INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL 

STRATEGIC STUDIES 

VLADIMIR ZHIRINOVSKIY 

An Assessment of 

a Russian Ultra-Nationalist 

JAMES W. MORRISON 

NATIONAL DEFENSE UNIVERSITY 

McNair Paper 30 
A popular Government, 

without popular information or the means of 

acquiring it, 

is but a Prologue to a Farce or a Tragedy; or 

perhaps both. 

Knowledge will forever govern ignorance; 

And a people who mean to be their own 

Go vernors, 

must arm themselves with the power which 

knowledge gives. 

JAMES MADISON to W. T. BARRY 

August 4, 1822 
VLADIMIR ZHIRINOVSKIY 

An Assessment of 

a Russian Ultra-Nationalist 

JAMES W. MORRISON 

McNair Paper 30 

April 1994 

INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL STRATEGIC STUDIES 

NATIONAL DEFENSE UNIVERSITY 

Washington, D.C. 
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ta President: Lieutenant General Paul G. Cerjan 

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James W. Morrison is a Visiting Fellow, Institute for National Strategic Studies, National 

Defense University. Mr. Morrison, a member of the Senior Executive Service, has served 

in the Office of the Secretary of Defense for more than twenty-five years, most recently 

as the Principal Director for Russian, Ukrainian, and Eurasian Affairs. 

From time to time, INSS publishes short papers to provoke thought and inform discussion 

on issues of U.S. national security in the post-Cold War era. These monographs present 

current topics related to national security strategy and policy, defense resource management, international affairs, civil-military relations, military technology, and joint, combined, and coalition operations. 

Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations, expressed or implied, are those 

of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Defense 

University, the Department of Defense, or any other U.S. Goverrm~nt agency. 

Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. 

Portions of this publication may be quoted or reprinted without further permission, with 

credit to the Institute for National Strategic Studies, Washington, D.C. A courtesy copy 

of reviews and tearsheets would be appreciated. 

For sale by the U.S. Government Printing Office 

Superintendent of Docmnents, Mail Stop: SSOP, Washington, DC 20402-9328 

ISSN 1071-7552 
Contents 

SUMMARY v 

1. WHO IS VLADIMIR ZHIRINOVSKIY? 

Zhidnovskiy--the Man 

Zhirinovskiy in 1993 and 1994 

Trips to Central and Eastern Europe 

Support and Funding 

Alleged Affiliations with the KGB 

Views of a Former KGB General 

Zhirinovskiy and the Military 

Guards, Paramilitary, and Youth Groups 

Views on and Ties with Iraq 

Jewish Issues 

One Russian Media Assessment 

2. WHAT DOES ZHIRINOVSKIY STAND FOR? 

Domestic Politics 

Russia and the Near Abroad 

Policy Toward Other Nations 

3. ZHIRINOVSKIY AND INCREASING 

RUSSIAN NATIONALISM 37 

Defining Russian Nationalism 

Recent Rise of Russian Nationalism 

Statements of Leaders and Others 

31 
4. IMPLICATIONS OF ZHIRINOVSKIY'S 

INCREASING POLITICAL STRENGTH 

Arguments Against Overestimating 

Arguments Against Underestimating 

Scenarios for Zhirinovskiy's Future 

If Zhirinovskiy Accedes to Power 

57 

5. WHAT SHOULD WESTERN POLICY BE FOR 

DEALING WITH ZHIRINOVSKIY? 73 

APPENDIX: SELECTED QUOTATIONS FROM 

VLADIMIR ZHIRINOVSKIY 79 

Russian Domestic Politics 

Russian Power and the Near Abroad 

Threats to and Relations with Other Countries 

NOTES 127 
SUMMARY 

Zhirinovskiy--The Man and His Supporters 

Vladimir Zhirinovskiy, the chairman of the Liberal 

Democratic Party in Russia and newly elected delegate to 

the lower house of the Russian parliament, has been called 

frivolous, a buffoon, a clown, a kook, but also a 

demagogue, ultra-nationalist, jingoist, fascist, and a 

comparative Hitler or Mussolini. His style of action and 

many of his statements tend to support some, if not all, of 

these charges. He has been described as arrogant, 

provocative, unpredictable, and emotional, but also sharpwitted, resourceful, hard-working, and an excellent orator. 

His statements are often contradictory in substance and 

alternatively aggressive and conciliatory, and it is difficult 

to say with certainty what he really believes and supports. 

He clearly desires power and wants to be president of 

Russia. He seems to believe that to achieve power he 

needs publicity and that to get publicity he must make 

statements and act in ways that grab the attention of the 

media and the public, even if some or many regard what he 

says and does as outrageous. 

Zhirinovskiy was born and raised as a Russian in 

Kazakhstan. This may have influenced his interest in areas 

south of Russia and his later promotion of Russian 

V 
nationalism. He appears to have had an unhappy childhood, 

and accounts of childhood and adolescent incidents suggest 

feelings of discrimination and an early history of others 

perceiving him as a trouble-maker. 

He attended Moscow State University, where he 

studied foreign languages and later law, and worked in a 

number of government or quasi-government organizations. 

He became visibly active in politics only in 1990 when he 

emerged as leader of the ultra-nationalist Liberal 

Democratic Party. In 1991, he ran for president of the 

USSR's Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic, 

coming in third with over 7% of the votes. In 1993, he 

participated in meetings to help draft the new Russian 

constitution and campaigned in the parliamentary elections, 

where he led his party to an unexpected degree of success. 

In recent months he has gained publicity or notoriety for his 

trips to Central and Eastern Europe and his activities in the 

parliament. 

It has been alleged that he and his party have ties to 

or have been supported by the KGB and its successors, 

Russian defense industrialists, the Russian military, Russian 

and indigenous businessmen in Western and Eastern 

Europe, right-wing elements in Europe, Armenian 

businessmen, and Saddam Hussein. The truth about these 

allegations would be difficult to establish. 

Zhirinovskiy's Policies and Positions 

There are many inconsistencies in Zhirinovskiy's stated 

policies and positions across the board. 

l~me~'li¢ Politic: Zhirinovskiy calls himself a 

liberal democrat but has authoritarian leanings. While 

emphasizing the electoral process and willingness to work 

with those in parliament and the government, he has 

vi 
indicated that if he becomes president he would establish a 

dictatorship in Russia at least for a few years or until the 

internal situation improves in Russia or all the former 

USSR. While saying he advocates equal treatment for all 

peoples, he has made anti-minority statements, espouses as 

a slogan "For Russia, for all Russians," and suggests a 

Russian cultural and political superiority. He has made 

anti-Semitic statements, while denying he is anti-Semitic 

and discounting reports of Jewish affiliations. 

Russia and the Near-Abroad: Zhirinovskiy, on the 

one hand, calls for ending Russian assistance to other 

former republics of the Soviet Union and says he does not 

want them as part of Russia at least for the near-term. On 

the other hand, he envisions over time a Russia that 

includes all the territory of the former Soviet Union, 

suggesting that the former republics will seek to subordinate 

themselves to Russia for economic and security reasons. In 

this new Russia, there would be no separate republics based 

on nationality, and Russians would be essentially first 

among equals, with other nationalities allowed to maintain 

their cultural but not political identities. 

Policy toward Other Nations: Zhirinovskiy says 

no one needs to fear Russia, but, on one occasion or 

another, he has threatened to pursue nuclear blackmail 

against the U.S., U.K., and France, attack Germany, Japan, 

and Pakistan with nuclear or other forces, and blow nuclear 

radiation into Lithuania. He advocated replacing the 

president of Bulgaria with one of his advisors, while 

denying interfering in Bulgaria's internal affairs. 

He opposes receiving foreign aid in Russia, and 

opposes Russian aid to countries other than Iraq and Serbia. 

He has written of a renaissance for the Russian military, 

opposes defense conversion in Russia, and strongly supports 

sales of Russian arms abroad. He advocates close relations 

vii 
with Germany and has spoken of an axis involving 

Germany, Russia, and India. He appears to be a friend and 

supporter of Saddam Hussein and Iraq. He has written a 

book entitled Last Dash to the South, which critics say 

propagandizes war against Turkey, Iran, and Afghanistan 

and advocates extending Russian influence militarily 

southward to the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea. 

An official investigation related to his book and other of his 

activities has been initiated. 

Zhirinovskiy and Increasing Russian Nationalism 

Zhirinovskiy appears to have both drawn upon and helped 

stimulate an increasing Russian nationalistic sentiment. He 

has appealed to this sentiment in his campaigns and in his 

post-election statements and activities. In turn, his 

campaigning and the relative success of his Liberal 

Democratic Party in the parliamentary elections appear to 

have helped stimulate other political leaders and the 

Russian government to pay increased attention to this issue 

and in some cases adopt positions that are more 

nationalistic than in recent years. 

Implications of Zhirinovsldy's Rise 

There are many views about whether Zhirinovskiy's success 

to date poses a significant danger to democracy in Russia 

and world peace. Among possible scenarios for the future 

are that he: 

• discredits himself and fades from the scene; 

• is prosecuted and imprisoned for warmongering; 

viii 
• antagonizes people so much that he is physically 

harmed; 

• continues to be a major player in parliament and 

gains even greater influence and power; and 

• eventually becomes president of Russia or heavily 

influences Russian policy. 

Were Zhirinovskiy to become president, we could 

face a Russian government that was: 

• internally anti-reform, even dictatorial, and antiminority, including anti-Semitic; 

• outwardly acquisitive toward other former USSR 

republics; 

• supportive of increased funding and support for 

the military-industrial complex in Russia; 

• anti-Westem and anti-U.S.; 

• supportive of Iraq, Libya, and other irresponsible 

states; 

• capable of declaring, if not executing, the most 

irresponsible of threats to world peace. 

This could have significant implications for U.S. 

national security policy, defense budgets and programs, and 

a broad range of foreign policy issues, including refugee 

policy. 

ix 
What Should the West Do? 

There are several alternative approaches the West might 

pursue in dealing with Zhirinovskiy. These include: 

• neglect; 

• aloofness; 

• purposeful ignoring; 

• constructive engagement; and 

• active criticism and containment. 

The author believes that Zhirinevskiy is 

fundamentally dangerous for democracy in Russia and 

international peace. While it should not be overdrawn, 

much about his rise, his ethnic and nationalistic prejudices, 

and his grand design for military conquest to help save and 

revive the fatherland conjure up the image of a Russian 

Hitler. Western and other states should share a strategic 

interest in diminishing the chances that Zhirinovskiy could 

rise to a leadership position in Russia. While reasonable 

people can debate the best tactical approach to take toward 

this strategic interest, the author believes Western and 

other countries should pursue, and encourage Russians to 

pursue, an approach of "active criticism and containment" 

of Zhirinovskiy. 

X 
1. Who is Vladimir Zhirinovskiy? 

Zhirinovskiy--The Man 

Formative Years and Beyond. According to 

recent profiles, including one published in the Russian 

newspaper Rossiyskiye Vesti (Russian News), ~ Vladimir 

Volfovich Zhirinovskiy was born on April 25, 1946, in 

Alma-Ata (now Almaty), the capital of Kazakhstan. His 

father, described in this profile as an office worker but said 

by Zhirinovskiy to be a lawyer or legal adviser, died within 

a year in an accident. 

In his formative years in Kazakhstan, Zhirinovskiy 

attended a Russian school and appears to have felt that 

there was discrimination against Russians. The authors of 

the Rossiyskiye Vesti profile suggest he has a complex 

about the "nationalities question," rooted in his early 

childhood; they quote him as saying that Kazakh students 

received marks twice as high as Russian students for giving 

the same answers to questions. 

Zhirinovskiy, who displayed a special aptitude for 

foreign languages, reportedly went on to Moscow State 

University, where he graduated from the Institute of 

Oriental Languages or the Institute of Asian and African 

Studies and later the Law Faculty (evening studies 
2 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

department). 2 He is said to speak four foreign languages--- 

Turkish, English, German, and French. 3 

As a university student in his fifth year, 

Zhirinovskiy says he worked as an interpreter for eight 

months and apparently had other work experience for a few 

months, gaining experience on a radio and television 

committee and elsewhere. Then he "went to Turkey as an 

interpreter, with a Russian engineer's delegation. ''4 After 

graduation he served in the Soviet Army in the 

Transcaucasus Military District. 5 He has said that he was 

a soldier in Tbilisi for two years, serving in the staff 

headquarters where he "pushed papers," and that he was 

never rebuked nor did he abuse anyone or participate in 

anything. 6 He then returned to Moscow and worked at the 

Soviet Committee for the Defense of Peace, later at the 

higher school of the trade union movement, where he was 

associated with work for foreign students, at the Foreign 

Law Collegium, and at the "Mir" Publishing House, where 

he was a legal consultant. 7 

Zhirinovskiy is now reported to be married, with a 

grown son, living in a cooperative apartment in Moscow. ~ 

The Recent Political Awakening. Again according 

to the Rossiyskiye Vesti profile, beginning with perestroyka 

in the latter half of the 1980's, Zhirinovskiy developed 

sympathies for Mikhail Gorbachev and, later, Boris Yeltsin, 

and then became dissatisfied with the reformers' activities. 

This profile suggests that Zhirinovskiy's desire for active 

political work and power dates to 1990. Another account 

indicates he belonged to other political groups as early as 

1987. 9 He organized or helped organize the Liberal 

Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) and became its 

chairman. Accounts differ as to whether the founding date 

was March 1990 or March 1991; according to one report, 

an early Liberal Democratic Party was founded in March 
JAMES W. MORRISON 3 

1990 with Zhirinovskiy as chairman, but he was expelled 

and in February 1991 launched his own Liberal Democratic 

Party which in April 1991 was officially registered as the 

first party since 1917 to which the Communists granted 

official status) ° The profile suggests that "In view of V.V. 

Zhirinovskiy's lack of any previous political experience, it 

appears highly dubious that the idea of forming this party 

arose spontaneously. ''n (See the below section entitled 

"Alleged Aff'fliations with the KGB" for allegations and 

denials of involvement of the Communist Party and KGB 

in the establishment of the party.) 

In 1991, Zhirinovskiy's party nominated him as a 

candidate for president of the USSR's Russian Soviet 

Federated Socialist Republic (RSFSR). To be officially 

registered, he had the choice of collecting 100,000 

signatures or at least 213 votes of deputies of the RSFSR 

Supreme Soviet. He chose the latter and, reportedly to 

everyone's surprise, received 477 votes, more than 50% of 

those present. He was said to have impressed the deputies 

with "the absolutely fascinating unconventionality of his 

expressions and opinions and his 'almost magical effect,' a 

'fusion' of shocking peremptoriness, extreme radicalism, 

and unabashed self-publicity." In the actual election won 

by Yeltsin, Zhirinovskiy won 6.2 million votes, about 7% 

of the total, placing third behind former Prime Minister 

Nikolai Ryzhkov. He announced that he would 

immediately start his next election campaign and began 

addressing various groups) 2 

Zhlrinovskiy in 1993 and 1994 

In June 1993, Zhirinovskiy participated in the Constitutional 

Conference, helping to draft Russia's new constitution. 

According to some observers, he demonstrated "a 
4 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

constructive and sensible approach that came as a surprise 

to many other participants in this work. ''13 In the fall, he 

led his party in its campaign for the December 

parliamentary elections, where he and his party surprised 

many with their relative success. 

Toward the end of the election campaign, some 

reformers apparently saw Zhirinovskiy as a threat and 

began criticizing him. Yeltsin avoided--and has continued 

to avoid criticizing Zhirinovskiy personally. State-run 

television on 11 December ran a documentary critical of 

Zhirinovskiy in an apparent attempt to discredit him. 14 

In the 12 December parliamentary election, 

Zhirinovskiy's Liberal Democratic Party won 22.8% of the 

nation-wide party-list vote for 225 of 450 seats in the 

lower-house State Duma--more than any other party, with 

the pro-reform Russia's Choice coalition coming in second 

with 15.4%. After counting in victors in the other half of 

the Duma seats chosen by individual district, Zhirinovskiy's 

party came in second for total representatives in the Duma 

with about 14% of the seats, following Russia's Choice 

which gained about 17%) 5 Zhirinovskiy himself won an 

election contest for one of the district seats in the Moscow 

area. 

