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28–179PDF 2018

UPCOMING ELECTIONS IN THE WESTERN

HEMISPHERE: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. POLICY

HEARING

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON 

THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

JANUARY 10, 2018

Serial No. 115–105

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

(

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ or

http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/

(II)

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas 

TED POE, Texas 

DARRELL E. ISSA, California 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

MO BROOKS, Alabama 

PAUL COOK, California 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

RON DESANTIS, Florida 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

LEE M. ZELDIN, New York 

DANIEL M. DONOVAN, JR., New York 

F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, JR., 

Wisconsin 

ANN WAGNER, Missouri 

BRIAN J. MAST, Florida 

FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida 

BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania 

THOMAS A. GARRETT, JR., Virginia 

JOHN R. CURTIS, Utah 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

KAREN BASS, California 

WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts 

DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

AMI BERA, California 

LOIS FRANKEL, Florida 

TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas 

ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois 

BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania 

DINA TITUS, Nevada 

NORMA J. TORRES, California 

BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois 

THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York 

ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York 

TED LIEU, California

AMY PORTER, Chief of Staff THOMAS SHEEHY, Staff Director

JASON STEINBAUM, Democratic Staff Director 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE

PAUL COOK, CALIFORNIA, Chairman 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas 

MO BROOKS, Alabama 

RON DESANTIS, Florida 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas 

ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois 

NORMA J. TORRES, California 

ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

(III)

C O N T E N T S 

Page

WITNESSES 

Ms. Katya Rimkunas, deputy director, Latin America and the Caribbean, 

International Republican Institute ..................................................................... 11

Mr. Michael Svetlik, vice president of programs, International Foundation 

for Electoral Systems ........................................................................................... 23

Mr. Jim Swigert, senior associate and regional director, Latin America and 

Caribbean Programs, National Democratic Institute ........................................ 39

LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING 

The Honorable Paul Cook, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of California, and chairman, Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere: 

Prepared statement .............................................................................................. 3

Ms. Katya Rimkunas: Prepared statement ........................................................... 14

Mr. Michael Svetlik: Prepared statement .............................................................. 25

Mr. Jim Swigert: Prepared statement ................................................................... 41

APPENDIX 

Hearing notice .......................................................................................................... 62

Hearing minutes ...................................................................................................... 63

Written responses from the witnesses to questions submitted for the record 

by the Honorable Paul Cook ............................................................................... 64

(1)

UPCOMING ELECTIONS IN THE WESTERN 

HEMISPHERE: IMPLICATIONS FOR 

U.S. POLICY 

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 10, 2018

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE,

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS,

Washington, DC. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:00 p.m., in room 

2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Paul Cook (chairman 

of the subcommittee) presiding. 

Mr. COOK. A quorum being present, the subcommittee will come 

to order. And I would like to now recognize myself for an opening 

statement. 

I would like to begin this first subcommittee hearing of the Second Session, 115th Congress, by extending a warm welcome to our 

returning members on the subcommittee. I am especially grateful 

for our ranking member, to the left of me here, and especially the 

bipartisan nature of this subcommittee. And I am excited to work 

together with each of you this year to conduct oversight and then 

craft policy to advance U.S. interest in the Western Hemisphere. 

I also look forward to working with the Trump administration to 

advance the national security strategy in the days ahead, especially 

as it relates to addressing the many challenges facing Latin America and the Caribbean. This is an exciting year for regions, 12 elections—oh my God—12 elections will take place in 9 countries, including Presidential elections in Costa Rica, Paraguay, Colombia, 

Mexico, Brazil and Venezuela. Raul Castro has also announced he 

will step down as official leader in Cuba. Although, the next steps 

remain unclear. Each of these events will test the state of democratic institutions, freedom and rule of law in the region. And we 

must never take these principles for granted. 

Approximately 350 million voters across Latin America and the 

Caribbean will have the opportunity to elect new leaders and affect 

the political trajectory of many countries this year. 

It is about the size of your district. Isn’t it? 

The stakes are high for the citizens, as well as for U.S. interests 

in the region. Job and economic growth depend on strong democratic institutions, mutually beneficial bilateral relationships, and 

secure conditions that welcome business investments. However, the 

security situation remains tenuous throughout the region as transVerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:35 Feb 15, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00005 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_WH\011018\28179 SHIRL
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national criminal networks operate with impunity. And illicit activities, including drug trafficking, continue affecting our country. 

Further, unresponsive governments in an endless sea of corruption scandals have eroded public trust in traditional democratic institutions and in leaders who do it not face accountability for their 

actions. Consequently, many countries are facing an apathetic electorate ahead of their elections. A recent poll by Vanderbilt found 

the lowest support for democracy among citizens in the region since 

2004. Fewer than 55 percent of Mexicans and Brazilians believe 

Democracy is the best political system. A little scary. 

Such views diverge sharply from what the United States and 

other freedom-minded countries in the region agreed to in 2001 

with the adoption of the Inter-America Democratic Charter, which 

states that representative democracy is indispensable for the stability, peace, and development of the region. 

The ability for citizens to have access to credible information 

about candidates and platforms, to vote freely and fairly without 

interference, and to have confidence that public institutions remain 

accessible and transparent when considering election results is 

vital to the success of democracy. Likewise, international electoral 

observation missions play a critical role in providing impartial 

verification of election results and strengthening confidence in 

democratic institutions. I applaud Brazil, Mexico, Costa Rica, and 

Paraguay for welcoming OAS observation missions and encourage 

all the countries holding elections this year to allow for robust 

international and domestic observations in their elections. In addition, these elections have the potential to alter the political trajectory of the region and impact U.S. security and economic interests. 

Brazil’s elections could affect critical economic reforms. Colombia’s elections may influence the fate of the peace deal and the 

country’s approach to reducing coca production. And Mexico’s elections might impact its historic energy reforms and the approach to 

the country’s ongoing security issues. 

We also continue to deal with the challenges from regimes in our 

hemisphere as Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro has moved to 

disqualify the country’s main opposition parties from participating 

in Presidential elections. And Cuba continues to deprive the Cuban 

people of any form of free and fair elections ahead of Raul Castro’s 

anticipated handover of power later this—well, it is close to New 

Year’s. Regardless of whatever challenges these countries may be 

facing, the United States and other democratic countries in the region have a role to play in supporting democracy and the citizens’ 

ability to choose their leaders freely. 

I look forward to hearing from our distinguished panel of experts 

whom each has personal experience promoting democracy, increasing government accountability and transparency, and strengthening the capacity of democratic actors throughout the region. 

With that, I turn to my ranking member for—or our ranking 

member—actually, it is your ranking member—a very good friend 

of mine who is a great asset to the committee and a good friend. 

So I recognize him. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Cook follows:]

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Mr. SIRES. Good afternoon everyone and Happy New Year. 

Thank you to our witnesses for being here today. And thank you 

to our chairman for holding this important hearing. I look forward 

to working in 2018 with the chairman and continue the bipartisan 

approach that we have had here for many, many years. 

You know, an important and timely hearing is taking place to 

look at the upcoming elections throughout the region in 2018. 

There are many elections slated for this calendar year in some of 

the most consequential countries in the Western Hemisphere. Some 

of the United States’ largest trading partners and strongest allies 

will see new Presidents in the coming year. And I hope we can continue to build on our partnerships with the incoming administration. 

Unfortunately, some countries, like Cuba and Venezuela, have 

elections in name only. The authoritarian grips of Castro and 

Maduro over the people is absolute, and they refuse to allow the 

will of the people to be heard. It is critical that we do everything 

we can to ensure that, in each and every election, the will of the 

people is heard, and elections are conducted peacefully, safely, and 

freely. Free and fair elections create trust between the population 

and the government for the most transparency in government functions and can allow a country to thrive. Hampering these efforts 

can bring instability, violence, corruption, and economic decline to 

populations, while elites thrive at the expense of everyone else. 

