1 

### Kelly, Shaheerah

From: Saanii <dinetahdoo@yahoo.com>

Sent: Thursday, January 29, 2015 1:36 PM

To: Kelly, Shaheerah Subject: Re: Report for McElmo Flare

Attachments: Aneth Draft Final mjp[2].doc

Hello Shaheerah,

The report is attached for your review. Please add any names or statements. As I have been telling you, this was a very interesting project. We tried our best to cover what the NNHPD wanted. If you need to discuss anything I am here at the

office today and tomorrow.

I will send you a copy of the fieldnotes without the names shortly too.

Rena Martin

Dinetahdoo Cultural Resources Management, LLC P.O. Box 2012, Farmington NM 87499

10076 US Hwy 371, S of Farmington, NM

Phone (505) 960

‐ 9478Fax (505) 960

‐ 9749

Email dinetahdoo@yahoo.com

Website: www.dinetahdoo.com

### Confidential Report DCRM 2014

- 38: An Ethnographic Survey in Eight Navajo Chapters Regarding Air Quality and Traditional Practices for Resolute Natural Resources, LLC

in Utah , Arizona

, and New Mexico

Prepared by

Rena Martin , Clarina Clark, June

- el Piper

and Shane Wero

Navajo Nation Historic Preservation Department Permit Number

C 14 021

January 29 , 2015

Submitted to Navajo Nation Historic Preservation Department Window Rock, Arizona

Submitted by

Rena Martin Dinétahdóó Cultural Resources Managem ent , LLC

P.O. Box 2012 Farmington, New Mexico 87499

Prepared for

Resolute Energy Corporation Dwight E. Mallory, Environmental/Regulatory Manager 1700 Lincoln Street, Suite 2800i 

### [When the Aneth Chapter met with Resolute and US EPA], “All they talked about was the air, and not about water, or about plants, even though they are all interrelated. How can you separate them? In order for anything to live, it has to have air, water, and land, and all of these elements are interconnected and give life .” C. Thomasii Abstr act

Dinéta hd óó Cultural Resources (DCRM) is submitting this report to the Navajo Nation Historic Preservation Department (NNHPD) for compliance review. The undertaking is the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) Region 9 ’s propos ed action relating to amendments to the Prevention of Significant Deterioration (PSD) permit for the McElmo Creek Unit Oil Production Facility (MCU Facility), an existing oil and gas production operation.

The project center is the McElmo Creek Production Facility’s m ain flare just north of Aneth, Utah , in Section 31, Township 40 South, Range 25 East (SL Meridian)

. The area of concern is encompassed by a

c ircle with a 50 km radius from the project center. The p roject area for this report is the large porti on of that circle in Utah, Arizona, and New Mexico on Navajo Nation tribal trust lands . Colorado is mentioned only in passing . The following Navajo chapters are wholly or in part within the project area : Ane th

, Red Mesa, Mexican Water, Dennehotso, Sweetwat er, Teec Nos Pos, Beclahbito and Cudei (Gadii’ahi). The project is located on the Bluff Utah

- Colorado 1983; Rock Point Arizona, New Mexico, Utah & Colorado 1986; Farmington New Mexico, Colorado 1980, 1:100,000 USGS quadrangle maps.

Rena Martin is the Proj ect Director/Navajo Ethnographer for DCRM. Fieldwork took place between October 27 and December 4, 2014. A total of 3 7 i ndividuals were contacted and/or interviewed in conjunction with the project, including chapter officials and residents of all eight cha pters.

This ethnographic report details the results of ethnographic interviews and a literature search, including review of the Sacred Sites files at NNHPD’s Traditional Culture Program. It also makes recommendations for mitigation of the effects of oper ation of the flare on Navajo traditional cultural practices.iii Contents

Introduction

................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 1 Description of the Undertaking

................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 1

Location

................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 1

Environment

................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 4

Cultural Overview

................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 4 Chapter Profiles

................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 6

Literature Review

................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 7 Ethnography and Traditional Cultural Properties

................................ ................................ ......................... 8

Field Methods

................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 10 Findings

................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 12

Recommendations

................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 18

References Cited

................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 20

Confidential Appendi x

(Not for public distribution) Results of Ethnographic Interviews

Figure 1. Regional m ap of the p roject a rea

Figure 2. Map showing the Nav ajo Chapters.

Table 1

. Interviewees (identified by number) and Summary of the Findings and Concerns Regarding Traditional Practices and Lifeways1 Introduction
As part of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) Region 9 ’s permitting process

, which requires compliance with Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act, Resolute Natural Resources Company contracted with Dinétahdóó Cultural Resources Management to complete an ethnographic inquiry with chapter officials, residents, and traditio nal practitioners in eight Navajo

c hapters to determine if the 20

- year

- old “flare” at the center of the area of concern has impacted or is currently impacting local traditional cultural properties and traditional lifeways. The undertaking is the proposed a ction relating to amendments to the Prevention of Significant Deterioration (PSD) permit for the McElmo Creek Unit Oil Production Facility (MCU Facility), an existing oil and gas production operation.

Between October 27 and December 4, 2014, Rena Martin, Clarina Clark, Clifford Werito

, and Natasha Ignacio contact ed chapters and concerned parties in the project area . Their fluency in the Navajo language encouraged greater participation by local residents in this research on their traditional lifeways and

tr aditional places

. DCRM staff members Mary June

- el Piper and Shane Wero also worked on this project

. A total of 3 7 Navajo individuals were co ntacted and/or interviewed

.

Prior to the fieldwork, the Sacred Sites data base at the Navajo Nation Historic Preser vation Department (NNHPD) was reviewed, and Mr. Timothy Begay of NNHPD’s Traditional Cultural Program was

consulted. It was determined that the size of the project area precluded a full inventory of cultural resources, both archaeological and traditional

. It was also determined that the impact of air quality on traditional practices and lifeways was the best focus for this research.

This report identifies the areas of concern and provides management recommendati ons for the protection

of traditional cultura l resources and lifeways, including natural resources. This ethnographic project was completed under Navajo Nation Cultural Resources Inventory Permit Number C14021.

Description of the Undertaking
The U.S. EPA is proposing to amend the Prevention of Signi ficant Deterioration (PSD) permit for the McElmo Creek Unit Oil Production Facility (MCU Facility), an existing oil and gas production operation. The facility is owned and operated by the Resolute Natural Resources Company. Air pollution emissions

for this permit action would not cause or contribute to violations of any National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS) or any applicable PSD increments. Other than the replacement of a fixed speed fan with a variable speed fan, this permit action does not author ize any new construction or modification of existing equipment at the MCU facility. Therefore, there will be no ground disturbance as a result of this undertaking.

Location
The project center is the McElmo Creek Production Facility’s main flare just north of Aneth, Utah, in Section 31, Township 40 South, Range 25 East (SL Meridian). The area of concern is encompassed by a circle with a 50 km radius from the project center. The project area for this report is the large portion of that circle in Utah, Arizona , and New Mexico on Navajo Nation tribal trust lands.

The following Navajo chapters are wholly or in part within the project area: Aneth, Red Mesa, Mexican Water, Dennehotso, Sweetwater, Teec Nos Pos, Beclahbito and Cudei (Gadii’ahi). The project is locat ed

on the Bluff Utah

- Colorado 1983, Rock Point Arizona, New Mexico, Utah and Colorado 1986 and Farmington New Mexico

- Colorado 1980 1:100,000 USGS quadrangle maps.2 Figure 1. Showing the 50 km area with the Navajo Nation boundaries.3 .4 The areas visited are partly developed, with a moder ate amount of traffic on the paved roads, and numerous dirt roads that serve residences, community services (schools, government offices), commercial activities, and facilities and operations related to oil and gas production. The community of Aneth is

located in the northern portion of the project ar ea, Cudei is located o n the south eastern edge , the Carrizo

M ountain s border the southern edge

, and Mexican Water is located on the south we stern edge of the project area

.