After the 12 December parliamentary elections, 

Zhirinovskiy actively sought or welcomed selection to 

various positions in the government or State Duma. He 

suggested publicly that he would be open to Yeltsin naming 

him prime minister or simply a minister) 6 He was one of 

ten delegates nominated to be chairman of the State Duma, 

but he withdrew his candidacy, referring to his 

unwillingness to "act in the role of an overseer. ''17 

Khirinovskiy sought the chairmanship of the State Duma's 

foreign affairs commission but was blocked from this 

position by parliamentary leaders; and, in an apparent 
JAMES W. MORRISON 5 

compromise, his party was given the chairmanship of a 

newly-created "geopolitical" committee, the mandate of 

which is unclear. ~s 

Earlier in the fall of 1993, Zhirinovskiy had 

published, in 75,000 copies, a book entitled Posledniy 

Brosok na Yug, translated variously as Last Dash to the 

South, Last Push South, Last Thrust Southwards, and Last 

Assault on the South. In his book, Zhirinovskiy provides a 

strange mix of chronicles of his deprived and unhappy 

childhood, stories of unhappy relationships or nonrelationships with women, and political strategies for 

acquiring power and launching an assault by the Russian 

military south of Russia. (Invited on one occasion to 

comment on a remark attributed to lzvestiya that it is easier 

for Zhirinovskiy to seduce a nation than a woman, 

Zhirinovskiy replied: "I never had the problem of being 

obliged to seduce a woman. As far as the nation is 

concemed--I am working on it. ''19 

Critics have charged that this book "propagandizes 

the unleashing of aggressive war against Russia's neighbors 

Turkey, Iran, and Afghanistan" and have asked that a 

criminal case be opened against Zhirinovskiy. z° On 26 

January 1994, it was announced that the Russian procurator 

general's office had instituted criminal proceedings against 

Zhirinovskiy under the Russian criminal code's article 71 

on war propaganda. In a press conference that day, 

Zhirinovskiy began defending himself by claiming that this 

"dash" to the south would be accomplished by Russian 

troops without firing a single shot. 21 A prosecutor has 

stated that in bringing the lawsuit against Zhirinovskiy his 

office has focused not only on the book but also on a court 

ruling in December, an article in the Kuranty newspaper, 

and an incident at the Kremlin Palace of Congresses on 12- 

13 December. The prosecutor indicated that the issue was 
6 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

a complex one with a large number of circumstances and 

that he did not know how long it would take to complete 

the investigation, which is reportedly a step that would 

precede filing of any charges. 22 

Zhirinovskiy's Trips to Central and 

Eastern Europe 

Zhirinovskiy travelled to Central or Eastern Europe several 

times in late 1993 and early 1994, He travelled in October 

to Germany, in December to Germany, Austria, and 

Bulgaria, in January and February to countries in the former 

Yugoslavia and Hungary, and in March to Poland. He also 

tried to revisit Slovenia in March but was turned back at 

the airport. 

He travelled to Germany in October 1993, meeting 

with right-wing extremist Gerhard Frey and his German 

People's Union. 

With much publicity, he also travelled to Central 

and Eastern Europe in late December after the Russian 

election. For this trip, he said, "The basic goal of my visit 

to several European countries is to renew my business 

contacts and present our party's positions. ''23 On the 

December trip, he travelled to Munich, where he met again 

with Gerhard Frey. z4 He has said that "Dr. Frey is my 

friend and the DVU (German Peoples Union) is our 

partner. ''25 Accompanied by Frey, he then travelled to 

Austria where he was hosted by a timber merchant, Edwin 

Neuwirth. z6 Neuwirth has been described as an ethnic 

German from Transylvania, who volunteered for the 

Waffen--SS when he was sixteen, z7 Zhirinovskiy indicated 

he had come to Austria to meet with numerous Russian 

industrialists throughout Europe to examine economic 

problems, u Representatives of Eastern trading companies 
JAMES W. MORRISON 7 

with seats in Vienna were reported to have attended a 

meeting with Zhirinovskiy. z9 Neuwirth boasted that "We 

received businessmen from Austria, Germany, Belgium, the 

Netherlands, Italy, Slovenia, and Croatia here."3° 

Zhirinovskiy was also said to have gone to a hospital in 

Graz, Austria, for unspecified treatment) l 

Zhirinovskiy next travelled to Bulgaria, where he 

publicly suggested that Turkey was preparing to conquer 

both the Balkans and the Caucasus, Romania was an 

artificial state inhabited by Italian Gypsies, and President 

Zhelev should step down and be replaced by Svetoslav 

Stoilov, a Bulgarian living in Austria who has been 

described as Zhirinovskiy's personal economic advisor. 32 

The Russian Embassy in Sofia issued a statement distancing 

itself from Zhirinovskiy, saying that his remarks "have 

nothing to do with Russia's policy based on noninterference 

.... ,,33 The Russian ambassador also offered apologies. 34 

Zhirinovskiy charged that the press had distorted his 

statements, denied having spoken against the Bulgarian 

president, and declared his respect for Bulgaria and its 

peopleY Bulgarian authorities, nevertheless, order 

Zhirinovskiy to leave Bulgaria within 24 hours on grounds 

that he had insulted Bulgaria, meddled in its internal affairs, 

and jeopardized its relations with neighboring states. 36 

Stoilov, when asked in an interview if he intended 

to become president of Bulgaria, responded, "Me, Bulgarian 

president?! This would be an insult for me. I shall become 

president of the Balkans (or Balkan peninsula). This will 

be followed by a great upheaval in Bulgaria. We shall 

throw all the parties that exist in the country today into the 

Black Sea. The plan is ready .... " When asked if this 

would likely provoke a military conflict in the Balkans, 

Stoilov responded: "We are so strong that no one would 

dare to do anything. In saying "we," I mean our 
8 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

party--Mr. Zhirinovskiy's party. ''37 Stoilov also was 

reported to have said that in four or five months 

Zhirinovskiy "will have ousted Yeltsin and will be 

president. And I will advocate an independent state for all 

Macedonians from Greece, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria. A 

roundtable should decide as soon as possible on the return 

to Germany of the territories occupied by Poland .... South 

Tirol must be returned to Austria as soon as possible." 3s 

According to German government sources, 

Zhirinovskiy then sought a visa to travel at the invitation of 

a private company to Berlin where he wanted to hold a 

news conference and participate in a conference on 

Europe. 39 The German Foreign Minister, however, denied 

him a visa. 4° 

When a German Embassy official at the Sofia 

airport on 30 December told him of the visa denial, 

Zhirinovskiy reportedly threatened to break off diplomatic 

relations with Germany and furiously pointed out that there 

were still Russian troops stationed on German territory, 

saying these troops would not be withdrawn and, if he came 

to power, 300,000 Russian troops would be stationed in 

Germany. He also said Germany would have to pay 

compensation for World War 11 damages. He threatened 

that the German Embassy official could be sure to be 

"liquidated" soon and that he, Zhirinovskiy, had such good 

contacts with Russian intelligence that he could make the 

official simply "disappear. ''41 

Zhirinovskiy was reported by one Western source 

(the author could not find other sources to confirm this) to 

have travelled apparently in late 1993 or January 1994 to 

the Crimea to lend support to the Russian nationalist 

politician Yuri Meshkov, who won the 30 January runoff 

election for the presidency of Crimea. After the election, 

Meshkov declared that the outcome of the election was a 
JAMES W. MORRISON 9 

"vote to restore broken links to Russia... and conclude a 

military-political alliance with Russia. ''4z 

In late January and early February 1994, 

Zhirinovskiy made a trip to countries in the former 

Yugoslavia, where he and his party again gained publicity. 

Travelling to Slovenia, Zhirinovskiy and his entourage acted 

in such a way that Slovenia's Foreign Ministry asked that 

he leave the country as quickly as possible, saying that he 

had "offended public order" and "caused consternation 

among part of the Slovenian public. ''43 He was reported to 

have stated at a press conference that Slovenes, Croats, and 

Serbs should reunite in a single state. 44 Other reports 

indicated that his bodyguards or supporters had grossly 

violated public order in the resort town of Bled. 45 

Leaving Slovenia enroute to Belgrade, Zhirinovskiy 

stopped in Budapest where he reportedly told the 

Hungarians that they had no prospects, that no one wanted 

the buses they make or their apples, and that the solution to 

their economic situation was to create a zone of East 

European cooperation using ideas from the former CEMA 

and Warsaw Pact organizations. 46 Another report indicated 

Zhirinovskiy bullied and threatened Hungarian airline 

personnel at the Budapest airport as he arrived late for a 

plane about to depart, a7 The Hungarian Foreign Ministry 

sent the Russian Embassy in Budapest a memorandum 

stating that Zhirinovskiy's insulting remarks about Hungary 

and the airport staff were unacceptable behavior. 4s 

In Serbia, a meeting was planned with the minister 

of minorities and human rights but was not held, apparently 

as the government did not want to elevate the status of the 

trip. Zhirinovskiy then went to Bosnia for a visit organized 

by a Vienna-based businessman, Petar Ivanovic, a native of 

Montenegro. He met with Bosnian Serb leader Radovan 

Karadzic and an individual who had been instrumental in 
10 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

forcing Muslims from their homes. When he was 

introduced to a Russian fighter who had joined Serb 

paramilitary forces, Zhirinovskiy was said to have 

commented: "The Russians have already arrived. They are 

coming on their own, it is a sign of Russia's goodwill. ''49 

Addressing a crowd in Bosnia, Zhirinovskiy praised 

the Serbs for waging war to "save Orthodoxy" and 

promised: "Don't worry, brothers. We will protect you.. 

• .If a single bomb falls on Serbia, we will consider that an 

attack on Russia." He also said that: "Once we punished 

France; 50 years ago we did the same to Germany. Now 

the same treatment awaits anyone who mistreats the 

Serbs. ''5° Another report indicated he stated that: "I want to 

warn the Western countries' governments that to bomb any 

cities in Bosnia will be to declare war on Russia .... Let 

them not forget that there are still Russian forces in Europe 

and they could remain there for a long time. ''5~ In a news 

conference in Belgrade, he reportedly told a news 

conference that if NATO attacked Serbs, a group of Russian 

officers in Europe would use a secret weapon against 

Western forces. He also said he opposed creation of small 

states and called for there to be two or three Orthodox 

states in the Balkans, which he called "the land of 

Orthodoxy, where Serbian and Russian will be spoken," and 

suggested formation of an "Eastern European Community 

from Knin to Crimea. ''Sz 

There were reports that after visiting the former 

Yugoslavia Zhirinovskiy planned to continue on to Poland, 

where he had been invited by Janusz Bryczkowski, a Polish 

industrialist who heads the National Self-Defense front, a 

small extremist party. There are no indications that the 

visit actually took place as planned at that time. 

Zhirinovskiy eventually visited Poland in mid-March. 53 
JAMES W. MORRISON 11 

According to hvestiya, before the trip to the former 

Yugoslavia, Zhirinovskiy on 21 January reportedly 

threatened Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev with dismissal 

unless he changed his policy on the Balkans within a week 

and put himself unconditionally on the Serb's side. 

Kozyrev rejected this ultimatum, indicating he did not 

intend to take a pro-Serb stance. Kozyrev stated that: 

"Certain political forces are trying to drag Russia into a 

global catastrophe, and use this to their own advantage, to 

seize power .... If Zhirinovskiy or anyone else demands 

my resignation, I will perceive this as the best admission 

that my policy is correct." This same hvesfiya article 

suggested that Zhirinovskiy after his trip to the former 

Yugoslavia might demand a no confidence vote on Kozyrev 

in the State Duma where there is said to be an influential 

"anti-Kozyrev lobby. ''54 

After the trip, on 5 February Zhirinovskiy addressed 

a meeting of about 1,000 people in Moscow in support of 

SerbiaY In his remarks, he reportedly accused the Russian 

government of conniving on policy toward Serbia with the 

West. He said that in Serbia the West was "testing 

mechanisms for destroying Russia" and that already in 

progress in Yugoslavia is "the third world war waged 

against the Slavs and the Orthodox Church by the USA, 

West Germany and the Vatican." He went on to accuse the 

West of wanting to surround Russia with "a green Muslim 

corridor" employing a program to destroy Serbs and 

populate their lands with Muslims, and apparently 

employing this policy "from Moscow to Vologda and 

Arkhangelsk." He condemned the Russian government for 

keeping in office Foreign Minister Kozyrev, Deputy Prime 

Minister Chubays, and Economics Minister Shokhin and 

declared that they had "betrayed not only the Russian 

people, but also all the Slavs." 
12 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

On 9 February, he addressed the Russian State 

Duma on the Bosnian issue. He declared that bombing of 

Serbian positions in Bosnia would be "the beginning of 

World War III," said the people in Bosnia-Herzegovina are 

"a single Orthodox people, some of whom at some time 

were forcibly converted into Islam and Catholicism," called 

for withdrawal of all foreign forces, and proposed that the 

Duma adopt a position that "the countries whose pilots will 

dare to bomb Serbian positions will be completely 

eliminated." When there were numerous calls to turn off 

his microphone, Zhirinovskiy promised his critics "a trip to 

the north in the very near future. ''56 

In mid-February, the Spanish Government was 

reported to have refused to give Zhirinovskiy an entry visit 

to participate in a television show in SpainY 

Support and Funding for Zhirinovskiy and the 

Liberal Democratic Party 

There have been reports that Zhirinovskiy and his party 

have received support and funding from a variety of sources 

--including citizens in Russia; the Russian militaryindustrial complex; Russian security, intelligence, and 

information services; Russian and other business firms in 

Western Europe; ultra-rightists in Germany and elsewhere 

in Europe; Armenian businessmen in Armenia and Russia; 

and Saddam Hussein. The authors of the Rossiyskiye Vesti 

profile suggest that Zhirinovskiy's social base includes "the 

military-industrial complex, the Army, the impoverished 

section of the former Soviet middle class, pensioners, a 

section of the working class, Russians in the nearby foreign 

countries, young people." The authors indicated they have 

been unable to ascertain the sources of finance for 

Zhirinovskiy's lengthy campaign: 8 
JAMES W. MORRISON 13 

Zhirinovskiy has claimed that ordinary citizens in 

Russia have funded his efforts and no funding has come 

from other sources. He has mentioned that six million 

people voted for him in the 1991 election and implied that 

many of them have mailed money to him, suggesting what 

may be a hypothetical figure of 6 billion rubles or $3.5 

million; but he has also indicated that there are main 

sponsors, saying, "... I will not disclose the name of the 

main sponsors: Secrecy is the essence of business. ''59 He 

has said that the December election campaign was 

conducted at the expense of "money orders from Russian 

citizens" and that "Not a single mafia grouping, economic 

structure, bank, or political organization gave us a kopeck." 

He did not deny, however, receiving money for interviews 

by foreign journalists, saying, "There is a long line and 

those who want to jump it have to pay. ,,60 He also said that 

"ordinary people" paid nearly a billion rubles to his party's 

election fund and the party will easily pay its 200 million 

ruble debt to television companies. 6~ 

Zhirinovskiy's party and the other 12 parties or 

blocs qualifying for the 12 December parliamentary election 

were each given 100 million rubles to conduct the 

campaign, according to a staffer of the Central Electoral 

Commission's press service. 6z 

The Liberal Democratic Party's Deputy Chairman, 

Aleksandr Vengerovskiy, when asked about supporters, 

replied: "Industrialists who do not yet want to name 

themselves. In addition to having a state job, I also have 

some restaurants in Moscow. Rather than buying Mercedes 

cars, I finance party issues from the profits. ''63 

Andrey Zavidiya, who was Zhirinovskiy's running 

mate in the 1991 presidential election and is chairman of 

the Galant (other reports say "Galand") Company (which a 

co-panelist on a TV show said has 1,500 enterprises), 
14 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

claims to have been an early supporter of the Liberal 

Democratic Party and the "main organizer" of the party's 

parliamentary election victories. Zavidiya said he first met 

Zhirinovskiy in 1990 at a Kremlin ceremony, they later 

began cooperating, and Zhirinovskiy asked how publication 

of the party program might get funded. Zavidiya said he or 

his firm paid 26,000 rubles to have the program printed in 

1991 and paid another 10,000 rubles for Zhirinovskiy 

posters. Zavidiya reportedly went on to say, this time 

apparently speaking of the December 1993 parliamentary 

election, that the Galant company had set up 3,500 

organizing committees throughout the country and that they 

voted for Zavidiya rather than Zhirinovskiy (here there is a 

garble but it appears to suggest that Zhirinovskiy relegated 

his place on the nation-wide party list to Zavidiya or 

someone else, while Zhirinovskiy competed for one of the 

district seats from the Moscow area). Zavidiya disagreed 

with a suggestion that the Communist Party or KGB were 

behind the establishment of the Liberal Democratic Party. 