The past year has shown that the entire region is grappling with 

a fight against corruption. No matter where a candidate is on the 

political spectrum, they have been asked by the voters how they 

plan on rooting out corruption, reducing crime, improving economic 

stability and regaining the trust of the general public. The U.S. 

does not have a favorite candidate or outcome. We only want to ensure that democracy is upheld throughout the region so that people’s human rights are respected and we, as a hemisphere, can continue to thrive. It is my hope that we can learn today from our witnesses what more can be done both by the U.S. Government and 

countries around the region to strengthen institutions throughout 

the region to ensure that elections are conducted freely, fairly, and 

peacefully. Thank you. 

Mr. COOK. Thank you, Congressman Sires. 

Now I am going to turn to our distinguished member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you so much, Chairman Cook. 

Thank you to our Ranking Member Sires for holding this important and timely hearing. With the Western Hemisphere set to see 

many key Presidential, parliamentary, and municipal elections this 

year, as you have pointed out, Mr. Chairman, that will have farreaching implications, this is an opportunity to examine the landscape, to see how elections may impact the region and our own interest. 

And, sadly, one place we know we won’t see elections, as the 

chairman and the ranking member have pointed out, is in my native homeland of Cuba. The Cuban people continue to be denied the 

right to choose their own leaders. The system in Cuba is a farce. 

The President is selected by the National Assembly, and the National Assembly, oh, that is selected by the regime in what can only 

7

be described as a vicious circle of corruption. Raul Castro claims 

that he will step down and allow a transition of power in April. He 

has already pushed that back once. 

The reality is, even if the so-called transition happens, the balance of power will remain with Raul Castro for as long as he wants 

it, and the people of Cuba will continue to suffer. The U.S. must 

not give Castro any concessions until we see the regime meet basic 

conditions, like the release of all political prisoners and prisoners 

of conscience. The people must be allowed to exercise the fundamental and basic human rights like freedom of speech, freedom of 

expression, and to have free, fair, and transparent elections that 

are monitored by international observers. 

And then, of course, we have Castro’s protege in Venezuela: 

Maduro. Venezuela is set it to hold sham elections sometime in December, but with Maduro in power, little is expected. Even if elections are held, we know that it will be a fraudulent process—they 

all have been—just as the municipal elections were last year. The 

people of Venezuela have been pleading for a new democratically 

elected government. In 2015, when the opposition won in the National Assembly, what did Maduro do? He stripped it of any legislative power. Now Maduro’s grip on the Supreme Court and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal make it impossible for the voice of the 

people to be heard at the polls. When the people protest, they face 

beatings, arrests, and even death. 

The administration has taken action against Maduro regime officials, but there is so much more that we can do. There is a severe 

food and medicine shortage in Venezuela as a result of Maduro’s 

failed and oppressive policies, and that is why Ranking Member 

Eliot Engel and I introduced, and the House passed last month, the 

Venezuela Humanitarian Assistance and Defense of Democratic 

Governance Act. Our bill mandates a strategy from our agency, 

USAID, to provide humanitarian aid to the people of Venezuela. 

And the bill also aims to fight widespread corruption among Venezuela Government officials and I hope that our colleagues in the 

Senate will take action and pass this measure so that we can help 

those who are in urgent need. 

This year, we will also see important elections in Brazil. With 

public opinion, as you pointed out, Mr. Chairman, at an all-time 

low, increasing public debt, high-profile corruption allegations 

reaching the highest levels in Brazil, the country is at a crossroads 

and faces a critical election. At the center of the corruption scandal 

is the Odebrecht case. Not only has it implicated Brazil’s politicians, but it has also implicated high-profile business executives. 

Unfortunately, the Odebrecht corruption is not limited to just 

Brazil. It has incriminated more than half of the countries in Latin 

America and many current heads of state. It is shocking. 

In December 2016, our Department of Justice reached a plea 

agreement with Odebrecht for at least $3.5 billion of global penalties to resolve charges of bribery and what has amounted to be 

the largest case of its kind in history. And what I want the Department of Justice to do is to name the officials who are implicated 

in this because many of those officials will be standing for elections. And the people will not know that those people they are votVerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:35 Feb 15, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00011 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_WH\011018\28179 SHIRL
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ing for, those have been subject to bribery, not just allegations, but 

factual cases of bribery. 

And I will end with Colombia. Colombia is at a pivotal point in 

the aftermath of agreement between the government and the terror 

group FARC. Colombia still has a ways to go, but it is often overlooked, and it is a critical one. We have so many national security 

interests. 

Thank you, Chairman Cook. Thank you, Ranking Member Sires, 

for holding this important hearing. Thank you. 

Mr. COOK. Thank you, Congresswoman. 

With that, I am going to turn to our member from New York, 

Congressman Meeks, for an opening statement. 

Mr. MEEKS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Thank you, Ranking Member Sires. 

So much of the analysis I have been reading on the Western 

Hemisphere lately conveys concerns about democratic backsliding. 

The tendency to view developments that way is understanding in 

the context of increased visibility of corruption in the region and 

the persistence of violence and inequality. But we contend with all 

of this at a time when most Latin Americans will be in a position 

to cast a vote this year in highly consequential elections. As someone who has been actively engaged in trying to support and advance collective hemispheric interests, I don’t see a region with democracy at risk. Rather, I see a region with democracies that are 

being tested and compelled by citizens of various nations. And in 

the process, they are maturing and being fortified. 

We have moved beyond the extreme political volatility and 

vulnerabilities of the 1980s. Latin American democracies have 

shown that they have staying power, with tools such as stronger 

judiciaries and increased visibility through the press and technology. Economic reforms have strengthened economies. And so 

much so that citizens now, more than ever, are in or entering the 

middle class and the mainstream. They are using their voices and 

purchasing power to demand transparency and accountability in 

their governments. Americans know, perhaps more than any other 

citizenry, that democracy is all evolving and must never be taken 

for granted. We could not look at the rise of populism and anti-establishment sentiment in Latin America and see the trend as democracy faltering unless we are willing to say the same about our 

own country. 

On the contrary, those same trends in the electorate here in 

America and throughout the hemisphere can be viewed as an opportunity to make sure we never neglect democratic institutions, 

which is absolutely key. 

I am glad to see that we have NDI represented here today. And 

I can recall working closely with Mr. Swigert and his NDI colleagues in Colombia on strengthening democratic institutions, particularly as they are related to African-Colombians and indigenous 

communities that have historically been disenfranchised. Afro-Colombians are more likely to live in remote and marginalized communities in Colombia. They are more likely to have many disadvantages that have—than I have time to articulate. But with 

their collective efforts to exercise their democratic rights, strengthen institutions and demand a seat at the table, African-Colombians 

9

in indigenous communities are making progress. Colombian elections in recent years demonstrate that, despite hardships, AfricanColombians are showing up at the ballot box. And I am encouraged 

by that. I am also encouraged by Brazilians who are demanding 

greater transparency in their government. Similarly with elections 

on the horizon, Mexicans are pressing for a change. They’re not 

just satisfied with what is. That is what democracy calls for, the 

people’s voices to be heard. And perhaps one of the most democratically vulnerable nations right now in our hemisphere is indeed 

Venezuela. Here is yet another example of the importance of the 

United States not simply condemning a nation but rather working 

directly with our partners to do all we can to strengthen institutions so that the people can exert their will in democratic countries. 

The United States alone—I talked about this at our full committee hearing, that I have not seen any sanctions work where 

they are unilateral, but multilateral sanctions can make a difference. And so the United States alone cannot and will not make 

a difference in Venezuela. It is regional organizations like the OAS, 

and our allies and partners, that must be a part of any effort to 

help the people of Venezuela. There is still space for political opposition parties in Venezuela. And to that, I have hope. I think too 

often we reach for condemnation when what is most necessary is 

the often quiet and underappreciated work of diplomats and strategic leaders who understand that a hemisphere that we all live in, 

are all critically linked. 