Environment

The p roject area is part of the Four Corners Region

, renowned for its rugged canyons and steep
escarpments ( Bernard et al. 2006)

. Part of the Blanding Basin g eologic domain (Stokes 1986:235

- 236)

, th is is a region of rock

- strewn mesas and rock y buttes that drain into the San Juan River. The importance of the San Juan River to the Navajo is found in its many names : as “ Old Ages River (Sá Bitooh), Male Water (Tooh Biką ’i), One with a Long Body (Bits’íísnineezí), and One with a Wide Body (Bits’íín teelí)” (McPherson 1992:49). The hardrock that bounds the project area is primarily r ainbow

- colored Morrison

Formation Sandstone and yellow

- hue d Navajo Sandstone (Chronic 1990:70). Because of the sandstone,

the local s oils are poor in quality, lack consist ency , mix easily with the windblown loess

, and contain

considerable gravel that erodes from the nearby cliffs (Hintze 1988:200).

Native vegetation of the project area includes various grasses, g lobemallow, beeplant, yucca, greasewood, cliffrose, Indian t ea, purple aster, sacred datura, evening primrose, cacti, prickly pear, snakeweed, rabbitbrush, cholla, Mormon tea, and sagebrush

. Higher elevations support mixed conifer (pinyon

juniper) woodlands. Non

- native species such as Russian olive, tamarisk

, and c heat grass have invaded the narrow strip of riparian vegetation that occurs in the northern p o r tion o f the project area , along the San

Juan . Within this zone, residents have constructed water diversion channels and dams to water farm fields

where various d omestic plants are grown. Corn ( naadáá ), one of the plants harvested in the project area, is a sacred plant among the Navajo used in a number of traditional ceremonies (Dinétahdóó CRM 2003)

.

In the project area, one plant is listed as a species of concern by the Navajo Nation’s Department of Fish and Wildlife. It is known as Navajo sedge, or Carex specuicola ( http://www.nndfw.org/nnhp/docs_reps/casp_rpt.pdf ) . In the project area it can be fou nd in hanging gardens on Chinle Creek cliffs of Navajo Sandstone: for example

, near Comb Wash. It s traditional use is

for grazing

.

Most N avajos observe a balance among the water , plants, and animals of the region, ascribing individual

and tribal health an d well

- being to this balance

. They worry about the effect s that resource extraction has

had on the air, land

, and water

.

Cultural Overview
Navajos recognize a deep cultural connection to the San Juan region that is passed on through traditional

stories . Sp ecific references are made to various places in the region, including Montezuma Creek (B rugge 1983:490) . Traditional Navajo beliefs recount that upon their emergence into this world they were preyed upon by monsters until twin boys, Monster Slayer and Born for Water, came to fight the monster beings. Physical reminders of their battles occur throughout this locality, such as Shiprock pinnacle ( T sé bit’a’í),

Red Mesa ( Ts é Łichii Dah’Azhkání ) , and the Bears Ears ( Shash bijaa? )

, which are evidence of the war

between the twins and the monsters (Van Valkenburgh 1999:97; McPherson 1995:21). To the Navajo, the oil extracted from the Aneth Oil Field is actually the black “blood” of the monsters spilled in battle and trapped beneath the surface (McPherson 1997:1)

.

Archaeologically, Navajo occupation of the study area is documented in countless sites. The earliest historical records date to the Spanish colonial, Mexican, and Ameri can eras. The Navajo population in the

p roject area remained fluid through the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries because of conflicts with

native and non

- native groups

. S kirmishes with Utes, Spaniards/Mexicans, and Euroamericans were relatively common. M any Navajo s practiced transhumance, moving seasonally between the ar id high5 ground and the drainages

. Raiders took more than livestock ; they also preyed upon Navajo girls

, who

were taken a s weavers and domestics for Spanish and Mexican households. The inse curity of the situation forced Navajos deeper into the remote canyons of Arizona and Utah.

By 1846, the newly established U.S. government control of the Four Corners compelled Navajo s to sign the Treaty of Ojo de Oso (Bailey and Bailey 1986:18)

. Little ch anged for the Navajo , however; in 1865,

when black slavery officially ended in the U.S., more than 3,000 Navajo women and children were still being kept in captivity in New Mexico ( McPherson 1999:13). D uring the this same period, as Navajo s were being roun d ed up for confinement on a reservation at Fort Sumner (on the eastern plains of New Mexico), a great many Navajos sought refuge in the rough country of the project area . The drylands of the project area became an isolated haven for tribal members until th e U.S. government released the confined Navajos to their trust lands in 1868.

The portion of the project area in Utah was not included in the Treaty Reservation of 1868, although Navajos had long occupied the area. The southeastern portion of Utah south o f the San Juan River was added to the Navajo Nation on May 17, 1884. On March 10, 1905, the area north of the San Juan was added. Additional areas known as the “Aneth Extensions” were added as a result of a land exchange involving the construction of Glen Canyon Dam and the town of Page, Arizona (Rogers 2004:311)

.

Navajo s in the project area had developed a dryland livestock system that ranged unfettered until 1879

, when LDS Church pioneers brought their own herds in to the Montezuma Creek and Aneth area (M cPherson 1995:101). Almost immediately, livestock operators from Fort Montezuma and Fort Bluff

came into conflict with native ranchers in competition for available range

. In order to mitigate rangeland conflict, federal officials looked to establish farms on the floodplain south of the San Juan River and recommended that 260 acres near Bluff be turned into Navajo farmlands (McPherson 1999:46)

. Local Navajos received farm tools and wagons and were instructed to dig irrigation ditches, build dams,

construct r iprap around headgates, and plant farm fields (McPherson 1999:54). F armers from the region

established the first Shiprock Fair on October 20, 1909

, in evidence of their agricultural skill , an event that continues today

. However, flooding in the 1920s and 1 9 30s destroyed headgates and devastated fields, forcing Navajos to focus once again on a stockraising economy. At the same time, concerns over erosion led to the infamous stock reduction era, when the project area residents’ herds were decimated by

order o f the federal government (Bailey and Bailey 1986) . Nevertheless, m ost residents of the project area were livestock producers when oil field explor ation began in the early 1950s, and many still try to make or supplement their living this way.

By 1956, Anet h Oil Field tribal leases with Humble and Shell Oil Companies produced nearly 35 million dollars in royalties for the tribe (McPherson 1995:209)

. The Utah Navajo share of these royalties was

con siderably less than this amount, although Aneth’s long

- term le ases permitted oil companies to establish one well per forty acres in this remote portion of the r eservation (McPherson 1997:5). Social

reaction s to increased well

- sites in Aneth in the 1960s were mixed; some fear ed damage to their culinary wells and sprin gs and others believed the wells contribut ed to the poor health of residents while still others regard ed the boom as economically advantageous regardless of the presence of the pumps. By the 1970s, local residents expressed strong dissatisfaction erupting in near violence as tension s among residents

, tribal officials, and oil workers grew. Aneth residents demand ed to renegotiate royalties with greater consideration for the community at large. Although tensions have eased, community support for oil explorati on remains uneven (McPherson 1997:11).

Subsequent to the modern period of unrest was the out

- migration of many residents as people looked for work and educational opportunities beyond the chapter boundaries. C oncerns about pollution as well as danger from the oil development facilities led some to move to Albuquerque, Cortez, Durango, and Salt Lake City. While some continue to express these concerns
, there has been an influx of populous in recent years, a return of sorts of a younger generation that had no t previously lived full

- time on the reservation

,6 perhaps only visiting in the summers . Now some families are permanently relocating to tribal lands

, seeing in them a similar refuge as the canyons had been for their elders more than a century ago.