He said he did not know of other sources of funding for the 

party but suggested that Zhirinovskiy would not have 

approached him for this relatively small funding had there 

been other sources. 64 

According to another report, Zavidiya provided 

funds for both the 1991 and 1993 election campaigns of 

Zhirinovskiy, with Zavidiya allegedly saying that for the 

1993 election he provided money "via third, even tenth 

fLrms, rather than directly." Zavidiya reportedly has broken 

with Zhirinovskiy and has said that: "I sealed his victory, 

then he went on to strike me from the deputy list; that 

offended me and I parted with him." Saying that "I have 

cut off his oxygen," Zavidiya reportedly has begun 

"withdrawing his men from the party" where they 

represented 60-70 percent of the support, and has ordered 
JAMES W. MORRISON 15 

his enterprises to stop paying Zhirinovskiy and demand 

repayment of debts. Zavidiya says that Zhirinovskiy is 

"drowning in debt," and Zhirinovskiy is reported to owe 

one billion rubles for television time. Zavidiya is reported 

to have said that he himself is a communist and that nearly 

ten percent of the Liberal Democratic Party members hold 

communist convictions. He has also reportedly said that the 

party has no base and that one-half the party's candidate list 

comprised people associated with Galand enterprises. 65 

Russian and Dutch press reports have indicated that 

an Amsterdam-based company, Global Money Management 

(GMM), owned by a 27 year old Muscovite by the name of 

A.V. Nenachov (the only shareholder in the company that 

was registered with the Amsterdam Chamber of Commerce 

in January 1993) has at least "paid a considerable part of 

the campaign costs"; a Russian press story described GMM 

as "sub-criminal" and said it illegally launders money for 

Russians in the West. Other reports indicate that GMM 

contributed between $50,000 and $800,000 to 

Zhirinovskiy's party, and that Netherlands officials and the 

Russia Central Bank are investigating this. 66 GMM was 

said to have bought a place on the electoral list for Aleksej 

Soejev, described as a 23-year-old adviser to Nenachov. 67 

There are reports of a network of support being 

established by businesses in Europe. A Viennese 

newspaper reports that Aleksey Vedenkin, who describes 

himself as the financial adviser and spokesmen in Europe 

of the Liberal Democratic Party and who operates from a 

hotel in Vienna, claims to have succeeded in establishing a 

network of companies all over Europe and subsidiaries of 

the Liberal Democratic Party in Austria, Germany, Italy, 

France, Holland, and Switzerland. Vedenkin claims to have 

contacts not only with right wingers Frey and Neuwirth in 

Germany and Austria but also with the former financial 
16 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

director of the East German Socialist Unity Party, Werner 

Girke; he says that Girke has visited with Zhirinovskiy but 

has not moved "any millions around for us." Vedenkin 

apparently suggested that Zhirinovskiy's true financial 

backer is a French woman named Miriam Selen, said to be 

close to Jean Marie LePen and one of the richest women in 

Europe. The Viennese newspaper reports that neither Le 

Figaro nor Der Spiegers Pads bureau had heard of this 

woman. 6s 

T. Gdlyan, chairman of the Russian People's Party, 

has been reported to believe that there are Western and 

Mafia elements behind Zhirinovskiy. Gdlyan also claims to 

have information that Zhirinovskiy receives financial 

support from Armenian businessmen in Armenia and 

Russia. 69 

In a discussion at the Hudson Institute on 14 

December 1993, former KGB Major General Oleg Kalugin, 

responding to reports of rumors that Zhirinovskiy had 

received funds for the election campaign from extreme right 

circles in Germany and from the Russian armed forces, 

claimed that several millions of American dollars had come 

from Saddam Hussein. Kalugin recalled that Zhirinovskiy 

had supported the Iraqi position during the Gulf War, had 

visited Saddam, and has vowed to resume arms sales to Iraq 

and to use Russia's vote in the UN Security Council to lift 

sanctions on Iraq. 7° 

A Russian reporter from Moscow Evening, who 

claims to have infiltrated the Liberal Democratic Party in 

the final stages of the campaign for the December 

parliamentary elections, alleges that the party leader of the 

district of southern Moscow told him that he had travelled 

to Iraq on behalf of the party in mid-1993, met with people 

from the su~oundings of Saddam Hussein, and was 

promised financial support. This party leader also allegedly 
JAMES W. MORRISON 17 

said that Zhirinovskiy receives money from directors of the 

weapons industry. 71 

Alleged Affiliations with the KGB 

Some have alleged that Zhirinovskiy has been affiliated 

with the former KGB (the Committee of State Security of 

the former Soviet Union) and that he and his Liberal 

Democratic Party have received funding and other support 

from the KGB and its successors. 

The truth about whether Zhirinovskiy has had or 

continues to have connections to the KGB and its 

successors is something that would be extremely difficult to 

establish. 

The KGB is reported to have issued a special 

statement on 28 August 1991 refuting the claim that 

Zhirinovskiy was a KGB agent. 72 

Zhirinovskiy has denied being affiliated with or 

funded by the KGB and its successors. In response to a 

question about him being a former KGB agent and reports 

that the KGB helped establish his party, Zhirinovskiy has 

stated: "Never. All that is propaganda. Just like they say 

that I am a Zionist, anti-Jewish, a member of the radical 

right or left, or Jewish. Nothing of the sort. I am Russian, 

Russian, Russian. ''73 In response to questions about KGB 

funding, he has said: "With regard to KGB-like bodies, no 

one is helping me. I would be pleased if I was given 

money. ''74 Asked about KGB support, he has said: "If the 

State Security Committee had helped me, I would not be 

sitting here now but in the Kremlin. This was their 

downfall precisely--they did not admit people like myself 

while they themselves withered away, went into decay, and 

the country and the economy collapsed together with 

them. ''75 He has been shown on Russian television walking 
18 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

along the Arbat (a street in Moscow with vendors) and 

criticizing the sale of KGB iconography, saying the KGB 

is the only organ capable of saving the country. TM 

Former KGB General Kalugin has indicated that, 

while he has no proof, he believes Zhirinovskiy was 

recruited by the KGB while overseas, saying: "All I can do 

is judge by what my former colleagues have said. As far 

as I know from them, Zhirinovskiy was recruited by the 

military counterintelligence bodies of the KGB when young, 

when he was a translator in a Middle East country. There 

is nothing special about that. ''77 It has been reported that 

Zhirinovskiy had ties to the KGB dating to his student days 

at Moscow State University and that, according to Oleg 

Gordievsky, said to be a former Soviet intelligence officer 

who was a double agent for the British, Zhirinovskiy was 

recruited by the KGB as an informer when he was in 

Turkey in 1969. 78 

St. Petersburg Mayor Anatoliy Sobchak has alleged 

that Zhirinovskiy was a captain in the KGB active reserve 

and that the Liberal Democratic Party was created by the 

former KGB on orders of Mikhail Gorbachev and the 

Politburo of the old Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 

Sobchak claims that, after the abolition of Article 6 of the 

USSR constitution stipulating a monopoly of power for the 

Communist Party (this occurred in February 1990), 

Gorbachev told the Politburo that a multiparty system was 

in the offing and that the Politburo should set up the first 

alternative party, one that would be malleable. He further 

claims that the selection of a prospective party leader was 

left to the KGB, that it chose Zhirinovskiy, that the name 

Liberal Democratic was invented there and then, and that 

the party was officially registered two weeks later--the first 

party to be officially registered in the USSR. 79 
JAMES W. MORRISON 19 

The Washington Post, in reporting the claims by 

Sobchak, noted that, while Sobchak was well-connected, he 

had not been a member of the Politburo and offered no 

documents or evidence, although Sobchak said he would 

provide evidence in a coming book. The newspaper 

reported that Gorbachev had said that Sobchak's claims 

were untrue---"pure falsification"--and suggested that 

"democrats" like Sobchak were seeking scapegoats now that 

their policies had paved the way for Zhirinovskiy's success. 

It also reported that in a telephone interview, Vladimir 

Kryuchkov, the head of the KGB in 1990, denied any role 

in creating the Liberal Democratic Party. 8° 

A Vienna newspaper, reporting on Zhirinovskiy's 

trip in late December to Austria where he allegedly met 

with businessmen from various countries, claimed that 

"Zhirinovskiy, who made a career in the environs of the 

KGB, is in effect considered the 'manager' of the new 

cover companies of the KGB empire. The giant militaryindustrial complex of the former Soviet Union uses them 

for its activities. ,,8~ 

Former KGB General's Views on Zhirinovskiy 

In the December 1993 discussions at the Hudson Institute, 82 

former KGB General Kalugin expressed the view that 

Zhirinovskiy considers the parliamentary election and the 

new State Duma as just steps toward assumption of the 

presidency--to be followed by his seizure of dictatorial 

powers. Kalugin opined that Zhirinovskiy has been 

seriously underestimated and that he is extremely 

intelligent, well-informed, and well-connected. Kalugin 

said that in private Zhirinovskiy is hardly the clown or 

psychopath that he appears to be in public, bearing in this 

regard a disturbing similarity to Mussolini and Hitler. 
20 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Zhirinovskiy, according to Kalugin, has a far better 

understanding of the Russian mentality than any other 

politician in Moscow, knowing the Russian sense of 

humiliation, fear, rage, and disgust. Zhirinovskiy blames 

the reformers and their "crazy professors" for the economic 

misery in Russia. Kalugin forecast that Zhirinovskiy would 

not concentrate his attack on Yeltsin, at least not at first, 

aiming instead at the democratic reformers. He also 

forecast that Zhirinovskiy would do all he could to divide 

the reformers and Yeltsin, first destroying the reformers and 

finally Yeltsin. 

According to Kalugin, Zhirinovskiy has very close 

ties to the Russian Federation's Foreign Intelligence Service 

and Ministry of Security. Kalugin estimates that 85-90% of 

the members of both services voted for Zhirinovskiy. He 

claims that the Security Ministry has supplied Zhirinovskiy 

with the results of their polls for years and that it was on 

the basis of this information that Zhirinovskiy fashioned his 

electoral campaign. 

Kalugin also claimed that Zhirinovskiy's closest 

foreign and national security adviser is an emigre writer 

named Eduard Limonov (phonetic), who made considerable 

money in Western Europe and the U.S. in the 1980s as a 

businessman--a writer of soft-pornography. Kalugin said 

Limonov does not believe the nonsense that Zhirinovskiy 

spouts but knows that these fables and myths appeal to the 

average Russian. He further said that Zhirinovskiy and 

Limonov are fascists--real fascists--and believe that such 

an ideology is perfect for Russia in its present state. 

Zhirinovskiy and the Military 

Zhirinovskiy appears to have considerable sympathy or 

support within the Russian military--perhaps winning for 
JAMES W. MORRISON 21 

his party as much as one-third or more of the military vote 

in the December parliamentary elections. 

The sympathy and support appear mutual. 

Zhirinovskiy's statements especially his book--advocate 

a renaissance for the military, which has come upon hard 

times, and he strongly supports the military-industrial 

complex in advocating an end to defense conversion and 

promotion of arms sales abroad. He appears interested in 

weaponry and has spoken of an alleged new, secret Russian 

weapon which he called the "Elipton" and which he has 

compared to neutron and sonic weapons, s3 

There are contradictory reports about the results of 

military voting in the 12 December parliamentary elections. 

Early press reports indicated that 72% of the Strategic 

Rocket Forces and 46% of the military in the Moscow 

military district voted for Zhirinovskiy's party. Defense 

Minister Grachev, however, on 29 December disclaimed 

these types of reports, saying that the Central Electoral 

Commission had not released any figures on military voting 

and that most military personnel voted together with 

civilians, s4 

On the other hand, President Yeltsin, responding at 

a 22 December press conference to a questioner who 

suggested that most of the Army had voted for 

Zhirinovsldy's party and who asked what measures Yeltsin 

would take, said: "Well, it was not most of the Army that 

voted for the Liberal Democratic Party, but a third. 

Nonetheless, it is a lot and it worries us. Relevant 

measures are already being taken now." (The measures 

were not further specified), s5 

A Russian press report in late January is consistent 

with the Yeltsin statement in saying: "... On average, in 

closed precincts in Defense Ministry subdivisions the LDPR 

got 34 percent of the votes, the Communists 9 percent, and 
22 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

'Russia's Choice' 11 percent respectively. It is 

characteristic that the opposition got the largest number of 

votes among servicemen serving in 'hot spots' (the Dniester 

region, Tajikistan). The LDPR got the smallest number of 

votes (19 percent) among Black Sea Fleet personnel, and 

the largest number (49 percent) among personnel of the 

Northwest Group of Forces. At the same time the LDPR 

garnered 31 percent of the votes among Military Space 

Forces personnel and 32 percent among servicemen in 

Strategic Missile Forces units. ''86 

The Deputy Chairman of the Liberal Democratic 

Party, Aleksandr Vengerovskiy, when asked in an interview 

if party membership included army officers and policemen, 

responded: "Yes, a quarter of the membership. There are 

large-scale dismissals from the army. It is mainly the 

dismissed officers who come to us, because this is where 

they find the suitable political orientation. According to the 

current Russian law, they cannot form a separate party. ''87 

Vengerovskiy immediately after the election 

indicated that the LDPR shadow cabinet would "focus on 

beefing up the armed forces more than the present 

government." The LDPR candidate for the security 

ministry, a former KBG officer, advocated recalling "former 

KGB officers who left the agency for political reasons" 

with an aim of putting an end to the country's rising 

crime, ss 

Guards, Paramilitary, and Youth Organizations in 

the LDPR 

There have been several reports of guards or paramilitary 

personnel, often in one type of uniform or another, 

deployed at the LDPR headquarters, and there have been 

references to activities of LDPR youth groups. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 23 

According to former KGB general Kalugin, 

Zhirinovskiy has not only a bodyguard but also a kind of 

party militia whose members wear ordinary Russian 

military uniforms; some may be soldiers or security police 

on leave or detached service. Kalugin has suggested that 

they seem to be preparing to act like Blackshirts or Storm 

Troopers. 89 

LDPR Deputy Chairman Vengerovskiy, answering 

a question about the party's youth organization, has stated: 

"We indeed have a youth organization. We do use means 

like combat sports to attract young people. When our 

organization was founded, the young people did ask to wear 

blue uniforms like in the air force, but they have not been 

wearing these for five months now. ''9° 

Zhirinovskiy has been shown on Russian television 

explaining the military-style uniforms of his followers by 

saying that they prefer this. 9~ 

Vengerovskiy has spoken of teaching people the 

fighting spirit he learned in the army, saying: "People are 

itching to take up arms. We want to teach them the 

fighting spirit that I, for example, was given in the army: 

This is where we learned what the real tasks of a man 

are. ,,92 

According to an article about a reporter from the 

newspaper Moscow Evening who is said to have infiltrated 

Zhirinovskiy's party in the final phase of the December 

election campaign, there allegedly exist within the party 

secret combat groups--so-called boyeviki--who have 

access to weapons. They are part of a secret structure, 

work within the police and the army, and would be ready 

to use the weapons for the goals of the party. 93 
24 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Views on and Ties with Iraq 

Zhirinovskiy reportedly has close ties to Iraq. According to 

one analysis, pictures of Saddam Hussein are displayed in 

the offices of Zhirinovskiy's party, members of Saddam's 

Ba'ath Party have participated in Zhirinovskiy's party's 

congresses; and Zhirinovskiy has likely been on Saddam's 

payroll. 94 This same analysis reports that Zhirinovskiy has 

demanded that Russia violate UN sanctions against Iraq, 

claiming that Saddam had promised him that in exchange 

Iraq would immediately pay $10 billion of its outstanding 

debt to Russia. This analysis quoted Zhirinovskiy as calling 

Iraq "our most reliable allied country" and suggests that 

Zhirinovskiy wants to re-establish Russia's leadership of a 

radical, secular anti-Western bloc in the Arab world, with 

Iraq as the centerpiece and Libya, Syria, and rejectionist 

Palestinian groups as likely participants. 9s 

Zhirinovskiy at a 14 December 1993 news 

conference dismissed allegations that Saddam had made 

funds available to him and said the LDPR: "... never sent 

volunteers to Iraq. What we had was an exchange of youth 

tourist groups." Zhirinovskiy also claimed that: "We have 

no contacts with the Iraqi embassy or state. ''96 But, 

according to an Iraqi radio report, Zhirinovskiy met on 21 

December with the Iraqi ambassador to Russia and asked 

the ambassador to convey his wishes to Saddam Hussein for 

good health and success in achieving all goals for which the 

Iraqi people are struggling. Zhirinovskiy reportedly told the 

Iraqi radio correspondent that his party supports Arab 

causes which Iraq is upholding and that one of his party's 

priorities is to enhance Russian relations with Iraq and 

contribute to lifting the embargo on Iraq. 97 
JAMES W. MORRISON 25 

Jewish Issues 

In light of statements by Zhirinovskiy that have been 

characterized as anti-Semitic or anti-Israel, there have been 

considerable interest in and speculation about reports 

alleging that Zhirinovskiy's father was Jewish, that 

Zhirinovskiy was affdiated with a Jewish cultural 

organization, and that he had been issued an entry permit 

by Israel. There has also been interest in what his positions 

are on Jewish-related questions. 

A Moscow television feature broadcast before the 

December 1993 election showed a youth representative of 

Zhirinovskiy's party talking about the strong Jewish 

influence in the U.S. and in Russia and why it must be 

combatted. It then showed footage of Zhirinovskiy telling 

a rally that Jews are to blame for both World Wars but 

have so far failed in their original intentions of world 

domination. 98 

Zhirinovskiy was reported to have said at a news 

conference on 14 December that "From time to time, Russia 

is overwhelmed with anti-Semitism. This phenomenon is 

provoked only by Jews themselves. ''99 He has also made 

statements with racist overtones, such as "Our electors 

always tell us that many television announcers are not 

Russian and that they would like to see good Russian faces 

on the screen speaking to them in good Russian. ''1°° One 

report quoted him as referring to the "Jewish infection on 

TV.,'101 

A remark by Zhirinovskiy that his mother was 

Russian and his father was a lawyer has led some to raise 

questions about the nationality or ethnic background of his 

father. The preface to an interview with Zhirinovskiy 

published by a Hungarian newspaper said Zhirinovskiy was 

born to a Jewish lawyer's family. 1°2 Asked during an 
26 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

interview if his father was a Jew, Zhirinovskiy responded 

that this was propaganda and that allegations that his father 

was Jewish, that he is an anti-Semite, a Zionist, an 

extremist, a fascist, a communist, and that Saddam Hussein 

had given him money are outright lies. 1°3 He has said that 

"Both my mother and father are Russian, and father's kin 

were all lawyers. ''l~ Zhirinovskiy told one journalist that 

his father was a Russian whose second language was Polish 

because he was born in Poland, then incorporated into the 

Russian empire. 1°5 

A reporter for the U.S. media reportedly has found 

documents in the archives in Almaty, Kazakhstan, where 

Zhirinovskiy was born in 1946, that list Zhirinovskiy's 

surname on his birth registration as "Eidelshtein" and other 

documents that show that Zhirinovskiy applied for and 

received permission to change his name from "Eidelshtein" 

to "Zhirinovskiy" in June 1964. Documents reportedly 

show that Zhirinovskiy's mother was married to Andrei V. 

