexican Americans were significantly more likely than non-Latino whites or Puerto Ricans to agree that "it's

better to get married than go through life being single." 

A final approach is to identify specific cultural shifts that have undermined traditional marriage patterns. For

example, changing nonmarital sexual attitudes and behavior coincide with the retreat from marriage. Sexual

intercourse outside of marriage is more widely accepted and practiced, in part because the perceived risk of

unwanted pregnancy has been reduced through improvements in contraceptive technology and abortion. Yet, total
143

pregnancies among unmarried women (including births, abortions, and miscarriages) numbered an estimated 2.8

million in 1991 (Ventura et al. 1995), suggesting that the of use of effective and affordable contraceptives and

family planning services has lagged behind increases in premarital sexual activity. Sexual permissiveness among

teenagers also may have contributed indirectly to the declining rate of marriage following pre-marital pregnancies,

which has been a major factor fueling the rise in nonmarital fertility. Manning (1993) showed that the nonmarital

fertility ratio for 1980-84 would have been about 25 percent lower than the observed ratio if the rate at which

nonmarital pregnancies were followed by marriage remained at the 1970-74 levels.

The rise in nonmarital cohabitation is another cultural shift that has contributed to delayed marriage and declining

remarriage (Bumpass, Sweet, and Cherlin 1991). And, even though fertility rates are very low among cohabiting

couples (Manning 1995), the children born to a cohabiting unmarried couple account for 27 percent of all

nonmarital births (Bumpass and Sweet 1989). The percentages are even higher among non-Hispanic whites and

Mexican Americans -- 29 and 40 percent, respectively. There is some evidence that premarital pregnancy or

childbearing hastens marriage between biological parents (Bennett et al. 1995; Manning and Smock 1995), but

decreases the probability of marriage between unwed mothers and other men.

To be sure, these data raise obvious questions about the "causes" for such cultural shifts. Cultural arguments are

more ephemeral than economic perspectives, at least from a policy standpoint. How can attitudes and values be

changed? Do efforts to change family values conflict with other important values (e.g., values regarding the

changing role of women or individual freedom). And do policy efforts to change values impose a Euro-centric

ideal on American family life that is inconsistent with the current celebration of family diversity? These are

ultimately political questions that are beyond the scope of this paper. 

Policy Implications

Clearly, one-dimensional arguments of changing marriage patterns which focus solely on changing gender roles,

on welfare, or on men's economic status are incompatible with the historical record. Current marriage trends have

taken on a life of their own through decades of technological and social change. The trajectory of change will not

easily be reversed in the short-run, even if the political will exists to change its course. 

This does not mean that public policy should be indifferent to current marriage and divorce trends. The evidence

is overwhelming: marriage is beneficial to individuals and society, on balance (Waite 1995). Married people have

better emotional and physical health. They live longer. The children raised by a loving married couple have

well-documented advantages, both emotionally and economically, over children living in single-parent families.

 

But simple policy solutions will not suffice. Indeed, economic and welfare policies alone are not family policies.

Both must nevertheless be sensitive to any unintended consequences for nonmarital childbearing, but also to

creating disincentives to marriage. Like other western industrialized societies, a comprehensive family policy

may now be required, one that recognizes and supports married couples and their children (DaVanzo and Rahman

1993). Child care subsidies, child allowances, and less stringent AFDC-UP eligibility requirements represent

some options, as does eliminating the so-called "marriage penalty" in the current tax code (Feenberg and Rosen

1994). In the final analysis, policies that address the current retreat from marriage have the indirect benefit of

potentially reversing or slowing the rise in nonmarital fertility in America. 
144

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 The author’s research reported in this paper was supported by grants from the William T. Grant Foundation, A FIRST Award from the National Institute

of Mental Health (No. R29MH 4605-01), and support services provided by the Population Research Institute, The Pennsylvania State University which

has core support from NICHD Grant 1-HD28263. This paper was prepared while the author was a Visiting Scholar at the Center for Developmenta l

Science and the Carolina Population Center, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. The author extends thanks to Dennis Hogan, Betty Hamburg,

Robin Jarrett, Wendy Manning, Daniel Litcher and Keith Whitfield for helpful comments in early discussions of this paper.

147

 Family Structure and Nonmarital Fertility:

Perspectives from Ethnographic Research 

Linda M. Burton

The Pennsylvania State University

Population Research Institute

Introduction

In order to more fully inform our understanding of whether nonmarital fertility is an intergenerational

phenomenon and to gain additional insights into how real life, day-to-day experiences of families impact

nonmarital fertility, this paper reviews and critiques ethnographic research on family structure and nonmarital

fertility. This review is structured as follows. First, a brief definition of ethnographic research is presented

followed by a critique of the demographic and ethnographic literature on the intergenerational transmission of

nonmarital fertility. Next, a discussion of the insights that ethnographic studies provide concerning family

processes (e.g. parental monitoring of children) that influence nonmarital fertility is presented. The implications

of these ethnographic research findings for public policy concerning nonmarital fertility and family structure are

outlined in the concluding remarks.

What is Ethnographic Research?

Ethnographic researchers use intensive, in-depth, investigative and analytic strategies (i.e., life history interviews,

participant observation, focus groups, field research) to gather and analyze data on the shared beliefs, practices,

artifacts, folk knowledge, and behaviors of people within a specific social context or culture. The goal of

ethnography is to identify the complex interrelationships of causes and consequences that affect human behavior

in a particular culture or social setting. In doing so, ethnographers (1) uncover the beliefs and meanings that

individuals attach to their behaviors, and (2) provide a detailed description of the relationship between these

behaviors, influences such as communities and neighborhoods, and individual interpretations of those influences

(Spadley and McCurdy 1972; Suttles 1986; Denzin and Lincoln 1994; LeCompte and Preissle 1993). 

A number of social scientists (including sociologists, anthropologists, economists, and demographers) have

suggested that ethnographic research is particularly appropriate for exploring the complex relationship between

family structure and nonmarital fertility (Finch 1986; Jarret 1990 1994; Axinn, Frick and Thornton 1991; Rank

1992). Ethnographic research, given its focus on intense, continuous, and often microscopic observations of

families in a specific environment or culture, provides rich and informative insights on the Subjective perceptions

and meaning of marriage and childbearing in families. Ethnographies also offer detailed profiles of family

processes (e.g., child rearing strategies) that influence nonmarital fertility (Becker 1970; Bulmer 1986; Burgess
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1982 1984; Emerson 1981). Such insights are rarely captured in demographic and survey research which rely

heavily on data collected from structured questionnaires administered to respondents at discrete points in time

(Corsaro and Rosier 1992; Jarrett 1990; Ross and Sawhill 1975).

Many of the papers in this volume examine patterns of nonmarital fertility using data collected from one to four

members of large numbers of families who participate in survey research projects (e.g., National Survey of

Families and Households, Panel Study of Income Dynamics). By comparison, ethnographic studies involve much

smaller samples of entire kin units. Some argue that the small sample sizes (e.g. 10-200 kin units) comprising

most ethnographies greatly reduce the generalizability of ethnographic research findings. However, when

numerous ethnographic studies (e.g. on African-American, Puerto Rican, white, and Hispanic families) are

synthesized and evaluated as a collective, they provide fairly consistent and generalizable findings on the

relationship between family structure and nonmarital fertility (see Jarrett 1990).

A number of the ethnographic studies discussed in this paper were not designed specifically to examine the

relationship between nonmarital fertility and family structure. For example, much of the ethnographic research

on Hispanics focuses on gangs (Sullivan 1989; Horowitz 1983). Ethnographic research on Puerto Rican families

has principally been concerned with the migration experience (Padilla 1958; Rodriquez 1989). Descriptive

accounts of African-Americans assess the impact of poverty on family networks in urban settings (Stack 1974;

Burton 1995; Jarrett 1994). And, studies of poor whites focus on the impact of job market change on families in

rural and working-class neighborhoods (Howell 1973; Rainwater and Wolfe 1968; Rubin 1976). Despite the fact

that the major focus of a number of ethnographies reviewed here was not to assess family structure and nonmarital

fertility directly, data on this relationship is a notable component of the profiles of families that each of the

ethnographies provide.

In some instances, the ethnographic and demographic data reviewed in this volume provide alternative

interpretations to associations and causal relationships between family structure and nonmarital fertility. It is

important to note, however, that ethnographic and demographic research are not in competition with one another.

Rather, they complement each other (Axinn, Fricke, and Thornton 1991). In fact, when the two types of research

are used in concert, they provide a more complete story of the factors that impact the relationship between

nonmarital fertility and family structure. 

Intergenerational Transmission of Nonmarital Fertility

In the wake of increasing numbers of nonmarital births, poor, female-headed, single-parent households, and

divergent attitudes on what constitutes viable family circumstances for children, demographic researchers have

vigorously explored the relationship between family structure and nonmarital fertility (Solinger 1992; Pagnini and

Rindfuss 1993; Cerullo and Erlien 1988; Powers 1993; Trent 1994; Ross and Sawhill 1975; Garfinkel and

McLanahan 1986; Nichols-Casebolt 1988; Duncan and Hoffman 1990; Franklin, Smith and Miller 1995). 

Family structure, as it is most commonly assessed in these studies, focuses on whether children grow up in

“intact” or “non-intact families” (Burton and Jarrett 1991; Wu and Martinson 1993). Intact or "nuclear" families

are typically defined as those where both biological parents are present in the household. Non-intact families are

principally characterized as single female-headed households (Cooksey 1990; Duncan and Rodgers 1987; Michael

and Tuma 1985). Essentially, the research question of interest has been, does growing up in a single-parent,

female-headed household (non-intact) as compared to a two-parent (intact) household increase an individual’s

likelihood of having a nonmarital birth? (See, for example, McLanahan in this volume.)
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It is a fairly widespread belief that patterns of marital and nonmarital fertility are transmitted across generations

in families. That is, individuals who have grown up in single parent households go on to be single parents and

their children do the same. Similarly, those who grow up in two parent families are believed to have a higher

probability of producing children within a marital union. The conceptual argument that undergirds these beliefs

is that parents transmit attitudes, values, and preferences to their children concerning marriage and fertility

behavior across generations (Anderton, Noriko, Lee, and Mineau 1987). For example, in presenting an overview

of this argument in their research on teenage parenthood, Kahn and Anderson (1992:41) note that some scholars

hypothesize that “if a mother's first birth was within marriage, the teen mother may socialize her daughter with

strongly traditional values emphasizing the importance of both marriage and motherhood... on the other hand, if

her first birth was premarital, the teen mother may be more tolerant of similar behavior in her daughter" (Thornton

and Camburn 1987). 

In theory, if marriage and fertility behaviors are directly transmitted from parent to child, we would expect that

both the rates of nonmarital and marital fertility would be comparable and consistent across generations of

families. However, while intergenerational transmission of values may be a contributing factor to the increase in

nonmarital births, by itself it does not account for the dramatic increase (see Ventura, Bachrach and Kaye, this

volume) in nonmarital births in recent decades. Therefore, the role of other contributing factors should also be

examined. For example, while the child of a teen mother may be more likely to have a nonmarital birth , this may

reflect conditions of poverty and limited opportunity rather than a transmission of values and preferences.

As this discussion suggests, the relationship between family structures, the intergenerational transmission of

beliefs concerning marriage and childbearing, and nonmarital fertility is not a clear, straightforward one. The

confusion stems from four interrelated sources: (1) inferences which suggest that patterns of intergenerational

nonmarital childbearing among teens and their families reflect comparable patterns in the general population; (2)

a lack of specificity on how the origins of single parenthood (e.g., nonmarital fertility or divorce) impact

nonmarital fertility; (3) the absence of variables in demographic research which adequately assess other

environmental and family influences on the intergenerational transmission of nonmarital fertility; and (4) grouping

single mothers into a single category which fails to recognize the diversity of their behaviors and their children’s

outcomes. 

Differences in Teenage and Adult Nonmarital Fertility

One source of difficulty when assessing the effect of intergenerational transmission on nonmarital fertility is that

most existing research focuses on minor teen mothers and we know little about intergenerational transmission of

nonmarital fertility among older mothers. With the exception of a few notable studies (e.g. Furstenberg, Levine,

and Brooks-Gunn 1990), both demographic and ethnographic studies suggest that daughters of adolescent mothers

regardless of race, face significantly higher risks of experiencing a premarital pregnancy and birth (Hayes 1987;

Card 1981 Presser 1978; Hogan and Kitagawa 1985; Kahn and Anderson 1992). However, while these studies

are based primarily on minor teens, they make up a proportionately small share of all unmarried mothers. As

indicated by Ventura, Bacharach and Kaye (this volume), school-age unmarried teens (aged 15-17) have a much

lower birth rate than unmarried women of other ages. In fact, unmarried women in their twenties (20-24),

followed by those between the ages of 18 and 19 are the most likely to give birth. 

Unfortunately, while the majority of nonmarital births occur to women age 18 or older, we know little about what

factors affect nonmarital fertility for this older group of women. Intergenerational patterns of nonmarital

fertility among teens are most likely related to additional factors such as the socioeconomic, familial,
150

and peer contexts in which they grew up. (Burton 1990; Ladner 1971; Kahn and Anderson 1992)

Because unmarried minor mothers and unmarried adult mothers are not developmentally at the same stages in

their lives, biological and psychological factors, social institutions, and social environments probably affect their

lives differently. Thus, research regarding the intergenerational transmission of nonmarital fertility for minor

mothers is not necessarily generalizable to older unmarried mothers (Elder 1985; Hogan 1987; Burton, Allison,

and Obeidallah, in press). Future research needs to examine systematically how the intergenerational transmission

of childbearing and marital behaviors affects nonmarital fertility among adult women, and identify what other

factors may contribute to their nonmarital fertility.

Paths to Single-Parenthood: Ambiguity in Points of Origin 

A second reason why it is difficult to accurately estimate the intergenerational relationship between nonmarital

fertility and family structure is that much of the research to date does not recognize that single parenthood may

be the result of bearing a child outside of marriage, divorce, widowhood or some combination of all three. Thus,

while men and women raised in a single parent homes may be more likely to have a child outside of marriage,

this may happen because their own parents had a nonmarital birth, or because they experienced the consequences

of their parents going through a divorce. With the exception of a few notable studies (Duncan and Rodgers 1987;

Wu 1994; Wu and Martinson 1993; Bumpass and Raley 1995) it is often unclear whether the findings on the

intergenerational transmision of nonmarital fertility have properly distinguished between children of unmarried

mothers and children of other single mothers (e.g. divorced or widowed mothers).

Wu and Martinson (1993), reporting findings from a study of family structure and the risk of premarital birth using

data from the National Survey of Families and Households, suggest that women experience “spells” of single

parenthood across the life course of the child. Their study indicates “that changes in a woman's family situation

(moving from single parent to two-parent family and back to single parent) had a large and highly significant

effect on the risk of a premarital birth for white women and Hispanic women, and a smaller but still significant

effect for black women.” Consequently, it may not be the nonmarital birth that directly impacts the child

repeating the fertility behavior of his/her parent. Rather, it may be the mother's or father’s changes in family

situations that affect a nonmarital fertility outcome of the child. Ethnographic research supports this proposition

(Burton, in press; Jarrett 1990). For example, a young unmarried mother in Burton's (1995) five-year

ethnographic study of 150 urban African American families residing across 18 neighborhoods noted: 

When you ask me what affected my life most about my mother and father, it was that they never

stayed either married or single long enough. One day it was one thing the next day another. I

decided to have my child and remain single so that my baby would have a stable life. All single

mothers are not like mine. Some don't get married so they can have a stable life for their child.

Social Environmental, Family Development and the Intergenerational Transmission of Nonmarital Fertility

The third reason why much research does not adequately assess the question of whether "nonmarital fertility

begets nonmarital fertility" is it fails to control fully for other influences that also affect nonmarital fertility.

Features of the social environment such as neighborhood activities (Guest 1974; Merry 1981; Burton 1991) and

aspects of family development such as strategies used by parents in raising their children (Jarrett 1990) are

important influences on child outcomes. These factors are often the “unobserved” variables that demographic

research has difficulty measuring and adjusting for (Powers 1993). Because these types of contextual and family
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variables are difficult to measure, family structure serves as a marker or as an indicator for these unobserved

variables. However, this results in misleading interpretations or presentations of the research findings as to what

the effect of family structure is, and what these unobserved and unmeasured factors could be. 

A review of demographic research suggests that, at best, there is a weak to moderate association between family

structure (defined as intact and not-intact families) and nonmarital childbearing (Powers 1993; Trent 1994). The

lack of a strong association or direct causal effect suggests that other things are going on in contexts and in

families that influence nonmarital fertility. For example, findings from ethnographic studies indicate that whether

individuals perceive that growing up in a high risk environment foreshortens life expectancy greatly impacts the

occurrence and is associated with a higher incidence of nonmarital fertility in some economically disadvantaged

communities (Garbarino, Kostelny and Dubrow 1991; Kotlowitz 1991; Burton, Allison and Obeidallah, in press;

Sullivan 1989; Macleod 1987).

 

Ethnographic research indicates that young men in these high-risk environments may encourage their girlfriends,

and their girlfriends may agree,, to have children early or without being married because some of these young men

do not expect to live past their mid twenties. This expectation is particularly consistent with demographic profiles

which underscore the high mortality rate of African American males in their late teen and early twenties (Staples

1985). Many of these young men die as a result of violent crimes, including those who die as a result of homicide

who are not involved in criminal activities (Bourgois 1991), but simply get caught in the crossfire. 

Stoney, a young participant in Macleod’s (1987:61) ethnographic account of African American males in a low

income neighborhood responded to the question "what will you be doing in twenty years," as follows:

Hard to say. I could be dead tomorrow. Around here, you gotta take life day by day.

Similarly, a 19-year-old white male who participated in Burton’s (1994) ethnographic study noted: 

It ain’t nothing but a thing. You could die tomorrow in some of these neighborhoods. It ain’t

everybody doing the stuff. Just a few knuckleheads. But they can still take your life. That’s why

my girlfriend had a baby. Just in case I get killed, the world will know I been here cause my

baby girl is here ... Her mother will be all right. They don’t take women out like they take men

out.

The Problem of Aggregate Data

The fourth source of ambiguity concerning research on the intergenerational transmission of nonmarital fertility

involves the level of aggregation or grouping used in studies of single mothers. Often research tends to examine

single parents as a single group (Bumpass and Raley 1995). The aggregation of single parent data is useful for

measuring broad trends in the levels of nonmarital childbearing, but it obscures distinctive features that exist

among single parents. For example, the life situations of single parents who successfully raise their children in

high risk environments are "lost in the aggregation." Ethnographic research has consistently found that competent

single mothers and fathers have a strong impact on deterring early and nonmarital childbearing behavior of their
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children (Rainwater 1970; Aschenbrenner 1975). Jarrett (1994:44) reporting data from a focus group study of 82

African American single mothers, highlights the perceived strength and competence of two mothers, Crystal and

Connie (pseudonyms). Each mother respectively notes:

I can discipline [my children] myself. I have that bass in my voice ... I raise my voice and they'll

sit down. They'll mind me; they'll mind my mother.

I can be their mother and father and teach them values, teach them the right things ... I don’t think

they have to have a father in the home to teach them the right things.

In addition, aggregate data may generate misleading interpretations about the relationship between nonmarital

childbearing and crime. While there may be higher levels of crime in many neighborhoods with high

concentrations of single mothers, this is not necessarily because single mothers are unable to supervise their

children, as some have suggested. Rather, ethnographic research suggest that most of the children of single

mothers in these neighborhoods are not involved in criminal behavior. In fact most of the crimes in these

neighborhoods are committed by a small group of individuals, many of whom live outside of the neighborhoods

in which they commit their crimes. Moreover, the monitoring and supervising of children is a problem for some

mothers but not all. Ethnographic research indicates that many single mothers and single fathers have developed

an elaborate system of child monitoring. Steven, a 37-year-old single parent of three teenage boys expressed the

arrangements he makes for their care (Burton 1991:36):

Yes, I worry about them. There is so much here to get in to ... But I call my boys every hour and

come home on my break. They know they better be here when I come.

Jarrett (1994) describes yet another strategy used by single parents rearing their children in high risk

neighborhoods. These strategies concerns the level of access single parents have to extended kin who live in

"better off" neighborhoods. Jarrett (1994:120), summarizing findings from two ethnographic studies of parental

monitoring strategies in high risk neighborhoods, reports the advantages of ties to economically secure kin that

two mothers, Cara and Lillie (pseudonyms) describe:

We are lucky that we have family who live in other neighborhood here. We can send our children

to their houses to play with other, kids (Burton and Jarrett 1991:35)

Relatives, when they are available, supply the safest companions or, at least, they can become the

connecting link to other desirable friends ... in fact, Davenna does not have close relatives living

in or near the Projects. She goes to school outside the neighborhood. When she wants

companionship, she often crosses the city to see her old friends and relatives. She finds protection

by maintaining links to another community that offers greater resources (Furstenberg 1993:241)

Ethnography, Family Structure, and Nonmarital Childbearing:

Additional Pieces to the Puzzle

As noted earlier, ethnographic research places nonmarital childbearing in a social context particular to each

family, and provides insights into the influences of dynamic environmental and family processes that impact the

relationship between family structure and nonmarital childbearing. In addition, ethnographic research offers

greater specificity to the definition of families. Families rarely fit the compositional labels of “intact” and “non-
153

intact” households ascribed to them and family structure often changes over time (Burton and Jarrett 1991;

Coontz 1992; Ruggles 1994). In fact, the greatest diversity in family structures is witnessed among families

labeled as “single-female headed household” (Gongla and Thompson 1987; Brewer 1988; Hanson, et al 1995).

Ethnographic research, as well as demographic analyses, suggest that some households delineated as single-parent

actually comprise cohabiting relationships between partners or other family members (Eggebeen, Crockett, and

Hawkins 1990; Manning 1993; see Ventura, Bacharach, and Kaye, this volume). Bumpass and Raley (1995:107)

report that “children’s experiences in the early 1980's suggest that nearly one-third of the single-parent time, as

usually classified, was spent within a cohabiting family or in grandparent’s household.” In addition, particularly

among ethnic/racial minorities, the family structure of single mothers and fathers can span a multitude of bloodkin and non-relatives dispersed across a variety of households within and across neighborhoods with individual

members within them representing a range of economic resources (Stack and Burton 1993; Jarrett 1994).

Comparable variability in family membership is found in “two-parent” households (Kellam, Ensminger and

Turner 1977; Wilson 1986; Baca Zinn and Eitzen 1992). 

However, as McLanahan (this volume) suggests and ethnographers agree, being part of a larger extended network

or having multiple family units co-reside has its disadvantages (Stack and Burton 1993). Notable disadvantages

include having to disburse fewer resources across more people (Angel and Tandy 1982; Johnson and Barer 1990)

and, particularly between co-residing teen parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents, intergenerational

conflicts concerning child rearing (Tinsely and Parke 1984; Burton and Bengtson 1985; Burton, in press; ChaseLansdale and Brooks-Gunn 1993).

There are several additional issues that ethnographic research suggests are important to consider in unraveling the

complex relationship between family structure and nonmarital fertility. These issues include: (1) nonmarital

fertility as a cultural behavior; (2) family instability and nonmarital fertility; (3) the declining economic resources

of kin networks; (4) the relationship between sexual and physical abuse and nonmarital fertility; (5) the role of

fathers in mediating the negative effects associated with nonmarital births; and (6) the importance of paternal

grandparents in caring for the children of unmarried parents. These issues are discussed below in greater detail.

Culture and Nonmarital Fertility

Many explanations have been offered as to why nonmarital childbearing has increased so dramatically in the last

several decades, particularly among African Americans (Bumpass and McLanahan 1986; Bane and Jargowsky

1987; Cherlin 1988). Some have argued that the increase is rooted in the cultural beliefs of particular

ethnic/racial subpopulations within American society (Sullivan 1993). Still others contend that the rise in

nonmarital fertility among poor urban minorities reflects the cultural behavior of the "underclass" (Auletta 1982;

Lemann 1986; Mead 1986; Murray 1984; Ricketts and Sawhill 1988). The "underclass" is a term used to

delineate the population of poor minorities who reside in urban areas and are characterized as fostering ghettospecific norms “that positively endorse single motherhood, out-of-wedlock childbearing, welfare dependency,

male irresponsibility, criminal behavior, low mobility aspirations, and more generally, family instability” (Jarrett

1994:32; Hochschild 1991).

However, caution should be exercised when assessing the relationship between culture and nonmarital fertility.

While nonmarital fertility may appear to be a product of cultural norms, it may instead be a response to difficult

environmental circumstances which affect some ethnic or racial subgroups more than others. Interpretations

which describe nonmarital fertility as a cultural behavior are primarily drawn from studies which typically

examine aggregate patterns in the rise of nonmarital fertility, most often comparing whites, African Americans,

Puerto Ricans, and Mexican-Americans then attributing the behavioral outcome--nonmarital fertility--to a cultural
154

practice. However, Gans (1969) argues, as do other ethnographers, that it is inaccurate to equate a behavioral

outcome as “cultural” simply based on the aggregate incidence of its occurrence (Suttles 1976). Behavioral

outcomes do not necessarily represent people's values or aspirations, but may instead simply be the product of a

series of events, circumstances and decisions that help people to survive in a particular environment.

Anthropologists, particularly, note that aspirations, rather than behaviors, are a more powerful indicator of culture.

Ethnographic research is particularly well-suited to discerning the normative aspirations of a population. 

For example, ethnographic research, as well as some attitudinal surveys (see Thornton, this volume), suggests

that ethnic minorities, as well as poor whites, aspire to mainstream norms concerning marriage, childbearing, and

hopes for the future. Sullivan (1993:313) in an ethnographic study of the relationship between culture, class, and

nonmarital fertility among a sample of white, African American, and Latino teens reports that “the data strongly

contradict the notion that early, out-of-wedlock childbearing is unhesitatingly accepted in poor inner city, often

minority neighborhoods where it is so prevalent ... all the groups examined clearly perceive burdens associated

with early parenthood and take steps to avoid it.” Jarrett (1994:33) in a comprehensive review of the ethnographic

literature further substantiates this claim in stating, “[ethnographic] data reveal that the poor share conventional

aspirations concerning family life, rather than exhibit a deviant set of values.” Duneier (1992:65), in an

ethnographic account of African American males residing in Chicago, comments on the values and aspirations

of Slim and his friends:

Slim and his sitting buddies want to live in accordance with notions of appropriate or correct

behavior. The idea of “respectability”--defined as a mode of life conforming to and embodying

notions of moral worth--has great significance for them. They are people with definite opinions

about the kinds of conduct appropriate to their level of moral worth and of the minimal standard

they are willing to tolerate in their own behavior or that directed toward them.

Overall, ethnographic research challenges cultural arguments concerning nonmarital childbearing and, as do a

number of demographic studies, supports a structural explanation of the rise in nonmarital fertility. The structural

argument attributes the rise in nonmarital fertility to changing economic factors (i.e., male unemployment ) that

have impeded the construction and maintenance of mainstream families (Staples 1985). These structural factors,

however have not impeded individuals' desires to have children. A young woman in Jarrett's (1994:46) focus

group study of single mothers commented:

Just because you poor, you want someone to love too. Just because you poor, you might have to

live off welfare, that doesn't mean that you're not eligible to have children. Like once you reach

a certain income that you not eligible to have children because you too poor.

Family Instability and Nonmarital Fertility

At the crux of some theoretical arguments which suggest that single-parent families beget single-parent families

is the assumption that children remain in the same family situation, for better or worse, from birth to early

adulthood (Wu 1994). As such, some would argue that an individual’s decision whether to have a nonmarital

birth is a function of having been exposed consistently to "bad" one- or "good" two-parent living arrangements

all one's life (Bumpass and McLanahan 1988). This assumption is rarely correct. Demographic and ethnographic

research indicate that children experience constant changes in their family configurations, economic base, and

living arrangements through the marriage, divorce, remarriage, mortality, job loss, migration, etc, of their parents
155

and the variability has increased over time (Duncan and Rodgers 1987; Rindfuss and Jones 1991; Wojtkiewicz

1992; Winkler 1993). 

These changes are further exacerbated for minority children through their disproportionately higher life-long

experiences with poverty and racism (Spencer 1995). The comments of Terrance (pseudonym), who was a

participant in a five-year ethnographic study of adolescent childbearing among 150 African American families

(Burton and Jarrett 1991; Burton 1995) illustrates how instability affects the lives of teenagers. Terrance is a

15-year-old male who resides in a two-parent household. He stated: 

So many things keep happening all at one time. My mother gets married. My real father gets

a divorce again. My youngest sister has her third baby. My oldest sister leaves to go live with

her boyfriend. One of my [step] brothers gets killed. My grandpop is dying. Hey, what’s up with

all this! Too many changes all the time. Who is my family anyway?

In addition to the changes in family composition exhibited in the words of Terrance, frequent residential moves,

particularly to inferior housing, introduce tremendous instability in the lives of families and children. Within the

same study that Terrance participated in, young mothers, fathers, their children and extended kin report having

to move 7-10 times within any given year and usually under circumstances where parents and children could not

all live together. 

The moves by the study participants were prompted by a combination of factors including: (1) their residence

burning down (usually because of faulty electrical wiring) or being condemned; (2) evictions; (3) only being able

to stay in homeless shelters for 30 days at a time because "that is the rule"; (4) homeless shelters not allowing

adolescent male children or siblings to reside with their families in the same shelter; (5) displacement due to

neighborhood redevelopment initiatives; (6) scarcity of clean and safe affordable housing; and (7) the inability

of other relatives to house individual family members because of limited space and resources. The recent work

of Burton and Duncan (1993), which combines ethnographic and demographic research, indicates that these

frequent residential moves for females, particularly during the ages of 10-13, increases their likelihood of having

an early nonmarital birth.