So I look forward to hearing from our witnesses today about the 

upcoming 2018 elections, how they fit into the broader scope of 

democratic trends in the hemisphere, because as the saying goes: 

We are as strong as our weakest link. And I want to thank the 

chairman and the ranking member for this very timely and important hearing. And I can’t wait to hear the testimony of our witnesses. And I yield back. 

Mr. COOK. Thank you very much, Congressman. 

I just want you to check the panel here: We have got Florida, 

Florida, Florida, Florida. And I had to make a ruling that they he 

could not pass out free oranges to influence your testimony, because the best oranges are from California. But saying that, I will 

now recognize Congressman DeSantis. 

Mr. DESANTIS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I just wanted to make one comment. Last month, the President 

made a historic decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital. 

It has been something that has been very popular in the United 

States. Many Presidents have promised it. It was something that 

people warned may cause repercussions in the Arab world, but it 

really hasn’t happened. Part of it is because we are an 800 pound 

gorilla and a lot of those countries need us more than we need 

them, particularly with the specter of Iran. And so, as courageous 

of a decision as it was, it is much more difficult for some smaller 

countries to make the same decision. 

But I just wanted to commend Guatemala for announcing recently that they are going to move their Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem and that they are going to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s 

eternal capital. They have stuff to lose because as a very small 

country, how the Arab League reacts to them is probably going to 

10

be different than how the Arab League would react or has reacted 

to the United States. So I think it is important for us in America 

to say to Guatemala: We support you. We commend your courage 

in making that decision, and we hope other countries in Latin 

America and throughout the rest of the world will follow suit very 

shortly. 

With that, I yield back. 

Mr. COOK. Thank you very much. 

With that, I turn to Congressman Rooney for an opening statement. 

Mr. ROONEY. Thank you, Chairman Cook. Thank you, Ranking 

Member Sires. It is a real honor and pleasure to see distinguished 

presenters here today. 

I just want to make a couple of comments on things I am thinking about. I spent a lot of time in Latin America. You know, back 

in 2006, Peru took a different direction and tried it our way, and 

it has worked out pretty well for Peru, free enterprise and the rule 

of law. My friend Ray Hunt spent a $1⁄2 billion on an LNG plant 

down there. It shows that investment will follow good government. 

Now we have the Pacific Alliance, you know, with Colombia, Peru, 

Chile, and Mexico, and I believe soon to be Panama. I think those 

are green shoots for Latin America. And we recently have the Panama Canal completion and the election of Juan Carlos Varela to replace a very, very corrupt Ricardo Martinelli. 

On the other hand, we still have Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela. Venezuela is descending into total chaos. The average Venezuelan I think we learned here at Chairman Cook’s subcommittee 

hearing has lost 8 kilos in the last year, and we have Nicaragua 

somewhere in the middle ground. This may be controversial for 

some of my colleagues from Florida, but having done business in 

Nicaragua and knowing many private sector people, Ortega is a 

complex guy. He is a horrible, authoritarian crook who runs drugs 

and sucks up to Iranians. But at the same time, the private sector 

loves him, employment is down, and less than 500 people have immigrated from Nicaragua in the last couple of years. I don’t think 

I’ve ever seen a greater dichotomy from an authoritarian ruler who 

takes care of the private sector. 

So just a few things that I was thinking about to kind of frame 

the discussion. I appreciate you all being here. And, Chairman, 

thank you for holding this hearing. 

Mr. COOK. Thank you very much. 

Before I recognize our panel with your testimony, I am going to 

try to explain the lighting system in front of you. Each have 5 minutes for your opening statement. When you begin, the light will 

turn green. If you are color blind, we are all in trouble. When you 

have a minute left, the light will turn yellow. And when your time 

has expired, the light will turn red. These are the instructions that 

they give me so I won’t screw up this. I ask that you conclude your 

testimony once the red light comes on, please. 

After our witnesses testify, members will have 5 minutes to ask 

questions. I urge my colleagues to stick to them. Our first witness 

to testify will be Ms. Katya Rimkunas, and she is the deputy director of Latin America and the Caribbean at the International Republican Institute, known as IRI. And she leads and manages proVerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:35 Feb 15, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00014 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_WH\011018\28179 SHIRL
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grams to strengthen democratic institutions and processes in 15 

countries and oversees the institute’s Washington base and regional staff. Prior to joining International Republican Institute, she 

worked in the office of Senator John McCain. 

Our second witness to testify is Mr. Michael Svetlik, the vice 

president of programs at the International Foundation for Electoral 

Systems. In this role, Mr. Svetlik provides policy and programming 

guidance to the international operations that include electoral assistance and democratic institution building in over 30 countries. 

Prior to his position, he had served as the senior director of programs regional director for Europe and Asia at IFES and was a 

senior lecturer at the National School of Public Administration in 

Warsaw and served as a Peace Corps volunteer in Poland. 

Our last witness to testify will be Mr. Jim Swigert, senior associate and regional director for Latin American and Caribbean programs at the National Democratic Institute, NDI. In this role, he 

supports democratic development by strengthening political parties, 

civil organizations, parliaments, safeguarding elections and promoting citizen participation, openness, accountability in government. That is a real mouth full to carry out all those things. Wow. 

Before joining NDI, this gentleman served 30 years as a career diplomat with the U.S. Department of State, serving Embassies in 

Latin America and Europe. He also worked on the staff of former 

chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Representative Dante 

Fascell. 

With that, we will now begin, and Ms. Rimkunas, welcome 

aboard. You can begin your testimony. Thank you. 

STATEMENT OF MS. KATYA RIMKUNAS, DEPUTY DIRECTOR, 

LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN, INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE 

Ms. RIMKUNAS. I thank you again for the opportunity to testify 

in the upcoming elections taking place in Latin America. Twelve 

countries will hold elections in 2018, and they will do so against 

the backdrop of high level corruption scandals, stagnant or minimal economic growth, sustained high levels of violence, and declining support for democracy. 

Disaffection with democracy and growing citizen dissatisfaction 

with the political establishment is a dangerous mix that could influence the outcome and legitimacy of various elections. If elections 

are badly managed, this also has the potential to undermine public 

confidence and worsen the political situation. With all 12 countries 

experiencing elections are important, I will touch upon a few that 

could have far-reaching repercussions. 

In Mexico, citizens are increasingly fed up with what they perceive to be systematic and entrenched corruption that has infected 

all levels of government and affected their financial bottom line. 

The national anticorruption system, the SNA, which was created in 

2016, serves as a coordinating agency between the government 

agencies and civil society in order to strengthen collaboration in the 

fight against corruption, but despite the progress it has made, the 

culture of transparency that it seeks to promote has yet to filter 

through to the rest of government. 

12

The next President of Mexico will have the opportunity to lead 

the fight against corruption by better supporting the SNA. Mexico 

has also been plagued by some of the region’s highest levels of 

crime and violence. This violence also spills over to electoral periods. In a little over a month, 11 politicians, 5 of whom aspire to 

run for office, were murdered. While violence and crime is a multifaceted issue with many causes, some Mexicans blame the weak 

and partial implementation of judicial reform set in motion in 

2008. This year’s elections will determine whether these reforms 

are fully implemented or scrapped altogether. 

Mexico’s National Electoral Institute needs assistance with combatting disinformation, international observation missions, and 

post-election support to enhance legitimacy. Mexico’s special prosecutor for the attention of electoral crime, one of the institutions 

that helps with the Federal electoral process, has also requested 

international assistance with electoral observation. 

In Colombia, the next President will have the difficult task of implementing the peace agreement reached with the FARC and carrying out the reforms promised. This will not be easy as there is 

a general dissatisfaction with the progress in implementing the 

agreement. There is increased unrest in communities where citizens feel that the government has failed to deliver on its promises. 