Chapter Profile s Aneth Chapter. The Aneth community is known as Táá bíích’iídii, often interpreted as “Just like the

devil

, ” in reference to unscrupulous practices of the first trader in the area (Rodgers 2004:310; see also

Wilson 1995: 2). Linford (2000:285

– 286) p rovides a brief summary of the Navajo name, trading post operations in the area, Navajo resistance to schooling, and oil development (see Baars 1995 for a discussion on the Aneth oil fields). Youn ger tribal people use the term táá bíích’iídii to refer to t he dry, isolated, and rough country of the area (Bernard et al. 2006)

.

The chapter is located in the Northern (Shiprock) Agency of the Navajo Nation. Agencies are administrative units of the Navajo Nation and the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The day

- to

- day operations are handled by a Community Services Coordinator (“Chapter Coordinator”). The chapter membership decides on chapter policies and decisions affecting the community at monthly chapter meetings. The central Navajo Nation government in Window Rock pr ovides oversight of the chapter’s operations.

The Aneth Chapter has pursued housing, utilities, and economic development projects. The chapter comprises nearly 184,000 acres (Rodgers 2004:310). The community boasts a senior citizens center ; a
H ead S tart pr ogram ; schools that serve all grades ; several churches of various dominations ; several convenience stores providing groceries, fuel

, and laundry services ; a health clinic ; and several housing developments. Many of the Navajo Nation offices provide services within the community. The community is served by two paved roads: State Route 262 and Navajo Route 35. Many community members obtain primary care medical services at the clinics located in Aneth Chapter; Teec Nos Pos, Arizona; Cortez, Colorado; and Blandi ng, Utah. Major medical services requiring hospital care are located at Monticello, Utah; Northern Navajo Medical Center, Shiprock, New Mexico; and the Southwest Memorial Hospital, in Cortez.

Many of the community members still raise livestock. In the Nor thern Agency, the Navajo Nation has more than 4,169 livestock permittees (to own and graze livestock on the Navajo Nation, a person must have a permit issued by the Bureau of Indian Affairs). In 2003 sheep, goats, cattle, horses, llamas, and alpacas number ed about 108,639 across the reservation. The predominant species is sheep, followed by cattle and goats (information compiled from the Navajo Nation Department of Agriculture’s 2003 Livestock and Permittee Report). Livestock still play an important role in the lives of Navajo people.

Beclabito Chapter. The Navajo name Bit’c łáá bitó means “Beneath It s Water.” The chapter encompasses approximately 87,000 acres. It is south of the San Juan River, primarily in New Mexico (with a small portion in Arizona). The chapter house was built in 1968 and has since been renovated. There is also a preschool, a senior citizen’s center, and a former BIA Day School that was built in 1934. The trading post

was established in 1911 (Linford 2000:175)

.

Gadii’ahi Chapter. The Navajo name means (One) Juniper Standing. Formerly known as Cudei, the

ch apter is north of the San Juan River in northwestern New Mexico. It s 44,000 acres were part of the Beclabito chapter until 1978. Residents along the San Juan River practice irrigation farming. Many of the residents in the Rattlesnake area, primarily elders , raise stock. Rattlesnake or Toh koh eh (Gas Lanterns) is one of the oldest oil and gas producing fields on the Navajo Nation (1922).

The road to the Gadii’ahi community was paved in 1997; water and powerlines were extended to

Gadii’ahi in the mid

- 1980s. As in all Navajo chapters, however, many outlying residences still do not have water or electricity.7 The chapter has two paved roads, U.S. Route 64 and Navajo Route 57A. In addition to the chapter house (built in 1982) there are several churches and a pr eschool but no commercial establishments (Rogers 2004:324). Students from this chapter attend classes in Beclabito or Shiprock.

Mexican Water Chapter. Naakaii tó was named after three Mexicans (Spaniards?) who were passing through the area and dug shallow wells here. The community was certified as a chapter in 1956; it contains 160,000 acres. The first chapter house was built near the trading post and school; a brand new chapter house has been built along U.S. Route 191. The Navajo Baptist Church still ope rates near the old trading post area. Elementary through high school students are bussed to Red Mesa. The first bridge over Chinle Wash in this area was built in 1939; it has since been replaced. The trading post was built in 1907 (Linford 2000:111).

Red Mesa Chapter. The Navajo name for Red Mesa is Łichii’ da’azkání. The chapter encompasses approximately 268,000 acres extending south of the San Juan River, primarily in Utah but with a small

section in Arizona

. Prior to 1967, the chapter was part of the Mexican Water c hapter. The Red Mesa Trading Post was established in the 1930s. There are public schools (preschool and high school), in addition to the chapter house (built in 1992) and a senior citizen center. Commercial establishments include gas stations, convenience stores, the trading post, and oil company offices. In Navajo oral history, Monster Slayer killed Déégééd here, staining the sand red with the monster’s blood (Linford 2000:123; McPherson 1992:33)

Sweetwater Chapter. The Navajo name for Sweetwater is Tó łikon. The chapter encompasses just over 152,000 acres. There is a single gas station/convenience store in the chapter. Students are bussed to Red

Mesa.

Teec Nos Pos Chapter. The Navajo spelling of this chapter is T’ iis Násbas, or Cottonwoods in a Circle

. Most of the chapter is in Arizona, but the northeast corner of the chapter is the famous Four Corners, so parts of the chapter are also in Utah and New Mexico. The chapter contains just under 234,000 acres. The

commu nity was named after a cottonwood tree and dates at least to the 1880s. The trading post was built

in 1905. There is a chapter house , a senior center, an elementary school, several churches, and a clinic. The northern boundary of the chapter is the San Jua n River, and the southern boundary is Carrizo

Mountain.

Dennehotso Chapter. The eighth chapter in the project area, Dennahootsoh (Green Meadow Converging

at Upper End), is the only chapter in this project in the Western Navajo Agency. Comprising nearly

29 2,000 acres, it extends into Utah (the only portion of the chapter that is within the project area). Most of the people in the chapter live in or near the community of Dennehotso, long U.S. Route 160 in Arizona.

This area was a summer residential location for Navajos families who moved elsewhere in the winter; it is now inhabited year

- round. In addition to farming along the creek in the main community, there are also extensive uranium operations (now closed) dating from the 1950s and 1960s. The main communi ty has a chapter house, several churches, an elementary school, and a post office. The trading post (now closed) was built near Baby Rocks, an earlier farming community whose fields were devasted by flooding in the early 1900s.

Literature Review

This secti on of the report summarizes previously documented sacred places or other places of traditional, cultural, or ceremonial concern

.

Local places of traditional and historical importance to Navajos include Hovenweep National Monument, the San Juan River, Whi te Mesa, Ute Mountain, Mancos Canyon, Navajo Wash, and McElmo Canyon. These places figure prominently in the migrations of certain Navajo progenitors, ceremonial history and traditions, and Navajo people’s use of and relation to plants and wildlife (Bernar d et al. 2006)

.8 The Aneth area is important in Navajo ceremony and culture. According to NNHPD’s database, certain ceremonies have established history and offering locales in the area, including Hózhóójí (Blessingway), Tł’éejí (Nightway), Dził k’íjí (Moun taintopway), and Íínaají (Lifeway). Undoubtedly, the area figures in
many more, unrecorded ceremonial traditions.

Plants, minerals, and other resources in the Aneth area are collected for ceremonial and daily use. Many of the important places mentioned in the Sacred Places Database and referred to in ceremonial repertoires are natural features (hills, springs, mesas, mountains, flora and fauna) and, in many instances, prehistoric sites. Many archaeological sites are important in Navajo history, traditions, clan origins, and the development and pra ctice of ceremony and rituals.