Overall, research suggests that regardless of family structure, children need stability and predictability in their

day-to-day lives and living arrangements. Preliminary analyses of the data from the Burton (1995) ethnographic

study, as well as other ethnographies, indicate that the teen males and females who experienced the least amount

of disruptions in their family lives were the most likely not to have a second child during the five year life of the

study. Those teens, however, who did go on to have a second or third nonmarital birth had experienced constant

dramatic changes in their lives before they became pregnant or fathered a child. The changes were clearly, in

almost all instances, related to poverty that extended beyond their immediate familial situation. For most of the

young women and men that went on to have additional children, their entire family network was poor with few,

if any resources to share across households.

Declines in the Economic Resources of Kin Networks

Within American society there have always been poor single-parent and two-parent families, and

disproportionately so among African American, Mexican-American, Puerto-Rican, Native-American and rural,

white families (Rubin 1976; Williams and Kornblum 1985; Patterson 1981). In the past, poor families have been
156

able to garner resources in addition to public support and to develop economic survival strategies that involved

the available resources of entire kin networks (Zollar 1985; Conger and Elder 1994; Edin 1991; Scheirer 1983;

Jarrett 1994). Earlene Mills (pseudonym), a participant in one ethnographic study commented:

You see, my father use to make some extra money on the side. He helped me sometimes with my kids.

I used that money to get better things for my daughter and son. Now my daughter has a good job and she

is doing better and better. We will work together, with her money, and my check to buy a house so that

we can get out of here. You can't make it out if you don't have help from your kin somewhere.

Although some families in which a nonmarital birth has occurred have extensive family support and resources

(Jayakody, Chatter, and Taylor 1993), many families today are not fortunate enough to have the same extended

family resources that were available to Earlene. Huston, McLoyd, and Garcia Coll (1994) report that

“government benefits declined during the 1970s and 1980s ... The real value of such cash benefits as Aid to

Families with Dependent Children decreased with inflation, and federal policy changes in the 1980s further

reduced the amount of benefits and the number of children eligible for them.” As such, families have less

resources to survive on than ever. What makes the situation even more critical than in the past is that entire kin

networks have almost no resources to share (Eggebeen and Hogan 1990; Johnson and Barer 1990; Burton

1992;Taylor, Chatters, Tucker and Lewis 1990; Sidel 1990). Poor single-parent and two-parent families alike

are left with no financial safety net (Kozol 1988). As a consequence, the absence of a kin safety net intensifies

the precarious nature of family life for children growing up in extreme poverty.

Sexual Abuse, Physical Abuse, and Nonmarital Fertility

A growing body of research suggests that, regardless of family structure, there is a strong relationship between

nonmarital fertility and having been sexually abused as a child (DeFrancis 1969; Elster, Panagarine, and

McAnarney 1980; Abernathy, Robbins, Abernathy, Grunebaum, and Weiss 1975). For example, in an in-depth

study of a non-clinical sample of working-class white rural teen mothers, Butler and Burton (1990) report that

54 percent (or one in two) of the mothers had been sexually abused by the age of 18 and had never reported the

incident to anyone. Comparable findings are noted in other studies (Herman 1981; Russell 1986; Ounce of

Prevention Fund 1987). A major shortcoming of this research, however, is that the few studies that exist focus

primarily on the lives of teens. Very little information exists on the association between sexual abuse and

nonmarital childbearing for unwed mothers age 20 and older. 

The incidence of young males who father children outside of marriage and were sexually abused as children is

only beginning to be explored and also deserves further attention. Nonetheless, some preliminary studies suggest

that at least one in every three of these young fathers has been sexually abused (Burton 1994). Despite these

numbers and the popular media exposure given to the abuse of children, ethnographic and community-based

needs assessments indicate that county social services, school-based counseling programs, community mental

health centers, and birth control clinics do not have the personnel or resources necessary to deal with the high

numbers of abused children they come into contact with on a daily basis (Gordon 1988; Russell 1986).

Fathers and Nonmarital Fertility

Ethnographic research suggests that despite the image of marginalized roles of males in families often promoted

by the media, political discourse, and some mothers, many men do play an important role in the lives of children

(Danzinger and Radin 1990; Gershenson 1983). Clearly, their are some unmarried fathers who do not contribute
157

emotionally or materially to the welfare of their children as a matter of personal choice, the lack of financial

resources, or resistance by the child’s mother (and sometimes her family) to his involvement in the child's life.

However, many unmarried fathers do provide financial resources, clothing, food, emotional support, baby-sitting,

and supervision of their children (Achatz and MacCullum 1994; Bloom and Sherwood 1994; Edin 1994; Sullivan

1985; Holloman and Lewis 1978). 

Edin (1994:7), reporting findings from an intensive interview study of single welfare mothers in four U.S. cities

notes that one third of the women in her sample reported “that they received regular financial support from the

fathers of their children and another 30 percent stated that although they didn’t get cash assistance, they received

in-kind contributions such as disposable diapers, school clothing and shoes, and/or Christmas and birthday gifts."

According to a survey of low-income noncustodial fathers participating in the Parents Fair Share Demonstration,

24 percent reported paying formal support in the past three months, 50 percent reported providing money directly

to the child or the child's mother and 55 percent reported buying clothes, furniture or other major items (Bloom

and Sherwood 1994). It is important to note, however, that even with the assistance provided by some fathers,

given inflation rates and the limited amount of economic resources provided by welfare programs, many mothers

were still not able to make ends meet.

In addition to the support that some mothers receive from the biological fathers of their children, many males who

are not the biological father of a child provide support for families and children. Particularly in minority families,

these individuals include male companions, grandfathers, step-fathers, neighbors and friends (Burton and

Sorenson 1992; Stack 1974; Jarrett 1994). For example, a 16-year-old male involved in one ethnographic study

stated:

Tiffany ( a pseudonym) is not my baby, but she needs a father. To be with her, I work in the day

care center at school during my lunch hour. I feed her, change her diapers and play with her.

I buy her clothes when I can because I don't make much money. I keep her sometimes. Her

mother and her family appreciate what I do and Tiffany loves me too. Every time she sees me she

reaches for me and smiles.

An elderly grandfather adds:

Many more Black grandfathers take care of babies and everybody than you think. We’re just

quiet about what we do. These babies love us too. Just look at how this one follows me around

all the time.

Ethnographic researchers who have discussed the policy implications of their research on the role of men in single

mother families suggest that policies are needed to (1) assist biological fathers in acquiring resources (e.g., jobs)

to financially support their children; (2) facilitate contact with their children; and (3) hold those fathers

accountable who have resources but will not take of their children (Edin 1994; Joe 1984, Ray and McLoyd 1986;

Burton 1994). However, policies which support and acknowledge the contributions of non-biological fathers to

the lives of children are just as critical.

Paternal Grandparents as Care Givers for Children of Unmarried Parents 

As an extension of the discussion of the role of fathers in the lives of children, it is equally important to

emphasize the role that the fathers' family of origin plays in the lives of children who are born to unmarried

parents. Most demographic and survey research suggests that the family of the child's mother is primarily
158

involved in the lives of children born to unmarried parents (Tinsley and Parke 1984). However, several

ethnographic studies of families across racial groups indicate that the paternal family, particularly paternal

grandparents often want to and have to provide stable environments for their grandchildren to grow up in (Burton

1992 1995; Kivett 1991; Burton, Dilworth-Anderson, and Merriwether-deVries 1995). While many paternal

grandparents could provide homes for their grandchildren, there is concern that these grandparents often have

no legal rights or access to social service supports for the grandchild if the biological father does not legally

establish paternity.

Just as maternal grandparents and great-grandparents can be a resource for children whose parents cannot provide

for them, paternal grandparents are a valuable resource as well. Ethnographic research regarding the potential

role of grandparents indicates that the following policies would be important in facilitating their ability to take

care of their grandchildren: (1) legal counseling concerning grandparents’ access to their grandchildren and foster

care and guardianship options; (2) parenting programs that would help grandparents proactively raise their

grandchildren; (3) job counseling and information on "how to start your own business at home" so that

grandparents can have additional options for garnering financial resources to raise their grandchildren; (4) respite

care and health care, so that grandparents can maintain the personal physical and mental health needed to raise

children well (Barry 1991; Burton 1992; Minkler and Roe 1993). 

Henry, a 72-year-old grandfather who provides care for his grandchildren states the argument best:

We grandparents who are going through these times are all in this together. We are a resource

in our community but we need help. We need help to raise these babies to be good men and

women. We need help to survive. Sometimes all we need to have from someone is that we are

not alone ... that someone appreciates the job we are doing.

Summary and Conclusions

The purpose of this paper was to enhance our understanding of the relationship between nonmarital fertility and

family structure, using the unique insights provided by ethnographic research. This paper has highlighted areas

of convergence and divergence between demographic and ethnographic research, as well as demonstrated how

the two approaches when used in tandem provide a more complete story on the links between family structure

and nonmarital fertility.

An important discussion provided in this paper concerns the intergenerational transmission of nonmarital fertility.

The research suggests that the relationship between family structure, the intergenerational transmission of beliefs

concerning marriage and childbearing, and nonmarital fertility is not a clear one. That is, single parent families

do not necessarily beget single parent families and two parent families do not necessarily beget two parent

families.

Moreover, in families where fertility behaviors are replicated across generations there appears to be a cadre of

other social environment and family development factors that influence the outcome. However, these processes

have not been adequately integrated into many demographic interpretations of the relationship between family

structure and nonmarital childbearing from one generation to the next.

In addition to discussing important issues concerning the intergenerational transmission of nonmarital fertility,

this paper highlights findings from ethnographic research that are important to consider in developing policy on

family structure and nonmarital fertility. These findings are briefly summarized below: 
159

While changes in societal norms have affected nonmarital fertility in general, differences in nonmarital

fertility across ethnic groups should not be viewed as a response to cultural norms, but rather an

adaptation to structural circumstances.

Instability in family composition and the family economic base accompanied by constant changes in

living arrangements is associated with patterns of nonmarital childbearing.

The economic and material resources of entire kin and friend networks are increasing becoming depleted

with few opportunities for replenishing them. The combination of a lack of resources within broader

family networks and the extreme poverty experiences of some single-parent and two-parent households

increases the likelihood of nonmarital childbearing and reduces the quality of life for children. 

The sexual and physical abuse of children, regardless of family structure or income level, increases the

likelihood of nonmarital fertility and reduces the quality of life for children.

In addition to providing some economic support, men play an important role in family development.

Supportive male figures may reduce the negative effects of poverty and nonmarital fertility and enhance

the family life of children. 

The family members of males who have children outside of marriage often want to and can be a vital

source of support to single mothers and their children. 
160

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167

The Effect of the Welfare System on

Nonmarital Childbearing

Robert A. Moffitt

Johns Hopkins University

Introduction

The factors that are most often held accountable for the increase in nonmarital childbearing in the U.S. are the

welfare system in general and the Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program in particular.

Women who bear children outside of marriage and who have low income and assets are often eligible for benefits

from the AFDC program, as well as from Food Stamps, Medicaid, housing assistance, and other programs.

Analysts have conducted a considerable amount of research over the last twenty years on the role that these public

transfers have actually played in contributing to the incidence of nonmarital childbearing. This paper reviews

and summarizes this research evidence. Below is a brief summary of this review's findings: 

Answering what appears to be a simple question--whether the welfare system increases nonmarital

childbearing -- is, in fact, very difficult. There is extreme divergence in the findings of the research, for

some studies find that welfare has no effect on nonmarital childbearing and other studies find significant

effects.

The reasons for the differences in the research findings are not readily apparent, and require more

research to resolve them.

Nevertheless, a reasonable reading of the evidence to date is that the welfare system may increase

nonmarital childbearing, but the magnitude of its effect may not be large relative to the effect of other

factors in contributing to recent increases in nonmarital childbearing in the U.S. 

 In fact, the simplest evidence indicates that the welfare system has not been largely responsible for the

recent increases in nonmarital childbearing. 

Different Ways to Measure the Effect of Welfare on Nonmarital Births

Before discussing the details of the evidence, it is important to understand that there are several different

questions regarding the effect of public assistance programs on nonmarital childbearing. Probably the question

of greatest interest to policy-makers is how much changes in these programs have contributed to the dramatic

increase in the overall level of nonmarital childbearing that has occurred in the U.S. in the last two decades,

particularly among teens. In measuring the effect of changes in the welfare system and the generosity of benefits,

one must be careful to exclude the effects of other factors such as job opportunities that have also changed over

the same period.

A separate, and very different, question is how much nonmarital childbearing would change if the welfare system

were not present at all. When policy makers and the general public ask the question, "does the availability of
168

welfare payments result in more nonmarital births?" this is the question being asked. This is a difficult question

to answer because most transfer programs, such as AFDC, are in place in all states and have been for quite

some time. Therefore we have no direct evidence on what would occur if AFDC or other welfare programs were

eliminated. 

A third and related question that is, instead, more amenable to analysis is how much a woman’s likelihood of

nonmarital childbearing would change if welfare benefits were raised or lowered . Since benefits vary across

different states, it is possible to estimate whether benefit levels have any effect on the incidence of nonmarital

childbearing, by comparing nonmarital childbearing rates between states with different benefits.

The distinction between these types of questions is important. While welfare may increase a woman’s likelihood

of having a nonmarital birth, it does not mean that welfare is responsible for the majority of the increase in

nonmarital births over the last several years. The bulk of the existing research on welfare and nonmarital

childbearing has focused on whether higher or lower welfare benefits affect someone’s likelihood of having a

nonmarital birth rather than trying to precisely calculate how much of the increase in nonmarital births over the

past several years is due to welfare benefits . 

However, the questions are related. If welfare benefits affect a woman’s likelihood of having a nonmarital birth,

this would imply that the welfare system is responsible for at least part of the change in nonmarital childbearing

over the past twenty years. This effect could be in addition to other contributing factors. For example, if part

of the increase in nonmarital childbearing over the past twenty years has been the result of a decline in the

unskilled labor market, as some analysts have argued--leading women to have children rather than to stay in

school and make a full-time commitment to work--one could hypothesize that nonmarital childbearing might not

have risen as much as it has if the AFDC system had not been present to provide income to such mothers and

their children.

When analysts seek to determine the effect of welfare benefits on nonmarital childbearing, they generally try to

hold everything else "fixed". That is, they seek to determine whether two groups of women, both of whom are

from the same neighborhood, from the same type of family background, and who face the same educational, labor

market, and marriage opportunities--but have different welfare options (such as a different benefit level)--have

different levels of nonmarital childbearing. Only the "incremental" effect of the welfare system--all else held

"fixed"--is considered. This is often accomplished by using statistical techniques that net out the effects of all

other differences besides welfare.

The reason why it is important for analyses to attempt to hold everything else fixed is that so many other factors

that could also contribute to the increase in nonmarital childbearing have changed over the past twenty years.

The labor market for unskilled workers has deteriorated, inner-city schools appear to have declined, and sexual

mores and norms have changed throughout society, to name just a few of the changes. Consequently, while the

initial effect of welfare on nonmarital childbearing may appear large, the change in nonmarital childbearing over

time may not be as closely related to changes in the welfare system as might be expected once these other

differences are adjusted for.

Types of Comparisons Used in the Research

Analysts have used a variety of different types of comparisons in their attempts to isolate the effect of the

welfare system per se, that is holding everything else fixed, on nonmarital childbearing. It is important to
 Each state sets its AFDC benefit level. In 1994 the maximum benefit ranged from $903 in Alaska to $120 in Mississippi, for a 1

family of three.

169

understand these different methods, because they are partly responsible for the differences in findings by different

researchers.

Method 1. Analysts have directly compared trends in nonmarital childbearing over time with trends in welfare

benefits. This method is used to answer question 1 above, and has been the exception rather than the rule because

it is extremely difficulty to separate out the influence of welfare benefits from the influence of other factors that

have also changed over time.

Method 2. Most often researchers compare the likelihood of nonmarital childbearing across states with the

varying AFDC benefit levels across states, as described in question 3 above. Over two-thirds of the research

1

studies listed in Table 1 use this method of comparison. Typically, researchers attempt to take into account the

influence of other factors on individual women's childbearing decisions--differences in education, family

background, race, and labor market opportunities, and general differences across states, to mention only a few.

A disadvantage of this method is that it is difficult to statistically adjust for all differences between women in

different states. For example, a woman who lives in Mississippi and a woman who lives in California could have

the same education, family background, and be the same race but the states might have different social norms

or different opportunities that are difficult to measure statistically. If these other factors affect nonmarital

childbearing, failing to control for them could lead to an incorrect estimation of the welfare effect.

Method 3. A variant of Method 2 which has been applied more frequently in the last two or three years compares

the year to year changes in nonmarital childbearing and welfare benefits across states. Given that some states

have raised benefits and other states have lowered them to varying degrees, one can examine across states how

this change in benefits affects changes in nonmarital childbearing. Because this method does not try to compare

the initial level of nonmarital childbearing across states, it has the advantage of being less affected by the cross

state differences described above. For example, even if California and Mississippi started with different levels

of nonmarital childbearing, one could still observe whether, say, a larger increase in benefits in California than

in Mississippi lead to a larger increase in nonmarital births in California, without having to control for factors

that lead to differences in the initial levels of nonmarital childbearing in the two states.

However, the results of this method could still be biased if other characteristics of the environment changed in

different ways across states at the same time that benefits changed--for example, the state that lowered benefits

may have experienced more economic stress than the other state. Also, while nonmarital childbearing may react

to changes in benefit levels, the reaction may be slow and it is difficult to know how soon to look for a change.

Method 4. A few researchers have attempted to compare the likelihood of nonmarital childbearing in a particular

state between women who are eligible for welfare benefits and women who are not. While such comparisons

have strong intuitive appeal, they have been rarely applied by analysts because women who are eligible for

welfare and women who are not eligible for welfare differ in so many other ways. For example, welfare-eligible

women have low income, by definition (otherwise they would not be eligible for welfare). Because low income

by itself may increase nonmarital childbearing, it is difficult to ascribe the difference in nonmarital births

between, say, a middle-income woman and a welfare-eligible low-income woman to the AFDC program. 
170

Method 5. Intuitively, it also seems reasonable to compare nonmarital childbearing of women who are actually

receiving welfare benefits and nonmarital childbearing of women who are not. However, this comparison is rarely

made in published research studies because it is even more difficult to control for differences between the women

besides welfare receipt. Thus, it would be nearly impossible to determine how much of their difference in

childbearing was due solely to the receipt of AFDC. Furthermore, all unmarried women on AFDC, by definition

have had at least one child, unlike unmarried women not receiving AFDC. Thus, while second- and higher-order

birth rates might be compared with this method, first-birth rates cannot. 

Method 6. The effect of welfare on nonmarital childbearing can be directly addressed by an evaluation of state

waivers and demonstrations which alter benefits for childbearing, such as family caps that eliminate additional

benefits for additional children born on welfare. Unfortunately, these changes are too new and too recent for

complete evaluations to have been conducted. Even analyses of the New Jersey family cap, which have been

publicized more than any other, are based upon extremely preliminary evidence (the most recent study shows no

effect of the cap on childbearing). Therefore there is little evidence of this type to report on at this time.

The Effects of Welfare on Nonmarital Childbearing--a Summary of Findings

Table 1 shows a list of the studies that have been conducted to date on the effect of welfare on nonmarital

childbearing. To avoid unnecessary detail, the table only summarizes the major characteristics and finding of

each study.

Only the first three studies in Table 1 compare trends in nonmarital childbearing over a period of time with trends

in welfare benefits (i.e., Method 1) over the same period of time. The basic fact, as Figure 1 shows, is that

nonmarital childbearing and real benefit levels (adjusted for inflation) moved in the opposite direction over the

1970s and 1980s. That is, while nonmarital childbearing was increasing, real AFDC benefit levels were actually

falling. Few studies have been able to reconcile this finding with the hypothesis that the increase in nonmarital

childbearing is due to changes in the welfare system.

The Cutright (1970) and Winegarden (1988) studies in Table 1 do not deal adequately with this problem.

Cutright's study only examined data up through 1966--before the decline in welfare benefits occurred.

Winegarden made an inadvertent error in his analysis, correlating nonmarital childbearing with AFDC

participation rates over time instead of with welfare benefits. Since AFDC participation rates rose in the late

1960s and nonmarital childbearing rose in the 1970s, Winegarden finds a positive effect of welfare, but only

because he used the incorrect variable in his analysis (i.e., past AFDC participation rates instead of the AFDC

benefit level).

Only Murray (1993) offers a knowledgeable explanation of how the level of nonmarital births could be affected

by welfare benefit levels even though they have moved in opposite directions He points out that nonmarital

childbearing might respond slowly to increases in welfare benefits--that is, there might be a long "lag" between

the time an increase in benefits might have an impact on actual behavior. This hypothesis would imply that

current increases in nonmarital births are the result of much earlier increases in benefits. However, Murray notes

that the interpretation of such time series analysis is inherently ambiguous and “can produce conflicting results"

(Murray 1993: p.S246).
171

Most of the studies shown in Table 1 instead make cross-state comparisons between the probability that a woman

has a nonmarital birth and the welfare benefit in her state of residence (Method 2). About half of the studies find

the level of welfare benefits have no effect, or a negative effect, on nonmarital childbearing, and about half find

it has a positive effect for at least some subgroups of the population.

One of the notable findings across the studies is that to the extent studies find that welfare does appear to have

a positive effect on nonmarital childbearing, this effect occurs more often for white women than African

American women. Murray (1993) provides the clearest possible explanation for the source of the difference .

He shows that, for whites, nonmarital childbearing rates are low in the South but high elsewhere; since welfare

benefits are also low in the South, this results in a positive association between the two. But for African

Americans , nonmarital childbearing rates are highest in the South, just the opposite. This suggests that

cross-state differences in the nonmarital childbearing rates of African Americans must be due to something other

than welfare benefits. Several researchers have speculated on why this racial difference arises, but none provide

a full analysis or explanation. 

It is difficult to assess why a few studies do find a positive affect of welfare benefits among African Americans.

For example, a study by Fossett and Kiecolt and a study by Ozawa appear to use the same methodology and

measure the same outcome measure--the percent of births in each neighborhood that are nonmarital. Yet, Fossett

and Kiecolt find positive effects among African Americans while Ozawa does not. The reason for these mixed

results must be considered an unresolved puzzle worthy of further investigation in the future. 

Although it is difficult to determine exactly why some studies find that welfare benefits have a positive effect on

nonmarital childbearing and others find it has no effect or even negative effects, examination of the individual

studies suggests that one major difference across them is the degree to which they attempt to control for individual

differences and state-level influences on nonmarital childbearing other than welfare benefits. As noted

previously, the validity of cross-state comparisons depends strongly on an adequate adjustment for differences

between women in addition to differences in the amount of welfare benefits they receive. 

Duncan and Hoffman (1990), for example, attempt to control for differences in women's labor market

opportunities, and even for differences in the labor market opportunities of potential male marital partners. If

labor market opportunities are poorest in the South, for example, this could explain the higher nonmarital

childbearing rates there rather than welfare benefits. Schultz (1994) and Lundberg and Plotnick (1995) similarly

attempt to control for labor market differences. Ellwood and Bane (1985) go the farthest in this direction,

controlling for a large number of state characteristics, even including characteristics of their political systems.

On the other hand, Murray (1993), in an intentional effort to keep his analysis simple and easy to understand, 

does not adjust for any other differences between women or across states besides welfare.

Roughly speaking, the more adjustments a study makes for these "other" differences between states and between

different women in the states, the lower the estimated effect of welfare on nonmarital childbearing per se. This

suggests that some of the studies finding that welfare has a positive effect on nonmarital childbearing (Murray

1993, for example) do so because they are actually capturing the effect of other factors that they have not adjusted

for. Nonetheless, several well-executed studies do find that welfare has some effect on nonmarital childbearing,

even after netting the effects of other variables (Lundberg and Plotnick, for example). Consequently, it is fair

to conclude that the studies using Method 2 to conduct their analysis do provide some evidence that welfare has

a positive effect on the nonmarital childbearing for white women. 

However, it is important to note that while some studies find positive estimated effects of welfare on nonmarital

childbearing, the magnitudes of the effects are not large relative to current high levels of nonmarital childbearing.
172

For example, Hill and O’Neill (1993) find that a $100 reduction in the monthly welfare benefit would lower the

nonmarital birth rate among young white women by only four percentage points; and Fossett and Kiecolt (1993)

find that the same-sized benefit change would lower the percent of births among African American women that

are nonmarital by the same degree, four percentage points. These effects are not large enough to lower

nonmarital childbearing very far below its current level. In addition, the effects of other factors, such as the

availability of employed men (see Duncan, this volume) appear to be quite large relative to these welfare effects.

Three recent studies have compared changes in different states in nonmarital childbearing with changes in their

welfare benefit levels (Method 3). Only one of these studies , Clarke and Strauss (1994), found some evidence

of positive effects of welfare on nonmarital childbearing . The other two, Ellwood-Bane and Jackson-Klerman,

found no effect. 

Part of the explanation for the difference between these research findings may again arise from differences in

the degree to which the studies made adjustments for other state differences. Clarke and Strauss (1994), for

example, make almost no adjustments for other cross-state differences, and their study finds one of the largest

estimated effects of welfare on nonmarital childbearing. The other two studies (Ellwood-Bane and JacksonKlerman) controlled for many other differences and found no effect of welfare. In addition, the study by Jackson

and Klerman (1995) examined childbearing not only among unmarried women but also among married women.

They found that while states with faster benefit growth have higher growth rates of nonmarital childbearing, they

have equally high growth rates of marital childbearing. Thus, there may have been an additional, unmeasured

factor, that was causing fertility in general to rise in particular states. Jackson and Klerman conclude that these

contradictory findings make the interpretation of any correlations between welfare and nonmarital childbearing

based on Method 3 extremely ambiguous. 

Only Ellwood and Bane (1985) compared nonmarital childbearing levels of eligible and ineligible women within

states (Method 4). They found no association between AFDC benefit levels and the relative childbearing rates

of married and unmarried women. They also found no association between nonmarital childbearing and a

woman’s propensity to be on AFDC within the same state. As noted previously, however, these types of

comparisons suffer from the danger of an inability to adjust for other differences in nonmarital childbearing

between women who are eligible for AFDC benefits compared to those who are not. 

Drawing conclusions from these studies is difficult. Several studies have found positive associations between

welfare benefits and nonmarital childbearing, albeit mainly for white women, and these studies are generally

competent and well-executed. The major ambiguity in the conclusions of the different studies is whether any

observed relationship between welfare and nonmarital childbearing is real, or whether it reflects the effects of

other unmeasured cross-state differences in the state environment or between individuals. The studies are not

conclusive on this point, so we are left with only the suggestion of an effect at present.

Policy Questions Regarding Welfare Effects

The most important question raised by the studies is why the results differ across them. Some suggestions have

been ventured here, but only additional research to reanalyze the data from the studies simultaneously could

resolve this question. In addition, specific issues are raised by the studies. For example, one issue is the role of

marriage and of men in nonmarital childbearing behavior (see Duncan and see Lichter, this volume). Several

studies mention the possibility that nonmarital childbearing is lowered if the level of earning power of potential

husbands is higher. Other studies mention the availability of economically attractive potential husbands as a

possible factor in nonmarital childbearing decisions (e.g., Fossette-Kiecolt 1993). These concerns raise the
173

question of whether declining rates of marriage are an important neglected factor in explaining time trends in

nonmarital childbearing. Indeed, as discussed by Lichter (this volume) and Ventura, Bachrach and Kaye (this

volume), marriage rates have declined in the U.S. for several years, and much of the increase in nonmarital

childbearing is a result of more women having children outside of marriage instead of inside of marriage.

A related issue concerns whether any effects of the welfare system on nonmarital childbearing reflect instead

effects of the system in discouraging marriage. Even though the AFDC-Unemployed-Parent program--which

provides benefits to two-parent low-income families --is now present in all states, it is still little used by married

families who are poor. This could suggest that the AFDC system still discourages marriage, or that low

participation can be attributed to strict eligibility rules and lack of knowledge about the program. If young

women have children at young ages at the same rates they have in the past, but are discouraged from marrying

the fathers of the children because of the welfare system, this by itself could cause an increase in nonmarital

childbearing. This issue needs further study.

The importance of labor market and educational considerations in nonmarital childbearing behavior would also

seem to be worth additional investigation given the sensitivity of many of the estimated welfare effects to whether

such factors are included in the analysis. The role of declining labor market opportunities for both unskilled men

and women, and possible declines in the educational system in low-income communities, may interact with the

welfare system in encouraging nonmarital childbearing.
174

Table 1. Research Studies on the Effect of Welfare on Nonmarital Childbearing

STUDY NAME TIME PERIOD RESULTS

METHOD 1

Murray (1993) 1940-1988 Mixed

Winegarden (1988) 1947-1983 Positive

Cutright (1970) 1950-1966 Mixed

METHOD 2

Cutright (1970) 1950-1966 No effect

Murray (1993) 1954-1988 Mixed, (Positive only for whites)

Janowitz (1976) 1968 Mixed, (Positive only for African Americans)

Duncan-Hoffman (1990) 1968-1985 No effect

Freshnock-Cutright (1979) 1969 Mixed (Positive only for whites)

Moore-Caldwell (1977) 1971,1974 No effect

Ellwood-Bane (1975) 1975 Negative

Fossett-Kiecolt (1993) 1979-1981 Positive (African Americans only)

Plotnick (1990) 1979-1984 Mixed (Positive only for whites)

Lundberg-Plotnick (1990) 1979-1986 Positive (Whites only)

Lundberg-Plotnick (1995) 1979-1986 Mixed (Positive only for whites)

Hill-O'Neill (1993) 1979-1987 Mixed (Positive only for whites)

Acs (1993) 1979-1988 Small positive

Robins-Fronstin (1993) 1980-1988 Mixed (Positive only for African Americans and

only for basic benefit, not benefit increments)

Schultz (1994) 1980 No effect

Ozawa (1989) 1984 Mixed (Positive only for whites)

Moore (1994) 1990 Mixed (Positive only for whites)
175

Table 1 (continued)

STUDY NAME TIME PERIOD RESULTS

METHOD 3

Ellwood-Bane (1975) 1960-1970 No effect

Jackson-Klerman (1995) 1975-1990 Contradictory

Clarke-Strauss (1994) 1980-1989 Positive

METHOD 4

Ellwood-Bane (1975) 1970,1976 No effect

 

Notes:

Studies listed in order of Analysis Method and Time Period.