Zhirinovskiy who died in August 1944, 18 months before 

Vladimir Zhirinovskiy was born, and that five months 

before Vladimir was born she married Volf Isakovich 

Eidelshtein, who was officially listed as Jewish. She took 

the name "Eidelshtein." Zhirinovskiy's birth certificate 

identifies his father only as "Volf," and a note on the back 

says "no documents for father." The registration shows in 

handwriting the baby's last name as "Eidelshtein." This 

was crossed out and "Zhirinovskiy" was handwritten in with 

a note indicating the change was made in 1964. Officials 

at the archives have said the records are authentic, but a 

spokesman for the Liberal Democratic Party said they are 

"forged" and that since Zhirinovskiy's birth "... his only 

last name has been Zhirinovsky. ''x°6 

When one correspondent indicated that the Israeli 

government had said that they had given Zhirinovskiy an 
JAMES W. MORRISON 27 

immigrant entry permit, Zhirinovskiy responded: "It is a 

complete lie.., show me the supposed relative of mine! 

If I had a relative there, I would be pleased. But I have no 

relative there .... I am Russian--I myself, my mother, my 

father, and the whole family. Half of them have already 

died. ,,x°7 

When the same correspondent raised reports of his 

participating in the establishment of the Shalom association 

in Moscow, reportedly a Jewish cultural organization, 

Zhirinovskiy responded: "That is also a lie. The 

establishment of nationality associations was begun in 

Moscow five years ago by Kurds, Armenians, Assyrians, 

and so forth... Almost 1 million people of foreign descent 

live in Moscow. Among them, the Jews also decided to set 

up a cultural association called Shalom. I then visited these 

associations one after the other; I was invited and visited 

them. I am a legal expert, and that was the time that the 

association's statutes were adopted. I made some 

comments that they liked. ''~°8 

It has been reported in Parade Magazine that: "In 

the 1980s, according to CIA sources, Zhirinovskiy was a 

member of a group called Shalom. Although outwardly 

pro-Jewish, Shalom was set up by the Anti-Zionist 

League---a KGB front designed to create divisions among 

Soviet Jews. 'd°9 

When asked during an interview if there were Jews 

in the Liberal Democratic Party, Zhirinovskiy was reported 

to have appeared incredulous, repeated the question, and 

after regaining his composure replied: "There may be one, 

two, or three of them. I do not know their exact number, 

because when people join our party we do not ask them to 

disclose their nationality. ''"° 

Asked in the same interview for his views on Israel, 

Zhirinovskiy is reported to have said that the state of Israel 
28 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

must exist and that Russia and the U.S. should work 

together to finalize Israel's borders so that war and 

extremism would be over. Asked about emigration, he said 

Russian Jews should be allowed to go to Israel but if they 

want to stay they are most welcome)" 

One Russian Media Assessment of Zhirinovskiy 

The authors of the profile of Zhirinovskiy published in 

Rossiyskiye Vesti attempted to assess Zhirinovskiy's 

characteristics and motivations. "z Below are extracts: 

"He is not acquainted with the burden of power and 

responsibility, his actual administrative potential is not 

known, so the motive behind his desire for power may be 

assumed to be the desire for self-fulfillment, which, 

combined with a marked inclination to express opinions in 

a peremptory manner, could, if that desire was fulfilled, 

create a situation of dangerous unpredictability in his 

decisions of authority." 

"He is inclined toward a certain arrogance, 

unconventional behavior, and political risk-taking .... " 

"He is a master of the art of persuasion and 

polemics .... " 

"By political conviction he is a 'liberal democrat' 

and an advocate of authoritarianism ('tough' power), 

including in foreign policy .... " 

"In intemational relations he is inclined toward 

unpredictable political extremism." 

"He has undoubted linguistic ability; he is 

resourceful, sharp-witted, and extremely emotional; he 

easily makes contact with any audience; he is an excellent 

orator and improviser; his public utterances are generally 

provocative; he tends toward metaphorical thinking and 

terse, short sentences; he has a unique personal image and 
JAMES W. MORRISON 29 

a high capacity mentally to 'infect' his audience; he is 

extremely self-confident, with a pronounced desire for 

recognition, insatiable self-esteem, and high opinion of 

himself; he is uncritical, often to the point of 

irresponsibility; he virtually always speaks in the first 

person and never cites other authorities; his preferred 

conversational style is imperious. He has the capacity to 

transform himself with artistic virtuosity. His capacity for 

work is high." 

"He has repeatedly demonstrated a unique political 

intuition and a capacity to make unerring predictions whose 

sources can only be guessed at." (The authors cite how 

Zhirinovskiy correctly predicted three weeks in advance that 

he would come in third in the 1991 RSFSR presidential 

election, and how two weeks before the 1993 parliamentary 

elections he said his party would get 24%--they got about 

22.8%---of the votes for the 225 seats in the lower-house 

State Duma chosen by nation-wide total votes for parties.) 

"V.V. Zhirinovskiy is undoubtedly a talented and 

gifted man, but it is absolutely clear to any professional that 

for all his 'multifunctionality' and huge capacity for work, 

it would have been beyond his powers single-handedly to 

tackle simultaneously and with such a high degree of skill 

the program tasks, analytical and forecasting tasks, and 

practical tasks." 

"V.V. Zhirinovskiy, however attractive this simple 

view may seem, is certainly not the puppet of the forces 

behind him, he is an independent and active participant in 

the process that is being pursued, and is clearly and soberly 

aware of what is going on. His role in this process is far 

from unequivocal, and simplistic assessments of that role, 

including hysterics and the pinning of labels, are not 

permissible." 
30 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

The authors of this prof'de suggest that "the 

statements of certain politicians regarding his 

[Zhirinovskiy's] fascism are premature at the moment," but 

they offer a concept of how populism may slide into 

extremism and then fascism. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 31 

2. WHAT DOES ZHIRINOVSKIY STAND 

FOR? 

What Zhirinovskiy really believes is hard to say. Many of 

his statements appear designed to grab attention and make 

the headlines of the media, but also to appeal to sentiments 

held by at least some Russians. Michael Dobbs, former 

Washington Post Moscow bureau chief, has described an 

argument that took place around the end of 1992 between 

Zhirinovskiy and a supporter of Boris Yeltsin. When 

Zhirinovskiy argued for recreating the Soviet empire plus 

Alaska and Finland, the Yeltsin supporter protested, "But 

that's plain demagoguery." Zhirinovskiy is said to have 

smilingly replied, "Sure. That's what politics is all 

about---demagoguery." 

His statements are contradictory, and he sometimes 

follows an aggressive statement with a conciliatory one, or 

vice versa. While one might be inclined to discount some 

of his statements, such as blowing nuclear radiation into 

Lithuania, it would be difficult to try to distinguish between 

what he says to shock or grab attention and what he really 

believes. 

This said, authoritarianism, racism, and Russian 

nationalism are threads that can be discerned in 

Zhirinovskiy's statements and writing. 
32 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Domestic Politics 

Zhirinovsldy calls himself a liberal democrat, and he has in 

recent months emphasized the electoral process and his 

willingness to work with those in parliament, with President 

Yeltsin, and many in the Yeltsin Government, with the 

notable exceptions of officials he has wanted ousted, such 

as former First Deputy Prime Minister Gaidar and current 

Foreign Minister Kozyrev. 

Behind this, however, are apparent authoritarian 

leanings. Zhirinovskiy has advocated strong presidential 

powers and stated that if he were to become president of 

Russia in current circumstances he would establish a 

dictatorship for at least a few years. 

He espouses as a slogan "For Russia, for all 

Russians," and suggests a Russian cultural and political 

superiority over non-Russian ethnic groups. He has made 

anti-Semitic statements, while denying he is anti-Semitic. 

At the same time, he says he advocates equal treatment for 

all peoples in Russia. The authors of the Rossiyskiye Vesti 

profile summarized his views on national or ethnic 

government as follows: "abolition of national-territorial 

formations and the principles of promotion on ethnic 

grounds; restoration of the administrative division of Russia 

into governorates, which was introduced by Peter l and 

existed until 1924; and deletion of the 'nationality' section 

from all documents, with everyone retaining equal rights to 

freedom of movement and the right to elect and be elected, 

to preserve and develop the national culture, and to decide 

for oneself on one's allegiance to a given culture (nation). ''z 

On economic issues, the authors of the profile in 

Rossiyskiye Vesti state that: " He declares his 

commitment to the ideas of the convergence, of various 

socioeconomic systems; he does not share the values of 
JAMES W. MORRISON 33 

either socialism or capitalism .... " They also indicate that 

he supports "Equality of all forms of ownership; an 

adaptable tax policy; assistance for production; state 

incentives for the creation of new jobs and restrictions on 

middlemen... " and "... maintaining a certain minimum 

level of unemployment as an incentive to ensure the 

maximum work capacity, reduce personnel turnover, and 

counteract strike activities by working people. He is a 

supporter of lockouts.., and strikebreaking .... ,,3 

Russia and the Near Abroad 

Zhirinovskiy, on the one hand, calls for ending Russian 

assistance to other former republics of the Soviet Union and 

says he does not want them as part of Russia at least for 

the near-term. On the other hand, he envisions over time 

a Russia that includes all the territory of the former Soviet 

Union, suggesting that the former republics will fall into 

further trouble and seek to subordinate themselves to Russia 

for economic and security reasons. Similar to what he 

envisions for the current Russia, he suggests a new, 

expanded Russia would have no separate republics based on 

nationality, and Russians would be essentially primes inter 

pares, with other nationalities allowed to maintain their 

cultural but not political identities. 

Policy toward Other Nations 

Zhirinovskiy has made demagogic statements that appear 

designed to appeal to some of the baser anti-Semitic, 

xenophobic, and anti-Western instincts that may reside in 

portions of the Russian population. 

While Zhirinovskiy made a number of saber-rattling, 

anti-Western, and anti-U.S, statements before the 12 
34 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

December election, after the election he backed away or 

softened these in an apparent effort to present himself as 

someone with whom the West might deal. 

Zhirinovskiy says no one needs to fear Russia, but, 

on one occasion or another, he has threatened to pursue 

nuclear blackmail against the U.S., U.K., and France, to 

attack Germany, Japan, and Pakistan with nuclear or other 

forces, and to blow nuclear radiation into Lithuania. He 

advocated replacing the president of Bulgaria with one of 

his advisors. 

He opposes receiving foreign aid in Russia and 

opposes Russia giving aid to other countries, with the 

exception of Iraq and Serbia. He opposes defense 

conversion in Russia and strongly advocates sales of 

Russian arms abroad. He advocates close relations with 

Germany and has suggested an axis involving Germany, 

Russia, and India. He is a friend and supporter of Saddam 

Hussein and lraq. 

In his book Last Dash to the South, Zhirinovskiy 

proclaims as a geopolitical concept the necessity for Russia 

to gain access by military conquest to the Mediterranean 

Sea and Indian Ocean. 4 Viewing this "last dash" as the 

"task of saving the Russian nation," he argues that Russia 

needs to secure access to these warm water routes to thrive 

and that it needs to subjugate its southern neighbors in the 

Caucasus, Central Asia, Turkey, Iran, and Afghanistan to 

eliminate threats posed by pan-Turkism and pan-Islamism. 

He claims that Ankara is planning "to establish a greater 

Turkey reaching from the Adriatic to Tajikistan," which 

would allow Turkey to dominate Slavic populations in the 

former Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, while placing extreme 

pressure on Russia via the Caucasus and Central Asia. He 

argues that Moscow must fight back by leading a panSlavic, anti-Turkish alliance, perhaps in partnership with a 
JAMES W. MORRISON 35 

resurgent Germany. He suggests that a military conquest to 

the south would be the basis for a renaissance of the 

Russian military which has fallen on hard times. 5 

Zhirinovskiy provided his vision of a future world 

security system in one or more interviews conducted by 

Rolf Gauffin, a retired French diplomat, published in 

January 1994 in two similar but not identical newspaper 

articles. 6 Zhirinovskiy projected a trilateral GermanRussian-Indian axis, linking an expanded Germany, a new 

Russia that would include most of the former Soviet Union 

and some additional territory, and India. With some two 

billion people linked by this axis, Zhirinovskiy opined that 

the world would take whatever form this axis wanted it to. 

India and Russia together would neutralize China, and 

Germany and Russia would neutralize or control Europe. 

In Zhirinovskiy's vision, Russians living outside 

Russia would be given dual citizenship and Russia would 

defend them, primarily with economic instruments of 

power. 

Zhirinovskiy was reported in one interview by 

Gauffin to have said that Russia didn't want the 

Transcaucasus as there were only criminals there, no real 

economy, and no opportunities for Russia to profit; he said 

Iran could take over Azerbaijan and Armenia and Georgia 

could go to Turkey; but, he also said one day these 

countries would ask to belong to Moscow again. In another 

report of a Gauffin interview, Zhirinovskiy said that Russia 

would step in to save the states in the Transcaucasus and 

Central Asia, if these states paid Russia to do it. 

The Baltic states, according to Zhirinovskiy, would 

be part of Russia, except for Tallinn which would be a 

separate city republic and three cities in Lithuania which 

would form a small Lithuanian state. Koeningsberg might 

be returned to Germany some day. Zhirinovskiy said "no 
36 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

problem" with respect to Finland, but if Finland wanted 

Karelia back, then all of Finland would have to go to 

Russia. 

One report had Zhirinovskiy saying that Eastern 

Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova would be part of Russia; 

another report had him saying that Ukraine and Belarus are 

Russian and the people want to belong to Russia. 

In Eastern Europe, according to Zhirinovskiy's 

vision, three cities in northwestern Poland would become 

part of Germany, and Lvov in Ukraine might be given to 

Poland as compensation. Slovakia might want to become 

part of Russia. The Czech Republic would go to Germany. 

Austria and Slovenia should unite, perhaps along with 

Germany. Bulgaria would get the Dobrudja portion of 

Romania. Greece should return Thrace to Bulgaria. In the 

former Yugoslavia, the Serbs, Croats, and Bosnians would 

keep the borders that now exist. He proposed that all 

foreign or UN forces withdraw from the former Yugoslavia 

so the warring parties could settle the conflict themselves, 

but he also said that Russia and the Balkan states would 

solve all problems in the Balkans. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 37 

3. ZHIRINOVSKIY AND INCREASING 

RUSSIAN NATIONALISM 

Zhirinovskiy appears to have both drawn upon and helped 

stimulate an increasing nationalistic sentiment in Russia. 

He has appealed to this sentiment in his campaigns and in 

his post-election statements and activities (see Chapter 4 

and the Appendix of this paper). In turn, his campaigning 

and the relative success of his Liberal Democratic Party in 

the parliamentary elections appear to have helped stimulate 

other political leaders and the Russian government to pay 

increased attention to this issue and in some cases adopt 

positions that are more nationalistic than in recent years. 

Defining Russian Nationalism 

There is an apparent rise and broadening of Russian 

nationalism. While the scope of this paper can only touch 

on the definition of Russian nationalism, the concept merits 

considered and detailed definition and analysis, and degrees 

of Russian nationalism should be differentiated. 

Using a broad definition, one could say that 

expressions of Russian nationalism range from the 

patriotism one might expect of a citizen of the newly 

independent and sovereign Russian Federation to the views 

of Zhirinovskiy and other ultra-nationalists. A narrower 
38 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

definition of Russian nationalism and Russian nationalists 

might focus on people sometimes described as 

traditionalists, who advocate hardline, anti-reform policies 

and positions, perhaps excluding Communists who at least 

philosophically would not espouse nationalism. An even 

narrower definition would focus on Zhirinovskiy, members 

of his Liberal Democratic Party, and other such groups, but 

the term "ultra-nationalist" seems appropriate for these 

people. 

Without addressing the more historic Russian 

nationalism and its many facets, one can point to a few 

salient features that characterize the new, revived Russian 

nationalism. 

Beyond affinity and support for Russia per se, the 

most important factors and common threads that run 

throughout the range of expressions of Russian nationalism 

are: 

• a sense of Russian "greatness" and the right and 

responsibility to exercise Russian leadership within the total 

area made up of states now comprising the Commonwealth 

of Independent States and perhaps beyond; and 

• an expressed desire to protect and promote the 

interests of citizens not only within the Russian Federation 

but Russian Federation citizens living outside Russia 

(perhaps with dual citizenship) and other ethnic Russians or 

even Russian-speaking populations outside Russia. 