These communities, often in rural areas and post-conflict zones, 

have local governments which tend to be disconnected from the 

central government and have a lower capacity to govern. Yet they 

are charged with the implementation of a lot of these reforms. 

In order to do this successfully, local governments must also be 

able to communicate and coordinate with their Federal Government colleagues. It is vital to support increased government capacity in these rural communities and help to open up channels of 

communication between different levels of government. 

Colombian elections are historic, as the FARC will participate for 

the first time. Under the peace agreement, they are guaranteed at 

least 10 seats in Congress for the next two elections. While the 

FARC’s organization and influence in rural areas could help them 

in the elections, the group remains vastly unpopular on the national level. 

In Venezuela, President Maduro could schedule the Presidential 

elections for as early as the first quarter of this year to consolidate 

power prior to further deterioration of the economy. Maduro has 

taken steps to ensure his victory in the elections by banning the 

main opposition political parties from running. The last few elections show how far the government is willing to win, including the 

consolidation, closing, and late move of electoral precincts to confuse and discourage voters, manipulate votes, and use and abuse 

government resources and benefits to essentially hold votes hostage. These techniques will likely be used again for the elections 

in addition to an electoral council packed with government cronies 

and government control over the media, all of which leaves little 

chance for legitimate free and fair electoral processes, and it discourages voters from participating. 

In order to achieve a free and fair electoral process, the government would at minimum have to roll back all the structural obstacles it has put into place, including changing the electoral council 

13

to provide for balanced presentation of the opposition and allow for 

domestic and international electoral observations. 

In Cuba, Raul Castro is set to step down in April. The road to 

selecting a new President is an election in name only. The Cuban 

Government has long asserted its power to ensure complete control 

over the process in its outcome. And these elections are really no 

different. 

The National Assembly will elect a new President who is expected to be current first Vice President Miguel Diaz-Canel. However, Castro is expected to remain the head of the Communist 

Party, thus retaining most of the decision making power on the island. Some suspect that Castro may try to maneuver his son, Colonel Alejandro Castro Espin, into the Presidency. However, he is not 

part of the upper ranks of the Communist Party, military or government, nor is he a member of the National Assembly, although 

that could change with the upcoming selection of new National Assembly members. 

In the tightly controlled and repressive environment, Cubans 

continue to demand the opportunity to control their destinies. 

Cuban youth especially are increasingly pessimistic about their futures, disconnected from the regime, and want to leave their country. The U.S. should support programs that provide outlets to these 

disaffected youth and civil society actors. Additional assistance to 

increase the island’s connectivity with the outside world and within 

the island is also needed. 

And I would be remiss if I didn’t quickly mention El Salvador’s 

legislative and local elections taking place in March. These will be 

a bellwether for important 2019 Presidential elections. The last two 

elections there were contested, and there were allegations of electoral irregularities and fraud. The 2018 elections will be a test for 

the country’s electoral tribunal to see how far they have come in 

recent years. Support for this tribunal, electoral monitoring, and 

greater civic engagement in the process is needed from now 

through next year’s elections. 

In conclusion, as Latin America approaches a highly consequential year of elections, many things remain unclear. But what is apparent is that the direction of these countries will impact the U.S., 

especially on issues like the economy, immigration, and security. It 

is vital that Congress and the administration support efforts by our 

partners to ensure free and fair elections throughout the region 

and continue to work to strengthen transparency and the rule of 

law throughout Latin America. Support for improved governance, 

stronger democratic institutions and more active and coordinated 

civil society is needed to ensure that elected officials are able to address core challenges, such as corruption and rampant violence, in 

order to ensure that citizens can have faith in their democratic systems. 

Again, I am grateful for the opportunity to appear before this 

committee, and I look forward to your questions, thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Rimkunas follows:]

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Mr. COOK. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Svetlik, you are recognized. 

STATEMENT OF MR. MICHAEL SVETLIK, VICE PRESIDENT OF 

PROGRAMS, INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR ELECTORAL SYSTEMS 

Mr. SVETLIK. Mr. Chairman, ranking member and distinguished 

members of the subcommittee, on behalf my organization IFES, 

thank you for this opportunity to discuss the vital role of election 

management bodies in ensuring credible elections in Latin America 

in 2018. 

With generous backing from USAID and other international donors, IFES supports electoral processes worldwide. We are proud to 

work with our Consortium for Elections and Political Process 

Strengthening partners, IRI and NDI, to build strong, inclusive 

democratic institutions. 

Mr. Chairman, professional, transparent, and independent electoral institutions are the backbone of democracy. These bodies administer and oversee electoral processes that engender democratic 

stability, promote peace, and enhance social inclusion. Latin American electoral institutions were at the center of many successful 

democratic transitions over the past two decades, and they will 

play a critical role in the region’s 2018 election super cycle. 

Despite significant progress, Latin American democracy is at a 

crossroads, conditions are ripe for backsliding, largely due to a rise 

in disillusionment and a growing deficit of trust. As the 2017 

Latinobarometro survey indicates, overall confidence in public institutions, including electoral tribunals, has declined since 2013. In 

fact, only 28, 29 percent of Latin Americans express confidence in 

electoral tribunals, down from 51 percent in 2006. And, lastly, 15 

percent of those surveyed say they trust political parties. This low 

level of trust has been consistent over the past decade, falling from 

a high of 28 percent in 1997. 

In light of this crisis of confidence, professional and independent 

election management is increasingly important. Mexico, for example, has enjoyed considerable success in election management over 

the past two decades through investment in well-resourced, independent and professional bodies. We applaud Mexico for the 

strength and capacity of its institutions, particularly the National 

Electoral Institute and the electoral tribunal. 

However, Mexico still faces several challenges that are common 

to elections across the region. First, illicit money and campaign finance. The enforcement of campaign finance regulation remains a 

persistent Achilles heel and bears close watching. Next, elections 

are on trial, election arbiters, the courts will be tested with both 

pre- and post-election legal challenges that will require rapid resolution. 

Next, cybersecurity and outside influence. The likelihood of cyber 

attacks varies across the region but looms as a potential threat. 

Worse still is every country’s vulnerability to disinformation, which 

is equally as damaging. And, lastly, inclusive democratic participation as broad participation across society is critical as democracy 

is more resilient when more groups are represented. 

24

At the heart of each of these issues is citizen trust, and institutions and electoral results. Democracy only works if the people believe it is working, and electoral institutions are only effective if 

they win public confidence through transparency, accountability, 

and responsiveness. Electoral management bodies can build trust 

through such things as transparency in budgeting and procurement, through professional communication and strong presence on 

social media, through clear and accessible voter education, through 

consistency in results tabulation and transmission, and finally the 

timely release of election results through—and clear systems to address any election complaints. 

More broadly speaking, Mr. Chairman, we ask you to consider 

the following for future assistance and engagement. We deeply appreciate Congress’ support of robust funding levels for democracy 

programs and encourage you to leverage your oversight role in ensuring that appropriated funds are both obligated and spent. 

The U.S. Congress and the administration must unequivocally 

denounce efforts to erode fundamental democratic norms. 

I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your December 21st statement 

on the Honduran elections which expressed disappointment in 

irregularities but called for all parties to seek relief through established election-dispute mechanisms. We recommend as well that 

election assistance should start early and continue through the 

post-election period to allow for flexible and responsive programming. Multiyear, multi-election programs are the most impactful. 

And, lastly, we recommend targeted support to improve electoral 

leadership, like facilitating peer-to-peer exchanges to build professional experience and spread best practices. 

Mr. Chairman, thank you for this opportunity to testify. Two 

thousand and eighteen will be an important test for democratic institutions in Latin America. IFES remains committed to working 

with our partners and our friends in the region to promote continued democratic consolidation. I look forward to any questions you 

may have. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Svetlik follows:]

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Mr. COOK. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Swigert, you are now recognized. 