Analysis Method:

1 = Time Trends

2 = Cross-State Comparison of Levels

3 = Cross-State Comparison of Changes

4 = Within-State Comparison of Different Eligibility Types

Results:

"Positive" = positive effect of welfare benefits on nonmarital

 childbearing

"Negative" = negative effect of welfare benefits on nonmarital

 childbearing

"Mixed" = some positive, some negative effects found

"Contradictory" = inconsistent pattern of results*
176

References

Acs, G. 1993. “The Impact of AFDC on Young Women's Childbearing Decisions." Mimeographed. Washington:

The Urban Institute.

Clarke, G. and R. Strauss. 1994. "Children as Income Producing Assets: The Case of Teen Illegitimacy and

Government Transfers." Mimeographed. Carnegie-Mellon University.

Cutright, P. 1970. "AFDC, Family Allowances and Illegitimacy." Family Planning Perspectives 2: 4-9.

Duncan, G. and S. Hoffman. 1990. "Welfare Benefits, Economic Opportunities, and Out-of-Wedlock Births

Among Black Teenage Girls." Demography 27:519-535.

Ellwood, D. and M. Bane. 1985. "The Impact of AFDC on Family Structure and Living Arrangements."

Pp.137-207 in Research in Labor Economics, edited by R. Ehrenberg. Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press.

Fossett, M. and K. Kiecolt. 1993. "Mate Availability and Family Structure Among African Americans in U.S.

Metropolitan Areas." Journal of Marriage and the Family 55:288-302.

Freshnock, L. and P. Cutright. 1979. "Models of Illegitimacy: United States, 1969." Demography 16: 37-47.

Hill, M. and J. O'Neill. 1993. "Underclass Behaviors in the United States: Measurement and Analysis of

Determinants." Center for the Study of Business and Government. New York: Baruch College.

Jackson, C. and J. Klerman. 1995. "Welfare and American Fertility." Mimeographed. Santa Monica, Calif: The

Rand Corporation.

Janowitz, B. 1976. "The Impact of AFDC on Illegitimate Birth Rates." Journal of Marriage and the Family

38:485-494.

Lundberg, S. and R. Plotnick. 1990. "Effects of State Welfare, Abortion and Family Planning Policies on

Premarital Childbearing Among White Adolescents." Family Planning Perspectives 22:246-251.

Lundberg, S. and R. Plotnick. 1995. "Adolescent Premarital Childbearing: Do Economic Incentives Matter?"

Journal of Labor Economics 13:177-200.

Moore, K. and S. Caldwell. 1977. "The Effect of Government Policies on Out-of-Wedlock Sex and Pregnancy."

Family Planning Perspectives 9:164-169.

Murray, C. 1993. "Welfare and the Family: The U.S. Experience." Journal of Labor Economics 11, Part 2:

S224-S262.

Plotnick, R. 1990. "Welfare and Out-of-Wedlock Childbearing: Evidence from the 1980s." Journal of 

Marriage and the Family 52:735-746.

Robins, P. and P. Fronstin. 1993. "Welfare Benefits and Family-Size Decisions of Never-Married Women."

Discussion Paper 1022-93, Madison: Institute for Research on Poverty, University of Wisconsin.

Schultz, T.P. 1994. "Marital Status and Fertility in the United States: Welfare and Labor Market Effects."

Journal of Human Resources 29:637-669.

Southwick, L. 1978. "The Effect of Welfare Programs on Family Stability." Review of Social Economy 36:19-39.

U.S. House of Representatives. 1994. Background Material and Data on Programs Within the Jurisdiction of the

Committee on Ways and Means. Washington: Government Printing Office.

Winegarden, C. 1988. "AFDC and Illegitimacy Ratios: A Vector-Autoregressive Model." Applied Economics

20:1589-1601.
177

How Nonmarital Childbearing is Affected by Neighborhoods, Marital

Opportunities and Labor-Market Conditions

Greg J. Duncan

Center for Urban Affairs and Policy Research

Northwestern University

Introduction

Many people suspect that the nature of welfare programs -- the generosity of benefits, restricting payments to

single parent families, "capping" benefits so that women who bear children while receiving welfare are not

entitled to additional benefits -- influences a woman's decision to bear children out of marriage. Such suspicions

are rooted in a belief that fertility decisions are affected by the larger economic and social environment in which

families live. But while a great deal of attention has focused on whether welfare provides incentives to have

children outside of marriage, there has been little focus on the costs of nonmarital childbearing and whether these

costs affect fertility behavior. These are important questions for policy makers because if a woman perceives she

already has limited opportunities, she may perceive less cost to have a nonmarital birth. 

What are these costs? What opportunities are forgone if a woman bears a child outside of marriage? For one,

certain career paths may be rendered impossible or at least much more difficult if a woman becomes a single

parent. In addition, potential marriage partners may be less attracted to a woman with a child fathered by another

man. The perilous economic situation of single parents, which limits their residential options to low-income

neighborhoods, means that they and their children are less likely to benefit from neighborhood amenities such

as good schools, positive role models, safe, drug-free streets, and perhaps a positive neighborhood "culture."

These various costs will differ depending on where a woman lives. But they will also vary from woman to

woman. A woman without job-related skills or abilities sacrifices few career opportunities in the event of a

nonmarital birth. Furthermore, these costs have changed in recent years. The declining labor-market prospects

of low-skilled workers (Levy and Murnane 1992), particularly African American men, have no doubt reduced

the marriage-related "costs" of nonmarital births. And neighborhood conditions have deteriorated in many urban

areas; as of 1990, one-quarter of all urban African Americans and nearly half of poor urban African Americans

lived in neighborhoods with poverty rates in excess of 40 percent -- a threshold commonly employed to delineate

"ghetto poverty."

The following pages review what is known about how opportunities and other features of the environment affect

fertility decisions. Since the association between nonmarital births, AFDC and other welfare programs is

discussed elsewhere in this report (Moffitt, this volume), this review focuses on additional factors. It begins with

an assessment of the effects of neighborhood conditions on nonmarital fertility. It next covers what is known

about the role played by marital opportunities, then summarizes the literature on the role of labor-market

opportunities. It ends with a discussion of the implications of the findings.
 A tract is a geographic area containing roughly 5,000 persons and is defined by the Census Bureau to approximate neighborhood 1

areas. In contrast, ZIP Codes contain about 18,000 individuals, on average, and are defined by the Postal Service to facilitate mail delivery

178

Neighborhood Influences

There are many reasons to suspect that the neighborhood conditions in which adolescents are raised affect

opportunities and behavior, including fertility behavior. Theories of neighborhood influences highlight the

importance of: 

(i) contagion, in which negative behavior is spread throughout a neighborhood through peer interaction; 

(ii) socialization, in which positive behavior is encouraged through beneficial adult role models and job

connections; 

(iii) social control, in which positive behavior is encouraged through monitoring and other "social capital"

connections among neighbors; 

(iv) institutions, in which higher levels of public services such as schools, parks and police protection

promote greater achievement; 

(v) relative deprivation, in which the consumption of higher-income residents leads their neighbors to be

dissatisfied with their own standard of living; and 

(vi) competition, in which classmates from higher-income homes set discouragingly high performance

standards (Jencks and Mayer 1990; Furstenberg and Hughes 1994; Sampson and Groves 1989). 

The first four of these theories suggest that "better" neighborhoods will promote positive behavior, while the last

two imply that better neighborhoods will promote negative behavior, especially if many opportunities are not

equally accessible among children from families with low socioeconomic (SES) status.

Empirical efforts to gauge the size of neighborhood effects and distinguish among these competing theories face

formidable challenges. Most studies of how neighborhood conditions affect children's development use data that

combine information about families with information regarding the neighborhood conditions in which those

families reside. The family-level data are typically gathered in surveys, while the neighborhood conditions are

generally measured with tract- or ZIP Code-level information drawn from the decennial census or county- and

state-level data from a variety of sources. Although providing many measures of income, employment,

1

schooling, public-assistance receipt and housing, census-based sources do not include measures of crime, the

quality of public services or social relationships among neighboring families.

A second problem is that a tract or a ZIP Code may be too small or too big to define the neighborhood area most

relevant for understanding an adolescent's attainments and behavior. Third, while neighborhood-level influences

such as welfare receipt, female-headed households and poverty all have distinct effects, the occurrence of these

factors is so correlated that it is difficult to disentangle the separate impacts. For example, if many women who

have nonmarital births tended to grow up in neighborhoods with high rates of welfare receipt, those

neighborhoods are also likely to have high rates of poverty and it is difficult to say how much of the nonmarital

fertility is due to the effect of welfare and how much is due to poverty.
179

Finally, most studies treat neighborhood conditions as though they were beyond the control of families. If

unmeasured characteristics of families (e.g., concern for their children's development) influence both

neighborhood choice and nonmarital childbearing, however, then what appear to be neighborhood effects are

really just family effects.

Brooks-Gunn et al. (1993) provide one of the more complete analyses of neighborhood effects on adolescent

nonmarital childbearing among both whites and African Americans. They use data from a nationally

representative study of families -- the Panel Study of Income Dynamics -- that has been matched to both tract and

ZIP Code-level data from the decennial census. They find that the absence of high-SES neighbors has a much

stronger association with teen childbearing than the presence of low-SES neighbors. In other words, it appears

that teens are more negatively affected by the lack of positive role models than they are by the presence of bad

role models. Also noteworthy in the analysis is that: (I) family influences such as those measured by parental

schooling and income levels were generally more powerful than the neighborhood-level influences and (II)

adolescents seemed to be more influenced by conditions in their more immediate tract area than by conditions in

the broader ZIP Code area. These two findings indicate that conditions in the more immediate family and

neighborhood environment appear most influential in behavior that leads to nonmarital childbearing.

Most other studies also find evidence that neighborhood conditions influence nonmarital teen births, although

the size and nature of the neighborhood effects differ from study to study. For example, Crane (1991) used

matched family and tract data from the 1970 decennial census and found a jump in childbearing between

neighborhoods with low and extremely low fractions of workers in high-prestige jobs. These findings support

the contagion theory, but since he included only a single indicator of neighborhood quality, it is impossible to

distinguish with certainty among the competing explanations for why neighbors matter. Using matched Census

data and data on white adolescents from the National Survey of Family Growth, Billy and Moore (1992) also find

significant associations between a number of neighborhood-level demographic characteristics and the adolescent

nonmarital fertility rate.

Hill and O'Neill (1993) match ZIP Code-level information on the number of public-assistance recipients in the

neighborhood to information on a national sample of young adults in the National Longitudinal Surveys of Youth.

They also find that neighborhood conditions are a significant factor, showing that neighborhoods containing

larger numbers of public-assistance recipients are associated with higher rates of nonmarital births. As with

Crane, however, the correlated nature of neighborhood conditions renders it impossible to tell in the Hill-O'Neill

analysis whether it is public-assistance receipt itself or its correlates -- e.g., poverty, the absence of institutions

and the lack of role models associated with low SES neighbors -- that makes the most difference.

Finally, although linkages between early first intercourse and nonmarital childbearing are indirect, it is useful to

note results from two recent studies of the effect of neighborhood characteristics on the timing of first intercourse.

Matched data from the National Survey of Family Growth and the decennial census show: (I) earlier intercourse

among girls living in neighborhoods with higher concentrations of full-time working women (Brewster 1994);

(II) earlier intercourse (both with and without contraception) in neighborhoods with high rates of turnover among

residents (Brewster et al. 1993); and (III) earlier intercourse with no use of contraception for girls raised in

neighborhoods with larger concentrations of divorced and separated women (Brewster et al. 1993). Although

other explanations are possible, these results are consistent with the hypothesis that early sexual activity is

affected by a neighborhood's ability to monitor the behavior of its youth.
180

Marital Opportunities

There are large differences across race/ethnic groups and geographic locations in the number of possible and

desirable marriage partners. Wilson (1987) attempted to measure these opportunities with his "marriageable-pool

index" -- a community's ratio of employed men to its women. Although Wilson did not take the additional step

of relating this kind of index to either marriage rates or rates of nonmarital fertility, others have, but with

decidedly mixed results (see, for example, the review in South and Lloyd 1992).

The economic position of potential marriage partners can influence both the chance of marriage and the

distribution of power within the possible marriage. Most theories hypothesize lower rates of marriage among

women living in areas with a more limited supply of desirable (e.g., employed) men.

It is more complicated to assess possible linkages to nonmarital childbearing, since this is the result of a sequence

of decisions regarding sexual intercourse, pregnancy resolution and marriage. Women with fewer marriage

opportunities may be more likely to engage in sexual intercourse, not only because it will enhance their chances

of continuing a relationship but also because there are fewer marriage opportunities that would be forgone in the

event of a nonmarital birth (Spanier and Glick 1980). A recent study found the timing of first intercourse was

significantly affected by the relative supply of men and women for African Americans but not for whites (Billy

et al. 1994). However, the direction of the effect for whites was unexpectedly positive -- a larger number of men

in the area was associated with earlier sexual activity. 

Studies focused on childbearing behavior draw the important distinction between the nonmarital fertility rate and

the nonmarital fertility ratio. The rate is defined as births per 1,000 unmarried women and, at the level of the

individual, represents the chance that a woman of a given age will have a nonmarital birth. The ratio is defined

as the fraction of all births that occur to women who are not married.

South and Lloyd (1992) and Fossett and Kiecolt (1993) conducted similar and noteworthy empirical studies of

these relationships. Both use metropolitan-level data from 1980 on the relative numbers of men and women and

the labor market position of both male and female workers to explain nonmarital fertility ratios and, in the case

of South and Lloyd, nonmarital fertility rates. The analysis of Fossett and Kiecolt is restricted to African

Americans; that of South and Lloyd is done separately by race.

As expected, both analyses find that, for women who give birth, the chance that the birth is within marriage (i.e.,

the birth ratio) generally increases as the supply of men and the earnings or occupational prestige of male workers

increase. However, the one study (South and Lloyd) that examines whether the nonmarital birth rate is affected

by the supply of men finds small effects for whites and no effects for African Americans. Indicators of the labor

market position of men appear to be more important than the supply of men in explaining differences in

nonmarital birth rates across cities. The higher the male unemployment rate, the lower was the nonmarital birth

rate of both white and African American women. Furthermore, among white women, the nonmarital birth rate

fell with improvements in the earnings of male workers. It is unclear why the opposite was true for African

American women. Nonetheless, the majority of these findings suggest that the "marriage market" does indeed

influence nonmarital fertility decisions but the number of available men is less important than the ability of those

men to support a family. And while improving the labor-market prospects of men may increase the chances that

births occur within marriage, the estimated effects of such improvements on the nonmarital birth rate depend on

the measure chosen and the characteristics of the women.

Ku et al. (1993) provide a complementary perspective on these issues by using national-sample data on

adolescent males to gauge the relative importance of family and neighborhood-level factors in accounting for
181

fatherhood among young men (as reported by the young men themselves). Among the many neighborhood

characteristics they examine (e.g., poverty, racial composition), the only significant predictors of fatherhood are

the extent of unemployment and the relative numbers of adolescent males and females. Both greater

unemployment and more males relative to females in the neighborhood increase significantly the chances of young

men having fathered a child. Although based on a very different methodology, the unemployment result is

consistent with that of South and Lloyd in suggesting that labor-market opportunities for men are important in

understanding adolescent fertility behavior.

Women's Labor-Market Opportunities

Theory does not unambiguously predict how enhancing the labor-market prospects of women will affect their

nonmarital fertility decisions. On the one hand, better career prospects should raise the opportunity costs and thus

lower the incidence of having children, both within and outside of marriage. On the other hand, higher earnings

for women increase their ability to raise children by themselves and thus may increase the incidence of nonmarital

births.

The studies of South and Lloyd (1992) and Fossett and Kiecolt (1993) mentioned above also included measures

of work opportunities for women. These two studies obtained different results, with Fossett and Kiecolt (1993)

finding higher nonmarital birth ratios for African American women living in areas with higher-paying jobs. In

contrast, South and Lloyd (1992) find this to be the case for whites but not African Americans. It is not at all

clear why these two studies would draw such different conclusions from very similar data.

Fortunately, the literature also contains two studies using data on individuals rather than cities, which are much

better suited than data on cities for addressing the question of linkages between women's employment

opportunities and nonmarital childbearing. The most interesting study, by Olsen and Farkas (1990), uses

experimental data from the Youth Incentive Entitlement Pilot Projects to evaluate whether the training and

employment opportunities provided by the projects affect the living arrangements and fertility of African

American youth. They find that a 10 percent increase in the number of youth working in a program-site area is

associated with a six percentage-point reduction in the probability of a birth by age 17.

Another noteworthy study of the effect of labor-market opportunities is that of Haveman, Wolfe and Wilson

(1995). Because general labor market conditions do not always reflect the opportunities available to an

individual, this study uses an estimation of what each woman’s individual earnings potential would be if she has

no children as a teen. Although their evidence suggests that labor-market opportunities affect education

decisions, they find no indication that such opportunities measured in this way affect nonmarital fertility.

It is not obvious why Haveman et al. reach different conclusions than Olsen and Farkas. Olsen and Farkas look

only at disadvantaged African American females; Haveman et al. analyze a national sample that combines both

white and African American females. The Olsen-Farkas measure of employment opportunities is short-run and

based on a randomized experiment; Haveman et al. use a longer-run measure derived from survey data. The

advantages of the experimental nature of the Olsen-Farkas data suggest that more weight be given to its results,

but this is clearly a topic in need of additional study.

Other Studies 

Two noteworthy studies of nonmarital childbearing do not fit neatly into the opportunity categories spelled out
182

above. Duncan and Hoffman (1990) model the effects of AFDC benefit levels as well as labor market and

marriage opportunities on AFDC-related nonmarital childbearing among African American teenagers. Their

measure of non-welfare opportunities consists of a prediction of family income at age 25 if the woman was not

a teen mother. Family income consists of the woman's own earnings and, if she is married, the earnings of her

spouse. They find that the risk of teen childbearing is significantly lower among women with the highest

predicted incomes--i.e. the most to lose from nonmarital childbearing. However, the size of the effect was

modest, with an additional $10,000 of age-25 income associated with a reduction in AFDC-related births of two

percentage points -- from 25 percent to 23 percent.

Lundberg and Plotnick (1995) focus on the incentives inherent in state policies regarding abortions and

contraception. They view nonmarital childbearing as a sequence of decisions regarding pregnancy, abortion and

marriage and allow different state policies to affect the corresponding decisions (e.g., abortion funding affecting

the abortion decision). They find strikingly different effects of state laws for white and African American

adolescents. For whites, pregnancies appear to be affected by contraception laws, while abortions are highly

sensitive to state funding and regulations regarding abortions. Estimated pregnancy rates in states with restrictive

and non-restrictive contraception laws are 21 percent and 30 percent, respectively, while abortion rates in states

with restrictive and non-restrictive abortion climates are 49 percent and 80 percent, respectively. However, these

translate into rather small differences in nonmarital birth rates, which for conservative and liberal states are

estimated to be 6.1 percent and 7.3 percent, respectively. Surprisingly, none of the policy variables was a

significant predictor of pregnancy, abortion or marriage for African American adolescents. This might be

attributable to greater data problems for African Americans (who, for example, severely underreport abortions

in these data) or to genuine differences in behavior between the two groups of adolescents.

Conclusions and Policy Implications 

Most empirical studies support the hypothesis that decisions regarding nonmarital childbearing are affected by

women's opportunities for work and partnerships with men who work, as well as the neighborhood conditions

in which the women were raised. Most intriguing is evidence on the importance of men's employment

opportunities. Young mothers living in areas in which men have ample labor-market opportunities were generally

more likely to bear their children within marriage. In some but not all of the relevant studies the nonmarital birth

rate was also lower in areas with favorable labor market opportunities for men. Corroborating evidence from a

study of adolescent males suggests that they are less likely to report fathering children if they live in areas with

more employment opportunities. These studies tend to show that relative numbers of men and women in a

community are less important than is the economic position of the men in affecting the chances that a young

woman will bear children outside of marriage. Evidence regarding the effect of women's own labor-market

opportunities is mixed, with one study based on data using a control group supporting such linkages. However,

a study without the use of random assignment finds no significant linkages.

Studies of neighborhood effects show that, even after adjusting for differences in the family characteristics of

women raised in different kinds of neighborhoods, growing up in a resource-rich neighborhood is associated with

a lower incidence of both early sexual intercourse and nonmarital childbearing. What neighborhood

characteristics matter the most varies from study to study. Early intercourse appears most likely in neighborhoods

in which monitoring the behavior of adolescents is most difficult. Nonmarital childbearing is least frequent in

neighborhoods with greater concentrations of high-SES families. Whether the greater resources, higher-quality

public services, stronger role models or some other feature of more affluent neighborhoods matters the most has

yet to be discovered in this line of research.
183

In sum, the opportunities provided in the neighborhoods and labor markets in which teens and young adults reside

appear to be important correlates of nonmarital childbearing. In linking these results to policies, we should take

into account the following:

First, these research findings regarding the influence of opportunities on nonmarital childbearing need to be

considered in the context of the other research summarized in this volume. For example, even though most

studies find statistically significant linkages between neighborhood conditions and nonmarital childbearing, it

is far from obvious that neighborhood-based policies will be more cost-effective than family-based policies.

Most of the studies of neighborhood effects reviewed here also find that family-level factors such as parental

income and schooling are at least as powerful as neighborhood conditions in explaining variation in nonmarital

childbearing. Furthermore, although poverty has become more geographically concentrated in the past two

decades (Jargowsky 1994), it still holds true that women at high risk of having nonmarital births are sufficiently

dispersed geographically that feasible strategies targeted to individual neighborhoods would reach only a small

fraction of them.

Second, the apparent importance of labor-market conditions for decisions to bear children outside of marriage

makes even more urgent the need to address the problems caused by structural changes in the labor market over

the past two decades. Many studies have documented the falling real earnings of younger workers (Levy and

Murnane 1992). While most severe for the least skilled, these adverse changes have affected all classes of young

adults. Although it is unrealistic and counterproductive to contemplate policies that would restructure the labor

market, it is important to realize that policies designed to upgrade the labor-market skills and supplement the

earnings or family incomes of young adults may well help to reduce the problem of nonmarital childbearing.

Finally, a cautionary note about the strength of the evidence in the literature we review. With the exception of

Olsen and Farkas (1990), all of the studies are based on correlational evidence--that is evidence comparing the

fertility-related behavior of women living in different families, neighborhoods and labor markets. Although many

use up-to-date statistical techniques to estimate causal models, it is much more difficult to establish causation

using nonexperimental data. For example, a higher nonmarital birth rate for women in resource-poor

neighborhoods as compared with resource-rich neighborhoods may be caused by the neighborhood conditions,

by differences in the family conditions in which the women were raised, or by the institutional or personal factors

that caused their parents to live in the resource-poor neighborhoods in the first place. 

While there were many welfare-to-work experiments in the 1980s, these efforts only provide experimental data

at the level of the family--there are limited experimental data on neighborhood or labor market effects. It is

important to note that the Department of Housing and Urban Development has begun an ambitious experiment

(called "Moving to Opportunity") that will dramatically change the residential environments of a randomly-chosen

set of public-housing families across the country. Such studies constitute our best hope for understanding how

environmental conditions affect nonmarital fertility behavior.
184

Table 1. Selective Summary of Effects of Opportunity Structure on Nonmarital Births (NMB)

STUDY DEPENDENT OPPORTUNITY ESTIMATED EFFECTS COMMENTS

VARIABLE/SAMPL MEASURE(S)

E

(statistically significant

unless otherwise noted)

NEIGHBORHOOD EFFECTS

Crane NMB rate among 16- Fraction of adult Large increase in NMB rate Data are cross-

(1991) 19-year olds in 1970 workers in "tract" (7% to 20% for African sectional

census national urban holding Americans; 1% to 10% for

sample professional/manage whites) in going from bad

rial jobs to the very worst urban

neighborhoods

Brooks- NMB rate before age Distinct measures of 1 SD increase in high-SES

Gunn et al. 20 in PSID national high- and low-SES neighbors drops NMBs

(1993) sample families in tract from 8% to 5%. Stronger

effect for whites than for

African Americans. 

Billy and NMB rate among white Various measures at Various economic and Analysis restricted

Moore adolescents in NSFG- tract and county demographic measures were to whites

(1992) III national sample level significant predictors of

NMBs

Hill and Nonmarital first births High (>14.3% of NMB rate 7 percentage No other

O'Neill in NLSY national house-holds) receipt points higher in high- neighborhood

(1993) sample of public assistance welfare areas measure included in

in ZIP Code analysis

Hogan and Pregnancy rates among Composite measure Pregnancy rates decreased Limited geographic

Kitigawa 17-19 year old African based on census by 1/3 in going from low- to area in sample

(1985) Americans living in tract characteristics middle-SES category

some Chicago

neighborhoods

Brewster et Timing of first Various measures at Residential instability, more No other

al. (1993) intercourse in NSFG-III tract and county divorced/separated adult neighborhood

national sample level women and fewer foreign- measures were

born residents associated significant

with earlier intercourse

Brewster Timing of first Various measures at More working women in No other

(1994) intercourse in NSFG-III tract and county neighborhood associated neighborhood

national sample level with earlier intercourse measures were

significant
185

Table 1 Continued

STUDY DEPENDENT OPPORTUNITY ESTIMATED EFFECTS COMMENTS

VARIABLE/SAMPL MEASURE(S)

E

(statistically significant

unless otherwise noted)

MARRIAGE MARKET/MALE LABOR MARKET EFFECTS

South and NMB rate/SMSA-level (i) ratio of age- Measure(i) reduces NMB SMSA-level data

Lloyd data suitable men to rate somewhat for whites

(1992) women but not African Americans.

(ii) unemployment Measure (ii) reduces NMB

rate of age-suitable rate for young whites and

men African Americans in most

(iii) median male age categories.

earnings Measure (iii) reduces NMB

rate for whites but increases

it for African Americans

Fossett and Ratio of NMB to total (i) ratio of employed Measures (i) and (ii) Examines NMB

Kiecolt births/SMSA-level data men to women reduced NMB ratio for ratio but not NMB

(1993) on African Americans ii) average prestige women of all ages rate; analysis

only of male workers Measure (iii) not significant restricted to African

iii) percentage of Americans 

men in labor force

Ku, Whether fathered a live Adult SMSA-level data No other

Sonenstein birth or current unemployment rate Employment and neighborhood

and Pleck pregnancy for 15-19 and teen male/female ratio measures were

(1993) year-old males in male/female associated with an significant

National Survey of population ratio in increased chance of

Adolescent Males neighborhood fathering a child

FEMALE LABOR MARKET EFFECTS

Olsen and Childbearing before age Employment rate of 10% increase in fraction of Data from

Farkas 18 in a probability 17 year-olds in area working youth associated randomized

(1992) sample of African reduces childbearing rate by experiment

Americans living in 17 one-sixth

cities and rural areas

South and See above Median female For whites but not African See above

Lloyd earnings in area Americans, higher female

(1992) earnings increases NMB

rate and ratio for women of

all ages
186

Table 1 Continued

STUDY DEPENDENT OPPORTUNITY ESTIMATED EFFECTS COMMENTS

VARIABLE/SAMPL MEASURE(S)

E

(statistically significant

unless otherwise noted)

Fossett and See above (i) prestige of Measures (i) and (ii) See above

Kiecolt female workers increase NMB ratio for

(1993) ii) percentage of African American women

women in labor of all ages

force

Haveman et NMB rate among Individual-specific No significant effects found

al. (1995) teenagers in PSID prediction of

national sample earnings if no teen

birth 

OTHER STUDIES

Duncan and AFDC-related NMB Individual-specific 25% increase in age-26

Hoffman rate among African prediction of income drops NMB rate

(1990) American teenagers in nontransfer income from 25% to 23%

PSID national sample at age 25 if no teen

birth 

Lundberg Pregnancy, abortion State-level abortion For whites, highly

and Plotnick and NMB rates among laws, funding and significant effects of

(1995) white and African availability; abortion measures on

American teenagers in contraceptive laws abortions and of 

NLSY national sample contraceptive laws on

pregnancy. For African

Americans, no significant

effects of policy variables.

Notes on table: Where possible, these results on contextual effects are taken from analyses that adjust for differences in

family- and individual-level characteristics. "NMB" is nonmarital birth; "SD" is standard deviation; "SMSA" is Standard

Metropolitan Statistical Area, which is a way of defining and classifying metropolitan areas in the United States
187

References

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University of Chicago Press.
 Since the actual degree of overlap has not been explored precisely, the categories are presented as equal in size and degree of 1

overlap between them. In reality, most teenaged childbearing is unintended, nonmarital and financially unsupportable, but the inter-relationships

between these are less clearly documented.

189

Access to and Utilization of Preventive Services:

Implications for Nonmarital Childbearing

Martha R. Burt, Ph.D.

The Urban Institute

Introduction

While current policy debate has focused on nonmarital childbearing (a legal status) and prevention

strategies, it is important to note that marital status is just one significant factor pertaining to the birth of

a child. Other important factors include whether the pregnancy was intended or unintended (a motivational

status), whether the parents are able to financially support the child (an economic status) and the age of the

mother at the time of birth (a developmental status). The status of each of these categories overlap, as

Figure 1 illustrates.1
190

Because each category implies quite different prevention policy options, it is important to consider the goal of

prevention at the outset. Is the goal of policy to prevent births to parent(s) who cannot economically support their

children? To people without the emotional maturity to raise their children? To people who have not affirmatively

committed themselves to having a child at a specific time? Or to unmarried people regardless of economic

circumstances?

The dominant policy goals, as they relate to these factors, appear to be two:

 1) Prevent pregnancies to couples who are highly unlikely to be able to support their children financially and

in so doing, reduce dependency on public assistance; and

 2) Prevent pregnancies to parents who are highly unlikely to be able to provide their children with a

nurturing, emotionally supportive, and safe environment.