A general literature search revealed the following information. According to Linford (2000:287), nonlinear prehistoric roads have been identified in the vicinity of Bluff (see Gabrie l 1991:276)

.

Lime Ridge is a steep north

- south incline crossing the east end of the Valley of the Gods ( north of the S an J uan R iver ) a mile or so east of Lime Creek (Linford 2000:294) . Navajos say that children disobedient to Johonaa’ei (Sun Bearer) are t ra p ped in a large trapezoidal boulder along this ridge. A pair of two

- horned

snakes live here

, guarding the eastern boundary of Navajoland (McPherson 1992:25).

Poncho House, Tséyaakin, “House Under the Rocks

, ” is a l arge, late M esa V erde

- type Anasazi clif f ruin located in a large shallow cave on the west bank of Chinle Wash, some 10 mi les south of that stream’s juncture with the S an J uan R iver (Linford 2000:302 )

. Like all Anasazi sites, it is a sacred place.

Ute Mountain, also called Sleeping Ute Mountain is known in Navajo as Dziłnaa jini, Black Mountain Sloping Down. It is one of the sa cred mountains of the Navajos. From the south it appears like a sleeping giant with the head to the north. Navajo medicine men tell that the mountain is fastened to the sk y by a cord of rain and is decorated with corn pollen, dark mist, and female or gentle rain. The Holy Boy and Girl who make rough jewels are said to dwell on the mountain (Van Valkenburgh 1991)

.

Ethnography and Traditional Cultural Properties
Collecting i nformation about traditional cultural properties protects resources for the living cultures that maintain a connection to cultural landscapes. These resources include gathering area and places associated with oral traditions and ceremonies. Any of these pl aces could be called sacred, depending on their significance to traditional lifeways. According to Vannette (1988:32),

they are places mentioned in legend; places where something supernatural has happened; and at all of these sites, either plants and herb s or minerals and water possess ing healthy powers may be taken. Prayers and offerings are made a t nearly all sacred locations.

Navajo beliefs and lifeways are grounded in a tremendous amount of esoteric knowledge that only certain medicine people possess, including information that is organized into ceremonial procedures, paraphernalia, prayers, songs, and stories (Kelley and Francis 1994). Traditional places connected to this cultural knowledge are increasingly threatened by alterations to t he physical la ndscape through modern development, construction projects, loss of land jurisdiction, and other means. The push to moder n ize

tribal lands often occurs without consideration for native traditionalists who se lifeway is dependent on resources and places withi n their cultural landscape. Many traditional people place religious significance on places in elevated area s (mountain s/mesa s), canyons

, streams and springs, and places associated with certain animals and birds. Cultural properties are further threatened b y the overall decline of native languages and traditional lifeways along with the failure of younger generations to be come acquainted with their cultural heritage. For those who retain a traditional life, the jurisdictional context of a sacred place

— whethe r it falls within or outside reservation boundaries

— has little value, as the Diné connect the cultural and physical landscape seamlessly, making no distinction between the sacred and the secular. No9 passage of time affects the religious nature of these pla ces ; a property that might appear to outsiders to be long abandoned retains traditional significance as a sacred place ( hodiyin ).

The following places are included in the Sacred Sites files curated at the NNHPD Traditional Culture Program in Window Rock.

Tooh (River; Colorado and San Juan Rivers) Vannette 1988:36; Vannette and Feary 1981:18; Luckert 1977 . Source of waters collected for ceremonies. Initiates of several ceremonial repertoires float down the river. Navajos offer tadidiin (corn pollen) to the

river for rain.

Places in New Mexico

Bitł’ah Bito (Spring at the Bottom; Beclabito) T30N R21W Area is also called Tse Nashchii’. Point on Nighway ceremonial route of travel of the Visionary and the Holy People.

Tse Nachii’, Tse Nashchii’ (Red Rock Circle, Beclabito Dome) T30N R21W

Also inclu des Beclabito Springs and is considered a sacred place ( Downer et al. 1988:27 ); Initiates in two different ceremonies (Nightway and Beautyway) learned about ceremonial use of mineral and animal

resources here.

Places in Colorado
Tó Nts’ósikooh (Slim Water Canyon, lower Mancos Creek) T32N R17W and long zone to southwest Initiates in Female Mountaintopway and Beautyway pass downstream along the San Juan to Mancos Canyon, go back and forth around Carrizo Mountains and Bear Ear (Tse Ii’ahi?), and then go their separate ways. The Nighway initiate, traveling to learn about plants, goes from Dibe Ntsaa and Dził Łigai (San Juan Mountains or Aztec Ruins and Mesa Verde) across the Mancos near the Mancos River Trading Post (K’ii Łitsoi) and then down to the mouth of M ancos Creek, then crossing the San Juan and up T’iis Nasbas Canyon or southward through Bitł’ah Bito. The upper or lower Mancos may be where the sexes separated before the Emergence ( Kelley and

Francis 2001 ).

Tse Łigai Ii’ahi (Rock Spire, Chimney Rock) T31N R16W Van Valkenburgh (1974:128) located this place 22 miles southeast of Towaoc, the home of Two

- Faced Monster, who may have been a being with a mask, possibly associated with hunting. Assumed to be one of the places called Bear’s Ear (Shash Bijaa’) i n a version of Mountaintopway stories; possible marker for

ceremonial route from the Hogback into upper Mancos Canyon. At Tse łigai Ii’ahi (White Standing Rock), the family of the Male Mountaintopway initiate camps. After leaving Hajiinai [the Emergence], peop l e moved to the upper Mancos Canyon and then to Tse łigai Ii’ahi, where they stayed for 13 years before moving to Tse Baah Halgai (mouth of Sanostee Canyon); four people who survived the monsters moved to Tse łigai Ii’ahi and found a small turquoise image of a woman, which one of the Holy Beings told them to bring to Gobernad or Peak to put down with a white shell image to create Holy People. These references could be either to this place or to the place of the same name in Red Valley (NM). Either way, a precolumbian ruin is indicated.

K’ii’ łitsoi (Rabbitbrush, Navajo Spring Canyon) Ceremonial route of travel into upper Mancos Canyon and Mesa Verde precolumbian ruins for initiates in Tł’eeji (Nightway) and Iinaji (Beeshee Flintway) stories.

Places in Arizona

Naakaii To (Mexican Water) T41N R25E Name could reflect Armijo horse trail of 1830s through here to Los Angeles ( Hafen and Hafen 1954 ). Possible reference to precolumbian ruins in the area: Western Water Clan people stopped here.10 Hooghan Si’ani (Dwelling In Place; Hogan Saani Spring) T40N R26E Spring at confluence of Walk er Creek and To Ch’inilini In the Iinaji story, Hooghan Si’ani is mentioned in sequence between Carrizo Mountains and Aghaa’ ła as the family flees the wrath of Ii’ni’ łigai and goes to Dook’o’oosliid. May be the same as Tsin Tł’oo’di Hooghan, a place on the route of Western Water Clan people. Possible reference to a precolumbian ruin.

Dził Náhoziłii (Groping Mountain; Carrizo Mountain) T39N R30E One of the first mountains that the Holy People put down after the Emergence. Various stories about Western Water Clan people stopping here may refer to precolumbian ruins in the area. On various

ceremonial routes of travel. Sou rce of blackening pigment for Nightway (see T’eeshchiih Al’ini). Place on route of Jadi Naakits’aadah (Twelve Antelope) to Sunset Pass (Jadi Hi’ibikaa’) (Van Valkenburgh 1974:97).

On the east side of Dził Náhoziłii, at the entrance to a canyon, is a water pocket, a hole about the size of a human. Tobacco grows all around it. The place is called Tó Ásaa’ (Water Pot) ( Kelley and

Francis 2000 :201).