Less important and less universal elements in 

Russian nationalism appear to be a sense of pan-Slavism 

and, perhaps even to a lesser extent, affinity for the 

Orthodox Church. These are manifest most notably in 

Russian sentiment toward Serbs in the former Yugoslavia. 

Another element--reflected in varying degrees in 

expressions of Russian nationalism--is a love-hate or 

partnership-adversary view of the West. Some speak 
JAMES W. MORRISON 39 

admiringly of the West, or at least parts of it. There is 

often an expressed desire for Western assistance and 

technology and even government and business partnerships. 

On the other hand, there is often suspicion of Westem 

motives. Some appear to believe that the West wants to 

keep Russia weak; that it is able but unwilling to provide 

the assistance that Russia needs; and that it wants to restrict 

Russian influence and involvement in world affairs, in the 

"near abroad" of the former Soviet Union, and in arms sales 

abroad. Some also express concern about the impact of 

Western influence within Russia and complain that the 

West wants to impose Western solutions and practices in 

Russia. 

To illustrate the range of nationalistic sentiment, at 

the far extreme are ultra-nationalists such as Zhirinovskiy 

who envision a Russia led by Russians that includes all the 

territory and people encompassed in the former Soviet 

Union, without ethnic or nationally-based republics. These 

ultra-nationalists deprecate smaller nationalities and 

minority groups, especially Jews. Zhirinovskiy has referred 

to Serbs and other Slavic elements outside Russia as "our 

brothers," has said that "great Russia will be the protector 

of all Serbs," threatened that air attacks on Serbs would 

result in war with Russia, and has called for "creation of a 

joint Slav state from Vladivostok to Knin. ''1 He appears 

extremely suspicious of the U.S. He calls for rejecting U.S. 

and perhaps other Western offers of assistance and advice 

to Russia. At the same time, he advocates close relations 

with Germany and has developed contacts with right-wing 

politicians and with businessmen in Western Europe. 

Opposing defense conversion, he has expressed the view 

that the U.S. has tried to cut Russia out of arms sales 

abroad. 
40 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

At the other end of the spectrum, one can 

increasingly find statements of reformers that speak about 

protecting and promoting the interests not only of Russia 

per se but also ethnic Russians abroad and about retaining 

some Russian forces outside Russia. They appear to want 

to maintain close relations with the West and to receive 

extensive assistance, but at the same time they imply 

criticism of the West for not providing enough assistance, 

for not sufficiently relaxing restrictions on assistance and 

technology, and for attempting to impose severe economic 

measures in the name of economic reform. They also 

caution against attacks on Serbs. 

The Recent Rise of Russian Nationalism 

Russian nationalism has a relatively strong historical basis, 

both in terms of centuries of Russian history and the power 

and international prestige of imperial Russia. During the 75 

years of Soviet rule in the USSR Russian nationalism was 

generally suppressed, although Stalin temporarily sought to 

exploit it in defending the motherland against Nazi 

Germany. Even during the years of Soviet rule, Russians 

played a dominant role. (According to figures for 1990, in 

a USSR population of 288 million, 146 million, or 50.7%, 

were Russians.) The capital of the country was in the 

Russian Republic and Russians held most of the positions 

of power at the national level and important if not the top 

positions in many of the other republics. 

The rise of Russian nationalism pep" se is a relatively 

recent phenomenon. Before the breakup of the Soviet 

Union, many in the USSR--including in the Russian Soviet 

Federated Socialist Republic--identified with being part of 

a "Soviet" nation. Developments in 1991 changed this. In 

June 1991, Boris Yeltsin was elected president of the 
JAMES W. MORRISON 41 

Russian Republic, becoming the first popularly elected 

leader in some 1000 years of Russian history. Russian 

nationalism received another boost when Yeltsin stood up 

against the coup plotters outside the Russian parliament's 

White House in August 1991 and when, in the aftermath of 

the coup attempt, he presented himself as a more 

authoritative leader than the weakened USSR President 

Mikhail Gorbachev. When the USSR was officially 

dissolved in December 1991 and new independent states of 

the former Soviet Union were established and recognized 

internationally, there was no longer any basis for a "Soviet" 

nationalism. The establishment of fifteen new independent 

states provided a basis for fifteen new, highest order 

nationalisms backed by sovereign state governments. 

Establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent 

States does not appear to have been accompanied by the 

rise of any popular "Commonwealth" nationalism. 

There is in Russia a relatively solid basis for strong 

nationalism of the leading ethnic group. Ethnic Russians 

constitute 82% of the population in Russia, with the next 

most populous ethnic group being Tatars, who comprise 4% 

of the population, followed by Ukrainians at 3% and other 

nationality groups each at 1% or less. 

The policy of Soviet leaders was to ensure that there 

were sizeable ethnic Russian elements in the populations of 

all the non-Russian republics. In large part because of this 

policy and the way borders were established between the 

various republics of the former Soviet Union, there are 

today an estimated 25 million ethnic Russians living outside 

Russia in former republics of the USSR, not counting the 

many ethnic Russians who have migrated back to Russia. 

In these former republics, according to figures for 1990, 

Russians as a percentage of the population accounted for 

38% in Kazakhstan, 34% in Latvia, 30% in Estonia, 22% 
42 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

in Ukraine, 21% in Kyrgyzstan, 14% in Moldova, 13% in 

Belarus, 9% in Lithuania, and at least 6% in all other 

republics, except Armenia where Russians accounted for 

only 2%. (In referring to former republics, it should be 

noted that the U.S. Government did not recognize the 

incorporation of the Baltic states into the USSR.) 

Many in Russia have expressed dismay at the loss 

of prestige stemming from the dissolution of the former 

Soviet Union. Many have also vocally called for support 

of ethnic Russians living outside Russia, particularly those 

in the Baltic states, Moldova, and Ukraine--especially in 

the Crimea. 

Protection of the rights of these Russians in other 

former republics of the Soviet Union, particularly in the 

Baltic states, has become an increasingly important issue in 

Russia and a major element in the Russian government's 

foreign policy. 

Zhirinovskiy has appealed to both these sentiments 

of national prestige and protection of Russians. This may 

well have been a major factor in the relatively strong 

showing of his party in the December parliamentary 

elections, although there were other important factors, such 

as protesting against poor economic conditions and against 

crime, and Zhirinovskiy's skills in addressing the public. 

In the 1991 election for president of the Russian Soviet 

Federated Socialist Republic--before the dissolution of the 

Soviet Union, Zhirinovskiy received just over 6 million 

votes. In the December 1993 parliamentary elections, in 

the voting for 225 of 450 State Duma seats chosen by 

nation-wide total voting by party list, Zhirinovskiy's party 

received more than 12 million votes, or nearly 23% of the 

votes, compared to the second place "Russia's Choice" 

coalition which received about 8 million votes or 15% of 

the votes. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 43 

The 30 January 1994 election for president in the 

Crimea, won by a Russian nationalist, Yuri Meshkov, has 

several important aspects. Some view this, similar to the 

relative success of Zhirinovskiy's party in the December 

Russian parliamentary election, as an indication of rising 

Russian nationalism---but in a region of Ukraine. Others, 

such as Vyacheslav Chomovil, leader of Ukraine's 

nationalist movement "Rukh," regard Meshkov's election 

as a protest vote, saying: "It doesn't mean the majority of 

the population is striving for independence or reunification 

withRussia. They wanted change. ''z 

Regarding the possibility that Meshkov could move 

ahead with holding a referendum on Crimean independence, 

Deputy Foreign Minister Boris Tarasyuk is reported to have 

opined that he thinks "political wisdom will prevail in 

Crimea," but Ukrainian officials are said to admit that such 

a referendum would lead to a confrontation. While 

Ukrainian officials are also reported to believe that the 

Russian government has shown moderation on this issue to 

date, there are reports of a growing concern that Moscow 

might, perhaps responding to pressure from Russian 

nationalists in Russia such as Zhirinovskiy, intervene. Any 

such intervention could lead Ukraine to reconsider recent 

nuclear agreements with the U.S. and Kussia. 3 

Officials in Ukraine and other of the new 

independent states of the former Soviet Union could be 

concerned that the vote in Crimea could be a bellwether 

stimulating Russian nationalism among other Russian 

speaking populations on their territory. 

Zhirinovskiy reportedly has called for the Crimea to 

be reintegrated into the Russian Federation, saying that 

people in the Crimea no longer want to be part of Ukraine. 4 

Following his visit to the former Yugoslavia, 

Zhirinovskiy in early February 1994 began emphasizing 
44 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

pan-Slavism and Orthodox Christianity. He has spoken of 

300 million people living together in an "Eastern European 

Slavic community" that does not serve the West, and he 

announced that he and others (unidentified) were organizing 

for 2 and 3 April in Moscow a world congress of Slavic 

and Orthodox peoples. 5 In announcing this in an interview 

for a Czech newspaper, Zhirinovskiy said that politicians 

and deputies from the Czech lands would be invited to this 

"World Slavic Congress," since "After all, we are one 

people, one culture .... " In another interview probably in 

February, he stated that: "I am for solidarity between Slav 

countries: We are neighbors and we have the same 

economic and cultural background. But I want a union 

without military interference and without one country 

dominating the others. The government should not be 

exercised from Moscow. The center can be located in 

Prague, Sofia, or Warsaw. ''6 

Recent Statements of Russian Government 

Leaders and Others 

Key Russian government leaders have recently made or 

released statements on issues related to Russian nationalism. 

There are references to reviving Russia's "greatness," to a 

priority ("first among equals") for Russia in relations within 

the CIS, and to protection of Russians outside Russia. 

Some of these references appear to be responding to 

statements by Zhirinovskiy and the relative success of 

Zhirinovskiy's party in the December 1993 parliamentary 

elections. 

President Yeltsln. President Yeltsin in early 1994 

spoke of reviving Russia's greatness, but he also 

do(vnplayed the threat of "neo-imperialism." He has been 

a leading proponent of the Commonwealth of Independent 
JAMES W. MORRISON 45 

States, where Russia is only one of many states, but he has 

spoken of Russia as "first among equals" in the 

Commonwealth. In his 24 February speech to parliament, 

he emphasized that Russia should play a strong role in 

relations with other republics of the former Soviet Union. 

In his opening address to the new upper-house 

Federation Council on 11 January 1994, Yeltsin spoke of 

Russia's greatness and returning to its roots. He stated that: 

"... Russia is returning to its roots, is restoring lost 

traditions. It cannot acquire its true character . . . go 

forward.., take a worthy place in the contemporary world 

without that. ''7 

Speaking of Russia's culture and greatness, Yeltsin 

said that: "... material prosperity alone will not make the 

country happy nor revive in citizens of Russia a sense of 

their own dignity .... " He went on to say that: in "... 

transformations in the Russian Federation, only a very little 

of the mighty potential of the multinational culture of the 

fatherland has so far been activated. This culture has been 

left on the sidelines of the reforms, and it is perhaps this 

that is the reason for many difficulties and failures. It is 

our common task to align the market and culture to the 

greatest possible degree. Unless we do so, the market will 

not become civilized; unless we do so, the market will not 

emerge from crisis, there will be no revival of spirituality, 

there will be no revival of Russia's greatness. ''8 

Later in his remarks, Yeltsin addressed Russia's role 

in the world, saying that: "... Russia is a great power and 

it will never agree to be on the sidelines of world 

civilization. The time has ended when our country felt 

itself to be a besieged fortress and was in confrontation 

with the rest of the world. Our task today is to activate 

truly wide and equal cooperation with the world 

community. It is not by military might alone that a worthy 
46 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

place in the world is defined. Our country and people have 

a great resource of vital energy, and it is up to us to help 

our fatherland to gather its forces, to revive those powerful 

stimuli which would resurrect its greatness. International 

law is our fundamental guideline in the world. Russia will 

strictly abide by its norms and principles, convinced that 

this is the most efficient way of protecting national 

interests. However .... all states must also strictly abide 

by norms of the international law in their relations with 

Russia. No double standards will be tolerated here .... ,,9 

In his address, Yeltsin also spoke of Russia's 

relations with other countries in the Commonwealth of 

Independent States, suggesting that this is "a most crucial 

moment of the existence of the Commonwealth of 

Independent States," and stating that: "Each of the states is 

increasingly coming to understand that alone they cannot 

cope with most difficult problems, and that they cannot 

survive alone. Our countries are already being linked 

together, and in this process it is Russia's vocation to be the 

first among equals. ''~° 

He went on to discuss correct relations among CIS 

states, saying: "Our compatriots, those in the former Soviet 

republics, first and foremost, rely on the fact that voluntary, 

free, and peaceful integration will grow from strength to 

strength. They hope that their lawful interests will be 

protected. And our duty is to live up to these 

expectations." He went on to say that "The election of the 

Russian president to the post of CIS chairman provides an 

exclusively favorable opportunity to implement these aims. 

•.. The richer, the more comprehensive, and the closer the 

relations between our states are, the better .... ,,n 

In a statement made at a joint press conference with 

President Clinton in Moscow on 14 January 1994, Yeltsin 

indicated that he had briefed President Clinton on "the 
JAMES W. MORRISON 47 

integrationary processes that have got under way on the 

territory of the former Soviet Union" and on CIS meetings. 

He stated that: "There need be no fear of any neoimperialist lust heremRussia's only interest is in stability. 

It is undertaking honest mediatory efforts to extinguish the 

hotbeds of conflicts on the perimeters of its new borders. 

We are ready to cooperate widely and even to coordinate 

our actions here with the United Nations, the CSCE, and 

with the entire international community. Unfortunately, the 

international community itself has not as yet shown a great 

deal of enthusiasm. There has been a wary reaction to our 

specific proposals, whether in Abkhazia, NagornoKarabakh, or in Tajikistan. ''lz 

Yeltsin also indicated that he raised with President 

Clinton the "question of human rights violations among 

national minorities, especially in the Baltic area," and stated 

that "There should be no double standards here, whether it 

is taking place in Haiti or in the Baltic area." Yeltsin 

indicated that he and President Clinton had adopted a 

statement on this and that President Clinton would adopt 

corresponding measures on contacts with the Baltic 

countries "so that discrimination against the Russianspeaking population there will ultimately be abandoned. ''13 

In a major address to the Russian parliament on 24 

February, entitled "On Strengthening the State of Russia," 

Yeltsin spoke of a strong role for Russia in the area of the 

former Soviet Union: "A strong Russia is the most reliable 

and real guarantor of stability on the entire territory of the 

former Soviet Union." He said Russia would pay "close 

attention" to the problems of ethnic Russians in this area 

who are "victims of discrimination," and that: "When it 

comes to violations of the lawful rights of Russian people, 

this is not an exclusive internal affair for some country, but 

also our national affair, an affair of our state." He also 
48 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

called for ending "the misguided practice of making 

unilateral concessions" and promised to protect Russia's 

defense budget and arms sales abroad. He said that "Russia 

is not a guest in Europe, it is a full-fledged participant," and 

opined that any expansion of NATO not including Russia 

would be a "path to new threats to Europe and the world. ''~4 

Vladimir Shumeyko, Former Deputy Prime 

Minister and Newly-elected Chairman of Russia's 

Parliamentary Upper-house Federation Council. 

Vladimir Shumeyko has recently addressed Russian 

nationalism and protection of Russian-speaking populations. 

Responding in an interview sometime after the 

December parliamentary election to a question about 

preventing a nationalist from becoming president in two 

years, Shumeyko observed that: "A president's party must 

emerge. I see the people advocating the notion of a strong 

and powerful state. The Russian nation, in a historicphilosophical sense, has always been expansive. Yet Russia 

has never conquered other states, only absorbed them. The 

Bolsheviks took over this empire. The people here and in 

the West always saw Russia in the Soviet Union. With the 

collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia lost some of its 

territory for the first time in history. Russians became a 

minority in other states. This is a psychological shock for 

the whole nation. Zhirinovskiy's campaign was focused on 

this fact, and a presidential party must also focus on it. '"5 

On 13 January, after his election as Chairman of the 

Federation Council, Shumeyko told a news conference that 

he agreed with "... Foreign Minister Kozyrev, who said 

quite clearly that the West should stop moralizing and 

preaching at Russia. Russia is not a state that needs to be 

told what to do and so on .... Another thing is that one of 

Russia's main priorities should be concern for the interests 
JAMES W. MORRISON 49 

of what is referred to today as the Russian-speaking 

population. ''~6 

The Russian Military and Military Doctrine. 

Various Russian military leaders and the new Russian 

military doctrine have addressed issues related to Russian 

nationalism. 

On 2 November 1993, prior to the December 

parliamentary election, the Russian Federation Security 

Council approved a new Russian military doctrine, the basic 

provisions of which were reported in a "detailed account" 

in the Russian media on 18 November) 7 According to this 

account, the doctrine contains a provision that suggests that 

Russian military forces could be used to help ensure the 

political rights and other interests of Russians living in the 

"near-abroad" and possibly even beyond. The doctrine lists 

as one of the "basic existing and potential sources of 

extemal danger for the Russian Federation" the "suppression 

of the rights, freedoms, and legitimate interests of citizens 

of the Russian Federation in foreign states. " 

A description of what the new military doctrine cites 

as the basic sources of military danger to Russia suggests 

that "the threat of direct aggression" has declined in 

contemporary conditions and that "Social, political, 

territorial, religious, national-ethnic, and other conflicts and 

the desire of a number of states and political forces to 

resolve them by means of armed struggle constitute the 

main reasons for it (the danger of war) and for the 

emergence of armed conflict and wars. Armed conflicts 

which arise on the basis of aggressive nationalism and 

religious intolerance pose a special danger." 