Thus far, policy debate has focused on nonmarital childbearing because unmarried mothers are less likely to be

able to financially and emotionally support their children. However, it is important to note that preventing

nonmarital births is not the same as preventing pregnancies to couples who cannot afford children or preventing

pregnancies to parents who can't provide a good/safe environment. Much childbearing within marriage is

unintended, with respect to both timing and number of children. Some nonmarital childbearing is intentional.

Some nonmarital childbearing is financially responsible, just as some marital childbearing is financially

irresponsible. Marriage is no guarantee of either intended or economically supportable births.

The dimensions of marital status, age, and intendedness appear to be easily observable proxies for the economic

and the developmental dimensions of well-being for both parents and children. Advocates, service providers, and

policy makers conclude, based on the evidence, that children born to unmarried women, to adolescents, or without

deliberate intention are at higher risk for inadequate parenting and financial hardship (and perhaps public

dependency). These conditions, in turn, are expected to reduce the children's life chances, just as their parents'

life chances are curtailed by having children to rear before they themselves have matured and established a stable

economic and emotional life.

This paper examines a broad range of preventive services, from sex education efforts through family planning

services to programs for increasing personal skills and life options. Adoption and abortion services are also

discussed briefly. All of these services and programs try to prevent or delay pregnancies until the prospective

parents can support their children financially and emotionally. They pursue this goal with efforts to delay the age

at which young people begin to engage in sexual activity, to increase the consistent and competent use of effective

contraceptives, to enhance the life options of prospective parents before having a child, or, in the event of a

pregnancy, to resolve the pregnancy in a way that does not result in an unprepared parent attempting to raise a

child. 

Who receives preventive services tends to depend upon the type of preventive service being provided. In general,

teenagers of both sexes are the primary recipients of sex education. All women of childbearing age are the

primary recipients of family planning services. Female teenage parents are the clients in most efforts to prevent

second pregnancies. And adolescents of both sexes are often the targets of programs designed to increase

personal skills and life options. Except for family planning services, little attention has been paid to prevention

efforts for women over the age of 20, despite the fact that they account for 70 percent of nonmarital births

(Ventura, Bachrach, and Kaye, this volume) and that 30 percent of never married women have at least one child

(Laumann, Gagnon, Michael and Michaels 1994). Even less effort has been made to increase men's commitment

to preventing nonmarital or unintended births. This is true despite recent evidence that young men, at least, are

increasingly aware of their responsibility for such prevention, and that women's sexual and contraceptive

decisions are heavily dependent on male attitudes and cooperation (Sonenstein and Pleck 1994).
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Access to and Utilization of Preventive Services

Sex Education

Sex education encompasses instructional activities that usually are undertaken in school settings. Sex education

may range from a few class hours devoted to explaining human anatomy and "where babies come from" through

descriptions of the range of contraceptive options, to whole-semester courses that include training in the

interpersonal and decision-making skills needed for discussions of sexual behavior in couples. These activities

may be available only once in a youth's school career, may form a component of several different courses (i.e.,

health, biology, family life) so that a youth may be exposed to the material more than once, or may be embedded

in a multi-year, explicitly-planned, cumulative curriculum that starts in grade school and extends throughout high

school. Some sex education curricula have stressed abstinence and convincing youth to delay sexual activity.

This message may be delivered by itself, or in conjunction with information about effective contraceptive use.

(See Ooms, this volume for a more extensive description of sex education.)

Youth of both sexes participate in sex education. Some states require all youth to receive sex education in some

form; most states include sex education as part of elective classes. Model or demonstration curricula or programs

based on learning and psychological theories also have been developed for both school and non-school settings,

but are not widespread (Moore et al. 1995; Ooms, this volume).

Access. For the most part, school-based sex education is not offered early enough to influence the youth most

at risk of pregnancy, who may initiate sexual activity as early as age 12 or 13. This means youth need ageappropriate sex education information and decision-making/interpersonal skill development as early as 6th, 7th

and 8th grades, not in 11th or 12th grades when they are most likely to receive it. In addition, many youth who

are at greatest risk of pregnancy have already dropped out of high school by 11th or 12th grade. Further, because

sex education is often not a required course offering, many youth who do complete high school still never receive

it. Finally, curricula usually cover only the facts of sexuality and contraceptive options, without offering youth

opportunities to learn and practice the interpersonal and decision-making skills that are an integral part of the

most promising model or demonstration curricula and appear to be needed if youth are to delay sexual activity

or negotiate contraceptive use (Moore et al. 1995; Ooms, this volume).

Effectiveness. The type of sex education most commonly encountered in American schools increases adolescents'

knowledge about sexual behavior and contraceptive options. Some programs have been found to increase

intentions to delay sexual activity. But effects on behavior, including actual delay of sexual activity, improved

contraceptive practice, or reduced pregnancy rates, are found only with the model or demonstration curricula and

programs that combine information, discussion of reasons for delay or protection, opportunities to practice

interpersonal and decision-making skills, and opportunities to understand the risks of even one or two acts of

unprotected sex (Moore et al. 1995; Ooms, this volume; Zabin, Hirsch et al. 1988). This means that only a small

fraction of American youth have been exposed to effective sex education. 

Among other consistent research findings on the effects of sex education are:

1) participation in sex education does not increase the likelihood of youth either initiating or increasing their

amount of sexual activity (Moore et al. 1995); and 

2) programs for youth that focus solely on promoting abstinence have no effect on delaying initiation of

sexual activity, whereas those that combine a preference for abstinence with information about and
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support for using effective contraception do appear to reduce unintended childbearing (Moore et al.

1995).

Unfortunately, research has also quite firmly established that there remain, among both teenage and older persons

of both sexes at risk of unintended or nonmarital births, significant levels of ignorance (e.g., about reproductive

anatomy and cycles, how and when to use contraceptives, or about the risk of pregnancy), as well as

misinformation and misgivings about contraception in general and specific methods in particular (e.g., fear that

some forms of contraception will cause cancer or other negative health consequences, not liking the side effects

of some methods, or discomfort using some methods) (Adler 1994; American Psychological Association 1995;

Blau and Gullotta 1993; Forrest and Henshaw 1983). It also appears true that many people still have difficulty

thinking, talking, and negotiating about sexuality and pregnancy risk.

Data Quality. The failure of standard school-based sex education courses to promote the delay of sexual activity,

improve contraceptive practice, or reduce pregnancy rates is quite firmly established (Moore et al. 1995; Ooms,

this volume). Yet, several well-done evaluations (Eisen, Zellman and McAlister 1990 1992; Howard and

McCabe 1990, 1992; Kirby, Barth et al. 1991; Koo et al. 1994) support the promise of more comprehensive and

intensive demonstration or model curricula. However, these model programs have not been institutionalized on

a large scale in many different school districts, so we have no evidence that the positive effects observed in

demonstrations could be sustained if implemented on a more widespread scale. 

Contraceptive Services

Medical contraceptive services are offered through private physicians and publicly and privately funded family

planning clinics. In addition, non-prescription contraceptive methods are available in drug stores, supermarkets,

and other commercial outlets. Female adolescents and adults are the target population for almost all medical

contraceptive services; either males or females can obtain non-prescription methods where they are sold. The

over 600 school-based or school-linked health clinics target adolescents, but most of them do not dispense

contraceptives nor have they had a measurable effect on reducing teenage pregnancies (Kirby, Waszak and Ziegler

1991; Moore et al. 1995). Males are conspicuously absent in most programs that offer contraceptive services.

On average, 6 percent or fewer of publicly funded family planning clients are male (Burt, Aron and Schack 1994).

Access. About 1 in 4 women most at risk of unintended pregnancy (those who are fertile, sexually active, not

pregnant, and not seeking pregnancy) do not use contraceptives. Among these same women, almost half (about

45 percent) have not had a family planning visit within the past year (Levine and Tsoflias 1993). Poor women

and very young women are the most likely to have unprotected sex (Brown and Eisenberg 1995; Levine and

Tsoflias 1993; Sonenstein, Schulte and Levine 1994).

Access to family planning services is constrained by economic and other practical factors, and by attitudes and

cultural factors (Brown and Eisenberg 1995). Many women lack knowledge about where to get services, or lack

transportation to services, or fear they cannot access services and maintain their anonymity. These barriers to

access are particularly acute for adolescents. Even women who know where to go and can get there often run into

bureaucratic impediments in the form of unanswered phones, long waits for appointments, long waits once at the

clinic, or requirements such as having a doctor's referral.

Cost can be a major barrier to receipt of family planning services, particularly for near-poor women lacking

private insurance (Brown and Eisenberg 1995). Adolescents almost always qualify for free services at publicly

funded clinics, where they comprise about one-third of the clients. Women poor enough to be covered by

Medicaid can have the family planning expenses they incur at clinics, private physician offices, or other locations

covered by this funding source. If they can get to publicly subsidized clinics, women below the poverty line can

receive free services and women with incomes up to 250 percent of poverty can pay on a sliding fee scale at
193

clinics funded through Title X. Private insurance policies, for those women lucky enough to have them, often do

not cover family planning services because they are classified as preventive (Brown and Eisenberg 1995). The

women truly caught in the middle are near-poor women without private insurance, who must pay out-of-pocket

for any care they get. Research documents that such women pay just as much for family planning as middle-class

women, despite having considerably smaller incomes (Levine and Tsoflias 1993). 

Personal or psychological characteristics can also serve as barriers to using family planning services and

contraceptives. Lack of knowledge about contraceptives or misinformation about risks affects women’s'

willingness to use specific contraceptive methods, or any method at all. The behavior and attitudes of one's peers

and of one's sexual partner(s) also affect use. Research based on several different "personal accounting" theories

documents the tradeoffs and calculations women make when deciding to use contraceptives. Factors women

consider when making these calculations include their own comfort with contraceptive methods, their comfort

in talking to their partner about contracepting, the disruptiveness of the contraceptive method they are using, their

perceived risk of pregnancy, and the problems a pregnancy would cause if it occurred at this time (Brown and

Eisenberg 1995). 

Effectiveness. The effectiveness of family planning programs is usually assessed either by areal analysis or by

calculating use-effectiveness rates. Areal analysis examines whether the geographical areas near services exhibit

lower pregnancy rates than those far from services or if pregnancy rates are lower in the same areas than before

the services existed. Use-effectiveness rates measure whether the contraceptive methods that clients receive from

the family planning program are more effective in preventing pregnancies than the method—or lack of

method—they used when they first came to the program. No existing evaluations sort out the independent effect

of program participation compared to the effect of the contraceptive method received, although many family

planning providers serving low-income communities believe that their clients would not become effective

contraceptors without the counseling that they receive along with a family planning method.

With respect to data on contraceptive methods, even the best medical contraceptive methods used perfectly will

still occasionally fail to prevent a pregnancy. The more accessible non-medical methods (e.g., condoms,

spermicide) have higher failure rates, even when used perfectly. Normal use, which is usually not perfectly

correct or consistent, results in higher failure rates. Nevertheless, all contraceptive devices prevent more

pregnancies than using no method at all, the latter resulting in an 85 percent probability of conception in a 12

month period for sexually active women. 

Cost, lack of access and poor motivation are the main barriers to effective contraception, as described above. In

recent years, the issue has been further complicated by the spread of sexually transmitted infections, including

AIDS. The risk of infection means that for adequate safety, condoms should be used in addition to a more

effective female method. Since condoms must be used at each act of intercourse, and must involve male

cooperation, success at the task of protection becomes more complicated and greater interpersonal skills are

needed to achieve it. At the same time, recent data for young men shows a greater willingness to use condoms

and higher reports of actual use; concern about AIDS appears to play some role in these changes (Sonenstein and

Pleck 1994). 

Data Quality. The data on most aspects of contraceptive care delivery and effectiveness are quite solid. Access

problems have been documented repeatedly, as have the personal, interpersonal, and cultural determinants of

contraceptive use. Similarly, contraceptive effectiveness has been assessed under both laboratory and real-life

conditions, and failure rates for different methods have been established with reasonable reliability (Brown and

Eisenberg 1995).
194

Pregnancy Resolution Services

Once a pregnancy occurs to an unmarried woman with no realistic marriage prospects, there are no easy or

obviously correct ways to proceed. Other papers of this volume discuss the consequences, for parents and

children, of nonmarital childbearing when parents try to raise the child but are unable to provide adequate

financial support or an adequately nurturing environment. The remaining two alternatives are for the woman to

bear the child but put it up for adoption, or for the pregnancy to be aborted. 

Remarkably little research has been done to determine what interventions can successfully influence a woman's

pregnancy resolution decision. Under the Adolescent Family Life Act, 29 programs developed counseling aimed

at promoting adoption; none have been adequately evaluated (Moore et al. 1995). 

Abortion services, by definition, prevent nonmarital childbearing when used by an unmarried pregnant woman.

Recent data suggest that two-thirds of the increase in the birth rate to 15-to-17 year-olds in the 1980s, after a

period of stability or decline, is due to the decline in the abortion rate, while the remaining increase is due to an

increase in the pregnancy rate (Ku 1995). Further, the proportion of pregnancies to all unmarried women aged

15-44 that ended in abortion fell dramatically between 1981 and 1991 (Ventura, Bachrach and Kaye, this

volume). This decline in the use of abortion to resolve a nonmarital pregnancy is likely to be a consequence of

reduced access due to reduced public funding for abortion, fewer providers, increased harassment of clinics,

increased state-imposed regulatory constraints (Althaus and Henshaw 1994; Henshaw 1995; MacKay and

MacKay 1995), and, perhaps to a change in attitude toward either abortion or to bearing a child born outside of

marriage on the part of women themselves.

Life Options, Youth and Peer Group Development Programs

Nonmarital childbearing is only one of many outcomes that result from the high-risk circumstances comprising

the lives of many women and the men who father their children. In general, those most at risk for nonmarital

parenthood are also at high risk for high school dropout, unemployment, chemical dependency, gang involvement,

criminal activity, higher morbidity and mortality, and for long-term welfare receipt. Environmental factors (e.g.,

high poverty and high crime neighborhoods, peers with high levels of involvement in risk behaviors) and family

factors (e.g., parental or sibling drug or criminal involvement, physical or sexual abuse of children or adults in

the household, single-parent households) greatly influence the probability that a youth or young adult will

experience these negative outcomes (American Psychological Association 1995; Resnick and Burt, forthcoming).

Avoiding pregnancy takes determination, and determination grows from a perception that one has other goals

which a pregnancy would jeopardize (Zabin 1994). In the neighborhoods with the most nonmarital childbearing,

many women cannot envision any other realistic goals for themselves. On the other hand, in even the worst

neighborhoods, resiliency factors help people to overcome their circumstances. Important resiliency factors

include a consistent and long-term relationship with a caring adult; opportunities for attachment to pro-social

activities such as community service, apprenticeships, recreational or work opportunities; intelligence; and, an

outgoing personality (Resnick and Burt, forthcoming; Resnick, Burt, Newmark and Reilly 1992).

Knowledge of the importance of life goals and of the effects of resiliency factors has prompted some programs

to try to adopt a preventive strategy that gives youth access to some alternative goals and provides or strengthens

resiliency factors. These programs try to lower the risk for childbearing and other risky behaviors such as school

dropout or alcohol or drug abuse by offering youth an alternative future with sufficient appeal to counterbalance

the negative forces at work in the youths' environment, and caring adults with whom the youth can form

attachments. These programs try to increase life options, foster positive development, and create pro-social peer
195

groups through a variety of mechanisms, including: mentoring; sponsoring artistic, sports and recreation

activities; sponsoring moneymaking, skill building and entrepreneurial activities; helping with schoolwork;

offering training in interpersonal skills and conflict resolution; promoting community service and enrichment;

arranging for work experiences; and, in some instances, offering significant cash incentives to complete school

without experiencing or causing a pregnancy. Their design stems from assumptions about the benefit-cost

calculations that youth make when faced with decisions to engage in risky behavior. The programs try to shift

that calculus by giving youth the opportunity to create something promising for the future that they do not want

to lose (Dryfoos 1990; Moore et al. 1995; Ooms, this volume).

Access. Very few youth have access to these programs, as they tend to be special demonstrations or special

programs which exist in just one or a few sites around the country. By their very nature as youth programs, adults

at risk of nonmarital births do not have access to these programs and no parallel programs exist that are targeted

toward adults.

Effectiveness. As demonstrations, some of these programs appear quite promising. The elements of those

programs with the greatest promise appear to be:

comprehensiveness (addressing many developmental and recreational needs as well as remedial ones);

continuity (staying with youth over several years);

connectedness (to peers and adult mentors/role models, and sometimes to family members); 

building for a future (through education, job readiness, entrepreneurial skill building); and 

buffering (involving enough youth to create an alternative peer group that can support each member

against the pressures of their environment) (Dryfoos 1990; Resnick, Burt, Newmark and Reilly 1992).

It is important to realize, however, that none of these programs have been implemented on a large scale. Were

that to happen, they risk following the course of many other promising demonstrations, namely, being diluted

beyond any capacity to replicate the original results. The lesson to be learned from these demonstrations is that

turning around the lives of high-risk youth is not a short, easy, or inexpensive proposition, but it can be done.

Data Quality. Most youth development or expanded life options programs have not been rigorously evaluated,

and therefore can supply only anecdotal evidence of their effectiveness. Participants are often self-selected, there

are no control or comparison groups, and interventions are loose and varied enough that even if effects are

observed, it is hard to say what might have caused them. However, a few promising programs have received quite

rigorous evaluations, with the results reported above. Programs of this type should be the subjects of more

extensive and more sophisticated evaluation.

Policy Implications

What do we know about access to and utilization of preventive services? What do we not know, where more

research would be useful? And what policy implications can we draw from what is known and not known?

This paper began with the basic question of what are we trying to prevent. If prevention of nonmarital

childbearing is the goal, regardless of the age or economic circumstances of the mother, then the review just

concluded makes clear that practitioners, policy makers and researchers alike have concentrated their attention

on female teenagers and have almost completely neglected the adult women who contribute 70 percent of these
196

births. Further, they are only beginning to develop services and research findings relevant to the males who are

equally responsible for these births. Existing analyses do not look at the data using the right categories of age,

marital status, and economic circumstances, in part because the data have not been analyzed with this focus, and

in part because data is frequently not collected in a way that lends itself to this type of analysis. Further, neither

services or research have focused on the unique needs or means of reaching adult men or women. If we want to

make any serious difference to the rates of nonmarital childbearing, these deficiencies need to addressed and

corrected.

Sex Education

We know that most forms of sex education in the United States convey too little information, often do not cover

critical information such as contraceptive use, and do not reach the most at-risk children early enough to catch

them before they initiate sexual activity. We know that policy and research attention has not focused on ways

to present the same information to adults who need it. We know that sex education curricula can be developed

for youth that cover the necessary information, instill the necessary attitudes, and reduce the risk of nonmarital

childbearing because model curricula in this country and standard curricula in other industrialized countries have

demonstrated this ability. We do not know if the same holds true for adults. Due to local control in this country

over school curricula, and controversy in many communities about who should convey sexual information to

children and what information should be conveyed, most youth in this country do not have the opportunity to learn

what they need to know in school, and often do not receive any reliable information from their parents (Tanfer

1994).

Additional research would be extremely useful to accomplish the following goals: 1) demonstrate the usefulness

of model curricula with diverse ethnic, racial, class, and cultural subgroups among youth; 2) document how the

most effective model curricula and programs for youth could be applied on a large scale while still retaining their

effectiveness; and 3) develop and test sex education dissemination strategies for adults most at risk of nonmarital

childbearing. However, issues of access to and use of effective sex education for youth must be resolved

primarily in the policy making arena.

Contraceptive Services

We know that contraceptives work to avert pregnancies and that the women most at risk of unintended, unwanted,

and/or nonmarital pregnancies often have limited access to effective contraception due to cost, lack of services

available and lack of motivation. We know that these factors are true for both adolescent and older women at

risk. We know that males are only rarely recipients of family planning services. 

We do not know what the effects of contraceptive counseling might be, over and above the effectiveness of the

contraceptives themselves; given the likelihood that oral contraceptives will probably soon be available for overthe-counter purchase; this would be an important area for research. We can be reasonably sure that universal

access to medical care through national health services in other industrialized countries, coupled with better sex

education and less ambivalence about sexual behavior, helps explain the lower rates of unintended pregnancies

and births in these countries (although nonmarital births have been rising in these countries as well). Based on

current knowledge about the effectiveness and use of contraceptives, the policy implications are that to avert more

unintended births (both nonmarital and marital), contraceptive services need to be made more available and more

accessible through publicly supported services, mandatory coverage by private insurance, inclusion in managed

care plans, and assistance with the costs of contraception.
197

Pregnancy Resolution Services

We suspect that reduced access to abortion services in recent years accounts for much of the decline in the use

of abortion by unmarried pregnant women, and we can be reasonably sure that the decline in the proportion of

nonmarital pregnancies ending in abortion has contributed to the increase in nonmarital births during the same

period. This reduced access has resulted from public policy decisions; therefore it is likely that the increase in

nonmarital births could be reversed if access were increased. Remarkably little research has focused on what can

be done to influence the pregnancy resolution decisions of a pregnant woman.

Life Options/Youth Development Programs

We know that environment, family, and peer factors greatly influence the behavior of those most at risk for

nonmarital childbearing. We know that it takes determination to avoid pregnancy, and that environmental, family,

and peer pressures may make it difficult to develop that determination or may routinely undermine it. The weight

of the research evidence is beginning to suggest that when youth are given better options, together with the chance

to bond with supportive adults and the necessary interpersonal negotiation skills, they can develop the

determination and avoid pregnancy. 

More research is certainly needed to document the long-term effectiveness of various program models, and to

understand the resources and program intensity needed for youth at different risk levels. But it is already

reasonably clear that significant resources and a multi-year commitment (through high school) are needed to

affect the life choices of the youth most at risk for long-term dependency and other negative outcomes of high-risk

behavior. The costs of not making this investment, however, are clearly high in terms of public health, education,

welfare and criminal justice costs, and parental and child well-being.
198

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Attitudes, Values, and Norms 

Related to Nonmarital Fertility

Arland Thornton

Institute for Social Research,

Department of Sociology, and

Population Studies Center

University of Michigan

Introduction

Marriage and childbearing are complex processes and events that are interrelated with many other dimensions of

life. The bearing of children involves a multitude of actions and decisions interrelated with issues of sex,

contraception, abortion, and intergenerational relationships stretching across a lifetime. Similarly, marriage is

a broad institution involving courtship, sexual relations, co-residence, economic interchanges, gender

relationships, and the potential for dissolution into divorce.

 

In every society there is a collective set of rules or norms that tell people how they ought to conduct various

aspects of their lives, including marriage and childbearing. While these normative systems are frequently tolerant

of a range of behaviors, they include sanctions for those who stray beyond the accepted limits (Marini 1984;

Klassen et al. 1989). Also, as individuals grow up they internalize values, attitudes, and beliefs concerning family

and personal issues. Both collective norms and individual values and attitudes define the meaning, behavior, and

sentiment associated with marriage and childbearing.

This paper considers trends in attitudes, values, and norms related to nonmarital childbearing, examines recent

levels of these attitudes and values, and discusses how these matters are related to the legal system, religion, the

mass media, age, generation, gender, ethnicity, and educational attainment. Since earlier papers in this report

describe the behavior of people, this paper will be limited to a discussion of what people think and believe. 

 

Trends and Levels of Attitudes, Values, and Norms

Related to Nonmarital Childbearing

The lack of reliable longitudinal data prevents the systematic documentation of marital and childbearing norms,

values, and attitudes prior to the second half of the twentieth century. However, recent data reveal fundamental

shifts in values, attitudes, and norms concerning a wide range of family issues, including marriage, sexuality, and

childbearing. In the second half of the twentieth century there has been a dramatic expansion of the range of

individual choice and a relaxation of the social prescriptions and proscriptions for many dimensions of family

and personal behavior. There has been a substantial and widespread weakening of the normative imperative to

get married, to stay married, to have children, and to maintain separate roles for males and females. In addition,

attitudes and norms prohibiting abortion, premarital sexual relationships, and childbearing outside of marriage

have dramatically receded. Thus, many behaviors that were previously restricted by prevailing social norms and

personal attitudes have become accepted by substantial fractions of Americans (Thornton 1989; Cherlin 1992;

Pagnini and Rindfuss 1993; Schulenberg et al. 1995; Hayes 1987).
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The trends in attitudes toward marriage, premarital sex, cohabitation, and nonmarital childbearing suggest that

norms and values concerning marriage, intimate relationships, and childbearing have been restructured in

important ways. It has become more acceptable in recent decades to have sexual relationships before marriage,

to cohabit without marriage, to bear children outside of marriage, to obtain an abortion, to go through life without

marrying, to obtain a divorce, and for women to pursue careers outside the home. And yet, while social norms

have weakened and there is more tolerance for previously proscribed behavior, the shift towards acceptance of

premarital sex, unmarried cohabitation, nonmarital childbearing, abortion, never marrying, and getting divorced

does not mean that these behaviors are now widely endorsed or viewed as positive goals to be reached (Thornton

1989). 

Marriage

Marriage has become less central in defining intimate relationships between women and men, in regulating living

arrangements, and in organizing childbearing and intergenerational relationships. In the past marriage was

necessary for “legitimizing” childbearing, co-residence of men and women, and, to a somewhat lesser extent,

sexual relationships. Today, however, marriage is infrequently seen as a requirement for sexual expression, is

often viewed as unnecessary for cohabitation, and, among an increasing minority, is evaluated as unnecessary for

childbearing.

The rejection of the necessity to marry can be illustrated by the fact that only about one-third of young people

agree with the statement that "it's better for a person to get married than to go through life being single"

(Thornton 1989; Bumpass et al. 1991). Only about a quarter of young people indicate that they would be

bothered a great deal if they do not marry (Thornton and Freedman 1982). In addition, young people feel little

pressure from their parents to marry (Bumpass et al. 1991; Thornton 1989). 

At the same time, young people do not endorse being single over marriage; this is illustrated by the fact that only

about one-sixth indicate that "there are more advantages to being single than to being married." Similarly,

nine-tenths of all high school seniors say that it is quite or extremely important that they have a good marriage

and family life (Thornton 1989). Most young people also expect to marry (Thornton and Freedman 1982; Moore

and Stief 1991; Sweet and Bumpass 1990a). It thus appears that most young people continue to value marriage,

but at the same time reject the idea that marriage is a social or personal necessity.

Having Children

Large numbers of young people currently seem to reject the normative imperative to have children. For example,

less than forty percent feel that "almost all married couples who can ought to have children" (Thornton 1989).

Less than a third of young people believe that "it's better for a person to have a child than to go through life

childless" (Bumpass et al. 1991). Only about one in five adults say that "a woman has to have children in order

to be fulfilled (Inglehart 1994). Yet, over four-fifths indicate that it is fairly or very likely they would want to

have children themselves (Thornton 1989; Marsiglio 1993).

Marital Dissolution

Divorce is widely accepted as part of American life today. About four out of five young people believe that

marital dissolution is acceptable when there are children in the family and the parents do not get along (Thornton

1989). More than two in five believe that "it should be easy for unhappy couples to get a divorce" (Moore and

Stief 1991). Only about one in five American adults believe that "divorce is never justified" (Inglehart 1994).
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At the same time that divorce is widely accepted, it is often viewed in negative terms. More than three-fourths

of young Americans believe that "unless a couple is prepared to stay together for life, they should not get married"

(Moore and Stief 1991). Three-fourths of adults also believe that "marriage is a lifetime relationship and should

never be ended except under extreme circumstances" (Sweet and Bumpass 1990b). There is also a strong belief

that children do better with both parents and that divorce can cause substantial problems for children (Moore and

Stief 1991; Inglehart 1994). So while divorce is widely accepted, only about one-third of young people believe

that it "is usually the best solution when a couple can't seem to work out their marriage problems" (Thornton

1989).

Premarital Sex

Premarital sex seems to be widely accepted among young people. Approximately four out of five adults under

age 30 believe that sex relations before marriage is wrong only sometimes or not wrong at all; only about a tenth

believe it is always wrong (Thornton 1989; also see Zelnik et al. 1981). A recent study divided American adults

into three broad categories concerning their attitudes about sexual expression (Michael et al. 1994). The first

group, about one-third of the adult population, followed the norms of the past in believing that nonmarital sex

is generally wrong. More than two-fifths of American adults suggested that marriage was not necessary for

sexual expression but that sex should only be part of loving relationships. Another one-quarter thought that sex

did not need to be restricted to loving relationships. 

Widespread acceptance of premarital sex is substantially lower when the unmarried persons involved are

teenagers. About three-fourths of American adults under age 30 and six-sevenths age 30 and older believe that

sex relations for unmarried teens between the ages of 14 and 16 is always or almost always wrong (Thornton

1989). When attitudes toward premarital sex for teenagers are examined in more detail, we find a gradient in

social acceptability by the age of the teenager involved. While seven of eight Americans in their late teens and

early twenties agree that "it is wrong for someone who is 14 to 15 years old to have sex before marriage," only

about one half indicate that it is wrong for unmarried teenagers who are 16 to 17 years old (Moore and Stief

1991).

Nonmarital Cohabitation

 

Acceptance of premarital sex also extends to living together without marriage. While responses vary according

to how the question is phrased, at least three-fifths of all young people express acceptance of nonmarital

cohabitation (Thornton 1989; Sweet and Bumpass 1990a). In fact, one-half of all young people believe that "it

is a good idea" or makes "a lot of sense" to live together before marriage (Schulenberg 1995; Moore and Stief

1991). Less than one-fifth express strong moral disapproval toward nonmarital cohabitation (Thornton 1989;

Moore and Stief 1991).