T’eeshchiih Al’ini (Blackening “Ochre” Is M ade; Carrizo Mountain summit) T34N R23E Pigment mine visited by the Nightway initiate and Holy People.

T’iis Nasbas (Ring of Cottonwoods; Teec Nos Pos Canyon) T40N R30E Place on ceremonial route of travel of the Nightway initiate. Perennial spring left by Tse Naaghai (Rolling Rock) pursued by Naayee’ Neizghani.

Field Methods

Pursuant to consultations between the US EPA and NNHPD, the Navajo Nation’s Traditional Cultural Progra m decided to concentrate on the potential effects of this undertaking on traditi onal lifeways and traditional cultural places within a 50 km radius of the main flare, and to require consultation with traditional practitioners who perform cultural activities within this area. NNHPD also required interviews with chapter representatives and with residents who live within one

- half mile of the main flare.

NNHPD decided not to require consideration of archaeological resources within this 50 km radius area except for any that are also considered traditional cultural places in the literature or the interviews. This is because there are probably tens of thousands of cultural resources (archaeological sites, burials, and isolated occurrences, either recorded or not yet recorded ; this estimate does not include in

- use sites ) within the project are a, and a full consideration would be impossible within the time frame of this project. (For example, in 2006 DCRM surveyed a tiny fraction of the current project area for a different undertaking and found 124 TCPs and burial locations, not including the ar c haeological and in

- use sites:

Be rnard et al. 2006.) Also, the impact of operation of the main flare on surface or buried archaeological sites is beyond the scope of this project. Instead, NNHPD’s Traditional Cultural Program decided for the purposes of th is project to focus on lifeways, traditional practices, and plant and animal resources used in

traditional activities

.

Immediately after a permit was obtained from NNHPD, the department’s confidential TCP files and maps were checked for any previously rec orded TCPs by June

- el Piper and Clifford Werito (see above)

.

Before the interviews were initiated Rena Martin , Clarina Clark

, and June

- el Piper took a tour of the

central project area and visited the McElmo Creek Unit Oil Production Facility and saw the m ain flare. The ethnographers saw several Navajo homes within 400 ft of the flare. The tour enabled the ethnographers to estimate the number of homes located within one

- half mile of the flare.11 Next, opening visits were made to the various chapter house s an d offices to describe the nature of the proposed federal undertaking to the chapter coordinator (see Appendix A for contacts and dates) . Since each chapter is governed somewhat differently, the level of contact varies. Some chapters, such as Red Mesa, requ ired a presentation at a monthly chapter meeting that is open to all chapter members (all registered voters who are official residents); others such as Dinnehotso required a presentation at a planning meeting typically attended by officials and the plannin g board; still others such as Aneth only required a meeting with chapter official(s) and staff.

After completing these initial steps, Rena Martin, Clarina Clark, Clifford Werito

, and Natasha Ignacio began cond ucting interviews with the traditionalists rec ommended by the chapter officials and other community members . These individuals provided additional names of people, including knowledgeable

elders who were known to gather plants or to participate in ceremonies.

Fieldwork took place between October 27 a nd December 4, 2014. Fieldwork consisted of arranging contacts with the eight Chapters and presenting the project. The chapter officials either agreed to a chapter presentation or a meeting the officials. Once the meetings with the chapters were initiated a decision was made on whether a formal meeting presentation would be required. The chapter officials or staff members including senior center staff provided names of traditional community members DCRM

interviewers should contact. I nterviews and field visi ts, broadening contacts with additional people who they thought should be contacted. Participants were told of the project and purpose of the ethnographic inventory, and all contributors agreed to have their names be used in a confidential appendix the

que stioning began (see Appendix A). Contributors who offered relevant cultural information were compensated

.

The protocol for interviews adhered to the procedures outlined in the Navajo Nation guidelines for ethnographic study. Precise questions were asked o f each interviewee, although it was common for speakers to offer suggestions beyond the scope of the protocol.

The interviewees were asked op en ended questions related to air

- quality as from the flare and traditional lifeways

,

a. Are you aware if the air q uality is affecting any traditional ceremonies or practices?

b. Are you aware of change s in any traditional practices because of the air quality?

c. I f you aware of any effects of air quality on traditional lifeways or practices

, please provide

us with recommend ations

.

All interviews were conducted in person by Martin, Clark, Werito, and Ignacio . A good faith effort was made to contact all residents and land users within one

- half mile of the flare as well as all individuals recommended by chapter officials and o ther interviewees. Given the busy schedule of traditional practitioners in early winter , the process required repeated efforts to contact individuals. Two recommended individuals could not be reached, as well as two additional prominent practitioners and o ne botanist.

Interviews were conducted in Navajo, although notes were taken in both English and Navajo. All field notes were transcribed into English, except for the plant names whose common/scientific names are not

known. Ethnographic inquiry continued u ntil project participants began suggesting the same names for additional interviewees. When this occurs (renaming of individuals) it general ly means the list of potential interviewees is exhaustive and fieldwork is complete. Lastly, Dinétahdóó compensated all

consultants at the time of the interview.12 

### Findings

Table 1 presents a summary of the information provided during interviews and consultations

.

Table 1

. Interviewees (identified by number) and Summary of the Findings and Conc erns Regarding Traditional Practices and Lifeways. More specific information is provided in the Appendix.

Intervie wee

Number General Interview Summaries

3 (Sweetwater) S tated her concerns are related to the heavy smog that hits their community in the even ings and stays until early morning. She said the haze is more noticeable in the fall and winter. She stated that the smog from the Four Corners power plants and possibly the gas from the Aneth area get caught at the foothills of Carrizo Mountain. She also talked of air [quality] being worse in the winter because of the locals burning coal and firewood. She notices that more children are getting asthma whereas in the past even if the families burned coal and wood children did not have respiratory issues.

S t ated that when she visits her family in Aneth

, she cannot stand the smell of the air and asks her family how they can put up with the smell of gas on a daily basis. She stated that something needs to be done, including testing for any health

- related issues . She has heard people state that the air quality in the Aneth area is causing major headaches, sinus issues, and eye irritation.
5 (Aneth) S tated they had a trailer in [the chapter’s] front yard and that NNEPA had not informed them

about what the trailer was outfitted with and what it was doing. He said, “We don’t know if the

instruments a re collecting any data on the air,” and he did not know what the study was going to be used for. He stated, “ nobody keeps us informed on what the studies show and whethe r the air from here or in other areas is harming us. ” He further stated, “All the money made from our community is going into Window Rock and none of it is returned to us.” He stated that the

information that DCRM is collect ing is just going to be taken to Window Rock and stay there,

with no results sent back to the community. He further stated that the NN Historic Preservation Department does not help them and just seems to store information gathered from work done

here.

At a subsequent meeting, with othe r chapter officials present, he opened up the discussion with a comment: “I thought for two days about the question you were posing to us, and I am still not sure if you will really get an answer. Your research is hard to explain because it relates to air quality. [You say that] your study is not really about health, but in a sense it is really is related to health.” He and I explained to the group that the primary question being as was how has/is the quality of air affecting traditions including those rela ted to ceremonies, traditional plant use and gathering, mineral gathering, traditional lifeways, and related issues.

The group all agreed that the air in their community has a bad smell all of time. They said the summers are the worst, when the heat bears down and the fumes from various gas facilities get worse; the smell gives everyone headaches. They agreed that they get stuffy noses, blurry vision, cough, and catch colds easily. They also stated that there were two additional flares in the

immediate are a and asked why they were not included the study. . . . They discussed how pockets of bad air form in the low areas, and that evenings were usually the worst, especially when there is no breeze and the air seems heavier. They also all agreed that there nee d to be more studies, including those related to health, animals, and plants so there can be comparative

data for the future.