STATEMENT OF MR. JIM SWIGERT, SENIOR ASSOCIATE AND 

REGIONAL DIRECTOR, LATIN AMERICA AND CARIBBEAN 

PROGRAMS, NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE 

Mr. SWIGERT. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Sires, distinguished members of the subcommittee and committee, thank you 

for the opportunity to appear before the committee. Today, I want 

to highlight the stakes for the region and the United States of safeguarding the integrity of elections in Latin America’s packed 2018 

election season. 

We often hear that sound elections are an essential but insufficient condition for democracy. Unquestionably that is true. The 

converse is also important: Bad elections are catalysts for instability. In 2018, as two of every three Latin Americans head to the 

poles, the resilience and stability of democracies across the hemisphere will be put to the test. While democratic advances are ongoing—Argentina, for example, is working to boost transparency and 

improve governance—public confidence in democratic institutions is 

in decline. Exposure of far-reaching corruption networks has angered publics and damaged trust in leaders and institutions. Political polarization is on the rise. As Chairman Cook said, the stakes 

are high. Upcoming elections are an opportunity to rebuild confidence and strengthen political legitimacy across the region. Failed 

elections would damage governance and set back hemispheric cooperation on solutions to shared challenges of economic growth, 

trade, drug trafficking, migration, and addressing the crisis in Venezuela. 

This year’s elections are likely to be contentious. As seen in questioning of many recent elections, challenges to electoral integrity, 

some familiar, some new, are becoming more pronounced in the region. Problems include efforts by some political leaders to curtail 

the independence of electoral authorities, twist rules to their favor, 

and use courts to restrict political participation, infusions of illegal 

political financing, including from narcotraffickers, and the growing 

use of disinformation along with hacking for political ends. 

Democracy activists committed to safeguarding elections need to 

step up efforts to address these challenges. The United States and 

other regional and international actors can help by directing diplomatic support and resources to build national capacities both to 

conduct and monitor elections, and for international election observation, which can reinforce the efforts of the national actors. 

NDI’s experience has shown that both international and national 

election monitors have key roles to play. Nonpartisan citizen observers, active throughout the region, and leaders within the global 

movement to defend the integrity of elections build additional trust 

and credibility. They also underscore local ownership of electoral 

integrity issues. 

Proven lines of action to safeguard elections include independent, 

statistically based monitoring of the election day processes and 

election results verification, commonly referred to as parallel vote 

tabulation, PVTs, or quick counts; international networks for solidarity and assistance to citizen election monitors; norms and standVerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:35 Feb 15, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00043 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_WH\011018\28179 SHIRL
40

ards for elections, like the open electoral data initiative that NDI 

helped to launch; youth-engagement programs; and building 

bridges between citizens and officials to prevent election related violence. Democratic elections are today the norm for the Americas, 

but a handful of exceptions exist, Cuba the most glaring one. Venezuela is another. There, a new Presidential election is constitutionally required this year. Under what conditions the election will 

take place, if at all, is uncertain. Given the way the Maduro regime 

has dismantled democracy and trampled on the rule of law, 

stepped-up international pressure for improved election conditions 

is essential if the Venezuelan people are going to have a say in determining their country’s future. The United States should also not 

lose track of unresolved electoral integrity issues. In Central America, for nearly a decade, Nicaragua’s electoral process has been 

characterized by opaqueness and deliberate restriction of political 

competition. The scope of irregularities in Honduras’ recent flawed 

elections has cast a cloud over the legitimacy of the process and 

could generate serious instability if unaddressed. Steps are needed 

to enact a robust series of overdue electoral and political reforms. 

International support for improved democratic governance should 

not stop after election day. Ongoing efforts to strengthen democratic institutions are needed so that legislatures, political parties, 

and governments can better address priorities of improved citizen 

security, economic growth, and reduced corruption. This serves the 

interest of countries in the region and ultimately the foreign policy 

of the United States. 

Thank you for the opportunity to share my views with you today. 

I look forward to your comments and questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Swigert follows:]

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Mr. COOK. Thank you very much, sir. 

I am going to forego my questions to the end. We have a number 

of members who are eager to ask questions, and I am going to ask 

mine at the end. So I hope they will remember my generosity and 

kindness. And I am going to turn it over to ranking member, Mr. 

Sires. You are recognized. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I hope you get to ask your 

question and we don’t have to go and vote. 

Thank you very much for your comments. 

National Security Advisor McMaster said there is already evidence that Russia is meddling in the Mexican election set forth in 

July. What can the Mexican Government do to ensure the integrity 

of their election and prevent interference from foreign governments? To your knowledge, is there any government—is the U.S. 

Government engaging with the Mexican Government to convey 

some of the lessons we learned here? Just wondering if anybody——

Mr. SVETLIK. Thank you, Ranking Member Sires, for your question. As I mentioned in my oral remarks, Mexico is very lucky to 

have a very well-resourced and robust election administration and 

electoral tribunal to address the administration of the elections. My 

understanding of the comments that Security Advisor McMaster 

has made relating to the disinformation, the spread of information, 

not necessarily the intrusion of the election—the system of elections. Mexico votes with a paper ballot, and it creates an auditable 

paper trail for the elections. So there is little vulnerability to the 

type of intrusion that might be presented by a disinformation campaign. 

Now the electoral authorities do monitor very closely, they have 

a public financing system for elections and monitor very closely the 

use of media by the political parties and candidates. And there is 

a special department within the National Electoral Institute to do 

that. To my knowledge, I don’t have knowledge of the sharing of 

information, but I do think that is incumbent upon the United 

States to share its knowledge and experience to help Mexico defend 

itself. 

Mr. SIRES. Would you say that Mexico has strongest has the election system in the Western Hemisphere? 

Mr. SVETLIK. If not the strongest, one of the strongest. It has 

made tremendous strides over the past three decades since the reforms in the early 1990s, and it has a budget of $1 billion and 

thousands of employees across the country that manage the centralized system. 

Mr. SIRES. Now, since there is no chance of having a free and fair 

election in either Venezuela or Cuba, what can countries in the region and organizations like yours and civil organizations and civil 

societies do to try to help and improve the situation on the ground? 

Mr. SWIGERT. Thank you, Congressman Sires, for that question. 

I think we need to be clear: There are no elections taking place 

in Cuba. This is a completely different process. And I think organizations such as ours need to continue supporting very courageous 

democracy activists, independent civil society, Cubans who are 

seeking to connect with like-minded activists around the world, 

highlight the situation inside the island and get greater informaVerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:35 Feb 15, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00053 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_WH\011018\28179 SHIRL
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tion and skills on how to make the case for a democratic future inside Cuba. There are a number of initiatives that are underway. 

With regard to Venezuela, I think that it is absolutely important 

to continue the support for the democratically elected national assembly and to highlight what are the conditions for these upcoming 

elections, if these elections take place at all. I think that international pressure and pressure from Europe, Latin America, as 

well as the United States, continued pressure from the OAS, highlighting the conditions and pressing for changes can help. Obviously, it is a decision of those inside Venezuela whether they want 

to participate in this process or not. 

Mr. SIRES. What is the big stumbling block between the two opposition parties coming together in Venezuela? 

Mr. SWIGERT. I think there is a debate that takes place all the 

time in authoritarian societies like Venezuela where they hold election processes that are unfair, under circumstances where there is 

no fair competition and possibility of outright fraud, as to whether 

to participate, whether this is an opportunity to mobilize supporters and highlight the deficiencies of the regime, and that debate continues today. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you. 

Mr. COOK. Thank you very much. 

Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you so much, Chairman Cook. And I 

want to point out that Mr. Eddy Acevedo is in the audience. He is 

our former staff director for our Middle East and North Africa Subcommittee. And he is now—listen to this fancy title—Deputy Assistant Administrator and Chief Legislative Strategist for the U.S. 

Agency for International Development. It started here, and it went 

all the way to the back. They couldn’t get it all in there. 

Welcome, Eddy. 