Use of Contraception

 Contraception is widely endorsed in the United States today. Five-sixths of Americans age 30 and over and

nine-tenths of Americans between the ages of 18 and 39 believe that birth control information should be available

to teenagers (Thornton 1989). Also, 95 percent of male teenagers believe that "if a young man does not want to

have a child, he should not have intercourse without contraception." Even higher percentages say that "before a

young man has sexual intercourse with someone, he should know or ask whether she is using contraception"

(Sonenstein et al. 1995).
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Nonmarital Childbearing

While childbearing outside of marriage is less accepted than unmarried intimacy and co-residence, there is still

considerable tolerance of childbearing without marriage. One study found that more than two-fifths of American

adults agree that "it should be legal for adults to have children without getting married;" similar fractions agree

that "there is no reason why single women shouldn't have children and raise them if they want to" (Pagnini and

Rindfuss 1993; also see Inglehart 1994). Another study found that less than three in ten young adults agree that

"single women should not have children, even if they want to." Less than one-twentieth strongly agree with this

statement (Moore and Stief 1991). Many young people also perceive that there is significant acceptance of

nonmarital childbearing in society; less than three-fifths of teenage women reported perceiving strong

condemnation of an unwed mother in society or their neighborhoods (Zelnik et al. 1981).

 

For many people this general acceptance of nonmarital childbearing seems to extend to their own individual lives.

One-third of young unmarried persons agree that if marriage is planned "it would be all right for me to have

children without being married;" more than a quarter believe it would be acceptable even if they were not planning

marriage (Bumpass et al. 1991). This personal acceptance of nonmarital childbearing is also reflected in the fact

that at least one-fifth of female sophomore high school students indicate a willingness to "consider having a child

if you weren't married" (Abrahamse et al. 1988).

However, the vast majority of Americans still consider unmarried childbearing to be an unwelcome event under

many circumstances. For example, more than three-fourths of young people agree that "becoming an unmarried

mother is one of the worst things that could happen to a 16-year old girl;" a similar fraction view unmarried

teenage fatherhood in the same way (Moore and Stief 1991). Similarly, nine out of ten teenage males (ages

15-19) say they would be upset if they got a girl pregnant now (Marsiglio 1993; Sonenstein et al. 1995). One

study asked a sample of adults how they would feel about a daughter of theirs who had finished her schooling

having a child outside of marriage. While about an eighth said they would find it acceptable, just over one-half

said they would "accept it but be unhappy about it," and one-third said they would not accept it, even if the

relationship with the daughter was "very much strained as a result" (Pagnini and Rindfuss 1993).

There is evidence that sexual experience is highly valued and sought after by at least some young people. One

intensive qualitative study reports that among some boys, "sex is an important symbol of local social status"

(Anderson 1989). For some friendship groups, the status associated with sexual experience is sufficiently large

to produce peer pressure for unmarried young people to be sexually active. While this peer pressure for sexual

involvement among teenagers varies across groups, between a tenth and a half of all young people report that

they felt peer pressure to have sex during their teenage years (Moore and Stief 1991). Furthermore, despite the

fact that most teenage males would be upset if they got a girl pregnant, one-tenth say they would be at least a little

pleased if that were to happen (Marsiglio 1993; Sonenstein et al. 1995). About one in five teenage males say that

impregnating a young woman now would make them feel like a real man at least somewhat (Marsiglio 1993;

Sonenstein et al. 1995).

Abortion

Abortion is a fiercely controversial issue in America today. Numerous surveys have shown that the great majority

of Americans support abortion for at least some reasons. For example, approximately eighty to ninety percent

of Americans express acceptance of abortion when the health of the mother is endangered or when the pregnancy

was the result of rape (Marsiglio and Shehan 1993; Rossi and Sitaraman 1988; Moore and Stief 1991; Granberg

and Granberg 1980; Tanfer and Price-Spratlen 1992; Michael et al. 1994). 

 
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A smaller although still sizable proportion--about 40-50 percent--express acceptance of abortion if a couple is

poor and cannot afford more children, if the couple does not want any more children, or if the woman is not

married and does not want to marry the father (Marsiglio and Shehan 1993; Rossi and Sitaraman 1988; Moore

and Stief 1991; Granberg and Granberg 1980; Tanfer and Price-Spratlen 1992). Somewhat higher fractions

accept abortion if the woman is sixteen or younger (Moore and Stief 1991).

Factors Related to Attitudes, Values, and Norms

Concerning Nonmarital Childbearing

 

Religion

Faith and morals have increasingly moved from the realm of the community to the domain of the individual

(Bellah et al. 1985; Roof and McKinney 1987). Religion has become more voluntaristic, less emphasis is placed

on obedience, and there is less condemnation and punitiveness toward deviations from religious morals (Caplow

et al. 1983; Roof and McKinney 1987). In many respects the religious system of norms requiring certain

behaviors and sanctioning deviations from these prescriptions has been replaced by a norm of tolerance, which

gives individuals the freedom to choose while requiring those in disagreement with certain behaviors to be

tolerant and refrain from censuring actions. In addition, religious organizations have re-examined their historical

positions concerning many personal and family matters and have modified many earlier rules (Thornton 1985a).

The norm of tolerance now appears to extend to many personal and family behaviors previously governed by

strong moral rules. These shifts in religion, along with changes in the legal system, have weakened the

institutional supports for historical norms and values concerning a wide range of family and personal behavior.

On average, people with no religious affiliation have higher levels of acceptance of abortion, divorce, premarital

sex, cohabitation, nonmarital childbearing, remaining single, and not having children (Sweet and Bumpass 1990a;

Granberg and Granberg 1980).

Religious faith and commitment do, however, continue to be significant influences in the family and personal lives

of many Americans. These religious beliefs guide the family and personal values, attitudes, and behavior of

many. For example, over one-half of adult Americans say that their sexual behavior has been guided by their

religious beliefs (Michael et al. 1994).

People with high levels of religious involvement and commitment, on average, express lower levels of acceptance

of divorce, cohabitation, premarital sex, unmarried childbearing, abortion, not marrying, and remaining childless

(Thornton 1985a, 1985b; Thornton and Camburn 1987, 1989; Axinn and Thornton 1993; Sweet and Bumpass

1990b; Marsiglio and Shehan 1993; Tanfer and Price-Spratlin 1992; Reiss 1967; Rhodes 1985; Lye and Waldron

1993; Klassen et al. 1989; Granberg and Granberg 1980; Szafran and Clagett 1988).

Many of these differentials in family and personal values and attitudes by religious participation are substantial.

For example, Sweet and Bumpass (1990b) report that there is a 32 percentage point differential in the disapproval

of cohabitation between those who never attend religious services and those who attend once a week or more; the

very frequent attenders are also 23 percentage points less likely to approve of premarital sex and 16 percentage

points less likely to approve of divorce. The relationship between religiosity and family attitudes and values is

probably the result of reciprocal causation between the religious and family domains. That is, religiosity seems

to influence family attitudes and behavior while, at the same time, family experiences and values influence

religious participation and commitment (Thornton 1985a; Thornton et al. 1992).

Personal and family attitudes and values also vary across religious denominations, although the nature of those

differences have changed in recent decades. In the past there were differences between Protestants and Catholics
206

in family behavior and attitudes (Thornton 1985a). Catholics were, on average, less accepting of divorce, had

stronger norms concerning the need to have children, and had preferences for larger families. In recent decades

these Protestant-Catholic differences have largely disappeared as the behavior and values of Catholics have

generally converged to match those of Protestants (Thornton 1985a). In fact, the change among Catholics

appears to have been so substantial that Catholics now seem to have somewhat above average acceptance of some

previously proscribed behaviors (Greeley 1989 1990; Sweet and Bumpass 1990b). 

While Protestant-Catholic differences in attitudes, values and behavior have become less distinctive in recent

years, the attitudes and values of fundamentalist Protestants have apparently diverged from those of other

Protestants. On average, fundamentalist Protestants now have less positive attitudes than other Protestants

toward divorce, remaining childless, cohabitation, premarital sex, abortion, and unmarried childbearing (Thornton

1985a, 1985b; Thornton and Camburn 1987 1989; Axinn and Thornton 1993; Rhodes 1985; Sweet and 

Bumpass 1990b; Sweet 1989; Marsiglio and Shehan 1993). Mormons also seem to be below the national 

average in acceptance of many of these previously proscribed behaviors (Rhodes 1985; Sweet and Bumpass

1990b). Jews tend to be more accepting of premarital sex, cohabitation, abortion, and divorce; however, they

also appear to place greater emphasis than average upon being married and having children (Sweet and Bumpass

1990b; Granberg and Granberg 1980; Marsiglio and Shehan 1993; Tanfer and Price-Spratlin 1992). 

The Mass Media

The role of the mass media in the lives of Americans has changed dramatically across the twentieth century. The

media has become much more extensive, vivid, and graphic with the introduction of movies, television, video

cassette recorders, and contemporary music. Television and video cassette recorders have also brought the mass

media into the privacy of American homes where they have become predominant forms of leisure, with

Americans of all ages averaging many hours of viewing each week (Juster and Stafford 1985; Strasburger 1989,

1995; Greenberg et al. 1993).

 

Recent decades have witnessed substantial increases in the frequency and explicitness of sexual expression in 

the mass media (Strasburger 1989, 1995; Greenberg 1994; Greenberg et al. 1993). Content analyses of 

television programs indicate that sexual behaviors are frequently portrayed, discussed, or joked about in both

daytime and evening television (Strasburger 1989, 1995; Greenberg 1994; Greenberg et al. 1993). Since young

people consume extensive amounts of television, they see or hear about numerous sexual acts each year on

television. The frequency and explicitness of sexual content in the movies and on musical television seem to be

even higher (Strasburger 1989, 1995; Greenberg 1994). The overwhelming majority of sexual experience in the

media occurs among people who are not married to each other (Strasburger 1989 1995; Greenberg 1994;

Greenberg, et al. 1993). Furthermore, sex portrayed in the media rarely occurs in a warm or committed

relationship, almost never involves efforts to prevent pregnancy or disease, and hardly ever leads to pregnancy

or the contraction of a sexually transmitted disease (Strasburger 1989 1995; Greenberg 1994; Greenberg, et al.

1993).

Mass media exposure and identification among young people have been shown to be related to attitudes and

behaviors concerning sex and attitudes and perceptions concerning marriage, divorce, and nonmarital childbearing

(Strasburger 1989, 1995; Brown and Newcomer 1991; Peterson et al. 1991; Zillmann 1994; Carveth and

Alexander 1985). However, the current available research is unable to establish the cause and effect relationships

connecting media exposure to sexual attitudes and behavior. Still, there are good reasons to believe that at least

part of this empirical association is the result of mass media exposure affecting sexual behavior and attitudes

(Greenberg et al. 1993; Hayes 1987; Strasburger 1989, 1995). Both adolescents and adults acknowledge that

television plays an important role in shaping attitudes and behavior (Strasburger 1995; Greenberg et al. 1993;

Brown and Newcomer 1991). For example, four-fifths of adults say that television influences values and
207

behavior; two-thirds say that television does not give teenagers a realistic view of sex; and nearly two-thirds

believe that television encourages teenagers to become sexually active (Strasburger 1989). Further research is

needed to explore this relationship and the possible effect the media's treatment of sex has on actual behavior.

Legal System

The numerous changes in norms, values, and attitudes which have occurred in recent decades have been

accompanied by shifts in the law. In the past intimate behavior was regulated by public morality and formal

laws. More recently there has been a shift towards the right of privacy and the non-involvement of the legal

system in the private lives of individuals (Schneider 1985). No fault divorce and the extension of the privacy

right to cover abortion are examples of this legal trend.

Age and Generation

Attitudes toward marriage and childbearing vary according to an individual's age and across generations.

Compared to older people, the young are more accepting of premarital sexual relations, unmarried cohabitation,

nonmarital childbearing, and the idea of never marrying (Bumpass et al. 1991; Michael et al. 1994; Sweet 1989;

Carter nd; Pagnini and Rindfuss 1993; Singh 1980; Thornton 1989). Many of these differences are substantial.

For example, the percentages of people in their twenties who approve of premarital sex, nonmarital childbearing,

and unmarried cohabitation are approximately double the percentages of people in their fifties who approve of

the same behaviors (Carter, nd). 

The age differences in many aspects of family and personal life seem to be reflected in generational differences

within the family. That is, young adult children are more accepting of many previously prohibited behaviors than

are their parents. For example, one study shows that whereas about four in five young people in their early

twenties approve of premarital sex, their views are shared by only about two-fifths of their mothers. Similar

differentials exist concerning unmarried cohabitation (Thornton 1992). Eighty to ninety percent of parents say

their "teenagers should be discouraged from having any sexual intercourse whatsoever" (Jaccard and Dittus

1991). Age and generational differences in attitudes toward abortion, divorce, remaining childless, and

appropriate roles for women and men are both less clear and smaller in magnitude (Thornton 1989; Granberg 

and Granberg 1980; Szafran and Clagett 1988).

Many of the attitudes of today's young adults and their parents are similar because the parents themselves have

become more accepting of abortion, divorce, and remaining childless over time. For example, about five-sixths

of new mothers participating in a study in the early 1960s expressed the belief that "almost all married couples

who can ought to have children;" two decades later the fraction of these same mothers expressing this opinion

had declined to just over two-fifths. During these same two decades the fraction of these mothers expressing

approval of divorce when there were children in the family increased from one-half to five-sixths (Thornton

1989). Thus, while the attitudes of many parents have become more accepting over time, earlier in their lives they

were less tolerant. Consequently, on almost all of these family and personal issues the attitudes of today's young

people are very different from the attitudes of their parents during comparable periods of the parents' lives.

Family and Friends

There is evidence that parental attitudes and behaviors influence the behavior and attitudes of children. While

the attitudes of this generation are generally less restrictive than those of the last, a comparison across families

reveals that children’s attitudes toward a range of family and personal matters--including divorce, gender roles,
208

family size, and premarital sex--tend to reflect the attitudes and values of their parents. (Thornton 1992; Axinn

et al. 1994; Axinn and Thornton, forthcoming).

The effectiveness of this intergenerational transfer of family and personal values depends upon the quality of

relationships and communications between parents and children. Parents with positive relationships with their

children seem to be more effective in the intergenerational transmission of values (Weinstein and Thornton 1989;

Moore et al. 1986). There is also evidence suggesting that the flow of influences across generations is not

unidirectional from parents to children, but also goes from children to parents (Axinn and Thornton 1993).

 

An extensive array of evidence suggests that adults who have been divorced have substantially more accepting

attitudes toward divorce, premarital sex, unmarried childbearing, and cohabitation; they also seem to be less

positive toward marriage and large families (Axinn and Thornton, forthcoming; Pagnini and Rindfuss 1993;

Klassen et al. 1989; Singh 1980; Sweet 1989; Amato and Booth 1991; Carter, nd). There is also evidence that

parental divorce has similar effects on the attitudes and values of children (Axinn and Thornton, forthcoming;

Amato and Booth 1991; Miller et al. 1987; Lye and Waldron 1993; Moore and Stief 1991). At least part of the

effect of parental divorce on children's attitudes and values seems to occur because divorce changes parental

attitudes which, in turn, influence the attitudes of children (Axinn and Thornton, forthcoming). There is also

evidence suggesting that parental remarriage further modifies the attitudes of both parents and children; it seems

to provide another impetus towards acceptance of premarital sex, cohabitation, and divorce, while ameliorating

the negative influence of divorce on attitudes toward marriage and family size (Axinn and Thornton,

forthcoming).

An emerging body of research suggests that the attitudes and behavior of young people are related to the behavior

of their siblings (Axinn et al. 1994; East and Felice 1992; Hogan and Kitagawa 1985; Friede et al. 1986; Haurin

and Mott 1990; East et al. 1993). This association could be the result of the siblings influencing each other or

the result of the siblings being influenced by similar genetic, family, or neighborhood environments.

The intergenerational gap in attitudes toward premarital sex is recognized by the children. One study asked a

sample of eighteen-year-olds whether their parents and friends disapproved of young people having sex before

marriage. Whereas more than four-fifths of the study participants indicated that their mothers and fathers

disapproved of premarital sex, only about a quarter thought their male friends disapproved and just over half

perceived their female friends as disapproving (Thornton and Camburn 1987). Another study asked teenage

women whether their views on college, careers, premarital sex, making money, and abortion were more like those

of their parents or those of their friends. Whereas between three-fifths and three-fourths of these teenagers said

that their views concerning college, careers, and money were either more like their parents or like both their

friends and parents, only about a third gave similar responses about their views of premarital sex; less than

one-half gave similar responses about their views of abortion (Zelnik et al. 1981; Shah and Zelnik 1981). As

noted earlier, positive attitudes of peers toward premarital sex can also be transformed from passive acceptance

into active pressure toward sexual expression. 

A growing body of data suggests that friendship networks also may be important influences on the attitudes,

values, and behavior of at least some groups of adolescents (Billy et al. 1984; Billy and Udry 1985; East et al.

1993; Miller and Moore 1990). We know that the sexual attitudes and experiences of young people tend to be

related to the sexual behavior of their friends. The potential causal mechanisms that could make attitudes and

behavior of friends similar to each other are numerous and include friends selecting friends who are like them,

friends abandoning friends who become unlike them, and friends having mutual influences on each other.
209

Gender, Race, and Socioeconomic Position

There seem to be differences in the attitudes of women and men concerning various family and personal matters.

One important male-female difference concerns premarital sex and unmarried cohabitation, with men apparently

having more accepting attitudes concerning both behaviors (Carter, nd; Michael et al. 1994; Moore and Stief

1991; Sweet and Bumpass 1990a; Sweet 1989; Reiss 1967; Thornton 1989, 1992). For example, the percentage

of adult men accepting premarital sex and cohabitation is approximately ten percentage points higher than among

women (Carter, nd). This male-female differential also extends to pressure of peers to engage in sex as teenagers.

Young men are from two to three times more likely than young women to report that their friends encouraged

them to have sex during their teen years (Moore and Stief 1991). Note, however, that men and women seem to

have similar attitudes toward unmarried childbearing (Pagnini and Rindfuss 1993; Bumpass et al. 1991; Carter,

nd; Moore and Stief 1991). 

Male-female differences in attitudes and plans concerning marriage, divorce, and childlessness appear to be both

complex and sometimes inconsistent across questionnaire items and data sets (Thornton 1989; Bumpass et al.

1991; Carter, nd; Sweet and Bumpass 1990a). Data concerning gender differentials in abortion attitudes are also

inconsistent: studies of the entire adult population show few gender differences while studies of young adults

indicate that women generally have less restrictive attitudes than men (Granberg and Granberg 1980; Szafran 

and Clagett 1988; Moore and Stief 1991).

 

Turning now to ethnic differences, there is a relative lack of information on the attitudes and values of most ethnic

groups besides African Americans and the general white population. Concerning African American-White

differentials, there appear to be differences with respect to some aspects of family and personal attitudes, but not

others. Differences between African Americans and whites concerning values and attitudes about co-residential

union formation, either through marriage or cohabitation, appear to be modest in magnitude and dependent upon

the wording of the question (Sweet and Bumpass 1990a; Sweet 1989; Carter, nd; Bumpass et al. 1991; Moore

and Stief 1991). 

At the same time, African Americans appear to want to delay marriage longer than whites; more African

Americans than whites also believe that "it's hard for most women to find a man who has a good job and wants

to be married" (Moore and Stief 1991). Data also suggest that African Americans are more tolerant of divorce

than whites (Moore and Stief 1991). African Americans also seem to be more accepting than whites of premarital

sex (Klassen et al. 1989; Reiss 1964, 1967; Staples 1978, 1985; Carter, nd; Moore and Stief 1991; Zelnik et al.

1981) and to place less value on waiting for marriage to initiate sexual experience (Moore and Stief 1991).

Recent evidence, however, suggests that this last African American-white difference may apply substantially more

to young women than to young men (Carter, nd; Moore and Stief 1991). African American young people also

report more encouragement from teenage friends to engage in sexual intercourse (Moore and Stief 1991). 

In addition, African Americans tend to be more personally accepting of unmarried childbearing and see their

neighborhoods as less condemning of unwed motherhood. African American teenagers would, on average, also

be less upset than their white peers if they got a girl pregnant (Pagnini and Rindfuss 1993; Zelnik, et al. 1981;

Bumpass et al. 1991; Carter, nd; Marsiglio 1993; Moore and Stief 1991). African Americans also tend to value

children highly, seem more desirous than whites of having children sometime in their lives, and have a lower ideal

age at first birth (Anderson 1989; Bumpass et al. 1991; Zelnik et al. 1981). There is also a body of evidence

indicating that African Americans are less tolerant of abortion than are whites (Szafran and Claggett 1988;

Combs and Welch 1982; Granberg and Granberg 1980; Marsiglio 1993; Tanfer and Price-Spratlin 1992;

Anderson 1989). However, recent research suggests that this differential in abortion attitudes may be smaller

or less general than previously thought (Marsiglio and Shehan 1993).
210

Socioeconomic position also has been found to be related to a range of family attitudes. The evidence regarding

whether higher educational levels are associated with more acceptance of abortion, premarital sex, nonmarital

childbearing, and divorce is mixed. While there is a body of evidence suggesting that higher education is related

to higher levels of acceptance regarding these types of family and personal matters (Pagnini and Rindfuss 1993;

Klassen et al. 1989; Singh 1980; Bumpass et al. 1991; Szafran and Clagett 1988; Granberg and Granberg 1980;

Thornton 1985b, 1992; Thornton and Camburn 1987; Thornton et al. 1983), other studies suggest that the effects

of educational attainment may not be as strong or consistent as previously thought (Sweet 1989; Sweet and

Bumpass 1990a; Carter, nd). Unfortunately, research concerning the effects of education has focused primarily

on the amount of education received and there has been little investigation of the schooling process itself. Given

the centrality of schools in the lives of children, it would be useful for researchers to look within schools and

examine the effects of the school setting and environment on children's attitudes and values.

Conclusions concerning the influence of parental socioeconomic position on children's attitudes are also uncertain.

While some research suggests that higher parental socioeconomic positions lead to more accepting attitudes

toward previously proscribed behavior, other data suggest either the opposite conclusion or that there is no

substantial effect (Thornton 1992; Lye and Waldron 1993; Marsiglio 1993; Marsiglio and Shehan 1993; Reiss

1967; Tanfer and Price-Spratlin 1992). Ethnographic research suggests that the lack of social and economic

opportunities in some communities leads to a greater acceptance among young people of unmarried sex,

pregnancy, and childbearing (Anderson 1989); however, quantitative evidence suggesting how widespread such

effects may be is lacking. 

Policy Implications

Policies related to marriage and childbearing are formulated and implemented at numerous levels, including the

individual, family, neighborhood, school, state, industry, and nation. To be effective, policy at all levels needs

to take into account the norms, values, and attitudes of the people involved. Reflecting a consensus of opinions

and values in the policies of state and national institutions is difficult because of the wide diversity of attitudes

and values concerning so many of the relevant issues.

One area of considerable national consensus centers on unmarried teenage sex, pregnancy, and childbearing. The

great majority of Americans believe that unmarried teenage sex is wrong and should be discouraged. This

suggests that an appropriate policy to strongly discourage sexual activity among unmarried teenagers could

receive substantial support from the American public. An even larger majority of Americans are also concerned

about unmarried pregnancy and childbearing. In fact, as we have seen, most Americans believe that unmarried

parenthood is one of the worst things that can befall a teenager. This concern is translated into widespread

support for the idea that teenagers who have chosen to be sexually active should also use contraception. This

suggests that there could be strong public support for appropriate policies that encourage contraceptive use

among sexually active teenagers. The support of many people for such policies, however, would probably be

contingent on strong reassurances that the policies did not at the same time undermine efforts to discourage

unmarried teenage sexual expression.

The strong desire of American adults to discourage teenage sex, pregnancy, and childbearing exists alongside the

widespread perception that the mass media portrays sex unrealistically and encourages sexual activity among

teenagers. This combination of public preferences and opinions would likely provide strong support for

appropriate changes in the quantity and quality of sexual material shown in the media. 

Another area of considerable consensus centers on the norm of tolerance and the right of privacy for adults. Most

Americans today do not recognize a normative imperative for unmarried adults to refrain from sex and

cohabitation, for all adults to marry and to stay married, and for married adults to have children. This suggests
211

that efforts to institute policies requiring these behaviors in today's society would probably not receive widespread

support. Concurrent with the widespread existence of the norm of tolerance and the right of privacy for adults

today is the fact that the vast majority of Americans continue to place great value on marriage and family life

(Thornton 1989). The great majority plan to marry and bear children. They overwhelmingly want their children

and grandchildren to be born into marriages and for those marriages to be characterized by love, stability, and

durability. These values suggest that there would probably be widespread support for appropriate policies to

encourage and support happy and durable marriages and the bearing of children within those marriages.

Another policy issue concerns the possibility of future changes in behavior, attitudes, values, and norms related

to nonmarital childbearing. Here the crucial questions seem to be: will the current behavior, attitudes, values,

and norms continue into the future; will the trends of the past few decades continue; will there be reversals of at

least some of the recent trends; can public leaders do anything to influence the direction and nature of future

trends? Although many social observers tend to believe that current levels or trends will inevitably extend into

the future, history suggests that social and family trends can be like economic trends--increasing and decreasing

in ways that are largely unrelated to the projections of educated observers. The rate of premarital pregnancy

fluctuated in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Smith and Hindus 1975; Vinovskis 1988). At least part

of these changes may have been due to the efforts of public leaders to control nonmarital sexuality (Vinovskis

1988). 

Recent trends in drug use and attitudes may have some relevance here (Bachman et al. 1988; Bachman et al.

1990). During the 1970s and 1980s marijuana and cocaine use increased and then declined. Accompanying the

decline of the use of these drugs in the 1980s was an increased perception that these drugs could be harmful;

disapproval of the use of these drugs also increased at the same time. Furthermore, it has been shown that the

increases in the perceived risks and disapproval of these drugs can entirely account for the decline in their use.

The trends in perceived risks and disapproval of drug use were apparently related to increased knowledge of the

consequences of the drugs. While it is not clear that attitudes, values, norms, and behavior related to nonmarital

childbearing could change in similar ways, it seems premature to decide that they could not. 
212

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217

Risk Factors for 

Adolescent Nonmarital Childbearing

Brent C. Miller, Ph.D. 

Utah State University

Introduction

Traditionally, most unmarried teenagers who became pregnant were married by the time the child was born and

a sizeable minority of unmarried white parents placed their babies for adoption (Furstenberg 1991; Nathanson

1991). These patterns have changed dramatically. Most teen pregnancies now end in non-marital childbearing

(over 40 percent) or abortions (over one-third) and adoption is estimated to occur for less than 3 percent of all

nonmarital births (AGI 1994 and Bachrach, et al. 1992). Among teens the percentage of births that are

nonmarital has risen steeply over recent decades, from 15 percent in 1960 to 48 percent in 1980 and to 72 percent

in 1992 (Ventura 1995).

Too often in the policy debate nonmarital childbearing is viewed as synonymous with teenage childbearing.

While the extent of unwed parenthood in this age group is great (women younger than age 20 represent 30 percent

of all nonmarital births), it is too often forgotten that women over age 20 have the remaining 70 percent of

nonmarital births. Still, it is important to focus on teenagers as a high risk population because the likelihood of

a mother being unmarried is inversely related to her age; 41 percent of births to mothers ages 20 - 24 are

nonmarital, compared to 61 percent of births to 19 year old mothers, and 91 percent of births to mothers younger

than age 15 (Ventura 1995). Also, concerns often are expressed that early parenthood, and especially early single

parenthood, limits or forecloses future life course options and opportunities such as education, careers, and even

other marriage and family choices (McLanahan, this volume; Bachrach and Carver 1992; Hayes 1987; Sullivan

1993). 

There is no single factor which can predict nonmarital childbearing for women of any age. In the case of

adolescents in particular, multiple behavioral risk factors are often interrelated. This paper begins by describing

the environmental and behavioral risk factors for adolescent nonmarital childbearing and concludes by examining

relationships between these factors, many of which share the same antecedents. Due to the limitations of existing

research, this paper focuses primarily on the experience of adolescent females. Clearly, the lack of similar

knowledge about males is a major gap in our understanding. Furthermore, while a parallel analysis of risk factors

for those over age 20 would greatly enhance the public policy debate, to date research on interrelated behavior

risk factors is not available for women or men in this age group. 

Risk Factors

A complete analysis of risk factors for adolescent nonmarital childbearing must consider at least two major

stages: (1) becoming pregnant, and (2) resolving a pregnancy through unmarried parenthood. It is common for

researchers to analyze risk factors for even more specific turning points in adolescent pregnancy and parenthood,

including having early sexual intercourse, not using contraception, carrying an unintended pregnancy to term, not

marrying before giving birth, and not relinquishing the child for adoption (Moore, Miller, Glei, and Morrison

1995; Zabin and Hayward 1993). Analyses suggest that increasing rates of nonmarital sexual intercourse and

declining rates of marriage are, relative to other factors, the two most important components of the increase in
218

nonmarital childbearing (Nathanson and Kim 1989). Still, it is useful to consider each specific behavior leading

to adolescent nonmarital childbearing, beginning with sexual intercourse.

As shown in the first column of Table 1, many individual, familial, and broader contextual variables are related

to the timing of sexual intercourse in adolescence. The research base here includes both males and females, and

variables that make early sexual intercourse more likely (indicated by a “+” sign in table 1) are: early pubertal

development (Morris 1992), high testosterone levels (Udry and Billy 1989; Halpern et al 1993), being AfricanAmerican (Brewster 1994; Lauritsen 1994), permissive sexual attitude, use of alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs

(Mott and Haurin 1988; Rosenbaum and Kandel 1990), psychosocial deviance (Costa et al. 1995), poverty status

(Hayward et al. 1992), living with a single parent (Flewelling and Bauman 1990; Miller et al. 1994; Whitbeck

et al. 1994), and sibling and peer sexual activity (East et al. 1993; Haurin and Mott 1990; Rodgers and Rowe

1990). Conversely, sexual intercourse tends to be delayed or less likely (indicated with a “-” sign) among teens

with good school grades and high educational aspirations (Ohannessian and Crockett 1993), high religiosity

(Halpern et al. 1994; Thornton and Camburn 1989), more educated parents (Hayward et al. 1992), close parentchild relationships (Feldman and Brown 1993; Whitbeck et al. 1992), and those who live in more advantaged

neighborhoods (Billy, Brewster, and Grady 1994; Brewster, Billy, and Grady 1993). Researchers have found

that traditional school-based sex education is unrelated to onset of sexual intercourse, but more focused skills

oriented programs based on social learning and influence theories appear to delay sexual involvement and

increase condom use (Kirby et al. 1994; Moore et al. 1995b; Whitehead 1994).