6 and 7 (Aneth) (6) works with the US Department of Agriculture and has an office in the chapter facilities. (7)

is a local medi cine man.

Both men stated that air quality in their community is bad. (6) stated that more people are requesting Níłchi’ji and Chishí’ nahaga’. He believes the air is getting worse, which makes the people request more breathing

- related ceremonies. Both men stated that health issues related to the air are bad. They agreed that wh en there is no breeze, driving up out of the valley helps them to get fresher air, without the smell that continually lingers. They both agreed the air smells like gas/oil and the smell is worse in some areas and at different seasons.13 Intervie wee

Number General Interview Summaries

(7) agreed to visit with DCRM staff members when our crews get up this way for interviews. The pair also recommended that we consult with a nother local hataa ł ii.

At a subsequent interview, he mentioned the medicine iil n a ji i ’ in the Mule Ear area (Tsenaza ) [between Mexican Water and Dinnehotso]. He stated, “One has to go down into the bikoh (canyon) to get good plants over in the Mule Ear area; it takes a youn g person to go down into the canyon. I can no longer do it because I am getting old. The plants for all ceremonies were available near our homes, but now we have to travel to get it.”

He said, “When you look for plants now around Aneth, the plants do not always look healthy; their leaves have brown edges or sometimes they have unhealthy looking roots. I have noticed that the leaves are brownish and there are scars and growths that are not normal. So I am sure that the air affects the plants like it does us , and the roots do not look well too because the water that wets them is contaminated as well. Like us, they [plants] are affected by the local environment. When you find the plant that you need, you talk to them when you are gathering it and provide them an offering and explain how it will help a person. You do this by talking to the plant that will be used for medicine.”

He said he now travels to other areas to locate healthy plants, including the Wheatfield Lake area [between Navajo, NM, and Tsaile, AZ, well outside the project area]. He collects a particular plant from the south face of one of the formations, way up high on the mountain. He also explained how some plants are being misused; he said this could cause harm to the gatherer too. He said, one should always bring what was not used back to the place of origin, but because of the distance herbalists how have to travel this was not always possible. But his main concern was for the plants in the Aneth and surrounding area. The people he helps are fr om that area, and the plants that live and/or used to live there were placed there for them. These plants are now gone,

and herbalists and hataa ł ii have to travel for them. He also said, “These plant gathering areas have been used for generations by one fa mily, like fathers and grandfathers.”

“There’s lot of oil and gas development activities; I think that is why there are no more plants. The smells and waste left on the ground affects our breathing, and I am sure it harms the plants

and animals too. Resea rch is needed to see how all of these unseen fumes and smells are affecting our health. There are still ceremonies, but the plants that go with the ceremonies are getting harder to get near here.” He continued, “Even though it rains, sometimes it is still too hot; most of the plants are gone because of the heat. Maybe they [the plants] just migrate to better

areas. Chishi ceremonies help with health issues from lightning/twisters. I was able to gather

ilkoh and atsaa bi... [full name not recorded] from near t he rocks but often cannot find them anymore. When it’s windy, it blows all sort of bad things that harm the plants. When it’s calm, it seems alright

, but the smell and other things in the air that we cannot smell affect our lungs, the lining of our nose, a nd gives us headaches.”

“The water is all not good either. For years the oil and gas leaks have been seeping into the washes and natural springs, and I am sure it has ruined our local water. Someone needs to test our water in this area. Our old natural sp rings are gone, and what is left tastes awful or barely exists. Over where I live they tested our old spring and it turned out bad. They retested at a different location and found that at 160 feet the water was good, so something has seeped into the upper groundwater.”

“Otherwise, since we are talking about sacred areas and such, let me tell you of a place we use to place ni t liz [offerings], but, the location got bladed for road improvement. Then there was also a place where we gathered plants for the W ola chiiji around my home area, but during a seismic project the plants got bladed. The good thing is, when I checked they had grown back a distance

from their old home.”

He then spoke at length about living downwind from a uranium mining area. He talked of how the both the oil/gas industry and old uranium mines are affecting people’s lives and causing14 Intervie wee

Number General Interview Summaries

health problems. He was concerned that the oil/gas

- related health issues may turn out to be as detrimental as uranium. He has had patients who complain about i tchy skin, rashes, sores in the nose, and does not know if this is related to the dry air or a combination of blowing uranium dust and the burning of gas.
9 (Aneth) At a meeting at the Aneth chapter house, (9) stated, “ A ll living things live on air and wa ter. The plants need air just like us

, and our air is hot. We hardly get any more rain; our community [Aneth] is like a furnace. Our air is polluted by the heat. We let off so much heat and gas that it is affecting us and all living plants and animals. The animals seek plants that are their medicine

and food

, but around here there are fewer plants for them to eat. The goats are real smart ; they seek out good plants. The cottonwood s that use d to grow along the river seem to be dying out

, along with other

, sm aller shrubs and plants. We are missing some birds

— birds that assisted us with prayers. There are even fewer prairie dogs. There us ed to be eagle s’ nests in the trees along

the river too. I see th is area as being a hogan stove pipe that lets off heat into the atmosphere. When we were little, we were trained to collect plants, and I would be asked to go over to certain

area s to collect plants for family members. Those plants have all moved. I remember one for an upset stomach; that plant is not growing where it grew for years. My mom would say, “G o get
me some berries and wah’

. ” I cannot do that anymore. I don’t know if the heat from the burning of excess gas will ever stop

, and as long as they do it we will be living like this and it will get

worse. We hardl y get any rain

, and we have not had a good snow in a very long time. We cannot

seem to get our concerns about being overrun by gas/oil companies to the right people.”

At a subsequent interview, he stated, “I notice patients with allergy

- like symptoms when they come to see me. I hear that sometimes within 2 to 5 hours after taking the natural medicine that was made for them, they start rubbing their noses or eyes again. This may be because the plants are not from here or are not healthy.”

He said, “During the summer, you can really smell the gas/oil residue left from the companies around here. The ground smells of spilled gas/oil that has been covered with dirt. I think you can tell how bad some of our ground and water sources are by looking at and using ou r local plants

— they are no longer healthy. When the plants become dry, the edge of the leaves become dry. [ Once ] There were a lot of plants, but there is much less today; what is left is not healthy. When I gather plants I notice that the edges of the plan t leaves are brown

— a sign that something is bothering them. The air affects the plants w e use for traditional medicine

— I know this is a fact. The plants need air and water just like us

, and those two elements are bad around here.

Around 1980, his father g athered plants. He name d a few of the plants he gather s locally

, including those for infections called nii’iinił, na’ashjéiidaa’, azee has’jinii’, ya ii ya, na’is kaji, iicha’ji azee. “ There use d to be more birds too. I do not see any more eagles and ducks . I bet even the fish count is low. The plants with long deep roots may survive better , but for sure, the

short

- rooted plants are having a hard time

. or most no longer exi st. I know I have not seen any

a wee’a’tsal, tsinitłiz, or nidiyilitsoh where I use d t o gather them. Also, niłchił bichił is no longer available nearby. ”

“My father used to say after plants go missing for a season or two, they will come back, and the plants did grow back, but now, the plants do not come back for several reasons. It does no t rain, and the area is so hot, and the air smells now. It was not like this when I was a child helping to take care of sheep along the river and camping along the river. Also, when the wind blows, I am

sure it blows in contaminated dust from all of the bu ried waste.”

During the interview, he mentioned that a t the recent meeting with the Aneth Chapter, Resolute

and the US EPA , the visitors kept saying “W e are only talking about ‘the air quality .’” “ All they talked about was the air, and not about water, or about plants

, even though they are all interrelated. How can you separate them? In order for anything to live , it has to have air, water, and land, and all of these elements are interconnected and give life. ” 11 (Aneth) L ives within one mile north of the flare. She was asked if she had any issues related to air quality. She stated that it does impact her life, and that she moved to the top of the mesa from15 Intervie wee

Number General Interview Summaries

down below. near her extended family, to get the breeze, but she still has issues. She said she

form erly lived below the “barrels” [tanks].