Mr. Chairman, I wanted to ask the panelists about Colombia and 

the peace process and what will happen to the FARC. Will they run 

for office, et cetera. I have long been critical of aspects of the peace 

agreement with the terror group, FARC. And particularly I have 

opposed allowing FARC members to run for political office. But 

under the current agreement, the Colombian House and the Colombian Senate have guaranteed the FARC five seats in each Chamber 

and any of them can run for President. I believe that we have a 

moral obligation to the victims of the terror the FARC, and allowing the FARC to hold power in Colombia’s Government before justice is served is just plain wrong. But whatever your views on that, 

it is already a done deal. 

Is it possible do you think that the FARC could be using its illicit 

profits from its narcoterror activity to fund any electoral campaigns? Are you monitoring that? Have you heard of any problems? 

Are there any indications that the FARC could be using fear and 

intimidation tactics in order to undermine the democratic process 

to its advantage? 

Ms. RIMKUNAS. Thank you very much for the question. In the 

conversations that we have had with local partners in some of 

these more rural areas and post-conflict zones, there is a fear that 

the FARC does have increased control and increased influence, 

whether it be monetary or just with fear over some of the electoral 

51

processes, including the candidates. And while they themselves 

may not necessarily be running candidates under the FARC new 

party, they may be influencing some of the candidates running for 

office. And it is I think a fear that is shared among not just the 

local partners but others observing the election and something that 

we are looking closely. We don’t have any official programming 

that is taking a look at that right now, although I think that is an 

excellent recommendation. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Well, thank you for putting it on your radar. 

I wanted to ask about the double standard when it comes to the 

OAS. In Honduras, the secretary general took it upon himself to 

ask for new elections while its own electoral observation mission 

and the European Union mission did not come to the same conclusion. Conversely, in Nicaragua, the OES electoral observation mission stated, ‘‘The mission received 219 complaints that were forwarded to the Supreme Electoral Council.’’ But the council is led 

by Roberto Rivas, who was just recently sanctioned by the U.S. for 

human right violations, for corruption, you name it. So, in Nicaragua, the OES is asking the inmates to run the asylum, but in 

Honduras, the secretary general is seeking new elections. 

Do you share any concerns about this double standard, and how 

do we make sure that there is a more uniformed response at the 

OAS for these kinds of problems? 

Mr. SWIGERT. Thank you, Congresswoman, for the question. I 

think the question of double standards has always come up with 

regard to international responses to elections. Election observation 

is a tough job, and it is not unusual that you might find some differences between European Union international observations and 

OAS international observation groups. I think the important thing 

is to press—to look at where we are right now—and to press for 

improvements in both countries. I think, as I pointed out in my testimony, there are serious deficiencies in the case of the electoral 

system in Nicaragua. And the irregularities that occurred in the 

Honduras election, about which both the OAS and EU agreed, were 

severe. So what to do? I think that there is a need to move forward 

on political and electoral reform. There are some proposals out 

there, for example from the conference of bishops inside Honduras, 

to convene a constituent assembly. President Hernandez has called 

for a dialogue. Clearly, steps have to be taken to remove this cloud 

over the election. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you very much all of you. 

And thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. COOK. Thank you very much. Thank you. 

Congresswoman Torres, you are recognized. 

Mrs. TORRES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Building on some of the 

questions that have already been asked. I want to thank the panel 

for being here. I very much support your work and admire the 

work that you do internationally. 

In regards to Honduras and the work there of the OAS, in my 

opinion, the State Department failed us miserably, head-in-thesand type of attitude when they certified Honduras for U.S. assistance while they were in the middle of figuring out what to do with 

their election process. So, at this point, what is the U.S. policy in 

52

supporting the OAS? I mean, do we continue to align ourselves 

with the work that they do, or do we not? 

I have had an opportunity to meet personally with people that 

were on the ground and election observers. It is alarming to hear 

directly from them the processes that took place, how the computer 

systems went down, and how a very different candidate who was 

scheduled to lose came up winning after the computer system came 

back live and many other issues that they have identified. So I am 

curious to hear your opinion with your backgrounds as to, what do 

you think, where is our positioning with OAS? 

Mr. SVETLIK. Thank you for your question. Speaking from my organization’s perspective, we have enjoyed a very productive, collaborative relationship with the OAS and its observation efforts 

and its technical cooperation missions, as well. We are currently 

not active and have not been for the past couple of years in Honduras. So it is difficult for me to speak directly to that experience. 

I do think, however, and I would say generally in response to the 

previous question about the U.S. observation efforts, they do provide a clear and concise document or documentation of what happened in the electoral process upon which organizations like ours 

can clearly address then the issues that others in the community, 

the domestic civic community——

Mrs. TORRES. What are the implications, though, for the OAS observation missions, in the upcoming elections, and obviously, we 

did not support them in their positioning of this election. What did 

we learn there? 

Mr. SVETLIK. I think we learned, as was mentioned, how difficult 

the job of observation can be in terms of evaluating the election in 

real time. As you pointed out, the prolonged tabulation or vote 

count process or the interrupted vote count process was extremely 

problematic, and we live in a world where we are expected to get 

an immediate result, an immediate evaluation of the process, and 

making the job of election observation even more difficult. 

Mrs. TORRES. Mr. Swigert, in your testimony, you note that one 

of the main concerns with elections in our hemisphere is illegal political financing from narcotraffickers. We talked about FARC in 

Colombia, for example. They mostly dealt in cash, and there hasn’t 

really been a true accountability of how much cash they may still 

be hanging on to. So, aside from Colombia, what other countries in 

particular where this could be a problem, and is there anything 

that we can do to help those governments identify those types of 

problems? 

Mr. SWIGERT. Thank you, Congresswoman, for the question. I 

think, unfortunately, there is a fairly extensive list of countries 

where this is a problem. It starts from Mexico and goes south. And 

I think any country that has been a country of production or transit is susceptible to this sort of corruption. It is most severe, in my 

experience, from what I have heard from partners on the ground, 

coming from all political perspectives at the local level. And the response has to be a response taken by the local government institutions, in the first case to pass legislation on political finance, to require candidates and officials to disclose what resources they are 

receiving and from where, and there are a variety of approaches 

that have been taken in the hemisphere. 

53

We have been trying to work with political parties directly on 

trying to help exchange information on how to choose candidates 

because what we have found is party leaders themselves oppose illicit financing getting into politics. 

Mrs. TORRES. Thank you. And I yield back. 

Mr. COOK. Thank you very much. 

At this time, I am going to recognize the gentleman, the Congressman from Florida again, what a surprise, Mr. Ted Yoho. 

Mr. YOHO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I appreciate it. I appreciate the panel being here. Let me see 

where to start. 

Twelve elections in nine countries this year. Russia is really 

going to be busy. You know, I hope Putin is ready for that. 

But, seriously, you know, the threat of challenging democracies—

and as Gregory Meeks brought up, democracy is being challenged. 

And we believe in a certain type of democracy here, having a constitutional republic that goes through a democratic process to vote. 

We know the value of that. We have got a 200-plus year experience 

in that process. And we know that value. And it is more about the 

idealisms of America that we cherish so much and I think that a 

lot of the world wants. And when I look at what is going on in 

Latin America, from Mexico south, when I see what is changing 

down there—and as you, Mr. Svetlik, brought up, the citizens are 

losing confidence in the electoral process, for one thing. They are 

losing confidence in their governments due to corruption and the 

lack of the electoral process. Therefore, democracy as we experience 

in this country is dropping. You know, people are kind of confused, 

do they really want that. 

And then I look at the amount of aid we have put in there with 

USAID—and I am glad Eddy is here with USAID—if you look at 

Mexico, there is $59 million for good governance to combat corruption, for civil society; $12 million in Colombia; $4.8 million in Venezuela; $11 million in Cuba. What is your experience on that 

money that we, as legislators, are spending of American taxpayers’ 

money? What is the benefit of that that you see if we are seeing 

the slide kind of going down? 