Among sexually active teens, non use (or inconsistent use) of contraception is the major risk factor in unplanned

pregnancy (Mensch and Kandel 1992; Moore et al. 1995a). About one third of sexually experienced adolescents

use no method of contraception at first sexual intercourse (Mosher and McNally 1991), and about 20 percent say

that they never use contraception. Nonuse and inconsistent use of contraception probably characterize at least

one third of sexually active adolescents in the United States, resulting in about 11 percent of adolescent females

becoming pregnant each year (Ventura, Taffel, and Martin 1995). Adolescents most often use condoms in their

initial and early sexual experiences (Pleck, Sonenstein, and Ku 1993), but they shift to the pill as they grow older

and establish longer term dating and sexual relationships (AGI 1994). This is important as the pill has a greater

rate of effectiveness than condoms.

The research base about male involvement in family planning has been lacking, but has improved substantially

in the 1990s (Sonenstein and Pleck 1995). As shown in the second column of Table 1, sexually active male and

female adolescents are less likely to contracept, or to use contraception consistently when they are younger

(Brewster et al. 1993), if they are African American (Forrest and Singh 1990; Sonenstein et al. 1989),

ambivalent about pregnancy (Zabin et al. 1993), use alcohol or drugs (Cooper et al. 1994; Ku et al. 1993;

Sonenstein et al. 1989), or live with a single parent or in poverty (Brown et al. 1992; Kahn et al. 1990).

Contraceptive use is more likely (or more consistent) among adolescents who do well in school and have future

educational plans (Brewster et al. 1993; Luster and Small 1994), have favorable contraceptive attitudes (Pleck

et al. 1993), have more educated parents with whom they have a close relationship (Kahn et al. 1990), have

siblings and friends who support contraceptive use (Moore et al. 1995a), and who live in more advantaged

neighborhoods (Brewster et al. 1993; Grady et al. 1993) where family planning services are more readily

available (Moore, et al. 1995a).

Much less is known about male involvement in pregnancy resolution than about male sexual and contraceptive

behavior. Researchers who examine adolescent pregnancy resolution report that many of the correlates of

abortion and adoption are similar (as shown in columns 3 and 4 of Table 1). Pregnant adolescents who are young

are much more likely to have an abortion rather than give birth (Cartoof 1992), or to choose adoption rather than

parenthood (Donnelly and Voydanoff 1991). African American adolescents are less likely than whites or

Hispanics to choose adoption or to marry (AGI 1994). Doing well in school, having high educational aspirations

and more highly educated parents with higher income all are related to resolving a pregnancy through abortion
219

rather than through giving birth (Cooksey 1990; Donovan 1995; Plotnick 1992), and are more characteristic of

adolescents who choose adoption rather than parenthood (Resnick et al. 1990). Conversely, living in poverty,

and living with a single parent are inversely related to abortion and adoption decisions (Plotnick 1992; Resnick

1992; Serrato 1990). Choosing abortion or adoption are strongly influenced by significant others, especially by

mothers (Namerow et al. 1993).

Abortion and adoption pregnancy resolution decisions have some different correlates. Abortion rates are higher

in geographic areas with more family planning services (Henshaw 1991) but it is unclear if abortion is affected

by parental involvement laws (Blum, Resnick and Stark 1987; Serrato 1990; Worthington et al. 1991). 

Abortion is less likely among those who are highly religious and more likely when there is a poor relationship

with the sexual partner (Cartoof 1992; Yamaguchi and Kandel 1987); research is less clear about whether these

factors are related to choosing adoption. Some evidence suggests that adoption relinquishment is negatively

related to public assistance and positively related to adoption counseling (McLaughlin and Johnson 1992;

Resnick 1992).

Pregnant teens are less likely to marry if they are young, and some research suggests (column 5 in table 1) that

marriage also is less likely among pregnant adolescents who are African American, live with a single parent or

in poverty, have a poor relationship with their partner, and who live in an area with relatively higher AFDC

benefit levels (Lundberg and Plotnick 1990 and 1995; Parnell et al. 1994; Robbins 1991; Serrato 1990; Sullivan

1993). Conversely, marriage is more likely among pregnant adolescents who are religious and doing well in

school.

Studies of the antecedents of adolescent nonmarital childbearing per se show that single parent family structure

(Bumpass and McLanahan 1989), especially the number of parents’ marital disruptions (Wu and Martinson

1992), are positively related to having a nonmarital birth. The younger the age of first sexual intercourse, the

greater the likelihood of beginning a family through nonmarital childbearing rather than marriage (Miller and

Heaton 1991). Female adolescents with lower self esteem and more traditional views about family and gender

roles are more likely to become unwed mothers (Plotnick 1992). Adolescents whose parents have lesser

educational attainment (Billy and Moore 1992; Bumpass and McLanahan 1989; Cooksey 1990; Lewis and

Ventura 1990) are more likely to become teen mothers. Having a premarital birth is more strongly related to lack

of economic and career opportunities than to receipt or amount of AFDC (Duncan and Hoffman 1990). 

It is important to note one final influence that cuts across all of these choices. Many female adolescent sexual

experiences are coercive (AGI 1994; Gershenson et al. 1989; Moore, et. al 1989; Small and Kerns 1993), and

there appear to be important links between coercive sexual experiences and adolescent fertility related behavior

(Boyer and Fine 1992; Butler and Burton 1990; Miller et al. 1995). Exacerbating the problem, adult males

often are the fathers of children born to adolescent mothers (AGI 1994; Males and Chew 1995). Understanding

the role of same age or older males in adolescent pregnancy and childbearing has been relatively neglected until

recently. The knowledge base about adolescent male and female sexual behavior is relatively comparable, but

much less is known about the contraceptive behavior of adolescent males than females, and males are even less

often considered or included in research about pregnancy resolution. This situation is changing, however, toward

including males in family planning research and in social policy (Sonenstein and Pleck 1995).

Interrelatedness of Risk Factors

Research has documented that high risk youth tend to engage in multiple problem behaviors (Dryfoos 1990;

National Research Council 1993). In particular, alcohol, tobacco, and drug use; school failure and suspension;

delinquency, violence and problems with the police all have been found to be related to early onset of adolescent

sexual intercourse (Donovan and Jessor 1985; Graves and Leigh 1994; Jessor and Jessor 1977; Ketterlinus et 
220

al. 1992). Recent studies in this area have gone beyond the timing of sexual onset to link adolescent use of

alcohol and other drugs with higher risk sexual behaviors, including the number of sex partners and nonuse of

condoms or other forms of contraception (Biglan, et al. 1990; Cooper et al. 1994; Ku et al. 1993; Luster and

Small 1994). Linkages between problem behaviors are reportedly stronger among whites than African

Americans in some studies (Costa et al. 1995; Ketterlinus et al. 1992; Rodgers and Rowe 1990) but school

problems, violence, and drug use also are associated with sexual behaviors among poor African American teens

(Ensminger 1990). These studies of interrelated problem behaviors are exceedingly important because in

general, an adolescent may start with one behavior (usually having less severe consequences) and continue into

increasingly risky behaviors (e.g. delinquency and drug use to sexual behavior and pregnancy) (Elliot and Morse

1989; Rosenbaum and Kandel 1990). This suggests that involvement with drugs and other problem behaviors

constitute specific risk factors for adolescent sexual activity, pregnancy, and childbearing.

Research Synthesis and Social Policy Questions

As this review indicates, there is no one factor that leads to adolescent nonmarital fertility. It is exceedingly

difficult to synthesize this research evidence, not only because many individual, familial, and broader contextual

factors are involved in having a nonmarital birth, but also because the significant variables differ depending on

the circumstances of the individual. However, across various studies and subgroups the majority of adolescent

pregnancies clearly are unintended (Brown and Eisenberg 1995; Kost and Forrest 1994). Adolescents are more

likely to become pregnant if they begin having sex at an early age, partly because they are exposed to risk for a

longer period of time, but also because those who begin early are less likely to use contraception effectively, and

they also have more sexual partners (Koyle et al. 1989; Seidman et al 1992 and 1994).

Adolescents who are most personally and socially disadvantaged are at greatest risk of becoming unmarried

parents. That is, teens who do poorly in school, who have low future expectations, and who come from

disadvantaged families and communities are more likely to initiate sex at a young age, are less likely to contracept

effectively, and once pregnant, are more likely to bear a child, particularly to bear a child outside of marriage.

 These teens are the most difficult to reach with prevention and intervention programs, and their delay of sexual

intercourse, use of contraception, and choosing abortion or adoption in the event of unintended pregnancy, can

involve major obstacles.

How can social interventions most effectively bring about major reductions in adolescent nonmarital fertility?

A number of salient policy questions arise from considering the risk factors noted above. What would be the

most effective combination of family, school, community, and societal level interventions, and how would they

be best articulated? What are the relative difficulties and potential effectiveness of introducing interventions at

multiple levels--for example, introducing broad based changes in societal attitudes toward unwed parenthood,

as compared with targeting interventions to high risk children and youth? Could intervention programs targeted

to high risk children bring about larger reductions in nonmarital fertility if implemented in early childhood rather

than in adolescence? If unchanged, does the tendency for adolescents to engage in high risk behaviors continue

into adult problem behaviors, resulting in additional (adult) nonmarital fertility? Given the apparent role of social

and economic disadvantage in adolescent parenthood, to what extent could nonmarital fertility be reduced by

improving opportunities for those with the least access in society? Could less accepting attitudes and less

supportive policies bring about reductions in nonmarital childbearing to an extent similar to recent decade

declines in cigarette smoking? What role could the media and social policies play to bring about a major shift

in public disapproval of nonmarital childbearing?
221

Conclusions

 This review identifies a number of important points for policy makers. 

Policies must take into account that a large majority of adolescent pregnancies are unintended. 

Social policies and interventions must be directed at multiple stages of this complex problem because

adolescents (and those who influence their decision making) respond differently to alternative interventions

and constraints. That is, some adolescents can be influenced to postpone onset of sexual intercourse, others

will be sexually active but can be influenced to contracept more effectively; and once pregnant, marriage,

adoption, or abortion are only options for some but not others. 

To understand the contexts in which adolescent females is make decisions, one must take into account the

role of coercive sexual intercourse and, even when consensual, the dynamic of having an older male partner.

The influence of broader social contexts and opportunity structures on unwed teen childbearing must be

considered. 

Future research must expand to fill the gap in knowledge about similar relationships between multiple risky

behaviors and nonmarital childbearing for the population of women over 20 and for all men, regardless of age.
222

Table 1. Correlates of Behaviors Linked to Adolescent Nonmarital Childbearing.

Risk/Protective

Correlates

Pregnancy Risk Resolution of Pregnancy

Sexual Use Parenthood

Inter- Contra- Choose Choose

course ception Abortion Adoption Married Unmarried

INDIVIDUAL FACTORS

 Young Age

 Early Puberty

 Testosterone

 Race (Black)

 Educational Plans, 

 Grades

 Religiosity

 Self-esteem

 Ambivalence re. 

Pregnancy

 Favorable Attitude

 ATOD

 Psychosocial Deviance

- - + + - +

+

+

+ - - - +

- + + + + -

- - + -

+ + + + +

+ - +

+ -

- - - +

+

PROXIMATE SOCIAL FACTORS

 Parents Education

 Family Income

 Poverty Status

 Single Parent

 Family Support,

Closeness

 Sibling/Friend

Behavior

 Parent/Peer

Acceptance

 Poor Relations with

Partner

- + + + -

+ - - - - +

+ - - - - +

- +

+ + +

+ + + + +

+ + -

+ - +

BROADER CONTEXTUAL FACTORS

 Neighborhood SES

 AFDC Benefit Level

 Employment

Opportunity

 Family Planning

Services

 Parent Involvement

Laws

 School Sex

Education

- + -

o/- +

+ -

+ + -

-

- - +

* This table is an abbreviated summary of major research findings; see Moore et al. (1995) for complete presentation. Plus sign means

more likely, minus sign means less likely, blank means unknown or inconsistent results.
223

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229

The Consequences of Nonmarital Childbearing

for Women, Children, and Society

Sara S. McLanahan

Princeton University

Introduction

This paper addresses the question, what are the consequences of nonmarital fertility for children, women, and

society? Surprisingly, given the strong interest and concern over the increase in nonmarital births, this question

has rarely been examined directly. However, there is a substantial amount of research on a closely related

topic--single motherhood--which results from nonmarital childbearing as well as from divorce and separation.

Some of this research distinguishes among different types of single motherhood. Thus, by examining this

literature and by asking whether families headed by never-married mothers are different from families headed

by other types of single mothers in terms of outcomes for women, children, and society, we can gain some idea

of the potential consequences of nonmarital childbearing. To the extent information is available, the consequences

of nonmarital childbearing for women of all ages will be examined.

Many people equate nonmarital childbearing with teenage childbearing. This characterization is misleading since

less than a third of nonmarital births are to women under 20. Nevertheless, given the strong interest in early

childbearing and the large amount of research on the topic, it is useful to examine the consequences of teenage

motherhood and to ask whether married teen mothers do better or worse than unmarried teen mothers. 

 

The paper is divided into three sections. The first section discusses some of the data and methodological

limitations that stand in the way of answering the question posed above. The second section asks whether

never-married mothers fare better or worse than other single mothers and examines the evidence regarding the

consequences of single motherhood, and the third section examines the evidence on early childbearing. 

Data and Methodological Limitations

Many factors stand in the way of accurately assessing the economic and social consequences of nonmarital

childbearing. First, the data requirements for such an analysis are substantial. In order to identify the population

of women who have given birth outside marriage, we must have complete information on women's marital and

fertility histories. Such information is missing from many large data sets, and, where it exists, information is

often missing on women's income and participation in public assistance programs. Prior to 1992, the CPS

bi-annual survey of child support income only identified nonmarital births for women who had never married,

even though many women who had a nonmarital birth were married at some time. The problem is even more

serious when it comes to identifying nonresident fathers. Few surveys collect information on men's fertility

histories, and even when they do, many men fail to provide accurate information. The literature is vast, and nearly

all of it focuses on single motherhood.

To assess the consequences of nonmarital childbearing for children, researchers either must have retrospective

data on mother's marital status at birth or longitudinal data that follow children over time -- long enough to assess

cognitive and emotional development in childhood and, ideally, long enough to assess socio-economic attainment
 Unmeasured differences may be less important for the consequences of single motherhood, since that occurs among a much 1

broader spectrum of society. However, nonmarital childbearing represents a narrower segment of the population.

230

in young adulthood. At present, there are only three, large, nationally representative data sets that meet all of

these criteria: the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, the National Longitudinal Study of Youth-Child Supplement,

and the National Survey of Families and Households. The new National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, which

is scheduled to begin in 1996, and the new child panel in the Survey of Income and Program Participation also

meet these criteria. 

In addition to these data limitations, other obstacles stand in the way of accurately assessing the effects of

nonmarital childbearing on mother and child well-being. Women who give birth outside of marriage are different

in many ways from women who give birth within marriage. Some were poor or disadvantaged in other ways even

prior to becoming pregnant. These women would have had substantial problems in their future even if they had

not become pregnant. Therefore, one cannot directly compare an unmarried mother to a married mother and

attribute the entire difference to consequences of nonmarital childbirth. Because these differences (e.g., in family

income or school aptitude, may also affect the well-being of these mothers and their children), it is difficult to

disentangle the effect of marital status and the effect of these other factors. 

Researchers can adjust statistically for observed differences between women who have children within marriage

and women who have children outside of marriage. They can use econometric techniques and more carefully

designed comparison groups to try to adjust for differences that cannot be measured. Faced with this challenge,

and recognizing the importance to policy makers of obtaining accurate estimates of the consequences of children's

family experiences, researchers have become increasingly sophisticated in their approaches to measuring the

consequences of parental behavior. 

This is especially true of research on teen motherhood, where analysts have used more carefully defined

comparison groups to minimize the amount of unmeasured differences between teens who did and did not have

a birth. Some of these studies compare sisters or cousins who did and did not have teen births. Other studies

compare pregnant teens who had a birth to pregnant teens who had an involuntary miscarriage. Because everyone

in the latter study was pregnant, the study controls for sources of disadvantage that lead them to become pregnant,

and provides a better estimate of the "true" consequences of actually raising a child as a teen parent. 

Unlike studies on teen childbearing, research on the consequences of nonmarital childbearing among adult

mothers has focused less attention on adjusting for unmeasured differences. Therefore, many of these results are

not directly comparable to the results regarding teen motherhood. Further research is needed to assess whether

adult women who have nonmarital births are different from married mothers in ways other than their marital and

fertility behavior, and whether these differences have led to biased estimations of the consequences related to

nonmarital births.1

Short of running an experiment in which women are randomly assigned to have marital and nonmarital births,

it is impossible to say with certainty whether differences in child and maternal outcomes are due to differences

in mother's marital status at birth or if something else distinguishes these two groups of mothers that was not

taken into account by the researcher (Hoffman, Foster and Furstenberg Jr. 1993; Geronimus and Korenman 1993;

Hotz, McElroy and Sanders 1995).
231

Single Mothers

Nearly all children born outside marriage spend some time in a single parent family (Bumpass and Sweet 

1989). Thus, the research on the consequences of single parenthood is useful in helping us assess the

consequences of nonmarital childbearing. At least two major monographs on the effects of family structure

and resources on children were published in the past year (McLanahan and Sandefur 1994; Haveman and

Wolfe 1994), and a conference hosted by the National Academy of Sciences featured twelve papers which

included this topic (Brooks-Gunn and Duncan 1995). Before reviewing in detail the research on the

consequences of single motherhood, it is useful to discuss whether never married mothers have similar

outcomes to other single mothers.

Are Never Married Mothers Different from other Single Mothers?

Only a few studies distinguish between divorced, separated, widowed and never married mothers. The findings

from such studies, however, are quite consistent and indicate that children who grow up with never married

mothers are no worse off (and no better off) than children who grow up with a divorced or remarried mother

(McLanahan and Sandefur 1994; Smith et al. 1995; Korenman and Miller 1995; Hanson et al. 1995). Being born

to married parents appears to carry no great advantage for children unless their parents remain together while the

child is growing up. 

With respect to economic costs, never married mothers and divorced/separated mothers are more similar than

different. Never married mothers have higher poverty rates (and therefore higher rates of welfare receipt) than

divorced and separated mothers. However, much of this difference is due to a difference in the ages of the

mothers and children. Among families with young children (less than age 6), poverty rates are 74.1 for never

married mothers and 58.1 for divorced and separated mothers, a difference of 16 percentage points (U.S. Bureau

of the Census 1993, Table 13). If we compare young mothers (ages 16 to 24), the difference in poverty rates

drops to 8 percentage points, 82.8 for never married mothers and 74.2 for divorced and separated mothers. 

Consequences for Children

The major findings of the research on the consequences of single motherhood for children may be summarized

as follows: 

Single motherhood has small to moderate effects on child well-being. To get an idea of the magnitude

of the effects of single motherhood, consider the following: During the 1980s, the high school dropout

rate was approximately 18 percent for all children in the U.S., 13 percent for children in two-parent

families, and 26 percent for children in single-mother families. The statistics show that living with a

single parent increases the risk of dropping out of school by a factor of two, a nontrivial effect. 

However, they also show that dropping out of high school would still be a problem in the U.S. even if

all children were living with both parents. At best, the dropout rate would go from 18 percent to 13

percent. 

The size of the effect depends on the particular outcome examined and the age of the child at the time

of assessment. In general, the effects are larger (more negative) for behavior-related outcomes, such as

"acting out," skipping school, or dropping out of high school, and smaller for cognitive outcomes, such

as school grades or scores on standardized tests (verbal and mathematics). Similarly, the consequences
232

are larger (more negative) when they are measured in adolescence and young adulthood rather than

childhood. The age difference is probably due to the fact that behavioral problems have more serious

consequences in young adulthood than in childhood (e.g., acting out in elementary school may lead to

problems in the classroom whereas acting out in adolescence may result in dropping out of school or getting

pregnant). 

The effects of single motherhood are consistent across different race and ethnic groups and across

different social classes. They are similar for boys and girls and for children who live apart from a parent

in early childhood as well as late childhood. 

In most instances, remarriage does not diminish the negative consequences associated with single

parenthood, and in some cases it exacerbates problems. Children who live with a mother and stepfather

or a mother and her partner do just as poorly in school and are just as likely to become teen mothers or

spend time in jail as children who live with a single mother alone (McLanahan and Sandefur 1994;

Cherlin and Furstenberg 1991). Researchers do not fully understand why living with a stepfather or

(male partner) does not improve child outcomes, but the research is very consistent on this point with 

one exception. Among African Americans, remarriage has a positive effect on some indicators of child

well-being (such as higher rates of high school graduation for boys and lower rates of early childbearing

for girls). But remarriage is relatively uncommon among African Americans, and therefore the benefits

associated with remarriage may be due to something about the mothers who remarry as opposed to

remarriage itself. 

The fact that children in stepparent families do just as poorly as children in single mother families, even

though their parents have much higher incomes is a puzzle for researchers. It could be that stepfathers

are less willing than biological fathers to share their income with their new children, or it could be that

remarriage introduces a new set of problems or uncertainties that lower child well-being. More research

is needed on this topic.

About half of the disadvantage on children's well-being associated with single motherhood is due to low

income. Most of the rest is due to lower parental involvement and supervision and higher residential

mobility (McLanahan and Sandefur 1994). Pre-divorce parental conflict accounts for no more than 15

percent of the lower achievement of children in single mother families (Hanson 1995).

The evidence is mixed with respect to whether single mothers do better when a grandmother lives in the

household. Some researchers report that the presence of a grandmother in the house has positive effects,

especially for young mothers (Kellam et al. 1977; Burton, this volume). However, the benefits

associated with living with a grandmother do not hold up across all studies (Chase-Landsdale et al.

forthcoming). Some studies find no benefits or find that benefits do not exist for older mothers

(McLanahan and Sandefur 1994). 

All of the estimates described above are based on multivariate models that adjust for differences in family

characteristics such as race, parents' education, place of residence, and number of children. However, these

estimates may be capturing the effect of other factors that have not or cannot be adjusted for. If this is the case,

the true effect of single parenthood lies somewhere below the estimated effect. Some researchers adjust for

additional factors, such as family income or the quality of the home environment, which usually leads to smaller

single-mother effects and sometimes to no effect. But low income and home environment, if they are measured

following the birth, are likely to be consequences of family breakup, and therefore are best thought of as part of

the consequences of single motherhood. 
233

The findings summarized above are based on research including longitudinal studies that compare children before

and after their parents' divorce, studies that compare children raised by widowed mothers with children raised in

two-parent families, and studies that use econometric techniques to estimate the "true" single motherhood effect

by adjusting for other differences between single and married mothers.

Evidence from the longitudinal research indicates that, on average, children of divorced parents do worse than

children from intact families, even prior to their parents' divorce. For example, one widely cited study (Cherlin

et al. 1991) found that half of the difference in achievement test scores between boys from intact and non-intact

families was due to pre-divorce differences. However, follow-up studies of these same children have since shown

that divorce had long term negative consequences, in addition to the effects of any pre-divorce differences in child

well-being (Chase-Lansdale, Cherlin, and Kiernan 1995). This is consistent with other research, using

longitudinal data, that shows marital disruption is associated with changes in parental resources and declines in

child well-being (Morrison and Cherlin 1995; Baydar, and Brooks-Gunn 1994; Astone and McLanahan 1991;

McLanahan and Sandefur 1994.) 

Some studies on the consequences of singlehood compare widowed mothers with married mothers. Widows are

used as a comparison group because, unlike divorce, widowhood is less related to pre-existing family problems

that also affect future child well-being. The evidence from the research on widowhood is mixed. For some

outcomes (high school graduation) and some subgroups (whites), children in widowed-mother families do just

as well as children in original two-parent families, suggesting that father-absence has no negative consequences

for children. For other outcomes (early childbearing) and other subgroups (African Americans), children in

widowed-mother families do worse than children in two parent families (McLanahan and Sandefur 1994;

McLanahan and Bumpass 1988). However, even if children in widowed-mother families were doing much better

than children in other single-mother families, one might question whether widowhood was picking up the "true"

effect of single motherhood. On the one hand, widowhood is a more random occurrence than divorce. On the

other hand, widowed mothers are more likely to receive social security benefits and other kinds of support that

presumably alter their experience of single motherhood. The question of why and when widowhood has a

protective effect for children deserves further study. 

A few researchers have attempted to adjust for "unobserved" differences between single-mother and original

two-parent families. Where they have done so, the results are ambiguous (McLanahan and Sandefur 1994;

Manski, Sandefur, McLanahan, and Powers 1992; Haveman and Wolfe 1994). On the one hand, there is

evidence that unobserved factors are associated with both family disruption and poor outcomes in children. On

the other hand, the disadvantages associated with single motherhood persist to some degree even after taking this

correlation into account.

Taken together, the research on single motherhood suggests that father absence per se has negative consequences

for children, but that the effects are moderate at best. Some of the negative consequences associated with single

motherhood are likely to be due to unmeasured factors that lead parents to live apart in the first place, such as

lack of commitment to family life, problems of alcohol and drug abuse, and inability to get along with each other.

Children from such families would have had poorer outcomes, even if their parents were together. Failure to take

these unmeasured factors into account may cause the consequences of single motherhood to be overestimated.

These unmeasured differences may be relatively unimportant among all single mothers, because single mothers

represent a broad spectrum of society. 
234

Consequences for Women and Society

Single motherhood is associated with higher poverty rates and higher rates of welfare receipt among women. It

also is associated with higher rates of depression, unhappiness, low self-esteem and poor health (McLanahan and

Booth 1989; Seltzer 1994; Brown and Eisenberg 1995). However, it is important to note that while the official

poverty rate is 4 to 5 times as high in single mother families as in married-couple families, 45.7 versus 8.4 in

1992 (U.S. Census 1993), these differences greatly exaggerate the consequences of single motherhood per se.

Women who become single mothers, either through divorce or a nonmarital birth, have less education and lower

earnings capacity to begin with than women who marry and remain married. Their partners are also

disadvantaged relative to other men. Mary Jo Bane found that about 25 percent of white women and about 75

percent of African American women were poor prior to becoming single mothers, suggesting that single

motherhood accounts for no more than half of the higher poverty rates of single mothers as compared with

married-couple families (Bane 1986). 

Single motherhood also has costs for the rest of society. Approximately half of all single-mother families receive

some type of cash assistance during the year, and a higher percentage receive noncash transfers such as food

stamps and Medicaid (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1993, Table 7). If all single mothers were married, a

substantial proportion of these women and their children would continue to be poor, although many would no

longer qualify for AFDC. Thus welfare costs would go down, partly because of declines in poverty and partly

because fewer mothers would qualify for the level of assistance they received before. Welfare costs would not

disappear entirely, however. Some families would continue to qualify for AFDC through the AFDC Unemployed

Parent (AFDC-UP) program which provides AFDC benefits to poor, eligible two parent families, while others

would continue to receive food stamps and Medicaid.

One reason why single mothers are poor is that nonresident fathers often fail to pay child support (Garfinkel

1993), or do not pay the full amount of child support ordered. In 1991, less than 60 percent of all children

eligible for child support actually had a legal child support order, and one quarter of those with an order received

nothing. Only of quarter received the full amount they were due. Despite the passage of several major pieces

of legislation during the 1980s, including the Family Support Act of 1988, the percentage of eligible children with

a child support award has remained flat during the past decade (Hanson, Garfinkel, McLanahan, and Miller

1995). In part, this is due to the fact that more children are being born outside marriage, and it is more difficult

to collect child support for these children. In effect, the system has had to work harder just to stay in place. Some

people argue that the fathers of children born outside marriage are too poor, or too psychologically damaged, to

pay child support. While indirect estimates of fathers' ability to pay suggest many fathers could pay much more

than they do (Garfinkel, McLanahan and Robins 1994), many of these fathers have very low incomes, particularly

those who father children outside of marriage. (As noted above, even if these women married the fathers, a

substantial portion of them would still be in poverty.) The empirical research on nonresident fathers is relatively

sparse, in part because of data limitations--most surveys do not identify the population of nonresident

fathers--and in part because analysts have deliberately focused on single mothers and children. Nonresident

fathers is an area of research that merits much more attention, both in terms of making sure that survey

questionnaires ask men about children who are living in other households and in terms of conducting empirical

analyses. 

For children born outside marriage, paternity establishment is a necessary but insufficient step to obtaining child

support. The country has made substantial progress in this area, with paternity establishment rates doubling since

the early 1980s. Some states, such as Wisconsin, establish paternity in over 70 percent of nonmarital births, but

this is the exception, not the rule. Paternity establishment not only has the potential to reduce welfare costs, it

also may reduce the rate of nonmarital childbearing. Recent research indicates that nonmarital birth rates are
 There are no national statistics collected on paternity establishments. It has become common practice to use as a proxy for the 2

rate of paternity establishment (CSE), the annual number of paternities established by state child support enforcement programs divided by the

number of children born outside of marriage in that year. This is not an actual measure of the rate of paternity establishment for several

reasons. First, the numerator includes paternities established by the CSE program for children ages 0 to 18 while the denominator only includes

children from age 0 to 1 year. Second, CSE data does not include paternities established outside of the CSE system, either privately, through the

courts or voluntary acknowledgments or through the marriage of the parents.

235

lower in states with stronger paternity establishment and child support enforcement systems (Gaylin and

McLanahan 1995).2

Finally, single motherhood affects the family formation behavior of future generations. Children who grow up

in communities with a high prevalence of single mother families find single motherhood more acceptable and are

somewhat more likely to become single parents themselves than children who grow up in communities where

single parenthood is less common (Abrahamse, Morrison, and Waite 1988; McLanahan 1988; Thornton 1991).

The intergenerational effect persists even after adjusting for other community variables such as dropout rates,

unemployment rates, and crime (Case and Katz 1991). 