The doctrine addresses threats that could come from 

the "near-abroad" or other foreign states which may directly 

threaten Russia. This is a theme addressed also by Foreign 

Minister Kozyrev, as indicated below. In a section of the 
50 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

doctrine that discusses factors that transform a military 

danger into an immediate threat to the Russian Federation, 

references are made to troop buildups on the Russian 

border; attacks on border installations and borders of allies, 

and the launching of border conflicts and armed 

provocations; gaining of armed elements on the territory of 

other states intended to be transferred to territory of Russia 

and its allies; and actions by other states hindering support 

of Russian nuclear forces and command and control 

including their space component. The doctrine indicates 

that cooperation with the members of the CIS in resolving 

problems of collective defense and security and agreeing on 

military policy and defense organizational development is 

"the priority" for Russia, above cooperation at the regional 

level and on a global scale. 

The doctrine makes two statements about tasks 

related to Russian troops outside Russia. On the one hand, 

it indicates that a task "through 1996" is "the completion of 

the withdrawal to Russian territory of formations and units 

stationed outside Russia. On the other hand, it notes under 

tasks "in the period 1996-2000" for force structure 

reorganization, that there may be requirements for troops 

and resources outside Russian territory and mixed troop 

formations manned by CIS servicemen, generally on a 

contract basis. It states that Russian troops may be outside 

Russia within joint or Russian groupings and individual 

bases. It appears, as indicated below, that Foreign Minister 

Kozyrev in an article on 14 January emphasized the 

withdrawal task, without mentioning possible requirements 

for deploying Russian forces outside Russia; four days later, 

for unexplained reasons, he emphasized the latter. 

The military doctrine also cites internal sources of 

military threats against which Russian Federation armed 

forces and other troops may be used. One of these is 
JAMES W. MORRISON 51 

"illegal activity by nationalist, separatist, or other 

organizations which is aimed at destabilizing the situation 

in the Russian Federation or violating its territorial integrity 

and which is carried out using armed violence." 

The military doctrine appears to address protection 

outside of Russia of only citizens of the Russian Federation. 

It may be that Russian policy envisions the possible use of 

armed forces to protect Russian citizens abroad, while 

employing diplomatic and economic instruments of policy 

to help protect the interests of people outside Russia who 

are not citizens of Russia but who are ethnic Russians or 

Russian speakers. Statements by Foreign Minister Kozyrev, 

as discussed below, seem to support this conclusion. On 

the other hand, recent reports on agreements on locating 

Russian bases and forces in Georgia mention protecting 

Russian-speaking populations. 

On 3 February 1994, President Yeltsin reportedly 

visited Georgia and signed agreements on military 

cooperation between Russia and Georgia. Russian Defense 

Minister Grachev is said to have indicated that one of the 

main results of the visit was the signing of a protocol of 

intent to set up three Russian military bases in Georgia by 

1 July 1994. Aleksandr Galkin, the head of the Russian 

delegation to talks with Georgia, reportedly indicated that 

Georgia wants Russian troops to stay after 1995 when an 

agreement on their presence expires. Galkin was reported 

to have said that Russian military presence in Georgia is 

indispensable for ensuring stabilization of the situation, 

protecting the rights of the Russian-speaking population, 

and providing assistance to Georgia to establish its own 

armed forces. It was reported that the agreement on bases 

is to last for ten years, and that Grachev believes Russia 

should keep up to 23,000 troops in Transcaucasia, with twothirds of these in GeorgiaY 
52 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

The Foreign Ministry. Russian Foreign Minister 

Andrey Kozyrev has, particularly since the autumn Russian 

parliamentary campaign, spoken out in more nationalistic 

terms. In a statement on 14 January, he referred to 

withdrawing all Russian military units stationed outside 

Russia back to Russia before 1996, but four days later he 

appeared to back away from this and emphasize the need to 

maintain Russian military presence. When some expressed 

concern that this could be regarded as applying to the Baltic 

states, the Foreign Ministry indicated it applied only to the 

CIS area and not the Baltic States. 

On 14 January 1994, Kozyrev published an article 

under the title of "Russia's Interest: Country's Military 

Doctrine and International Security. ''19 He began the article 

referring to a debate abroad in which some observers, citing 

"irresponsible, profascist statements made during the 

election campaign," predicted a strengthening of Moscow's 

"imperial aspirations." Kozyrev argued that such a course 

was guarded against by the role of the president of Russia, 

enshrined in the new constitution, and the new Russian 

military doctrine. Some of the more interesting points in 

his article follow: 

• Kozyrev, indicating that the new military doctrine 

envisages that all Russian military units stationed outside 

Russia would be withdrawn back to Russia before 1996, 

stated: "We will seek to ensure that the agreements being 

elaborated with a number of countries regarding this 

properly take into account Russia's security interests and 

also the interests of the Russian-speaking population in 

these countries." While the context is different, it is 

interesting to note his reference to the "Russian-speaking 

population" in other countries, compared to the reference in 

the military doctrine document to "citizens of the Russian 

Federation in foreign states." 
JAMES W. MORRISON 53 

• Kozyrev spoke of peacekeeping operations, 

implemented under the auspices of the UN and other 

collective security organs or in accordance with 

international agreements, primarily within the CIS context, 

and stated: "The Russian troops taking part in such 

operations strictly respect the sovereignty of the sides 

involved in the conflict and act with their consent and in 

accordance with a clearly defined mandate." He also 

indicated that "the security of the Russian Federation and 

other CIS members may necessitate the stationing of 

Russian Federation forces outside its territory," but "... 

this will be done only on the basis of appropriate 

international legal documents and with the consent of the 

states on whose territory our Armed Forces will be 

stationed." 

Four days later on 18 January, in what appears to 

have been a Foreign Ministry conference that included 

Russian ambassadors to the CIS and Baltic states to discuss 

foreign policy regarding these countries, Kozyrev was 

reported by the Russian news media to have said that: 

• Defending the rights and interests of Russian 

Federation citizens in the near abroad is one of Russia's 

main foreign policy tasks. 2° Another source indicated that 

he said that the protection of the rights of Russians in 

former Soviet republics is a major strategic foreign policy 

task and that he indicated that the issue of dual citizenship 

is the key one in this policy, stating that "A better mutual 

understanding has been reached in this aspect of late. ''2~ A 

third source reported that he said that protection of the 

Russian-speaking population, our fellow countrymen, is a 

vital priority, using the phrase "To help create conditions in 

which Russians feel that they are equal citizens. ''2z 

• Appearing to back away from his reference of 14 

January to withdrawal of all Russian troops to Russia by 
54 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

1996, Kozyrev said it is necessary for Russia to keep its 

"military presence" in former Soviet republics in order to 

prevent forces hostile to Russia from filling in the "security 

vacuum," and that raising the issue of a complete end to 

Russian military presence is an "extreme approach." He 

reportedly indicated that the solution lies in the middle 

between a complete withdrawal and full military presence. 

He was quoted as saying: "We should not withdraw from 

those regions which have been the sphere of Russian 

interests for centuries and we should not fear these words 

about the military presence. ''z3 Another report quoted him 

as saying: "Russia must preserve its military presence in 

regions which have been spheres of its military interest for 

centuries," and then adding: "The withdrawal of all military 

presence from those regions is the same extreme approach 

as imperial suppression using tanks. ''24 

• A "security vacuum" will emerge as soon as the 

Russian troops leave the region which will be "inevitable 

[sic] filled in by forces which are often not friendly, and in 

many cases even directly hostile to Russian interests," 

adding that the CIS and Baltics comprise a region of 

"priority vital interests for Russia which also poses the 

major threats to the interests. ''25 

• Conflicts and problems in the former USSR 

directly affect Russian internal developments and everyday 

life but the region opens vast possibilities for better 

relations and friendly contacts, as well as enhanced Russian 

influence. 26 

• Among other priority tasks are creation and 

improvement of mechanisms of cooperation and the drafting 

of a short-, medium-, and long-term strategy of creating an 

economic union. Kozyrev reportedly called for an 

"individual approach" in this respect, especially regarding 

monetary unification. He stated that "An all-around 
JAMES W. MORRISON 55 

assessment of the issues is necessary and such mechanisms 

should be created which would allow Russia to avoid 

unjustified expenses while the republics would not feel 

themselves pushed aside and would not look for new 

partners."z7 

• The CIS has reached such a degree of maturity as 

to feel it desirable to "become a member of world 

processes," adding that "It is developing from a regional 

into a global factor. "~ 

The Russian Foreign Ministry later clarified 

Kozyrev's statement about retaining Russian troops abroad 

by stating that "... his words about retaining a Russian 

military presence in the zone of vitally important interests 

in no way apply to the Baltics. ,,29 

Russian Army Paper on Kozyrev Statements. 

The Russian Army's newspaper, Krasnaya Zvezda (Red 

Star), on 20 January published an article by Vladimir 

Gavrilenko entitled "Neighboring Foreign Countries Were, 

Are, and Remain a Zone of Russia's Vital Interests. ''3° The 

article apparently referred to Foreign Minister Kozyrev's 

participation in the 18 January Foreign Ministry conference 

mentioned above and reported many of the statements cited 

above which Kozyrev is said to have made at the 

conference. 

This article reported that Kozyrevmwhile being late 

in doing so---had stated that "The CIS and Baltic countries 

are the region where Russia's paramount vital interests are 

concentrated. It is from there that the main threats to those 

interests stem." 

The article suggested that while this idea was 

timidly expressed back in 1992 it was drowned out by "the 

thunder of the collapse of the Soviet empire, the euphoria 

caused by the acquisition of sovereignty, and the unfeigned 

and sincere joy of the fledgling Russian democracy at the 
56 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

appearance of a number of sovereign states nearby. Yes, 

yes, joy, because it had helped in the struggle of those 

selfsame Baltic republics again the Union center .... " It 

went on to say that 1992 was a crucial year and that: "The 

many armed conflicts along Russia's borders, the 

infringement of Russia's state interests in strategically 

important neighboring regions, and finally the shameless 

and at times humiliating pressure on our fellow countrymen 

in neighboring foreign countries has led to the realization 

that we cannot close our eyes and ears and withdraw into 

our own Russian backyard." 

The article commented that ".. it seems that 

Russia's difficult, months-long progress toward an 

understanding of its own role in neighboring foreign 

countries is nearing the desired end." 

The article concluded that "The feeling that Russia 

has no specific interests in neighboring foreign countries is 

being agonizingly replaced by the realization that it has a 

special role to play in the post-Soviet era." 

It also warned that " attempts by anyone 

anywhere to assume the role of interpreter and organizer of 

Russian affairs in neighboring foreign countries will now be 

viewed as unfriendly acts. Russia is ceasing to do that 

which historically was inappropriate to it--backpedalling. 

Russia is making it plain that everyone who wants to live 

with it in love and fond accord should take account of its 

geopolitical interests. Just as it is prepared to do unto 

others. With determination, dignity, and honor." 
JAMES W. MORRISON 57 

4. IMPLICATIONS OF ZHIRINOVSKIY'S 

INCREASING POLITICAL STRENGTH 

Figuratively speaking, Zhirinovskiy's political rise has had 

the relative speed and light of a meteor. No one can say at 

this time whether he and his followers will be burned up in 

the atmosphere of Russian politics, be reduced in mass or 

attitude so as not to pose a threat, or continue on a course 

that could pose an increasing threat to reform in Russia, to 

neighboring states, and to the West. 

Some may regard Zhirinovskiy as frivolous and only a 

fringe element. Others appear to suggest that he may have 

been making outrageous statements only to grab headlines 

and that he may become more responsible in the future. 

Finally, some believe that he should be regarded as having 

the potential to pose a serious threat within Russia and 

without. 

Arguments Against Overestimating Zhirinovskiy, 

His Statements, and the Threat of Fascism 

in Russia 

Some have cautioned against overestimating Zhirinovskiy's 

political support and the threat of fascism in Russia, 

suggesting that Zhirinovskiy's relatively strong showing in 

the election was due to a protest vote. President Yeltsin 
58 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

has said: "There are many poor people. It were they who 

voted for the Liberal Democratic Party. They voted not for 

its leader, (or) the programme, but in protest against 

poverty. ''l Izvestiya commentator Otto Latsis, has 

suggested that people are on the wrong track in comparing 

the Zhirinovskiy phenomenon to Germany in the 1930s and 

Hitler, and has observed that "According to my estimates, 

a maximum of 8 percent of the electorate could be 

considered hard core militant Zhh-inovskiy supporters. The 

rest voted for the LDPR as a protest. ''2 In a recent poll of 

1,223 people in Russia, 72% said they would not like to see 

Zhirinovskiy as prime minister, while 8% said they would. 

Some 67% said they did not think he would carry out his 

campaign pledges, and 10% thought he would) 

In statements after the elections, both President 

Yeltsin and Foreign Minister Kozyrev appeared to 

differentiate between statements Zhirinovskiy made during 

the election campaign and those he might make in the postelection period, both taking a wait-and-see attitude with 

respect to the latter and indicating a readiness to cooperate 

with Zhirinovskiy. 

Yeltsin, asked at a 22 December press conference if 

he were prepared to cooperate with Zhirinovskiy after his 

statements, replied: "You see, we have heard Zhirinovskiy's 

words so far, what he has said during the election 

campaign. Let us wait for him and his party's deeds, their 

deeds in parliament, and only after that will we draw 

conclusions on how to cooperate with him. If he starts a 

constructive dialogue and works for the benefit of the 

country and the people who have elected him, then 

naturally we will cooperate and interact. ''4 

Kozyrev, commenting shortly after the election on 

statements by Zhirinovskiy, whom he said he has known for 

a very long time, said that it was his personal, moral, and 
JAMES W. MORRISON 59 

political assessment, and not a legal assessment, that 

Zhirinovskiy's statements "verge on utter irresponsibility 

and, in general reek strongly, to put it bluntly, of fasciststyle demagogy." He went on to comment that "I must say 

that Hitler, in the past--I am not whipping up tension in 

this case and we really have nothing to fear, but we must 

remember some similarities-----did more or less the same in 

Germany in 1933. ''5 

Kozyrev, however, went on to say: "Therefore, when 

I meet... Zhirinovskiy in the Duma or somewhere else l 

shall not offer to shake his hand, at least not until he says, 

not just smoothly but as a good solid man, simply as an 

honorable man.., until he says to me and to those around: 

Yes, I made a few statements during the election 

campaign--well I wanted to be a deputy, I wanted to be a 

leader--I made several irresponsible statements but I have 

renounced them and I have reviewed my position. If he 

does this, I shall be glad and evidently it will be possible to 

shake hands with him .... " Later he said: "A threat of 

fascism? Yes... the threat does exist.., but this is a 

complete nonsense that this pest will now spread all over 

the country, that we must panic and therefore keep silent, 

that we must get frightened, let others intimidate us and 

terrorize us. . I think we will get away with an 

inoculation .... "~ 

Yeltsin, in his 22 December press conference, 

downplayed the threat of fascism in Russia, saying: "... 

some people are currently comparing the Germany of the 

1930's with today's Russia. I believe that there are no 

grounds for this. True, there are some grounds such as hurt 

national feelings, unsteadiness, poor living conditions, the 

unsatisfactory living conditions of many people--these, of 

course, show some similarity. But the main thing that was 

absent in Germany, which we have, are a president and a 
60 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

constitution, which is on guard against fascism, and we will 

not permit anyone to get through with such ideas." Later 

in the press conference, he said he was prepared to 

cooperate "... with factions in parliament. That means not 

only with the neo-fascists, to use your (a journalist's) word. 

It means members of parliament. And I am obliged to 

cooperate with them because they were elected by the 

people." He went on to say: "I do not consider the threat 

as great as it is being blown up to be by certain mass 

media, as dangerous as that, because the people of Russia 

lived through so much . (pauses) millions of lives, 

millions, were lost, tens of millions in Russia alone. So 

such a people and such a country, even more so with such 

a constitution, will not permit these forces to be unleashed." 