Let’s start with you, Mr. Svetlik. 

Mr. SVETLIK. Thank you for your question. The investments that 

are being made, we appreciate very much the funding that is made 

available through USAID to help us in engaging in these issues. 

The investments are, I think, important to make in part because 

of the cautionary word that my colleague made regarding bad elections and the backslide, further backsliding that can take place. We 

are, in many cases, facing some third generation issues in many of 

these countries that are difficult to solve, that require persistent 

and consistent attention, working to build systems that are responsive, giving citizens the information to address their issues, to address these issues themselves. But it is an effort that I think, over 

the long term, pays dividends. It is something that needs to be 

maintained. 

Mr. YOHO. Ms. Rimkunas. 

Ms. RIMKUNAS. Thank you for the question. 

If I may, the support going to these countries is showing dividends. It is showing impact and results. And we hear that from, 

54

and we see that from, our partners and the beneficiaries. One aspect I think that is feeding into this, into kind of the distrust and 

decrease in the belief of democracy, is really the dissatisfaction 

with the political establishment and weak political parties throughout the region. This is something that our funding hasn’t necessarily been focused on over the last few years. We don’t—at least 

I can speak from IRI and I know some other institutes—our political party work, which used to be our bread-and-butter work really 

has weakened, and it is very, very minimal in the region. And this, 

I think, to a certain degree, speaks to the weaknesses of political 

parties throughout the region and distrust in them. 

Mr. YOHO. Well, and that is the important thing about a system 

that has a democracy because that is the only way a civil society 

can change politics. If we go the other way—and there are so many 

places that have sham democracies. You know, I chair the Asia and 

the Pacific Subcommittee on Foreign Affairs. And we look at Cambodia. This country has invested $1.7 billion in good governance. 

But, yet, when you have somebody like the leader of Cambodia or 

Venezuela that outlaws your political opponents and then says we 

are going to have free and fair elections, it is not working. So is 

there something else we should focus on from our country to bolster 

the outcome of these elections? Not interfere, but bolster the alliance with that country to boost the confidence of the citizens and 

make a strong relationship with America? 

Ms. RIMKUNAS. Sure. I think a lot of the issues that are going 

to be at the forefront of a lot of the voters’ minds for the elections 

are longstanding issues that are present long before elections and 

will be present long after elections. And these are some of the areas 

where our assistance would be good to focus on. Particularly, as I 

discussed, and I think all of us see, some of the governance. 

Mr. YOHO. I am out of time. You hear that rapping? So I appreciate your time. 

Mr. Chairman, thank you. 

Mr. COOK. Thank you very much. 

I would like to recognize the Congresswoman from Illinois, Ms. 

Kelly. 

Ms. KELLY. Thank you, Chairman Cook and Ranking Member 

Sires. Thank you to the witnesses. 

I wanted to know, what affect do you think the renegotiations of 

NAFTA are having on the Presidential election in Mexico? Anybody? 

Mr. SWIGERT. Well, I might start. I haven’t been following the 

campaign on a day-to-day basis, Congresswoman, but I think economic issues are very much on everyone’s mind. Corruption is another top issue, along with the question of insecurity. But I think 

the focus has been more internal, in all the reports I have read 

about the campaign to date, that relations with the United States 

loom large in Mexico, but people are focusing on politics at home 

at this stage. 

Ms. RIMKUNAS. And I would also add that, at this point—and it 

is still fairly early, we are starting the pre-electoral period—

NAFTA itself is not particularly at the forefront of voters’ minds. 

But, as my colleague said, the economy, the U.S. relations with 

Mexico, corruption, those are the major issues that are really, at 

55

this moment, driving the election. Now, there is still plenty of time. 

And I am sure that, you know, that will change as the elections 

are closer. 

Mr. SVETLIK. From a different perspective, our institutional relationship with Mexican authorities is strong, continues to be strong. 

There has been no impact. 

Ms. KELLY. And what about any conversation about the wall? 

Does that come up at all? Or is that worrisome to anybody? 

Ms. RIMKUNAS. I can speak of our conversations with our partners. Again, the focus is on those major issues. And that is really 

what voters are looking to. 

Ms. KELLY. Okay. 

The other question is about transparency. You know, my colleague talked about the money USAID has given to Mexico. And 

it looks like we want to lessen that amount of money. But there 

have been complaints about fairness. And we have Andres Manuel 

Lopez Obrador has complained about election irregularities in his 

losses. So, you know, what can we do to help with election certification, or is there anything that we can do to help in that arena? 

Mr. SVETLIK. Thank you for that question. I recently, this summer, attended a conference in Mexico City on electoral integrity in 

which the Foreign Minister made a very strong invitation for increased electoral observation and involvement of election organizations such as ours. And I think, while the elections are only 7 

months away, it would be timely for there to be funding available 

so that we could engage in those activities. 

Ms. RIMKUNAS. And in our conversations with the INE, the National Electoral Institute, they have requested, again, international 

observation missions as well as post-election support to enhance legitimacy. One thing that they have also mentioned during our conversations is their concern with disinformation. And this goes back 

to the question that you had, Congressman Sires, about the 

disinformation in Mexico. They are concerned about some of the 

disinformation that occurred around the 2017 gubernatorial elections where there was a lot of publicity out in YouTube via videos 

and so forth trying to discredit their PREP system, which is INE’s 

fast count and vote tendency system which, you know, some candidates used as a talking point. So they are looking to strengthen 

the trust from citizens in the process. 

They also shared with us that they have detected some hacker 

attacks from foreign servers. They did not share from where. So I 

can’t confirm at this point from where that is. And they have also 

detected that some of these videos that went viral went viral 

through a coordinated system of foreign servers like an attack. But, 

again, no information was shared as to where that came from. 

Ms. KELLY. Thank you. 

Mr. SWIGERT. Just to add, very quickly, that this concern over 

disinformation also exists in Brazil, and we have been consulting 

with the Mexican electoral authorities on bringing civic groups 

from Brazil together with Mexicans to talk about how they could 

track and deter and counter any disinformation. The concern is not 

just external. It may be internal sources as well. 

Ms. KELLY. Thank you very much. 

And I yield back. 

56

Mr. COOK. Thank you very much. 

At this time, I would like to recognize Congressman Rooney from 

Florida. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Florida. Wow. 

Mr. COOK. What a surprise, Florida, once again. 

Mr. ROONEY. Thank you, Chairman Cook. 

I would like to ask a couple of questions about the FARC deal, 

maybe Ms. Rimkunas, a little bit, start with that, if anyone else 

wants to comment. You know, it is not off to a very good start with 

the hectare buying program having the unpredictable consequence 

of generating an increase in coca production, which is affecting 

Panama and a lot of other Central American countries. So my concern about the FARC deal is the granting of political power without 

them having to earn it. Now we have Timochenko in the election. 

And I have been thinking a lot about what happened with the 

FMLN. And you all are really smart, smarter than me. I would like 

to be interested in if you think that is a reasonable analogy to be 

worried about given where we are with Sanchez Ceren right now 

having given the FMLN power many years ago. 

Ms. RIMKUNAS. The test for the FARC will be—and this is where 

these elections, especially the congressional elections, will be really 

important to watch, as to whether they can reach those ten seats 

on their own. They are guaranteed 10 seats, 5 in the House and 

5 in the Senate. That doesn’t mean that they are going to reach 

them on their own, meaning that they are going to get enough 

votes to get those seats. So, regardless of the amount of votes that 

they get, they will be given those seats. But, again, it will be——

Mr. ROONEY. That is the problem. 

Ms. RIMKUNAS. Correct. But, again, it will be a test to see whether they have that base of support. And, again, through the 2026 

elections, whether that base continues to support. 

At this time, the overwhelming majority of Colombians do not 

have a favorable view of the FARC and don’t support their transition into a political party. So, again, I think that that is something 

that we will continue to watch. 