Teen Motherhood

About a third of all nonmarital births are to women under age 20. Thus the research on the consequences of teen

motherhood for women, children, and society is relevant to our assessment of the consequences of nonmarital

childbearing. The topic of teenage motherhood has received as much or more attention than the topic of single

motherhood. In 1987, a report dealing with the subject, Risking the Future, was published by the National

Research Council. In 1992, the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development held a conference

on the topic (Bachrach and Carver 1992), and a new report, Kids Having Kids: The Consequences and Costs 

of Teenage Childbearing the United States, which uses state-of-the-art methods to address the issue, is

forthcoming in 1995.

Are Never-Married Teen Mothers Different?

The vast majority (over two thirds) of teen mothers are unmarried at the time of birth. The younger the mother,

the less likely she is to be married. Because of the strong association between early childbearing and nonmarital

childbearing, the effects of teen motherhood are often interpreted as the effects of unmarried motherhood. The

evidence shows that this interpretation is incorrect. In most instances, early childbearing has similar

consequences for married and unmarried mothers (Moore, Morrison, and Greene 1995; Child Trends 1992). One

reason why marital status at birth does not have a more positive effect on outcomes for women and children is

that divorce rates are very high among young married mothers and the vast majority of married teen mothers

become single mothers before their children are 18. 

Consequences of Teen Motherhood for Children, Women, and Society

The effects of teenage childbearing can be summarized as follows:

The consequence of teen motherhood for children depends on the ages of the mothers being compared

and the measure of child well-being examined. If the comparison is between young teen mothers (less
 These results are consistent across both standard multivariate models and models based on cousin comparisons. 3

 The research cited above is based on comparisons of sisters. 4

236

than 18) and mothers in their mid-twenties, the effects are substantial. Children of young teen mothers

score lower on a variety of standardized tests and measures of home environment quality than children

born to older mothers (Moore, Morrison, and Greene 1995). If the comparison is between older teen

mother (18 or 19) and mothers in their early twenties (20 or 21), the differences between the two are

small or nonexistent (Moore, Morrison, and Greene 1995; Geronimous, Korenman, and Hillemeier

1991*). If the measure of child well-being is health status, such as low birth weight or well-baby care,

the children of teen mothers appear to do the same or even better than adult mothers (Rosenzweig and

Wolpin 1992). If the measure is cognitive test scores or quality of home environment, children of teen

mothers are worse off than children of adult mothers.3

 

Teen motherhood has negative consequences for women's educational attainment, including high school

graduation and college. According to one set of estimates, if all children were born to women over 20,

high school graduation rates would be about 20 percentage points higher (71 percent versus 54 percent)

and college attendance rates would be nearly twice as high (26 percent versus 14 percent). Teenage

childbearing also reduces the income a mother will have relative to the basic needs of her family (as

measured by the income to needs ratio) and increases poverty. It increases the number of children a

women bears (by about .5) and the number of years she spends in a single mother family (Hoffman,

Foster, and Furstenberg 1993). 

4

The effect of teen motherhood on women's earnings and labor force participation is uncertain. While

lower education and higher fertility suggest that early childbearing reduces women's earnings capacity,

a recent report shows that minor teen mothers have higher labor force participation and earnings in their

late twenties and early thirties than women who delay childbearing (Hotz, McElroy, and Sanders 1995).

These researchers compare pregnant teens who gave birth to pregnant teens who had an involuntary

miscarriage, to control for disadvantages that may lead teens to become pregnant, and better identify the

"true" effect of teen motherhood. However, in doing so, they assume that teens who miscarry are just

as healthy as teens who carry their pregnancy to term. If this assumption is incorrect and if miscarriages

are an indicator of poor health, this might account for the lower labor force participation rates of the

older mothers. More research is needed before this issue can be satisfactorily resolved.

The effect of early childbearing on welfare participation and costs is also uncertain. As noted above, the

fact that early childbearing leads to higher fertility and lower marriage suggests that teen mothers have

higher rates of welfare participation. On the other hand, the fact that young teen mothers may have

higher earnings (and pay more taxes) once they finish their childbearing years suggests that the

difference in welfare costs are minimal. Hotz and his colleagues note, "While we find that government

incurs substantial costs in the provision of various forms of public assistance to teen mothers, little of 

this cost can be attributed to the failure of teen mothers to postpone their childbearing" (forthcoming).

Again, these estimates are based on the assumption that a birth will be postponed only two years and that

young women who miscarry are just as healthy as young women who carry their babies to term. 
237

Policy Implications

The research on single motherhood and teen motherhood has at least three major policy implications. First, there

is nothing in the literature to suggest that nonmarital childbearing has more negative consequences for children

than divorce or separation. Thus, the research provides no justification for policies that treat unmarried mothers

differently from other single mothers. 

Second, the evidence indicates that low income is the single most important factor in accounting for the negative

outcomes associated single motherhood. Hence, if the goal of public policy is to improve child well-being, the

most important step the first goal of public policy should be to insure that children raised in single-mother

families have adequate incomes. Furthermore, whatever steps are taken to reduce the prevalence of nonmarital

childbearing and divorce would need to be done in a way that does not impoverish children. Otherwise, the

negative consequences associated with the latter are likely to outweigh whatever benefits accrue from the former.

Universal paternity establishment and child support enforcement are two ways to reduce the economic insecurity

of single mothers and children. The policies are relatively inexpensive and they shift some of the costs of single

motherhood from mothers and taxpayers to fathers. Moreover, there is some evidence that child support

enforcement discourages nonmarital childbearing. 

Finally, policy makers should be cautious about passing legislation that focuses entirely on strongly encouraging

single mothers to remarry or live with their own parents. The research indicates that remarriage is no panacea

and the findings on the benefits of living with a grandmother are mixed. In the case of some teen mothers,

particularly minors, living in the home of their parents may be beneficial because it would provide support and

help insure that the teen finishes school. In the case of other teens, living in the home of their parents may be

unhealthy. In such cases, an alternative living arrangement that still provides adult supervision and support might

be more beneficial. Nonetheless, as research in this report indicates, the resources of many family networks are

very limited, and such policies are not, by themselves, a solution.
238

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241

Strategies to Reduce Nonmarital Childbearing

Theodora Ooms

Executive Director

Family Impact Seminar

 

Introduction

Over the past five decades, the traditional link between marriage and childbearing has substantially weakened.

The five-fold increase in the rate of nonmarital childbearing since the 1940's is the result of changes in the

sexual and marital behavior of single men and women of childbearing age. Public concern about the economic

and social costs of this behavior -- especially the prolonged public dependency of those who first give birth as

teenagers -- has fueled many prevention initiatives designed to reduce teenage pregnancy and childbearing and,

to a lesser extent, nonmarital childbearing generally. These prevention efforts have focused almost exclusively

on changing sexual and pregnancy-related behavior of women. Little attention has been paid to affecting the

sexual behavior of men, nor have initiatives attempted to encourage marriage.

There is a growing consensus across the political spectrum that a major goal of public policy should be to

reduce the rates of nonmarital childbearing. The studies reviewed in this report have identified a wide array

of factors that influence the behavior which leads to nonmarital pregnancies and births. Five major lessons for

guiding the development of effective public policy emerge from these reviews. 

1. No single strategy can significantly reduce the current high rates of nonmarital childbearing. The

population of women and men at risk is too diverse in age and circumstance, and the causes are too

complex for any single policy or program strategy to have an impact. 

2. Nonmarital childbearing is occurring at unprecedented high levels in most industrialized nations,

independent of income, geography, and ethnic/racial background. The universality of this trend indicates

 that it arises from deep-rooted and broad social, technological, and cultural trends. Thus, while the U.S.

trends in fertility and marital behavior may be able to be slowed or reversed to some degree by policy

interventions, they will clearly be extremely difficult to counteract. 

3. Different strategies are needed for populations at greatest risk. Low-income, minority teenagers are at

highest risk and cause policymakers the greatest concern as they are the most likely to need prolonged

public support. Within this group, the sub-group who have very unstable housing arrangements and few

family supports are the group at risk of the most negative outcomes -- but are also the group whose

behavior is the most difficult to change. The combination of factors affecting this group -- poverty,

inequality of opportunity and cultural differences -- require the most complex, multi-faceted and, hence,

expensive interventions. 

 

4. Some prevention strategies are based on the assumption that sexual, fertility, and marital behavior is a

consequence of so-called "rational" decision-making--- meaning that unmarried individuals weigh the

risks, costs and benefits of their actions and decisions that may lead to nonmarital childbearing. While

these strategies may be effective with some older women of childbearing age, they are unlikely to be
242

effective with many low-income teenagers who are chronic risk takers, live only for the present, and have

little or no sense of a future for themselves.

5. There are major gaps in the research. Most of the studies and policy concern has focused on adolescent

childbearing. However women age twenty and over account for 70 percent of all nonmarital births and

thus also require attention. Similarly, until recently little attention has been paid to males. And there has

been virtually no focus on marital behavior.

This paper draws upon the lessons of research, as presented in earlier papers of this volume and other

documents, to review and assess current intervention strategies. It discusses the decision-making process once

a nonmarital pregnancy occurs and the three alternatives to bearing a child-out-of wedlock --marriage,

adoption and abortion. It then reviews a wide range of policy and program strategies employed by the public

and private sector and suggests some expansions, modifications, and new policy directions (see Table I.).

The findings that emerge from the multi-disciplinary body of studies reviewed for this report suggest that while

the majority of studies and interventions focus on the behavior of women, the framework for assessing the

decisions leading to nonmarital births is more complex. Nonmarital births must be understood as the product

of the interaction of men and women with each other and with a complex array of individual and social and

political environmental factors [See Appendix I for a diagram and more extensive explanation of this ecological

framework.) Included within this framework are all the factors that the research have found to play some role:

the acquired knowledge, attitudes, values, personal skills, and competencies of the individual men and women;

the attitudes, values and behavior of those in their families, peer groups and neighborhoods, and as presented

in the media; the institutions, programs, and services in their neighborhood and work environments; and

larger, more distant and formal private and public sector institutions that provide a range of services each of

which may offer various behavior incentives and penalties. Finally, there are public programs and policies,

such as broad economic and labor market conditions, that indirectly affect marital and fertility behavior. 

As will be noted later in this paper, intervention strategies may target different actors and agents at different

levels. For example, sex and family life education strategies may aim to directly affect the knowledge and

values of young men and women at risk, or indirectly through affecting their parents and neighbors, the media

and other institutions in the broader culture. When assessing current or proposed strategies, policymakers

should: 

(1) clarify the target and level of intervention

(2) define the specific behavioral objectives

(3) delineate the theoretical rationale underlying the strategy, that is the causal pathways through which

research suggests the changes can be expected to occur

(4) clarify whether the strategies are expected to have effects in the short-term or longer term. [Appendix II

offers suggestions for how to ask the right questions when assessing current or proposed strategies.]

Policy and Program Strategies: Background and Overview

Policy and program prevention strategies have evolved over the past three decades partly in response to the

growing body of studies that have enriched and deepened the understanding of the causes and consequences

of nonmarital childbearing. In the 1970's, teenage and nonmarital pregnancy prevention strategies were
243

confined to striving to provide all youth with sex education, and teenage girls and adult women with access

to contraceptive services and abortion. Subsequent research emphasized that reproductive information and

access to contraceptive services were necessary but not sufficient to combat unwed pregnancy; many women

were just not motivated to abstain from sex and/or practice birth control. 

The scope of sex and family life education programs has since expanded to incorporate a wider range of

strategies -- including promoting abstinence -- that target men, women, and other stakeholders, such as parents

and community and religious leaders. In addition, some initiatives designed for youth focus on trying to

broaden their life options, helping teens develop a sense of hope and control over their futures. In the last few

years, policymakers have also focused on ways to re-design a variety of welfare programs which some believe

may encourage (or at least do not discourage) nonmarital childbearing. Finally, there is an emerging

recognition that male behavior also needs to be more directly addressed and men need to be held more

accountable for their role in nonmarital childbearing. Strategies for encouraging more responsible male

behavior have included national efforts to establish legal paternity and stronger enforcement of child support

obligations. As studies began to emphasize the connections between unemployment and low job skills and out

of-wedlock childbearing, some initiatives have focused on providing job training and employment for high-risk

males.

As policy has evolved, the overall goal of reducing teenage pregnancy and childbearing, and to a lesser extent

nonmarital childbearing generally is currently being pursued through many different strategies simultaneously,

each focused on different specific objectives. Table I presents seven of these objectives, and delineates the

related current and proposed interventions. Currently, numerous programs have been guided by the following

objectives: 

1. Delaying young people's initiation of sexual activity. 

2. Ensuring that unmarried, sexually active women and men practice regular and consistent contraception.

3. Encouraging unwed parents-to-be, once a pregnancy has occurred, to choose alternatives to unwed

parenthood. 

4. Coordinating or consolidating preventive efforts and services for youth at high risk of unwed childbearing

and related self-destructive behaviors. 

5. Improving education and economic opportunities for young men and women at risk to provide them with

incentives to avoid premature, single parenthood.

6. Establishing clear consequences for nonmarital childbearing within public programs -- without harming

children. 

7. Removing apparent program and policy disincentives that may encourage nonmarital childbearing (and

discourage marriage).
TABLE I. GOALS, OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGIES

MAJOR GOAL: To reduce rates of non-marital childbearing

OBJECTIVES

1. To delay sexual activity: 2. To practice regular and consistent 3. To choose alternatives to unwed

•until school graduation use of contraceptives once motherhood when becoming

•until marriage sexually active. pregnant:

 •marriage

•adoption

•abortion

STRATEGIES

(Designed to address all three objectives)

•Community-wide education and awareness campaigns--including use of media. To increase community support for responsible sexual

behavior.

•Sex and family life education programs. (School, community, work place, and church-based). To improve knowledge, values, and

decision-making skills.

•Family planning services. To provide information, counseling and subsidized access to contraceptives.

•Education, jobs and youth recreation programs. (Life options.) To increase motivation to avoid non-marital childbearing.

•Pregnancy, adoption and abortion counseling. To provide information about alternatives to unwed parenthood. 

Family Impact Seminar. September 1995.
TABLE I. GOALS, OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGIES (continued)

MAJOR GOAL: To reduce the rates of non-marital childbearing

OBJECTIVES

4. To coordinate 5. To improve education 6. To establish clear 7. To remove policy and

preventive efforts for and economic penalties and program incentives

at-risk youth. opportunities for low- consequences for non- and disincentives that

income young women marital child bearing may encourage nonand men. (without harming marital childbearing

children).

STRATEGIES

•Consolidate school-based, •Life-options for youth •Strengthen universal €Impose family caps on

risk-behavior prevention programs. paternity establishment and births while on welfare.

programs. child support enforcement.

•Comprehensive, multi- demonstrations for welfare •Require AFDC mothers to AFDC-UP and inform public.

service centers for youth. recipients (to prevent attend school/JOBS (and

•Employment/training €Liberalize eligibility for

subsequent births). provide child care). €Revise EITC tax marriage

•School reforms. •Require non-paying, non-

•Macroeconomic and labor participate in JOBS-type

market policies. programs.

custodial parents to €Assess housing policies.

penalty.

Family Impact Seminar. September, 1995.
246

These different objectives reflect the fact that the birth of a child outside of marriage is the end result of a

series of behaviors -- individuals’ and couples’ actions, decisions, and inactions -- taken at different stages by

unmarried men and women. Some strategies are designed primarily to help them avoid nonmarital pregnancy

-- such as providing sex and family life education, and access to contraceptives. Others are designed to help

women (or couples) resolve pregnancy once it occurs in a manner which will not result in nonmarital

parenthood. Before reviewing the particular strategic interventions, a discussion about how a pregnant

unmarried woman (and her male partner) consider alternative options is warranted, since this has not been

much discussed elsewhere in this volume.

Pregnancy Decision-making 

When an unmarried woman, whether teen or adult, first becomes aware that she is unintentionally pregnant,

she faces some difficult decisions: whether to carry to term or abort, whether to place her baby for adoption

or raise it herself, or whether to marry the baby's father. Depending on what choice she makes, she will

usually need to locate additional health care and social services. If she chooses to tell her parents, sexual

partner, or friends, as the majority of women do, she will have to deal with their values and attitudes.

Their reactions and the advice they give will have a strong influence on the decision she eventually makes.

Typically, at some point, she will encounter professionals who will also offer information and counsel --

usually after she has more or less made her decision. However, some women are reluctant to turn to their

partner or family for help and rely more heavily on professionals for advice.

Who Provides the Information, Advice and Counseling? Very little is known about who provides pregnancy

counseling, where they provide it, how they are trained, what their values are, what kind of advice and help

they give to pregnant women, and what the effects are of the counseling (Moore et al. 1995 (b).) The auspices

under which counseling is provided -- a family planning clinic, an abortion clinic, or a pro-choice or pro-life

crisis counseling center -- clearly shapes the kind of advice given. Some clinics hire highly skilled social

workers to talk at length with pregnant women, especially with young teenagers. In some centers, the

counseling is pro forma, brief, and provided by individuals with little or no professional training. Some

counselors encourage the involvement of the partner or parent in their session; others seldom do so (Smollar,

Youniss and Ooms 1986). 

The Adoption Resolution. Very few unmarried pregnant women choose to place their babies for adoption,

and the percentage who do has dropped sharply in recent years. In 1982-1988 only 2% of all nonmarital births

were officially placed for adoption (3.2% white, 1.1% black) By contrast in the period 1952-1972 8.7% of

all nonmarital births were placed for adoption (nearly 20% white, but only 1.5% black) (Bachrach et al. 1992).

Although the black community seldom uses formal adoption, informal adoptions are described as being

widespread but data are not available to document their numbers of characteristics.

Because adoption data are scarce and unreliable, it is not possible to confirm the prevalent impression that the

demand for healthy, usually white babies to adopt has grown, as the supply has shrunk. Faced with long

waiting lists, adoptive parents are increasingly resorting to international and transracial adoptions (National

Committee for Adoption 1989; Stolley 1993). The perceived increase in demand may partly be in response

to increased infertility experienced by women who are trying to get pregnant at older ages, but also in part due

to the increased numbers of women of childbearing age. Unmarried mothers are now less
247

likely to choose adoption for a number of reasons. Twenty years ago, great stigma and shame was attached to

unwed motherhood, and the social pressures from family, friends, and professionals were usually strongly in

favor of adoption. These pressures tended to override any personal feelings of reluctance the young mother

might have. Testimony from birth mothers pregnant during this period makes it clear that their decision to

place their babies for adoption was often made under considerable duress, and they also knew they would get

little support or help if they kept their baby.

Attitudes toward nonmarital childbearing have changed dramatically. Pregnant teenagers report that their

peers express dismay that they might even consider "giving away their babies" to strangers. Male partners

often urge their girlfriends to keep and raise their babies, promising assistance (which typically fails to

materialize). Parents, who may initially respond to a teen daughter's pregnancy with anger and

disappointment, often rally and provide a great deal of practical and emotional support upon the birth of their

grandchild (Furstenberg, et al. 1987; Worthington, et. al. 1991).

Studies have found that health care professionals and social workers providing counseling and other services

to pregnant women seldom present adoption as a real option (Mech 1986; Resnick 1992; Smollar Youniss and

Ooms 1986). The counselors' attitude mirrors the public acceptance of unwed motherhood, the secrecy and

shame often surrounding adoption, and the belief that the teenager would never consider adoption anyway.

In addition, in the 1970's the Supreme Court affirmed the right of unwed fathers to be consulted before their

children are placed for adoption (Howe 1993). This new obligation on the social worker to identify and track

down the father adds an additional practical barrier to the psychological barriers unwed pregnant women

experience when deciding to place their baby for adoption. 

Some people in the adoption field believe that if adoption were presented to pregnant unmarried women in a

more favorable light, more unmarried women would choose adoption. New counseling strategies include

providing the pregnant woman with the opportunity to meet with families who have adopted children, with

adult adoptees, and with older birth mothers. These encounters can help to shift the pregnant woman's

thinking from adoption as a rejection of her baby to adoption as the best way to promote her baby's future well

being. 

One study of over 600 pregnant teenagers receiving services from federally funded Adolescent Family Life

Care Demonstration Projects found that the more education the young woman had the more likely she was to

choose adoption. In addition the program practices most closely associated with higher rates of placement for

adoption were: (i) providing adoption counseling for all the clients; (ii) involving the client's family in the

pregnancy resolution counseling; and (iii) the client meeting with young women who had previously chosen

to place their babies for adoption (McLaughlin and Johnson 1992).

Some adoption professionals believe that the practice of "open adoption," while controversial, may help some

pregnant mothers place their babies. Open adoption practices vary -- from having the birth mother select, meet

with and have continued, though limited contact with the adoptive parents -- to semi- open adoption when the

birth mother helps to choose her baby's adoptive parents from the file, and may be able to exchange some

written information with them but their identity remains confidential. Open adoption appears to incur both

benefits and costs to the parties involved and clearly needs to be individualized to meet the needs, wishes, and

emotional maturity of the parties involved (Baran and Pannor 1993; Berry 1993). 
248

Even if these new adoption practices were found to result in more unwed parents placing their babies for

adoption, training the highly unorganized profession of pregnancy counselors in the new approaches would

present a tremendous challenge.

Some argue that if public welfare benefits were not made available at all to unmarried mothers, more of them

would choose to place their babies for adoption. However, the availability of public support does not appear

to be the critical factor in the decline in adoption placements since public welfare was also available in the

1950's and early 1960's when adoption rates were much higher.

The Marriage Resolution. The decision to marry following a nonmarital pregnancy has been discussed very

little in recent years at either the program or policy level. This neglect, which almost amounts to a marriage

taboo is perhaps surprising given that the current high rates of nonmarital childbearing are more directly the

result of changes in marital behavior than fertility behavior. For example, teen birth rates were higher in the

1950's and 1960's than in the 1980's, but in the earlier decades teen mothers were married.

Marriage is much less often considered by women and men to be an appropriate response to an unwed

pregnancy than in earlier decades. The reasons for this change are fairly clear with respect to pregnant

teenagers. Society does not offer teenagers much encouragement to marry. Unmarried motherhood is no

longer stigmatized; in some communities, it has become almost the norm. Nowadays when a teenager

becomes pregnant, the young couple are seldom under pressure from parents, family or friends to get married

as they would have been 50 years ago. Furthermore, programs providing services to pregnant teenagers rarely

propose marriage as the solution --in fact may actively discourage it -- perhaps because teenage marriages

today are viewed as inherently unstable and economically inviable. In general the young mother is thought to

be more likely to complete her education, and her baby better cared for, if she remains living in her parental

home. 

Nearly a decade ago two scholars called for a reexamination of these assumptions. They suggested that more

research was needed on the subject of teen marriages and pointed out that studies have shown that some teen

marriages are more resilient than previously believed (Vinovskis and Chase-Landsdale 1987).

It is much less clear why pregnant adult women, say in their mid-twenties, do not marry -- especially the

increasing numbers who are living with the father of their child. Thornton (this volume) points out that the

desire to marry, as measured in public opinion surveys, remains as strong as ever. However, the "normative

imperative" (i.e., strong social pressures to marry and remain married) have weakened substantially. It

remains puzzling that the high rates of non-marriage and cohabitation among men and women in their 20's

have received so little attention.

While Lichter (this volume) suggests there no single explanation for this change, he presents four plausible

explanations for the cause of declining marriage: (i) increased labor force participation of women and their

improved economic status; (ii) single mothers' access to welfare and other public benefits; (iii) the decline in

the employment, earnings, and economic status of men; (iv) cultural trends towards individualism and personal

fulfillment. Also clearly the advent of the sexual revolution has played an important role: men and women

no longer “need” to marry to be able to fulfill their sexual appetites. 

The decline in marriage has been much more dramatic among African-Americans than whites. In the 1940's,

black women ages 20 to 24 were considerably more likely to be married than white women (60 percent as

compared to 50 percent). By the 1990's the situations had reversed. Only 22 percent of black women ages 

20 to 24 were married compared to 40 percent of white women. 
249

A number of scholars, most prominently William Julius Wilson of the University of Chicago, have recently

studied explanations for the current low rates of marriage among all African- Americans, especially among

the inner city poor. While there is some disagreement about the relative weight of different factors, it seems

clear that among low-income African- Americans the scarcity of black males and their poor economic status

play an important role. A recent review of the studies emphasizes the causal influence of the serious imbalance

in the sex ratio due to the high rates of black male mortality and incarceration (due primarily to violence and

drugs) (see Tucker and Mitchell-Kernan 1995). 

On the other hand Duncan (this volume), finds that the inability of males to earn enough to support a family

is the more important cause of non-marriage in the low-income population in general. De-industrialization

and the restructuring of the global economy have led to the decline in the availability of jobs in the inner cities

and decrease in hourly wage rates for unskilled labor. Thus, black men, who disproportionately live in these

poverty stricken communities, increasingly have little to contribute economically to a family. Unfortunately

few studies exist that examine marital decision-making among these populations in any depth, although they

are very much needed.

Some of the causal factors contributing to the decline in marriage are not readily amenable to public policy

intervention. However, others may be. Policy strategies being suggested include improving the economic

situation of low income, low skilled workers -- both males and females-- through interventions in the labor

market and the economy and addressing the marriage incentives or penalties embedded in the welfare and tax

systems.

The Abortion Resolution. No topic on the policy agenda arouses more bitter and divisive debate than the topic

of abortion. For some the very inclusion of abortion on a list of prevention strategies is morally abhorrent. For

others, abortion is a necessary and effective last-resort strategy, and its absence from the discussion would be

unrealistic. 

Earlier papers in this report which review the available data on abortion suggest that the increasing legal

restrictions on abortion, reductions in public funding, and lack of access to abortion services have undoubtedly

played some part in the recent increase in nonmarital birth rates in some communities. By contrast, however,

some point out that the easy availability of abortion may have contributed to the increasing levels of sexual

activity, to the failure to use contraceptives consistently, to men abdicating responsibility for contraception and

marriage, and to women finding it harder to refuse men’s sexual demands -- although these effects would be

difficult to prove.

A similar controversy rages over the merits and effects of state laws establishing parent notification or consent

for minors' abortions. These laws have broad support in public opinion polls, even among those who identify

themselves as pro-choice. However, many health care professionals and advocates fear that such laws have

made teens wary of any contact with health care professionals and may prevent some from getting needed

prenatal care and also lead to more unwanted births. The evidence about the effects of notification laws on

the rates of out-of wedlock births is unclear, in part perhaps due to the use of existing legal loopholes which

permit teens to bypass notifying their parents in many circumstances. One study, comparing Minnesota with

Wisconsin, found that the existence of a parental notification requirement had no significant effect on whether

or not the parents were notified (Blum, Resnick and Stark 1987). 

Proposals for partner or spouse notification for abortion are beginning to surface in policy discussions in

reaction to the increasing national emphasis on enforcing male responsibility to provide financial support for

a child they have fathered. Men, perhaps in response to becoming more aware of their legal financial
250

responsibilities, are increasingly insisting that they have rights to be informed and consulted about pregnancy.

Some men also express the wish to be more involved themselves in the pregnancy decision-making and

abortion counseling process and procedures (Shostak 1993).

Strategies Designed to Reduce Nonmarital Childbearing

This section will briefly review current prevention strategies and summarize major findings about

effectiveness. In addition, a number of additional strategies or modifications are suggested that research and

practice experience indicate may have promise. The strategies discussed below are those noted on Table I.

Some are initiated primarily at the program or community level while others are initiated and funded by policy

officials at county, state and federal level but implemented at the community level.

Sex and Family Life Education

Perhaps the most widespread prevention strategies being used today are programs designed to provide

information and education to teenagers that will help them avoid nonmarital childbearing. To date, there has

been very little concerted effort to provide sexuality education designed to promote responsible childbearing

behavior for adults.

Formal sex education programs designed for young teenagers are provided by schools, churches, communitybased organizations, and residential programs (i.e., programs for incarcerated youth). In addition to these

formal avenues, some young people obtain their sex education from parents , from friends, and from the media

(films, television, music, and magazines). Adult women obtain their information and education about sex

primarily from friends and the media, and from visits to family planning clinics.

Sex and family life education provided under state or local public sponsorship continues to evoke considerable

controversy. (The federal government has not played a significant role in funding sex education, except for

a few demonstration programs to test the effectiveness of new curricula.) Although the debates are often

focused on the content of sex education, the central disagreement concerns whose responsibility it should be

to teach sex education to children and adolescents. 

Most schools across the country now offer their students some formal sex education, typically in the ninth

grade -- which may often be too late since by this time many young teens, especially disadvantaged males,

are already sexually active. The courses generally require parent consent and/or offer parents the opportunity

review or help design the curricula. But typically this education consists of only a few hours of instruction as

part of basic health education. Sometimes the programs are specifically designed and funded as a teen

pregnancy prevention initiative. A few school systems offer comprehensive sex education throughout the

school years, tailored to the developmental needs of different age groups. 

Sex education curricula typically provide factual information about sexuality, reproduction, and sexually

transmitted infections. Many provide some limited information about contraception. In recent years, the

curricula have also included segments on decision-making and clarification of values, and they increasingly

promote abstinence, especially for younger teenagers. Some programs also focus on improving

communication between students and their parents about sexual behavior and values. 
251

Public ambivalence about the acceptability of teenage sexual activity is reflected in the continued controversy

about whether sex education curricula should include information about contraception. Yet the combined

message of “don’t have sex but, if you do, use contraception” has been found to be more effective than either

programs that solely focus on abstinence or contraceptive use. 

Reviews of the effectiveness of sex education agree that while traditional sex education does increase sexual

knowledge, such knowledge is not sufficient to reduce adolescent pregnancy or births (see especially Moore

et al. 1995 (b). Chapter II). The most consistent and clear finding is that sex education does not cause

adolescents to initiate sex when they would not otherwise have done so. Some promising results have been

reported from a few carefully designed and evaluated demonstration curricula that emphasize the development

of behavioral skills -- practicing communication and decision-making -- in addition to knowledge, values

clarification and abstinence. These comprehensive programs have resulted in lower pregnancy rates and

delays in the initiation of sexual activity. However, these model programs have not been institutionalized on

a large scale.