When asked if he would in the future speak out against 

"anti-Semitism and other forms of jingoism," Yeltsin 

replied, "I can guarantee you this. ''7 

Others have discounted suggestions of fascism in 

Russia. For example, Russian political observer Lev 

Korneshov has written that many people are writing articles 

and organizing anti-fascist committees based on the outward 

resemblance of Weimar Germany and today's Russia, both 

with their impoverishment, prices, inflation, economic 

recession, and the like. He dismissed this similarity and the 

idea that those who voted for Zhirinovskiy and his party are 

infected with fascism. He also concluded that "The 

democratic stratum in our society has proved all too thin 

and barren .... ,,8 

Russian Academician Georgiy Arbatov in a recent 

article raised the question of whether Russia is doomed to 

fascism. He first observed that, with the events of 

December 1993, he had seen "the successful movement of 

fascism to power for a second time" (the first being when 

he lived in Germany from 1930 to 1935 with his parents 
JAMES W. MORRISON 61 

who were there on official business). Arbatov went on to 

say that he is "profoundly convinced that we are not 

doomed to fascism" and that the solution lies in unity and 

coalition among democratic forces built around a new 

radically revised economic and political platform, but with 

none of what he called the "ruinous monetarist experiments 

of Gaydar, Boris Fedorov, and Jeffrey Sachs. ''9 

An article in the Russian newspaper Trud, entitled 

"Reading Trud mailbag. Not So Much 'For' as 'Against,'" 

assessed views on Zhirinovskiy expressed in letters sent to 

the newspaper. ~° The article warned readers not to trust 

political magicians who promise easy routes to prosperity 

which may result in bloodshed; it reported that many people 

believe that "voters voted not for Zhirinovskiy but against 

the ruling team's ability to cope with reforms," or, to put it 

another way, they voted for him "because he highlighted 

society's sore points to which our leaders are deaf." 

According to Trud, others commented positively 

about Zhirinovskiy, saying they were impressed with his 

promises to restore lost savings. Trud reported that from 

the letters "... you can see something else. There are 

plenty of people who think Zhirinovskiy is the person who 

will (maybe) save the country .... " One person wrote that: 

"On television he spoke not to everyone at once, like 

certain turncoat Communists, but as it were to everyone 

individually." Another wrote that, "If Zhirinovskiy does not 

betray his election promises and implements a policy in the 

interests of Russian citizens and Russia, he will move 

mountains." Another stated that: "The Zhirinovskiy option, 

the 'stick and carrot' option suits us more in these 

conditions. And when he runs for president, you see, he 

will poll 90 percent of the vote." One writer defended 

Zhirinovskiy, saying he envisioned only the minimum use 

of force in the drive to the Indian Ocean. 
62 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Arguments for Not Underestimating Zhirinovskly 

and the Threat of Fascism 

On the other hand, former Soviet President Gorbachev has 

cautioned against underestimating Zhirinovskiy and 

observed that: "At first Hitler was also treated with irony. 

However, an enormous price for that had to be paid a 

couple of years later. ''n 

Columnist Charles Krauthammer has written that the 

West has been staggered not because Zhirinovskiy will 

influence Russia's government (which Krauthammer 

suggests he will not because the new constitution provides 

for a strong presidency that can practically ignore 

parliament) but because of what Zhirinovskiy's victory tells 

us about the Russian people. Krauthammer goes on to say 

that, if what it tells us is true, the entire post-Cold War 

strategy of the West--gradually bringing Russia into the 

Western security system is built on sand. Krauthammer 

acknowledges that it is possible that the December election 

revealed not an ugly Russia mind but just an ugly Russian 

mood. t2 

In looking at this issue, one must take into account 

Zhirinovskiy's relatively rapid rise from obscurity and his 

increasing political support. He founded his party only in 

1990. In 1991, he won the vote of some 55% of the 

RSFSR Supreme Soviet in order to be registered for the 

RSFSR presidential election and then won more than 6 

million votes, or 7.8%, in the popular voting for the 

president. In 1993, he participated in the constitutional 

conference to help draft the new Russian constitution. In 

the 12 December parliamentary election, he won a seat in 

the new State Duma by capturing an individual district 

election in the Moscow area. Even more significantly, he 

led his party to win the support of more than twice the 
JAMES W. MORRISON 63 

number of voters compared to 1991--more than 12 million 

in 1993 compared to some 6 million in 1991. Perhaps even 

more significantly, he led his party to capture more votes 

than any other party and nearly 23% of the total votes cast 

in the nation-wide party-list voting for 225 of the 450 seats 

in the State Duma. Zhirinovskiy's party, with more than 

12 million votes and about 23% of the total, far 

outdistanced the coalition party that came in 

second--"Russia's Choice," which won just over 8 million 

votes or about 15% of the vote. 

In the final analysis of party strength in the 450-seat 

State Duma (when the election of representatives from 

individual districts to fall the other 250 seats is factored in), 

it appears that Zhirinovskiy's party will have a total of 63 

seats. This is fewer only than the 76 registered for 

"Russia's Choice" and the 65 registered in parliament after 

the election as a newly created faction of independents 

under the title of "New Regional Policy." It is more than 

the 57 for the Agrarian Party, the 45 for the Communist 

Party, the 30 for the Party of Russian Unity and Accord, the 

27 for the Yabloko Bloc, the 23 for the "Women of 

Russia," and the 15 for the Democratic Party. ~3 

According to an assessment based on research by the 

All-Russian Central Public Opinion Research Institute, 

Zhirinovskiy's party has won over part of the supporters of 

the Yabloko Bloc led by reformer Yavlinskiy, and could 

even draw some support from supporters of "Russia's 

Choice," where 40% see a need for state financial support 

to enterprises and 10% cite Zhirinovskiy as among the 

politicians they can trust. The author of the article reporting 

on this assessment concludes that, "A fear arises that it will 

be very difficult to stop Vladimir Zhirinovskiy's growing 

,,14 influence by political maneuvers. 
64 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

This assessment suggested that Zhirinovskiy 

supporters are "'men . . . employed mainly in the state 

industrial sector' working at less than thriving 

enterprises in small towns . . . belong[ing] to the average 

income brackets .... " Liberal Democratic Party electors 

are said to "stand apart from others in their irritation and 

anxiety. Their misgivings primarily relate to Russia's 

losing its great power status.., and the weakness of state 

authority in the country.., identification with the 'Soviet 

people' is very essential .... ,,5 

Based on results of a survey conducted in Russia 

just before the December parliamentary election, Professor 

Jerry Hough has written that: "... it was not impending 

unemployment in the cities that produced Zhirinovskiy's 

triumph. His largest support was in the countryside, the 

small towns and the medium-sized cities, and it came at the 

expense of the centrist parties, especially the Agrarian 

(Peasant) Party. Mikhail Gorbachev's agricultural Stavropol 

region, for example, gave 38 percent of its vote to 

Zhirinovskiy and only 10 percent to the Agrarian Party." 

He reported that Professor Susan Lehmann's analysis of the 

data "found the following rates of approval for 

Zhirinovskiy's party among skilled workers who lived in 

villages and towns of different population: Under 50,000, 

33.5 percent; 50,000-200,000, 29 percent; 200,000-500,000, 

27 percent; 500,000 to million, 21 percent; over 1 million, 

15 percent." Hough indicates that there was a major 

decline in voter turnout in the large industrial centers. ~6 

In another personal assessment, Mikhail Poltoranin, 

head of the Federal Information Center, expressed the view 

that it was not the poorest segment of society that voted for 

Zhirinovskiy's party but that there were rich business 

people and even farmers who voted for Zhirinovskiy 

because they were being threatened by gangsters and 
JAMES W. MORRISON 65 

Zhirinovskiy had promised order. He expressed the view 

that "... if policies go on drifting for just six months more, 

the people will demand the iron fist. I do not think that 

forces behind the scenes are preparing the LDPR leader for 

this role: He is too talkative, and deliberately draws fire 

onto himself. Zhirinovskiy is just the probe they used to 

measure the depth of dissatisfaction in Russia. Another 

man is ready to spring out from behind his back--I cannot 

see his face yet, but I can just make out his general's 

shoulder boards through the smoke. ''~7 

Zhirinovskiy continues to receive much attention in 

connection with the new parliament. He was one of ten 

nominated to be speaker of the Duma but withdrew his 

name. His party was given chairmanship of a Duma 

committee on geopolitics that apparently was created in a 

compromise to keep him from the chairmanship of the 

international relations committee. The Liberal Democratic 

Party's number two person, Viktor Kobeliyev, was 

nominated to be one of four deputy speakers of the Duma. t8 

Zhirinovskiy's party captured more committee 

chairmanships than any other party---committees on work 

and social support, environment, industry, natural resources, 

agriculture, and geopolitics. ~9 

The shouting, intimidation, and other activities on 

the floor of the Duma by Zhirinovskiy and his party 

colleagues have drawn much attention. One observer has 

characterized the Liberal Democratic party as "a party of 

the street," explaining that: "The LDPR plays without 

rules---that's why it is a party of the street. ''z° According 

to one summary of Zhirinovskiy's remarks to fellow 

delegates on 13 January, he said: "You are not yet mature 

enough for a normal parliament .... I agree to undergo 

psychiatric examination .... My two-day visit to Europe 

made everyone sit up .... I am not suitable for the role of 
66 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

parliament's traffic controller [in other words chairman of 

the State Duma]. My health will be spoilt by Chubays, 

Kozyrev, Fedorov .... But my health is necessary for the 

entire Russian people. Mr. Chubays (addressing Chubays), 

don't look at the clock, you will have time to look at it in 

your cell in Lefortovo .... Quiet! (taps with his heel on the 

rostrum). Get out of the hall, out, all of you! I am waiting 

for the presidential elections. Then I will show you! ''z~ 

We should expect to hear much more from 

Zhirinovskiy in his role of parliamentarian, much of it 

designed to grab attention and to shock. A quotation from 

his 13 January address in the Duma is illustrative: "I would 

gladly have agreed to carry out the functions of leader of 

the Russian parliament as it would have been an example, 

not just for this country, not just for Europe, but for the 

whole world. After all, just two days that I spent in Europe 

sent the entire planet reeling, all the diplomats, all the 

ministers. ,,22 

An article has been published indicating that 

Zhirinovskiy has plans to create a radio program or station 

to be called "Radio Zhirinovskiy. ''23 

In early 1994, Zhirinovskiy apparently was a major 

advocate, along with communist politicians, of an amnesty 

for people imprisoned in connection with anti-government 

activity in recent years. He reportedly proposed in the State 

Duma an amnesty for those arrested in connection with the 

August 1991 abortive coup, the demonstration by hardliners 

on May Day 1993, and the October 1993 armed revolt, but 

this proposal was voted down by the Duma on or about 17 

FebruaryY An amnesty was subsequently approved by the 

Duma on 25 February. Zhirinovskiy's role in the amnesty 

is not entirely clear. Some have reported that Zhirinovskiy 

wanted to free the men, including former Vice President 

Rutskoy, from jail but not necessarily allow them to 
JAMES W. MORRISON 67 

participate in politics# If Rutskoy becomes active in 

national politics, he could draw support away from 

Zhirinovskiy, an issue to which Zhirinovskiy has responded: 

"There will always be contenders--so be it," and that in the 

next presidential election "the choice will be between me 

and Rutskoi. ''26 Rutskoy's political future and his 

willingness to work with or compete against Zhirinovsldy 

remain to be seen. 

In addition to support from a significant proportion 

of the population, Zhirinovskiy may have strong support 

from the security forces in Russia and possibly from foreign 

sources such as Iraq. 

Zhirinovskiy's party appears to have considerable 

support of the military. In the December nation-wide partylist voting for 225 of 450 State Duma seats, his party may 

have received as much as one-third or more of the votes of 

the military, with indications that the reformist coalition 

Russia's Choice came in second with some 11 percent. 

Zhirinovskiy writes in his book of using the "dash" to the 

south to help provide a renaissance for the Russian military. 

He appears interested in weapons and weapons research, 

and has spoken of a new, secret sonic weapon called 

Elipton. He has already announced his intention to run for 

president of Russia in the next such election. 

Many have viewed Zhirinovskiy's success as raising 

the specter of fascism in Russia. Some have compared him 

to Hitler, and others to Mussolini. Some have dismissed 

these suggestions or said that at least they are premature. 

A Russian television film on Zhirinovskiy showed 

an interview with a youth movement representative of 

Zhirinovskiy's party who drew parallels between the Liberal 

Democratic Party and Hitler's Nazi Party as follows: "Our 

party arose in troubled times, and won its supporters by 

sure steps, just as Hitler's party arose in its time. Just in 
68 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

the same way, it won its supporters before it came to 

power. We also have a second thing in common. Hitler 

came to power by constitutional means, by elections, and 

our party also intends to come to power legally and by 

constitutional means. Third, Hitler pursued a firm ethnic 

policy. He favored the German race within Germany. We 

pursue the same policy, but in Russia. We want Russians 

to feel good in Russia. ''z7 

On 2-3 April 1994, the Liberal Democratic Party 

reportedly held a party congress in Moscow which elected 

Zhirinovskiy as the leader of the party until the year 2004, 

endorsed him as a candidate for the Russian presidential 

election, and voted to grant him dictatorial powers in 

forming the party's leadership. Zhirinovskiy told the 

congress he would restore all democratic institutions in the 

party after he wins the presidency, but also said that the 

idea of democracy "does not correspondent [sic] to the 

national psyche.., in Russia. ''~ He also reportedly called 

for a new Eastern European Slavonic Union, and the LDPR 

Congress reportedly transformed itself into a "Congress of 

Slavonic People," which set up an "All-Slavonic 

Parliament" and an "All-Slavonic Government." 

Zhrinovskiy was elected head of the "parliament" and 

former KGB general Aleksandr Sterligov became head of 

the "govemment."z9 

Alternative Scenarios for the 

Future of Zhirinovskiy 

Several scenarios are possible with Zhirinovskiy and his 

party: 

Discredited or Fade Away. Zhirinovskiy could 

discredit himself and his party, become isolated, and even 

fade from the political scene. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 69 

In mid-February, two Liberal Democratic members 

of the State Duma were reported to have declared that they 

were leaving Zhirinovskiy's faction, criticizing him for 

extremism and interfering in the affairs of other countries. 3° 

Other reports indicated Zhirinovskiy had expelled them and 

would institute criminal charges against them. 3~ These 

reports were subsequently denied. Zhirinovskiy indicated 

that the reported split was a ruse to ferret out dissenters in 

the party and expose machinations of the security services 

who might try to split the party. 3z One report suggested 

there had been a reconciliation after Zhirinovskiy met with 

the dissenter or dissenters. 33 Finally, a later report indicated 

that Zhirinovskiy had called all of the parliamentary 

deputies of the LDPR together and pressed them to adhere 

to party unity; this report indicated there were three 

disgruntled LDPR deputies and that only one of the three 

attended this meeting. Zhirinovskiy allegedly took a hard 

line at this meeting, calling for strengthening his chairman's 

position and saying: "We have unity, a policy and leader 

and the party's rating is going up at breakneck speed," 

"What our opponents want is party infighting and we must 

not give them a chance," and "If you dislike it, put your 

party card and deputy mandate on the table and start from 

scratch in some other party. ''3a 

Another new nationalist party, the movement for 

Russia's National Revival, has emerged, and one of its 

leaders, Dmitry Vasilyev, has denounced Zhirinovskiy, 

saying his rise was "not incidental" and that there is 

someone behind him. Vasilyev has described 

Zhirinovskiy's statements as a "dangerous political 

provocation" and said that Zhirinovskiy "provokes revengeseeking sentiments and discredits the idea of the Russian 

issue. ''35 
70 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Prosecuted. He could be prosecuted and 

imprisoned for war-mongering. The Russian prosecutor 

general's office has opened a formal criminal investigation 

into statements he has made in his book and perhaps 

elsewhere that may violate Article 71 of the Russian 

Criminal Code, which provides for 3-8 years imprisonment 

for propagandizing war. The investigation was launched 

after complaints by a Russian newspaper man and human 

rights campaigner. Not until the investigation is completed 

would any charges be filed, under Russian law. 36 (See in 

the Appendix under Part C, 3, selected quotations from his 

book cited as possible violations of Article 71.) 

Physically Harmed. He could even so antagonize 

people that someone might attempt to physically harm him. 

On 14 January 1994, a fellow Duma delegate punched 

Zhirinovskiy in the face in a dining room, reportedly after 

one of them attempted to jump ahead in the cafeteria line, 

and, some time before the December elections, body guards 

of a popular singer are reported to have beaten him up at a 

concert. 37 Asked during an interview about whether he 

worried about being physically removed, he responded "No, 

because there is no getting away from fate. Lincoln had to 

be killed, so they killed him. Kennedy--they killed him. 

Palme--they killed him .... ,,38 

Maior Political Player. On the other hand, with the 

force of his personality and the strength of his support, he 

could continue to be a major player in the parliament and 

even become more powerful as coalitions are formed 

generally or on specific issues. In the government at large, 

he might be able to have even wider influence. The 

government already appears to be taking into account the 

recent elections with respect to some new bureaucratic and 

policy issues, and Yeltsin has avoided criticizing 
JAMES W. MORRISON 71 

Zhirinovskiy and has even accorded him a degree of respect 

over the past year. 

Government Leader. At the further extreme, 

between now and the 1996 presidential election, if 

something were to happen to Yeltsin, if Zhirinovskiy 

succeeded in promoting his candidacy for the presidency 

sufficiently to become a leading contender, or if something 

even more untoward occurred (there have been two 

attempted coups in Moscow in the past three years), it is 

not inconceivable that a Russian government heavily 

influenced or even led by Zhirinovskiy could emerge. 

Implications If Zhirinovskiy Were to 

Accede to Power 

If Zhirinovskiy were to lead the Russian government, it is 

always possible that assumption of power would sober him. 