She said she relocated to get away from the all dust, noise, and residue from the gas facility. She said the flare that was rather scary because of the residue it leaves after they ignite the flare to burn the gas. She thought the move would help, but they still get the residue on their vehicles because their current place is at the same elevation as the main flare.
13 (Aneth) T he Aneth Chapter p resident asked if arrangements could be made to scheduled site visits to tour the Resolute facility. He also asked if any surveys had been conducted regarding, plants, livestock, etc., which would tell them how far the effects of the gas industry may be impacting their community since 1987. They would like to see the bigger picture on how the industry may be affecting them.

22 (Sweetwater) She stated they gather plants from the area to the east (possibly the mountains) and do not gather near the Aneth area. She stated that she has concerns for plants because they are medicin e and wonders if the pollutants in the air may travel down to the ground when it rains. She said. “Certain iłkóh is used for stomachs, including stomach cancer. We mainly use it for that ailment. People come to us for different medicines, and we gather and mix remedies for them. We [also] make medicine for asthma and breathing problems.”

“Some nights we go to sings [ceremonies] in Aneth, and I help sing. It really smells awful there. You can smell the residue of the gas and oil production in the air, and w hen the air is thick, it makes it hard to breathe and sing.” We go to sings in Dził nahozili, Lukachukai, Narbona Pass, and Ganado. I really do not know how those people and relatives can live that way

— all the smell and such. The air feels thick and conges ted. Once I had to drive up to the hill to get some better

air.”

30 (Sweetwater) S aid [at one time] many people had sheep, and now there are a few who still have sheep. He continued, “There were numerous sheep, and there were no problems with the sheep ea ting the vegetation. Now there’s nothing but Russian thistles.” He is not sure if the air quality had any effects on the vegetation. “But something killed off the brushes,” he says.

He also said medicine such as iłk’óh was mixed with other medicines. But that cannot be found either; around the area, there’s none. He would drive around the area and couldn’t find any of that type of plants (medicine). There used to be some, such as k eya hani (?), but now there are

n one. His wife’s father used to use that type of medicine plants with his patients. Such medicine plants (herbs) were used, such as for problems with awee’ . Toward the highway there used to be yadihachini, used for Hozho’ji (Beauty Way). Now, you don’t find that anymore. Now one has to go to the mountains to find the numerous medicine plants used for nahagha. He said, “Yes, the air, the smells from Red Mesa when you go out there for meetings. When you go through Aneth, in about 2 days it’ll start to bother t he nose and eyes, with burning sensations.

He also said, “At home, when you open the door, you can smell the fumes. The fumes stay with you and can smell them from inside your body.” He thinks that it affects all ages, that when you go out to other commun ities, people have certain attitudes. He said, “I think these environmental issues affect them, in a psychological way. For example, angry, negative attitudes, and people speaking negatively about each other.”

He asked, “when aká [oil] is inhaled or eaten over the years, how would it affect you? Is that how it affects people?” He thinks it works against people. He called it aka bisííl. “For example,

dibé [sheep] , they normally go in groups.” He’s noticed that it’s different now. He says they are crazy. “Be fore, they worked together. You could hear them when one gets lost or so. Now the sheep don’t do that anymore.”

32 (Sweetwater) I s sixty

- six years old and has lived in Sweetwater all his life. He performs Navajo ceremonies such as the Big Star and Lightni ng, for different reasons, such as for body ailments or keeping evil spirits away. He has offering sites in the local area. He described how the bad air causes sickness, such as headaches and body ailments, and breathing becomes difficult. The air smell s l ike oil residue from the oil wells. He also explained that in his surrounding area the vegetation16 Intervie wee

Number General Interview Summaries

has become scarce. He described the Navajo traditional medicine known as azee’

, and there is still some left in the area. The local grass es and brushes that s heep graze on are really scarce. He is not sure of the local water supply because he has no water service to his home. He feels his Navajo ceremonial practices are not affected by Resolute ’s operation. Mr. Hut currently does not object to the permit renewa l but he did say he may change his mind.

33 (Sweetwater) Is a hataałi. He is 55 years old and has lived in Sweetwater all of his life. He did not disclose the types of ceremonies he performs.

He expressed concern about the traditional medicine a zee ’ ; he said that plants [locations for gathering] are not stable like they used to be. He does not know why they now tend to be growing in different surroundings. He did say that he did not think the plants he gathers are affected. However, he expressed great concerns about water. He said, “I think the water is

contaminated and it has been affecting the local area.”

He ended by saying he had no objection to the Resolute Natural Resources oil/gas refining projects because they employ Navajo s

. 34 and 35 (Aneth) This couple was interviewed at their residence, located within 600 feet of the flare. M r s She and one of her cousins have the grazing permit for this area. The Oldman family was not informed about the meeting on November 20, 2014. T hey would like to meet with an EPA representative

to discuss their concerns. She also as ked what was being done about the other flares in the Aneth

area.

She stated, “The gas from flare really smells in the mornings; our area smells all the time

, but it

is worse at different times. Living this close to the flare is hard. We get oil on our h ouses and cars. You can see spots of oil y drops that come from the flare after it has burned. The sprinkle of oil on our property was confirmed by Resolute.

We still use h ataa ł i for our cures. We have had N aa'a’toi, H ochoxi ji , and Chishi ceremonies

pe rtaining to respiratory issues

.

When it blows around here the dust gets everywhere; our trees are almost all dead and we cannot plant anything. The hills we used for placing nitliz have been torn down. Now there’s no more of those, no more prayers done wh ere the hills were.”

He remembers, “over near the flare under the sandstone ledge was an underground spring that was used for drinking, and for livestock. Now the spring has become only a saltwater seep which leaves white salty soil. The spring is ruined . All of the springs near here seem to be salt water

seeps
, and they do not flow like they use d to. The plants are affected because the springs that watered them are gone. Not only are our plants disappearing

, our sheep numbers have been

reduced because the re is no more natural springs and hardly any plants for them to eat. The sheep get sick easily and die. We cannot make a living like the old ones did.”

He continued, “sometimes Resolute releases the gas through the flare tower and it really stinks,

and I know they release CO 2 into the air too. I don’t think the NNEPA know about the bleeding of the gases. I have reported this to Resolute and they denied releasing it. We tell Robert Billie, liaison with Resolute and the Aneth Chapter, but nothing was done a bout it. No reports are provided to the NNEPA. Most of the people here do not know of the bleeding/releasing of the bad gas. The air smells worse during the summers. We have constant headaches from the smell in the air. I am on oxygen now, and I blame it o n living here near the flare and in the middle of all of this oil/gas development for over 30 years. I married into this area and we have no place to go. Both of my wife’s parents live d here for a long time and both died of heart problems. Now,

we both hav e heart problems. My wife had a bypass done on her heart.”

He continued, “ about 20 years ago, I walked into onto a site with an opened tank with H 2 S. I have had heart problems since that time. I think I am the only one in the community area who complains and argues with Resolute over the dangerous gas they are working with near our17 Intervie wee

Number General Interview Summaries

homes.”

She said, “yes

, we live too close to the Resolute facilities

, but where are we expected to go? Our

mothers and fathers have lived here

, and now us. This is our family’ s use area
, and we have

nowhere else to move. For a while the oil/gas workers were driving in our front yard to access their wells. It got so dusty in the summers and we complained

, and finally we worked on the ROW issues. They can no longer drive in our f ront yard; they are using the road to the east. The air still gets real dusty from the traffic. The access roads have taken the medicinal plants around here and none are growing back. People have to go elsewhere to get the plants they use for

medicine.”