Information is not available about whether any of these curricula focus specifically on male responsibility for

prevention of pregnancy or on the consequences to males of unwed childbearing. This would appear to be an

important focus, especially given the new federal requirements that states must strive for universal

establishment of paternity (through voluntary hospital-based programs) and in the light of the continued

bipartisan support for more vigorous child support enforcement. 

Nor is information readily available to the policy community about what information these curricula include

about the responsibilities and benefits of marriage, the consequences of single parenthood for children and

adults, or about marital decision-making. 

Another limitation of existing school-based approaches is that since these programs target school-age students,

they do not reach most of the young men who are the fathers of babies born to teenage mothers. These men

are on average three to four years older than the mothers, and some are much older. Nor do they reach the

population of at-risk teenagers who have dropped out of school.

Community Awareness Pregnancy Prevention Campaigns

In the past decade, several states and communities have launched broad public education and awareness

campaigns designed to prevent teenage pregnancy and childbearing. (Again these campaigns have not focused

on changing the behavior of those age 20 and over.) These campaigns are typically partnerships between

public and private sector organizations, including religious organizations, which use a variety of methods to

reach youth, their parents, teachers, and youth leaders in the community, including posters, media spots,

booklets, educational meetings, and so forth. Scientifically designed evaluations of these campaigns have not

been conducted for the most part (Ooms and Golonka 1990). 

In the early 1980s, there also were several national public awareness campaigns conducted that were

specifically designed to encourage male sexual responsibility and make young men more aware of the

consequences of teen childbearing for both partners. Again, the impact of these male responsibility campaigns

was not formally evaluated. Focusing on young males continues to be a component of a few current public

awareness campaigns.
252

Multi-pronged, Coordinated Prevention Strategies

There is a growing awareness that teenage nonmarital childbearing is linked to other related behaviors, dubbed

by health professionals as the "new morbidities." The dramatic rise in the rates of accidental and violent

deaths, injuries, substance abuse, sexually transmitted disease, and pregnancy among teenagers is causing

national alarm and was addressed in depth in a major national study of adolescent health (U.S. Congress,

Office of Technology Assessment 1991). For a long time, service providers had realized that teenagers

typically engaged in more than one of these high-risk behaviors simultaneously (See Dryfoos 1990). Indeed,

one behavior often led to the other (for example, drinking and drugs are often responsible for auto-related

deaths and injuries and connected to teen pregnancies, and teenagers who drop out of school are at much

higher risk of abusing drugs and becoming unwed parents.) It is only in the last few years that the linkages

between these behaviors are beginning to be numerically demonstrated in the Youth Risk Behavioral Surveys

conducted by the Center for Disease Control and Prevention. The implications of this research are clear:

efforts to prevent one category of adolescent high-risk behavior is unlikely to be successful unless other

behaviors are also addressed simultaneously. 

In response to the realization of these linked behaviors, two broad types of strategies for a multi-pronged,

coordinated and more holistic approach to the prevention of teenage pregnancy and childbearing have begun

to appear in many areas across the country. 

1. Consolidation of school-based prevention efforts. In many school districts around the country, schools

implement several different education-based prevention initiatives simultaneously, each with separate

sources of federal and state funding and separate administration and staff. These programs include

pregnancy prevention, substance abuse prevention, AIDS/HIV prevention, suicide prevention, and so forth.

Evaluation of these efforts have found, as with pregnancy prevention, that increasing students’ knowledge

is not sufficient to change behavior. Therefore, they have had little preventive effect, except for those

curricula that teach decision-making skills. 

Many believe that if these efforts were combined their chances of success would be much improved. Some

attempts to consolidate these programs at state or county levels into a single more comprehensive health

education/prevention program have met with some success, but this coordination is difficult to achieve in

part because of the nature of the federal categorical funding of the individual prevention programs

(National Association of State Boards of Education 1992).

2. Multi-service youth centers. State and county officials, together with community leaders, are becoming

very interested in more comprehensive strategies to help troubled youth (for example, California's statewide Healthy Start programs.) Centers and clinics have been established in or near schools to provide a

variety of services to youth, especially in high poverty areas. In 1994 over 600 school-based clinics were

in operation around the country. These centers vary from community to community. Some have a major

health focus and provide basic preventive health care (health exams, nutritional advice, sexuality education,

contraceptive counseling etc.) but very few contraceptives onsite (but will refer to outside agencies). Many

school-linked centers are increasingly focused on providing social services, counseling for family problems

and substance abuse, employment counseling, or recreation. But they all share a much more holistic view

of adolescents (Ooms and Owen 1991).

Typically, the centers are located in low-income communities where adolescents are at risk of pregnancy,

school drop-out, and associated problems. The rationale for these centers was that co-location of these

services both would help them be more accessible and also help the youth take better control over the
253

direction of their lives. Some believe these centers hold promise for indirectly reducing rates of pregnancy

as well as other problem behaviors. A recent review of the evaluations of six of these programs found a

modest impact on contraceptive use but no impact on pregnancy rates (Kirby, Waszak, and Ziegler). One

comprehensive school-based pregnancy prevention program in Baltimore has had some long term effect

on lowering pregnancy rates (Moore et. al 1995(b) pp. 36-37). In a few communities, the vision has

become broadened to include integrating the -service approach with improved education programs --

providing what some call a "full service school." (Dryfoos 1994) 

Family Planning Services

The primary policy strategy for preventing unwanted births by unmarried and married women has been

publicly funded family planning services that provide sex-related information, contraceptives, and abortion

related counseling to low-income women. A recent study conducted under the auspices of the National

Academy of Sciences, points out that unintended pregnancy is both frequent and widespread in the U.S. and

affects all segments of society -- not just teenagers or low-income women (Brown and Eisenberg, (eds.) 1995).

Although the concept of "unintended" is difficult to measure precisely, surveys report that almost 60% of all

pregnancies are either mistimed or unwanted altogether, including 40% of pregnancies to married women. 

Federal funds for contraceptive services are provided primarily through Title X of the Public Health Service

Act, Title V of the Maternal and Child Health program, and through Medicaid reimbursement. In addition,

most states, besides providing their share of the Medicaid matching funds, provide additional state dollars. 

Publicly funded contraceptive services are provided primarily in private and public hospital and communitybased clinics, community health centers, and secondarily in private sector organizations such as Planned

Parenthood. Non-poor women can also access these services by paying fees and prices that are typically

somewhat lower than in private doctors offices. Adult women also obtain contraceptive services from private

physicians. Insurance reimbursement however often does not cover non-prescription contraceptives and other

reproductive health services. And effective contraceptives are an expensive item in the monthly budget of lowincome women.

Federally funded family planning services have successfully prevented large numbers of nonmarital

pregnancies and are a highly cost-effective component of any prevention strategy. For every public dollar spent

to provide contraceptives services it is estimated that an average of $4.40 is saved in funds that would

otherwise have been spent for medical care, welfare and other services for women who by law would be

eligible for them (Forrest and Singh 1990).

During the 1970s and early 1980s, the proportion of births that were unintended at conception decreased, but

this downward trend had reversed by the late 80s. While federal funding for family planning was expanded

throughout the 1970's, funding levels have declined in real terms since then (Ku,1993). 

Although the erosion of funding does not appear to have led to a significant reduction in the number of women

receiving services, it has changed the nature of the services provided (for example less outreach to special

populations) (Sugland, Moore and Blumenthal 1994). The changing health care market, including the advent

of managed care, and the uncertain future of federal funding threatens to jeopardize this safety net strategy.

While maintaining and improving access to family planning services clearly is an important strategy, it has not

been sufficient to achieve widespread, effective use of contraception. Large numbers of teenage and adult
254

women continue to engage in unprotected sex or do not use contraceptives regularly and consistently for a wide

range of reasons that need to be addressed by other strategies. 

As noted, especially since the advent of the pill and legalization of abortion, avoidance of nonmarital

childbearing has generally been viewed as the woman's responsibility. Men have essentially not been served

by the family planning system. However, in some areas of the country there is a growing awareness that it

is important to conduct research on male chemical contraceptives and to emphasize the men's role in effective

contraception practice. 

A number of approaches designed to involve males in family planning are being tried out in several

demonstration projects (Ooms, Cohen and Hutchins 1995). These include stronger emphasis on encouraging

men and women to use condoms as being the only barrier method that protects against pregnancy and HIT and

other venereal disease; new community outreach programs to educate men; services targeted specifically to

high-risk men; and efforts to help men and women communicate about using contraceptives. 

Media Strategies

Most people would agree that the messages provided by the media have an important, and largely negative,

influence on social and cultural values and attitudes about sex and nonmarital childbearing (Brown and

Eisenberg, (Eds.) 1995). Yet, few studies have specifically examined the effects of the media on fertility and

marital behavior (in contrast to numerous studies that have examined the effects of the media on violence.)

Television networks have also been much criticized for not advertising contraceptives, even while

contraceptive manufacturers have not seemed overly eager to pay for the ads. 

There has been little serious discussion about the ways in which the media could be involved in indirectly

helping to reduce nonmarital childbearing by promoting programming which de-glamorizes nonmarital sex

and single parenthood and by offering more balanced and accurate information and education on sex,

contraception and marriage.

In some states and communities, public service radio and television advertising has been used successfully to

promote community-wide teenage pregnancy prevention campaigns. It is not clear, however, that there would

be a similar community-wide consensus around designing similar public service advertising to discourage

nonmarital childbearing among the population at large. But perhaps a focus on preventing unintended

pregnancy would be more palatable. 

Current Federal and State Policy Initiatives

Policy officials have begun to consider a wider range of policy interventions that aim primarily to affect the

motivation of unmarried women and men to avoid nonmarital childbearing. These strategies are presumably

premised on the assumption that economic penalties and incentives can significantly affect sex, fertility and

marital behavior.

Enforcing Paternity Establishment and Child Support. In recent years, federal and state laws have been

enacted to increase the collection of child support from absent parents. Initially, these efforts to strengthen

child support enforcement focused on collecting support primarily from separated and divorced parents. Since

the early 1990's, however, the efforts have broadened to include unwed fathers, and this has led to intense
255

efforts to improve the rates of legal paternity establishment not only for children whose mothers received

AFDC but for all children born outside of marriage. (Currently, only about one-third of such children have

paternity legally established.) States are beginning to vigorously implement the OBRA 1993 requirements to

set up systems for voluntary paternity establishment in hospitals. Initial results are promising, however it has

been suggested that information and education about paternity establishment needs to be provided to the couple

at an earlier stage, in their prenatal care visits to clinics and doctors’ offices (Office of Child Support

Enforcement 1994; Ooms, Cohen, and Hutchins 1995). 

Since so many unmarried fathers are young, poor, and low-skilled, it is not expected that success will lead to

greatly increased levels of child support payments in the short run, although payments may increase in the

longer run as the fathers’ economic situations improve. 

An important, if secondary, rationale for the new emphasis on paternity establishment is the belief that if all

young unmarried men were convinced they must support any child they fathered for the next eighteen years,

this would motivate them to either desist from nonmarital sex, or be more responsible about using

contraceptives. There are signs that requiring paternity establishment is gaining broad support from the

community, support that is needed if this strategy is to be successful. It is much too early to predict whether,

if paternity establishment increases, the numbers of unwed births will decline. 

The extent to which this strategy is successful may lie partly in the extent to which policies are coordinated

and thus reinforce each other. To gain maximum preventive effect, efforts to increase paternity establishment

and payment of child support need to be closely coordinated with educational primary prevention efforts --

pregnancy prevention community awareness campaigns, and sex and family life programs in the school and

communities -- so that young men (and women) get consistent strong messages about male responsibility from

many quarters. This would require several service systems to work closely together including the public health

service, division of vital statistics, school district officials, hospital administrators, child support officials, and

community leaders -- and this is usually hard to achieve.

Welfare Reform. In the current welfare reform debates, several so-called "tough love" proposals for changing

the welfare rules have been put forward on the grounds that they will reduce the rates of nonmarital

childbearing. These include denial of benefits to certain categories of welfare recipients, such as those under

18 or those who give birth to a child while on welfare (Family Cap proposals). Preliminary reports indicated

a substantial fall in birth rates resulting from the New Jersey "family cap" provisions. However, later findings

indicated the "family cap" has had no effect on nonmarital births. It is clearly still too early to draw any firm

conclusions on the effect of the "family cap".

Another "tough love" reform has been in effect for quite a while. Since the enactment of the Family Support

Act in 1988 states have been permitted to choose to deny benefits to a minor mother and child unless she lives

with a parent, legal guardian or other relative, or in a residential institution. (Exceptions are to be made for

certain specified conditions, such as if the minor parent's or baby's health or safety would be jeopardized.) 

This change has received widespread support, and a number of states are incorporating a version of it into their

current waiver-based reforms. Three reasons have been cited for this reform. First, that it will discourage

teenagers from having babies solely in order to be able to leave home and set up their own independent

households, though there is no research evidence that they do become pregnant for that reason. Second this

requirement requires at least one set of parents to be responsible for their teenagers' behavior. And third, that

the baby will be better cared for if there are experienced adults in the household helping to provide care, an

argument which receives some research support (see Furstenberg, Brooks-Gunn and Morgan 1987). 
256

With respect to the overarching question of whether welfare benefits encourage nonmarital childbearing,

Moffitt (this volume) reports on his comprehensive review of 20 years of research on the effects of public

transfers on rates of childbearing. He points out that some of the methodological differences between the

various studies can account for their having somewhat different results. Overall, he finds that while there do

seem to be some positive effects, largely for white women (that is, the existence of welfare benefits does

encourage nonmarital births), the effects are quite small, and can only account for a fraction of the strong

upward trend in nonmarital fertility of the past three decades. 

Another recent review of ten major studies of the relationship of welfare to nonmarital childbearing comes to

the same conclusion: " Considering all the studies, a 10 percent change in benefit levels would result in a 5

percent change in the nonmarital birth rate for white women. Only one study finds a significant effect of

benefit generosity on black nonmarital births, and that only in some specifications," (Acs 1995). Moffitt notes

that these studies, however, shed no light on the broader question of what the effects would be if the welfare

program was totally discontinued as some analysts, such as Charles Murray, are proposing. 

The finding that economic incentives have only marginal effects on fertility is not surprising in view of the

large body of psychosocial research literature that emphasizes the complex causes of unmarried pregnancy and

childbearing, and the non-rational basis of most fertility behavior. It is relevant to note that many European

countries provide much more generous benefits to single parent households than the U.S., yet their rates of

adolescent pregnancy and childbearing are much lower. (It should be noted that the U.S. has lower rates of

nonmarital childbearing among the over 20 year olds than Sweden and Denmark, but much higher rates than

Germany, Holland and Italy.) 

What about the effects of welfare benefits on marital behavior? Because AFDC benefits have traditionally only

been available to single-parent households, the program has long been criticized for encouraging the break up

of intact families and discouraging unwed parents from getting married. In 1988, as part of the Family

Support Act, steps were taken to reduce this marital penalty by requiring all states to offer welfare benefits

to two-parent families in which one parent was unemployed (AFDC-UP). Before the FSA, about half of the

states had already enacted AFDC-UP programs.

This reform has resulted in only a small increase nationally in two-parent families receiving benefits. This

is in part because the rules governing eligibility are quite restrictive, must have significant work experience

within the previous year, which automatically made most young unwed fathers who have accumulated little

or no work history ineligible for AFDC-UP. Moreover, states have had little incentive to publicize the

availability of these new benefits and it is not clear how much the welfare staff or the public knew about the

change in the program. It seems that the majority of the public still believes that two-parent families cannot

receive welfare. No evidence is yet available about whether the expansion of AFDC-UP to two-parent families

in these additional states has had any effect on separation, divorce, or cohabitation and marriage rates.

However, one recent study examined this question with data from the National Survey of Families and

Households prior to 1988, before the expansion of AFDC-UP to all states and before the new work

requirement policies were in effect. 

Additional Promising Strategies

Theory and the findings of research and demonstration programs reviewed in this volume suggests that a

number of additional strategies beyond those outlined above show promise and need greater attention:
257

For example:

Labor market strategies to improve the employment opportunities and wage rates for low-income males,

especially minority males in inner cities, would be expected in the long run to decrease nonmarital births

by increasing marriage rates. Demonstration programs providing enhanced JOBS-type programs for noncustodial parents, designed primarily to increase their ability and motivation to earn sufficient income to

fulfil their child support obligations, have had some promising results, and may also, in the long run, help

to reduce nonmarital childbearing. For these and other reasons there is growing interest in some states in

providing the non-custodial fathers of AFDC children with the same job search, training and employment

opportunities provided to the welfare mothers (Bloom and Sherwood 1994; Lerman 1993). But, budget

constraints are likely to make this strategy difficult to pursue widely.

 

Marriage penalties of several types are embedded in the federal tax code. Little is known about their

effects, but some research indicates they do reduce marriage rates. Thus, as a component of a strategy 

to reduce nonmarital childbearing it would be especially relevant to assess the effects of the substantial

marriage penalty that Gene Steuerle has pointed out exists for working couples when, if they marry, their

combined income reaches the upper range of eligibility for the Earned Income Tax Credit (see Ooms and

Weinreb,1992). On the other hand if their combined income is in the lower range they will get a bonus 

for getting married. 

Public health (substance abuse treatment) and violence prevention strategies that reduced the high mortality

and incarceration rates of African-American males could also be expected to reduce nonmarital birth rates

in the longer term.

Education reform efforts that improve school achievement of low-income male and female students would

also be expected to reduce nonmarital childbearing in the long term, especially in the next generation.

Family-centered services aimed at reducing rates of child abuse and family violence, and education,

prevention, support and counseling programs striving to improve the stability and quality of marriages

should also be included in any comprehensive, long term approach to reduce the rates of nonmarital

childbearing.

Conclusions

This review has illustrated the wide range of strategies that can potentially be brought to bear on the problem

of nonmarital childbearing. What are some of the conclusions to be drawn from this review?

Prevention strategies have focused on reducing adolescent childbearing, of which between 60 percent (for

whites) to 90 percent (for blacks) occurs outside of marriage. Much less attention has been paid to

nonmarital childbearing among adults over age 20, even though these births constitute about 70 percent of

all nonmarital births. Research suggests that including a focus on preventing adult nonmarital childbearing

is warranted for several reasons. However we know little about the causes, contexts, and consequences

of nonmarital childbearing among adult women (whether never married, separated or divorced) and even

less about unwed fatherhood among adult men. Nor has there been any study of the extent to which

teenagers are influenced by the example (so-called modeling effect) of these high rates of adult unwed

childbearing and parenthood.
258

Adolescent pregnancy prevention strategies have focused primarily on information and education about

sexuality, abstinence, and contraceptive services, with only limited success. Yet the research emphasizes

that young men and women's attitudes, values and motivation are as important as knowledge. Attitudes

and motivation are influenced by several familial, social, program and economic factors and the moral

messages that are prevalent in the wider social culture. This broader understanding suggests that a much

wider range of strategies, involving education, welfare, labor and social service sectors need to be included

in a more comprehensive approach to reduce adolescent and nonmarital childbearing generally. 

Education and service strategies aimed at preventing adolescent childbearing must not treat their sex and

fertility behavior in isolation from other adolescent risk-taking behaviors with which it is closely associated,

such as substance abuse, and school drop-out.

Men need to be the target of prevention strategies, not only women. Since the advent of the birth control

pill and legalization of abortion, which helped to launch the sexual revolution, women have been expected

to assume the sole responsibility for prevention of pregnancy. Only very recently have prevention initiatives

promoted the idea of male responsibility and sought ways to motivate males also to avoid unwed

childbearing. 

Strategies to prevent nonmarital births have not focused on marital behavior. Until recently, marriage has

not been considered a subject appropriate for serious policy research or public discussion. Although trends

in marital behavior such as the sharp decrease in “shot-gun” marriages and the rise in the age of marriage

have been well documented, the causes behind these trends have been little studied. And the research on

marriage is not well integrated into the pregnancy prevention literature or current discussions of welfare

reform.

More attention (research, training) should be paid to the role of professional and voluntary pregnancy

counselors in shaping the outcomes of nonmarital pregnancies.

Although differences in childbearing and marital behavior between whites, blacks, and Latinos has been

noted, very few studies have examined these behaviors among other racial groups and sub-groups, nor

identified the implications of cultural, ethnic, geographic and religious differences for policy design and

implementation. The absence of a significant body of studies on nonmarital childbearing in the various

Hispanic populations is especially striking given their rapidly growing representation in the general

population and their high rates of family poverty.

Recent studies have highlighted the disturbing fact that significant numbers of pregnancies to young

teenagers are a result of relationships -- often coerced -- with considerably older men. Many of these men

appear themselves to have been victims of child abuse themselves. The program and policy implications

of these findings have yet to be explored, but clearly strategies that assume that sexual intercourse is

voluntary will not be effective for this sub-group of the population at risk. Some have called for stricter

enforcement of the statutory rape laws but it is not clear whether this is possible and what would be

involved. 

In summary, efforts to reduce the rates of nonmarital childbearing have focused to date for the most part only

on a portion of the problem -- reducing teenage sexual activity, pregnancy and childbearing. If the overall

policy goal is to reduce nonmarital childbearing among the population as a whole, strategies will need to be
259

expanded to include a focus on males of all ages and adult women, and on marital as well as sexual behavior.

It is also important to consider these behaviors within a broader context of other dimensions of personal and

family life with which they are intimately connected, such as employment.

The Administration and Congress have stated that reducing nonmarital childbearing is an important goal.

Pursuing this goal will require strong leadership. First and foremost, there is a need to build public consensus

around a renewed ethic of personal responsibility --- namely that every child deserves to have two married

parents. The reasons for reducing unwed birth rates for all ages and sectors of the population -- including those

who do not expect to become dependent upon public assistance -- will need to be clearly articulated. 

The recent report of the National Academy of Sciences Committee on Unintended Pregnancy recommends

a somewhat different focus, and proposes that the nation adopt a new social norm namely "All pregnancies

should be intended -- that is, they should be consciously and clearly desired at the time of conception." (Brown

and Eisenberg 1995, Summary p.7.) 

Public officials at all levels, with the help of the television networks and other media, can help launch

nationwide awareness and public education campaigns to rally public support around this broad goal and the

special objectives underlying separate initiatives. 

This chapter has reviewed the wide range of strategies that can potentially be employed and the variety of

actors and agents, in addition to the women and men themselves who need to be targeted. Federal

policymakers must now decide strategically on priorities and the best use of federal resources. The major

focus should be on preventing nonmarital pregnancies from occurring at all. A secondary focus should be on

encouraging alternatives to unwed parenthood, once pregnancy has occurred.

A good place to start is to continue providing funds for strategies that appear to be working while trying to

improve them, such as continued funds for family planning but encouraging programs to focus more on males;

to conduct community wide campaigns aimed at the adult as well as the teenage population; and to strengthen

current efforts to improve labor market opportunities, not only for AFDC recipients, but also for low income,

and especially minority males. At the same time it would be useful to intensify current efforts to enforce male

responsibility, and examine and perhaps reshape some of the childbearing incentives and marriage disincentives

embedded in existing tax and welfare programs. 

The federal government has a unique responsibility and capacity to sponsor research and demonstrations to

fill in the major gaps in understanding this issue, and to promote and pilot new program directions and

strategies, especially for those population groups who are deemed to be at highest risk. 

However, it is important to remember that there are many limitations to the role that the federal government

can play. Government policy is a limited instrument with which to try to affect changes in sexual and marital

behavior, deeply rooted as they are in broad societal values and attitudes and intimate behavior. In addition,

implementation of any one of these strategies described here requires the involvement, coordination, and

cooperation of stakeholders at federal, state and, local community levels in the public and private sectors.

Responsibility for reducing unwed childbearing must be widely shared with every sector of the community.
260

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Appendix I: A Framework to Help Plan and Assess Policy Strategies

An ecological framework helps to organize and integrate the complex findings and relationships that emerge

from the -disciplinary body of studies reviewed for this report. While the majority of the studies and

interventions focus on the behavior of women, this framework explicitly asserts that fertility and marriage

behavior needs to be understood as the product of the interaction of men and women with each other and with

a complex array of individuals and factors in their environment. This environment can be depicted as having

several levels. Each of these levels influence both each other, in particular, each is shaped by the level

surrounding it. Chart I represents schematically the different levels of social and political environment (or

human ecology) which need to be the target of strategies to prevent unwed childbearing. 

At each level, some of the key factors that have been found to influence fertility and marital behavior are

noted. First, the couple's relationship and interactions are shaped by their own inherited capacities and

predispositions and through their acquired knowledge, attitudes, values, personal skills, and competencies

(Level I). Second, their behavior is strongly influenced by the attitudes, values and behavior of individuals

within their family, peer group and neighborhood, and also those expressed through the media (Levels II and

III). 

Third, both the couple and members of their informal systems are affected by the institutions, programs, and

services with which they regularly interact in their neighborhood and work environment (Level IV). And

fourth, they are influenced by larger, more distant and formal private and public sector institutions that provide

a range of services, and institutionalize behavioral norms and expectations through laws and regulations which

provide various behavior incentives and penalties (Level V). At the outer layer of the diagram (Level VI), state

and public programs and policies, including broad economic and labor market conditions, constitute another

set of parameters that indirectly affect marital and fertility behavior. The bottom of the chart indicates that

broad societal norms, expectations, and values are embedded across every level and are expressed both

formally and informally in the interactions between all factors. 

As will be noted in this chapter, intervention strategies may target different actors and agents at different

levels. For example, sex and family life education strategies may aim to directly affect the knowledge and

values of young men and women at risk (Level I), or indirectly through affecting their parents and neighbors

(Level II), or the media (Level III).

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Appendix II: Questions for Assessing Policy Strategies

Using the ecological framework (Chart I) as a guide, policymakers should subject proposed policy and

program interventions to a series of questions:

Who or what system is the direct target of the intervention strategy (i.e., what is the level of

intervention)? Prevention strategies reviewed in this report choose one or more of the following targets:

--All women of childbearing age. 

--Only teenage women who live in poor urban and rural areas. 

--All young men. 

--Only those males who are poor and live in urban, minority communities.

--The relationship between sexual partners (communication, negotiation, and mediation skills).

--Children/youth prior to childbearing age. 

--Parents, other family members, friends, and peers in school or at the workplace.

--Neighborhood or community leaders who help to define the social and cultural norms in the community.

--Public and private service agencies and human service professionals that provide unmarried teens and

adults information and access to services. 

--Media representatives who disseminate information to the public and directly and indirectly promote

cultural and moral values.

--Policymakers and program administrators at county, state, and federal levels who design and implement

prevention strategies and/or influence the labor market or the economy more broadly.

What are the objectives of the intervention? What specific behavior/condition does the strategy seek

to change and/or promote? The range of objectives related to the overall goal of prevention (of

nonmarital childbearing) include the following: 

(Table I summarizes these objectives and the related strategies)

-- Delaying young peoples' initiation of sexual activity. 

-- Ensuring that unmarried, sexually active women and men practice regular and consistent use of

contraceptives. 

--Encouraging unwed parents, once a pregnancy has occurred, to choose alternatives to unwed parenthood.

--Coordinating or consolidating preventive efforts and services for youth at high risk of unwed childbearing

and related self destructive behaviors. 

--Improving education and economic opportunities for young men and women at risk of unwed parenthood.

--Establishing clear consequences for nonmarital childbearing within public programs -- without harming

children. 

--Removing apparent program and policy disincentives that may encourage nonmarital childbearing (and

discourage marriage).

What is the theoretical rationale that underlies the proposed intervention? What is the pathway or

mechanism through which the strategy attempts to change behavior? Is it based on the findings of

research, does it have scientific plausibility? Policy officials seldom articulate the theories that underlie

their proposed remedies. Yet it is only when intervention strategies are based on a well-grounded theory

that they have a clear internal logic and plausibility. They are also easier to evaluate. Strategies that have

no sound theory base are very unlikely to be effective.
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Many behavioral theories provide explanations for fertility and marital behavior (see Moore et. al. 1995).

For example, social learning theory maintains that to avoid unwed pregnancy and childbearing an

individual must have knowledge and understanding, belief in his or her capacity to take the needed action,

and the ability to weigh the costs and benefits of any action. 

On the other hand, some sociologists emphasize theories about the culture of poverty, which argue that

nonmarital childbearing has become an acceptable and self-perpetuating norm in communities that offer

severely limited personal and economic opportunities and poor environmental conditions. Until these social

conditions are changed, individuals cannot be expected to change. 

Economists are more likely to draw upon theories regarding economic incentives, opportunity costs, and

utility maximization. They suggest that young women and men do assess the various financial and other

costs and benefits involved in nonmarital childbearing and act in a way that maximizes their own utility as

they define it. (A popular version of this theory is that if you subsidize/reward a behavior you will get more

of it.) 

Which of these (and other) theories is most likely to lead to the development of effective intervention

strategies? No one theory can explain the complexity of human behavior. Like the proverbial four blind

men and the elephant, each theory describes only part of the overall story. Some theories are more useful

for designing policy-level strategies, others for clinical and program-level interventions. To date, no

overarching theory has attempted to integrate the insights of different disciplines.

Is the proposed intervention based on a short-term or long-term strategy? Most interventions focus

on achieving short-term outcomes for those currently at risk for nonmarital childbearing. However, many

promising interventions may require a longer term strategy and their success needs to be assessed over a

period of several years. For example, research clearly shows that the more education a woman has the less

likely she is to give birth nonmarital. Additionally, the educational status of the mother is also a key

predictor of the likelihood of her daughter becoming a teenage mother. Thus, interventions designed to

improve young girls' educational achievement may, in the long run, reduce rates of nonmarital 

childbearing for two generations. 

Similarly, strategies designed to increase economic opportunity for low-income men by improving

education, job skills, and wages can also be expected, in the long run, to reduce rates of nonmarital

childbearing by encouraging higher rates of marriage.

And, due to the strong intergenerational effects of single parenthood on unwed childbearing, any strategy

that succeeds in increasing the proportion of children growing up in stable two-parent families will help

to reduce the rates of nonmarital childbearing in the next generation.