Mr. ROONEY. Any other comments? 

Mr. SWIGERT. Congressman, I would add that, going back to a 

point that was raised earlier about a concern of the victims inside 

Colombia, the victims of conflict, there are new transitional districts that have been set up that will allow citizens’ groups and victims’ groups to elect Members of the Congress under the terms of 

the peace agreement. I think that is an area to keep an eye on. It 

provides an opportunity, an opportunity to increase the voice of 

those who have been abused under this conflict. And it is an area 

where we and IRI have looked for ways to help improve the voices 

of the victims in the political system. 

Mr. ROONEY. If I might, one more, the last minute or 2 here, is 

I remember working on the AMLO situation in 2006 with your 

boss, Dan Fisk, who is a great guy—and please tell him hello—and 

I just wonder if any of you all would like to offer any kind of comment on what the high potential right now, or certainly potential, 

of AMLO winning in Mexico might bring to the United States-Mexico relationship? 

57

Ms. RIMKUNAS. Well, AMLO is certainly leading in the polls right 

now, though I would say that polling has been uncertain in the region. So, again, there is a lot of time left before the elections and 

a lot of things still to be decided in terms of the candidates running. 

Right now, as you are all aware, AMLO has become much more 

moderate. He has become much more centrist, in terms of the economy, he wants to keep things moving. He wants to keep the Central Bank at the forefront of that. So he is trying not to alarm not 

just his domestic audience but also his international audience and 

really has distanced himself from his previous friends in the region 

and really tried to play it straight. 

So it is a question, that we are looking at closely is exactly if he 

does win, where his positions would, at the end of the day——

Mr. ROONEY. Yeah. Which AMLO is going to show up after he 

wins? 

Ms. RIMKUNAS. Yeah. At this time, I don’t think we can be certain of that. 

Mr. ROONEY. Okay. Well, thank you very much. I yield. 

Mr. COOK. Thank you very much. 

I will now recognize Congressman Meeks from New York. 

Mr. MEEKS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Also, let me just start by just saying to Ms. Rimkunas, I left out 

the great work that IRI does in complement to—I mentioned NDI—

and Mr. Svetlik. I really appreciate your testimony because you do 

magnificent work in trying to help promote democracy. And I feel 

that we are challenged right now. And hereis what we are trying 

to convey in my opening statement. Institutions—and that is what 

you are trying to help create—because that is the bedrock of democracy. Without institutions that are working and operating, then 

we cannot have democracy. And when I think of Latin America, especially back in the eighties, when we just had military coup after 

military coup, with no institutions, and thereby the voice of everyday people not getting to be heard. You know, and from my background, being here in the United States, I can remember stories of 

my dad talking about him not having the ability to vote. He had 

to count how many jelly beans was in a jar, in a democracy, in the 

United States of America that we still—but it is a work in 

progress. 

So we have progressed past the discriminations and preventing 

individuals. We have improved our judicial institutions because it 

was our Supreme Court that, in Plessy v. Ferguson, that said separate but equal was the law of the land. Those institutions and how 

we put people in place, and we are trying, in our democratic societies, to be a more perfect union and to become better. But these 

democracies—even ours is being challenged today—whether it is by 

cybersecurity, as Russia is doing in Latin America. They have done 

it here in the United States, doing it in Europe, trying to undermine our institutions. And what your organizations do is trying to 

strengthen our institutions. And I thank you for it because that is 

how we preserve democracy and give those who have no voice a 

voice. 

I could not be prouder of the people of Venezuela who are standing up and demanding that their voices are heard. It reminds me 

58

of people in the streets of New York and other places when we did 

the same. And what you are doing—and we do all need to call out 

when they are trying to—the government, to keep people and those 

voices from being heard. I would really hope that the opposition 

leaders come together because that hurts when the opposition is 

fighting one another and not coming together to try to make sure 

that there is real voices by all of the people, which I see is lacking 

to a degree. But what you are doing in trying to help and strengthen institutions in Venezuela and other places is what is important, 

as opposed to saying we are just not going to do anything. 

So my question, then, is—because I do believe in multilateral cooperation. And the only multilateral organization that I know that 

is working is the OAS right now. And they have a louder voice. 

What can we do to protect the—you know, to help OAS? And what 

role can they play in strengthening democratic elections and democratic institutions? How can we get, you know, those—I think one 

of my colleagues talked about how Peru and Colombia and Argentina now are doing better. How can we get them also to work in 

a collaborative way with us where those places—where those institutions are backsliding, those that are working, so we can work collectively to making changes and making a difference so we can 

have institutions and have democracy continue and not go back to 

the eighties where you have coup d’etat after coup d’etat? Anyone? 

Mr. SWIGERT. If I might respond very quickly, Congressman. I 

think multilateral initiatives and multilateral institutions are very 

helpful at this moment. The OAS is one, strong support for the 

Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is critical, and there 

are other groups that are active throughout the region. 

On Venezuela, there are homegrown initiatives. There is the 

Lima Group of many governments that has stepped forward and to 

be strong voices in support of democracy in Venezuela. So I think 

it behooves the United States to find ways to support that process. 

When it comes to some of the other challenges that democracy 

faces, I think we need to bear in mind, as you said, this is a moment, and democracy is a process. And it is a process, as I hear 

from friends in the region, that has its ups and downs. But there 

is no better process. 

I think, when it comes to the case of Brazil, we need to bear in 

mind that the corruption scandals are moving forward because of 

the strengths of judicial institutions. And that is necessarily a consequence of one of the pillars of democracy. So I think we have to 

look for ways to strengthen institutions, as you say. 

Ms. RIMKUNAS. And, if I may, long-term support for these democratic institutions is crucial beyond the elections. I think citizens 

see democracy and government work at the local level with their 

mayors, with their city councils. That is where they can feel it. 

That is where they can touch it, especially those that are outside 

of the capital. Especially in countries like Colombia, there are still 

a lot of populations out in the rural areas that don’t necessarily 

and are not connected with their central government. And so, when 

they hear about the scandals and the issues happening, reinforcing 

these institutions at the local level is vital. Thank you. 

Mr. COOK. Thank you very much. I feel like I am back in a classroom again. 

59

Speaking of that, in grad school, I always remember they used 

to quote Bismarck. And I think they were talking about making 

laws and policies—of all people, Bismarck, right? If you know your 

history. And there will be a test after this hearing. And he said it 

was—and it is almost analogous to this. Democracy, it is like 

watching people make sausage. It is not a very pretty process. And 

I am paraphrasing, probably incorrectly. 

But this hearing here, we are talking about a very, very difficult 

subject. It is one which I personally think we, as a country, have 

ignored, Latin America in particular, and for a variety of reasons. 

And I think some of these things that have happened in the past 

we can be a much better neighbor. I am not talking about being 

a big brother or a big sister but somebody—an equal partner instead of having that arrogance when dealing with some of these 

countries. But that is my personal opinion. 

Just one other final piece of business. I am not going to bore you. 

But I do support the decision to recognize President Fernandez in 

Honduras. I hope that they will implement the recommendations of 

the OAS and the EU. 

And one of the things I have been talking about, we want to see 

the lessons learned. Hopefully, in the spring, we would like to—I 

am going to be soliciting for people that want to go to Honduras, 

and some of the other countries, maybe Guatemala down there. 

But if we go to Honduras, the only pre-qualifier is there will be a 

test, and you have got to spell Tegucigalpa correctly. I know you 

are all capable. 

So, anyway, once again, I want to thank the panel for your patience. We had a lot of people, a good turnout, everything else. And 

with everything that was going on, I am glad we got this done because of votes. And you know how crazy it is. So, once again, thank 

you for your expertise and your patience in dealing with us. And, 

with that, there being no further business——

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. No other Floridians? 

Mr. COOK. No, there are seven or eight or nine of them left. This 

subcommittee is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 3:26 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.] 

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