T hey continued, “We were told that there would be monitoring of the flares

, but sometimes at night the flare raises real high/big. I had a picture of the flare once when the flare was so hu g e it caught the surrounding dry vegetation on fire. People don’t un derstand; they come from elsewhere when we raise our issues. One has to actually live here to know all of the concerns.

. . A relative who lives on the west side of the flare is currently having health problems, particularly

with her muscles. We do not kno w what happen ed to her

, but we blame our atmosphere around

here. E Begay use d to herd sheep around our use area all the time ; now she gets numbness in parts of her body. We don’t know what to think; we ask, is it from the smells, the water

, or what?

One da y we were asked to have a wedding lunch here and that flare went off, that flare got that stuff all over everything like the steaks, all the paper goods and items we could not replace because we have to bring in food from Cortez. We reported the incident a nd Resolute replaced

our steaks!”

“Every so often a Resolute supervisor may come around to ask questions about our homes and their facilities. We tell them that the smell is bad and tell them about the film of gas residue that

covers our vehicles after a burn

- off ; it’s awful. Then the spring water is no good for the sheep

anymore, and we can’t eat the sheep anymore either; we don’t know if they are eating good

grass, ” she said

.

The couple discussed their situation and wondered which EPA office has [juri sdiction] over their

area : the Navajo Nation EPA, the San Juan County (UT)

, [the Utah] State EPA, or the San

Francisco EPA. He knows about certain issues and worked in [different] places, so he knows about pipelines. He says that Resolute talks about safet y but didn’t do anything about a broken

CO 2 pipeline when it was reported ; all they were told was that a Resolute supervisor will contact

them.

The y stated, “we were not informed whenever they expanded their facility or even asked if we would grant permi ssion for this last expansion.” He and his father

- in

- law went to Cortez for the planning meeting regarding their area. At the time, his father

- in

- law asked about compensation

for his use area. “A n agreement was made that he would get $200 per year with a $ 50 increase each year. At the time, he was told the compensation was for him and the other families near the facility, but now everyone gets compensated even if we get the worst of it.”

“ We cannot use our tachee [sweatlodge] either

, because the spring s wh ere we got our water for

the steam are all ruined

— the springs are all saltwater seeps now. We haul some water from elsewhere. There are places over there that are just ugly; there are pipelines all over the place. When we report anything the answers are, ‘ We will take care of it ,’ but we never see any clean

up around here.”

She stated , “ O ur family moved here before the gas companies

, but no one helps us to stop what is happening; we are being over

- run. Nobody listens to us

. ” 36 (Aneth) A retired teacher a nd daughter of an herbalist was interviewed at her residence. (35) is her aunt. West of the residence was the former Phillips Petroleum facilities, one of the first gas companies who explored and developed the area, but since then the facilities have been sold to others.18 Intervie wee

Number General Interview Summaries

She stated, “there is a flare across the road from us on the east side of our home at about 1⁄4 of a mile from our home. Why is this flare not a part of the study pertaining to the other flare?”

She stated, “I just do not know where to star t with all this oil/gas industry history and development here. All of the water in our community seems to be contaminated. We used to get our drinking water from the substation but were told the water was contaminated there too. So we are getting drinking water from Bluff and bottled store water. They were told even if the contaminated water is boiled, it would still be bad; it is not good water anymore.”

Her mother was an herbalist who knew of plants that grew in their yards that cured illnesses

related t o colds, spider bites, healing after injuries, and those related to changing of the moons. She said, “ Most of those plants do not grow here anymore; I use d to gather them with her right here in the sandy areas. ”

Because of the flares there is no more vege tation in our community. The herbs use to grow there, but no longer.

. . . The Indian paintbrush no longer exists there near the mesa. There was a dark plant used for wood, possibly chilizhini (dark plant)

, towards the east. There were deep

- rooted plants, too. Y ellow flowered plants were visible all around the area.

She said, “Yes, it’s d angerous” to live in the area. When it’s windy the flare swipes the ground and the vegetation. Going to the clinic and using herbal medicine is different, she said . The

m anagement of our [health by] the clinics just prolongs our illnesses because we just return to this [ the bad air]. “ Using the plant medicine doesn’t take long for the cure, but we can’t find those plants around us anymore now. We have to [are supposed to] use local plants

, but we have

to travel for it

, and the plants from other areas may not always work on our issues.”

She continued , “It is affecting our lives. My mother

- in

- law comes to visit us but could not stay overnight ; that’s how bad the smell is. S he says, ‘ I cannot breathe; I feel like choking from the

smell. ’ She leaves after a few hours. ”

Her family can’t have sheep because of the fast cars passing by on the road. She says, for medicine you have to go to Tuba City or Chinle. C hiłdijeehi (sticky plant) used to grow around

their area. There were [native] trees along the river

, but now there are just Russian o live trees. Her family, such as her grandparents

, would move down there during the summers, and now i t’s impossible to move there.

Recommen dations
In order to mitigate the effect of the undertaking on Navajo traditional lifeways and cultural resources, we make the following recommendations.

1. The USEPA or their contractors should visit the homesites within one

- half mile of the flare to see and analyze the oily residue that falls on their property as a result of the burning of excess gas. Resolute should be required to maintain the property around their installation to prevent the vegetation from catching fire and to prevent oil spills

. The p ossibility of moving some or all of the facility to a location farther from current habitation should be seriously considered.

2. The USEPA and/or Resolute should make arrangements to discuss results of air quality tests and monitoring with the chapter of ficials and the nearby residents. A knowledgeable Navajo interpreter should be a part of these discussions. This should not be a standard public meeting where the scientists and policy makers simply notify the public using technical terms. The format of th ese meetings should include culturally appropriate explanations and discussion. Often in large Section 106 compliance scopes

of work

, the contractor is required to provide/disseminate a “popular summary” in language and format19 that is geared to the communi ty. This same concept should be applied to the mitigation of effects of the current undertaking.

3. Although this document is intended for Section 106 compliance rather than NEPA review, we believe that the concept of e nvironmental justice pertains . Execu tive Order 12898, dated February 11, 1994, requires agencies to identify and address disproportionately high and adverse human health or environmental effects of their programs and policies on minorities and low

- income populations and

communities. The posi tive effects of this undertaking on the local Navajo residents and community include access to high

- paying jobs and revenues for the tribe. The negative effects include poor air quality and impacts on traditional lifeways and practices, health, soil, veget ation, wild and domesticated animals,

and water.

4. As stated in the quote at the beginning of this report and also by interviewees throughout our fieldwork, it is impossible to separate air quality from the effects on health, vegetation, soil, and water

— in fact, all parts of the environment. Baseline studies should be made to determine the current situation and continued monitoring should be required. If this work is already in place, local residents MUST be

informed of the results. See #2 above.

5. The residents throughout the project area noted that problems increase during certain seasons and climate and topographic conditions. Any monitoring and testing should include these variables, and again the results should be reported to the public. See #2 abov e.

6. Several users of traditional medicines mentioned that the plants are not only no longer growing where they used to, the ones that remain are not as effective. Resolute could fund a project that is designed and implemented by both local traditional p ractitioners and botanists to inventory and document the types of plants used, their current range, and make recommendations for improvement. Because knowledge of traditional medicines is esoteric, dissemination of results should be restricted. During the fieldwork we were unable to contact Arnold Clifford, a local resident and Navajo botanist. Consideration should be given to working with him and other knowledgeable individuals on this type of project.

7. Although not specifically relevant to this underta king, several of our interviewees noted that there are two other flares nearby. These same recommendations should be considered by USEPA in any undertakings related to those two flares.20 References Cited
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Results of Ethnographic Interviews