But if he were to follow some of the policies he has 

advocated, we could face a Russian government that was: 

• internally anti-reform, even dictatorial, and anti-minority, 

including anti-Semitic; 

• outwardly acquisitive toward the other former republics 

of the USSR, including the Baltic states; 

• supportive of a renaissance of the Russian military, 

increased funding and support for Russian defense industry, 

an end to defense conversion, and increased arms sales 

abroad; 

• anti-Western and anti-U.S.; 

• supportive of Iraq, Libya, and other irresponsible states; 
72 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

• capable of declaring, if not executing, the most 

irresponsible of threats to world peace. 

Zhirinovskiy's accession to power could have 

significant implications for U.S. national security policy, 

defense budgets and programs, and a broad range of foreign 

policy issues, including refugee policy. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 73 

5. WHAT SHOULD WESTERN POLICY BE 

FOR DEALING WITH ZHIRINOVSKIY? 

There are several alternative approaches the West could 

take vis-a-vis Zhirinovskiy, including: 

• neglect, 

• aloofness, 

• purposeful ignoring, 

• constructive engagement, and 

• active criticism and containment. 

Neglect 

If Zhirinovskiy were perceived as harmless, in terms both 

of intent and power, then the West could basically shrug 

its shoulders and neglect Zhirinovskiy and his followers. 

This approach could be based on a presumption that 

Zhirinovskiy does not really believe or support some of the 

more outrageous statements or positions he has espoused 

and that he has made these only to gain attention. It could 
74 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

also reflect a presumption that the relative success of 

Zhirinovskiy's party in the December elections represented 

only a protest vote and one that is not likely to be repeated. 

Another presumption might be that Zhirinovskiy, who 

despite his efforts, has not been appointed a government 

minister or selected as chairman of a major parliamentary 

committee, is not very powerful now and is not likely to 

become much more influential in the future. A further 

assumption might be that even should Zhirinovskiy rise to 

positions of authority, he would become more responsible 

in his statements, policy, and actions. 

Aloofness 

If one believes that in dealing with other countries, 

particularly democracies or countries attempting to establish 

democratic institutions and procedures, it is fundamental 

that the West remain neutral and not oppose--or 

support--any specific politician or party, then an approach 

based on aloofness and remaining above or outside the fray 

might be pursued. If Russia's executive branch remains 

basically neutral toward Zhirinovskiy and his party, then 

this might be a further reason to pursue this approach. 

This course might also be prescribed if one is 

concerned that active Western opposition to Zhirinovskiy 

might be exploited by him or others to gain popular support 

in Russia from those who dislike or are suspicious of the 

West. This approach might also be pursued if one believed 

that Zhirinovskiy might rise to power and Western relations 

with him after his rise to power would be better if the West 

had not opposed him on his way up. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 75 

Purposeful Ignoring 

The West might purposefully ignore Zhirinovskiy, believing 

that he and his movement thrive on publicity and that the 

best way to oppose him is to ignore him. Under this 

approach, Western governments would not have their senior 

leaders, statesmen, or even their ambassadors meet with 

him. They would also not issue statements or warnings 

about Zhirinovskiy, even when he says or does something 

outrageous or irresponsible, nor would they include 

references to him in major speeches. They might conduct 

classified research on him and address his activities in 

restricted diplomatic channels, but they would not promote 

any public responses. They might, however, quietly open 

or pursue contacts at a low level with those in his 

movement in an effort to assess the movements' activities 

and policies. 

Constructive Engagement 

If Western leaders judge that Zhirinovskiy is misinformed 

or misguided and can be influenced to change his rhetoric 

and positions, then the West could attempt to engage him 

constructively in an effort to cease his offensive, 

irresponsible statements and positions and to develop closer 

relations. Western ambassadors might meet with him to 

discuss issues, and meetings with Zhirinovskiy might be 

sought for important Western government officials and 

citizens travelling to Russia. In this regard, he might be 

treated at least equally to leaders of other political parties 

in Russia, or even given greater attention. The West might 

indicate that if he becomes more responsible, the West 

would not oppose and might even welcome visits by 

Zhirinovskiy tO the West. 
76 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Active Criticism and Containment 

If leaders in the West believe that Zhirinovskiy is 

fundamentally a dangerous individual who presents an 

increasing threat to democracy in Russia and peace and 

stability in the world, then an approach involving active 

criticism and efforts to contain his influence might be 

pursued. 

This approach might be based on assumptions that 

Zhirinovskiy has deep prejudices within him, and that he 

seeks power and is prepared to say and perhaps do most 

anything to obtain it. It could also include the presumption 

that if he were to gain power in Russia, he would reverse 

the process of democracy, moving it back toward 

dictatorship, stimulate an aggressive Russian nationalism as 

outlined in his book Last Dash to the South, and threaten 

the interests of neighboring states and much of the world at 

large. 

Under this approach, the West would carefully 

study, monitor, record, and, as appropriate, publicize the 

statements and activities of Zhirinovskiy, using the assets of 

government agencies and supporting efforts by the private 

sector. Public diplomacy campaigns might be developed to 

publicize irresponsible and threatening positions espoused 

by Zhirinovskiy. When he says or does something 

irresponsible, Western leaders would publicly take him to 

task. 

Countries could be encouraged to deny him visas to 

visit their territory, as Germany, Spain, and apparently 

Slovenia have. When Western leaders visit Russia, they 

would avoid contact with him and could criticize his 

activities before other Russian leaders and the public, taking 

into account internal political sensitivities. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 77 

Western govemments could also begin contingency 

planning for political, economic, and national security steps 

they might want or need to consider should Zhirinovskiy 

gain increasing political strength in Russia. 

The Author's Views and Recommendation 

The author believes that Zhirinovskiy is fundamentally 

dangerous for democracy in Russia and intemational peace. 

Zhirinovskiy's statements and activities show him to be a 

reckless demagogue, willing to say almost anything to 

attract attention and gain political power. He has indicated 

that, if he comes to power in the near future, he would rule 

dictatorially at least in the first few years. He appears 

fundamentally prejudiced against many non-Russian or nonSlavic ethnic groups inside Russia and on Russia's 

periphery, especially the southern periphery. Despite his 

protestations, he appears to have anti-Semitic and antiMuslim prejudices. He has shown a special affinity for 

Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq and for right-wing 

elements in Germany and elsewhere in Europe. He is 

antagonistic toward the United States and other Western 

states. He advocates an aggressive Russian nationalism, 

extending Russia throughout the territory of the former 

Soviet Union, and deploying Russian forces southward to 

the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean as part of a 

mission to save and revive Russia and its armed forces. He 

advocates redrawing state borders in Europe and has 

threatened to attack or annihilate many other states. While 

some may disregard this as bluster, should he accede to 

power, he could significantly threaten international peace. 

While it should not be overdrawn, the rapid rise 

from obscurity, the oratorical skills, the quest for power and 

dictatorial proclivities, the apparent ethnic and nationalistic 
78 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

prejudices, the interest in redrawing borders, and the grand 

design of military conquest of other states to save and 

revive the fatherland, all conjure up an image of 

Zhirinovskiy as a Russian Hitler. 

Responsible political leaders in Russia, in 

neighboring states, and in the West in general should share 

an interest in helping to diminish the chances that 

Zhirinovskiy could gain greater power and even accede to 

a leadership position in Russia. While this might be a 

shared strategic objective, reasonable people can debate the 

best tactical approaches to take vis-a-vis Zhirinovskiy. 

The author believes that Western and other countries 

should pursue, and encourage Russians to pursue, an 

approach of "active criticism and containment" of 

Zhirinovskiy. Zhirinovskiy is too dangerous to neglect, and 

remaining aloof or only ignoring him cedes him the field. 

Western leaders, statesmen, and senior officials should not 

meet with him, and efforts toward constructive engagement 

risk our giving him credibility and, in effect, helping him 

win power, only then to see his dangerous, aggressive 

nature reemerge. While an "active criticism and 

containment" approach might give Zhirinovskiy additional 

media attention, educated publics and leaders are the best 

protectors of democracy and peace. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 79 

APPENDIX'. 

SELECTED QUOTATIONS 

ZHIRINOVSKIY 

FROM 

A. Russian Domestic Politics 

1. Liberal Democratic Party 

Main goal: (Asked about his main goal) "We want to 

participate in the government as a strong parliamentary 

group to gain the opportunity to hnplement our 

program---this means to implement another form of reforms 

of the economy and of the state. We want neither the form 

of the CIS nor that of the former Soviet Union, but the 

rebirth of a strong, rich, cultural, and democratic Russian 

state within the borders of the former Soviet Union." 

(Vienna Die Presse, 15 Dec 93, p. 3, in Foreign Broadcast 

Information Service, Central Eurasia Daily Report (FBISSOV)-93-239), 15 Dec 93, pp. 19-20) 

Claim to be centrists: "... we too are neither rightists nor 

leftists, but only centrists. We are to the right of center. It 

could be said that we are slightly to the right of center by 

some 20 percent .... " (London Kanal-6 Television, 10 Jan 

94, in Foreign Broadcast Information Service, West Europe 

Daily Report (FBIS-WEU)-94-O07, 11 Jan 94, p. 59) 
80 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Claim not to be fascists/Communists: "... our party has no 

relation to fascism or communism. We are a moderate 

centrist party with a liberal-democratic program.. " 

(Sofia Otechestven Vestnik, 27 Dec 93, pp. 1,2, in Foreign 

Broadcast Information Service, East Europe Daily Report 

(FBIS-EEU)-94-O01, 3 Jan 94, pp. 6-7) 

Party size and funding: "We are not a small party. We are 

even the largest party in the country, with hundreds of basic 

level organizations, hundreds of thousands of members, and 

millions of supporters. Our party's funds amount to over 

a billion rubles, and they come from contributions made by 

ordinary people, people who are anything but rich. Every 

day we receive small contributions of 5,000, 10,000, and 

50,000 rubles. You can check that at the main post office. 

•.. Not one ruble has come from hands that are dirty. In 

the 1991 presidential elections, 6,211,000 people cast votes 

for me. If each one of them only contributed 200 rubles, 

the cost of half a packet of cigarettes, we would 

immediately have 1.2 billion rubles in our party's coffers. 

Who does not gladly make that kind of sacrifice for a party 

leader that he loves?... We received neither money or any 

other kind of assistance from abroad. Saddam Husayn did 

once invite me to visit him. If the Israelis had done that, 

I would have gone there too. I have feelings neither of 

antipathy nor fondness toward any foreign statesman." 

(Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93, pp. 116-117 and pp. 

119-120, in FBIS-WEU-93-242, 20 Dec 93, pp. 21-24) 

No paramilitary or violence: (asked if there are armed men 

in his party) "No, not one--nothing near it. There is not 

one. 1 do not even have a penknife .... " (and asked if the 

party will use only constitutional means) "That only. 

Heaven forbid. We have never organized violent action. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 81 

In Moscow and in all of Russia, our party held the most 

peaceful rallies .... There has never been violence--not a 

bit.., never a single scuffle.., the most peaceful party 

members; the most peaceful groups of deputies in the 

regional bodies and at the national level .... " (Budapest 

MTV Television Network, 7 Jan 94, in FBIS-SOV-94-O06, 

10 Jan 94, pp. 11-15.) One reporter who visited the party 

headquarters observed short-haired young men in 

camouflage uniforms, one of whom said they carded only 

batons and not firearms. (Reported in Budapest Beszelo, 16 

Dec 93, pp. 19-21, in FBIS-SOV-93-243, 21 Dec 93, pp. 6- 

8) 

Guards who handle weapons: (Asked about his guards----one 

report mentioned two guards dressed in Army pea coats at 

his headquarters) "O-o-oh! Twenty counterintelligence 

officers who have been through Afghanistan, Abkhazia, and 

the Dneister region. Excellent guys; they handle all types 

of weapons. Half the people in my office are guards. Even 

at night I have a guard by me. ff necessary, they will blow 

up this entire building." (The interviewer added that, 

according to Aleksandr Vengerovskiy, who is described as 

in charge of the LDPR's secret service and in the process 

of drawing up a project for a 'Russian Intelligence Service,' 

these men serving as Zhirinovskiy's personal bodyguards 

once guarded Brezhnev.) (Moscow Komsomolskaya 

Pravda, 22 Jan 94, p. 2, in FBIS-SOV-94-O15, 24 Jan 94, 

pp. 33-35) 
82 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

2. Recent Election and New Constitution 

Claim 70%: "... we achieved a national average of 70 

percent of all votes. An attempt is now being made to 

manipulate the figures so that they appear to be lower." 

(Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93) 

Claim elections rigged: Zhirinovskiy claimed that the 

outcome of the general elections in Russia was "rigged" and 

the Liberal Democratic Party garnered "more than 50 

percent of the votes" but official results gave his party only 

about one-half this. (Paris AFP, 21 December 93, in FBISWEU-93-244, 22 Dec 93, p. 5) 

Working with other parties: "The other side constantly 

sought to provoke tension and threatened to exclude us 

from the elections, to reduce our television air time. It was 

in the government's hands. That is why there was a 

tougher approach. Following our victory, we can adopt a 

somewhat more relaxed approach .... (election campaign 

tirades against internal and external enemies) They were 

meant seriously, very seriously. The joy of victory has 

only mellowed me somewhat .... " (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 

20 Dec 93) 

Constitution: (Zhirinovskiy, who helped in drafting the new 

constitution, appears not to have joined others in suggesting 

that it be revised, but the Liberal Democratic Party's 

Deputy Chairman, Aleksandr Vengerovskiy, has suggested 

redrawing the constitution. Vengerovskiy, speaking of the 

power of the Russian president under the new constitution, 

has said: "... a little more than half the electorate voted, 

and only half of them accepted it; therefore, only a quarter 

of the Russian people agree with it. However, we will not 
JAMES W. MORRISON 83 

put up with this. We will start to implement our basic three 

program points immediately. Urgently launching the reform 

course is one of these, and redrawing the Constitution is 

another. Foreign policy is the third area... " 

(Budapest Beszelo, 16 Dec 93) 

3. Relations with Yeltsln and His Government 

Yeltsin patriotic: "Yeltsin is making mistakes, but he is not 

destroying the country. He is wrong on some issues, but 

deep in his heart he stands on a patriotic platform." 

(Munich Deutsche National-Zeitung, 17 Dec 93, pp. 3-5, in 

FBIS-SOV-93-241, 17 Dec 93, pp. 13-14) 

Yeltsin approval: "I can sense that the president (Yeltsin) 

likes me as an individual and our party as a whole." 

(Moscow Russian Television Network, 14 Dec 93, in FBISSOV-93-239, 15 Dec 93, p. 18) 

Sympathy from and toward Yeltsin: "I feel the president's 

sympathetic attitude toward us. We have taken a centrist 

line. We are ready both to form our own new government 

and to join a coalition, but if the president does not invite 

us, we will not be upset. Likewise, we are ready to contest 

the June presidential elections, but if they are not called, we 

will not open confrontation." (Moscow Segodnya, 15 Dec 

93, p. 1, in FBIS-SOV-93-239, 15 Dec 93, p. 19) 

Sympathy toward Yeltsin: "... If there are presidential 

elections, I will definitely take part in them. However, I am 

not desperate to inflict a crushing defeat on Boris Yeltsin. 

He did what he was able to do. All the mistakes are the 

fault of his team." (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93) 
84 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Relations with Yeltsin: (Asked about status of relations with 

Yeltsin) "Good. We meet from time to time. He likes 

volleyball, and so do I. He is a good man, and he gives me 

no trouble." (Interview by Fulvio Scaglione in Moscow, 

date not given, "Hands Off Russia," Milan Famiglia 

Cristiana, 9 Feb 94, pp. 44-45, in FBIS-SOV-94-023, 3 Feb 

94, pp. 16-17) 

Positions in government: "The president should give us a 

few ministerial posts .... The most important ones of 

course: defense, state security, the police, and foreign 

affairs .... Of course, the Yeltsin team will defend their 

sinecures with every last drop of strength they have. If he 

hands over those ministries, then his team will immediately 

disappear from the political stage. An attempt might be 

made to fob us off with unimportant ministries: social 

policy, labor, agriculture, and the arts .... We would find 

them acceptable, and we will participate in the government 

in what form we are offered. If Yeltsin's people try using 

delaying tactics, they will achieve a breathing space of a 

few months at the very most. We will occupy all the key 

positions in the Russian Government by spring at the very 

latest .... (if no places in the cabinet) Then we will assume 

the role of constructive opposition that will expose the 

mistakes made by the government, but will not provide a 

pretext for dissolving parliament. We do not want any 

more crises." (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93) 

4. Relations with Others in Russian Parliament 

Coalition with whom: (Asked about coalitions) "With the 

women's movement. It is the most neutral political force 

and would not be an obstacle for us. The others will see 
JAMES W. MORRISON 85 

how they will get on with us .... (Asked about working 

with the Communists) "Boris Yeltsin would not like that. 

Why should we pick a fight with the President, when we 

ourselves have nothing in common with the Communists. 

We are opposed to the Communists, just as we are opposed 

to the government's 'Russia's Choice' block. However, we 

would have nothing against their participation in a coalition 

government. They could receive two or three minor 

ministries at the very most." (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 

Dec 93) 

Reconciliation/work with all: "The party's position is 

reconciliation. The LDPR is ready to cooperate with all but 

will not join blocs or agreements with anybody .... (he 

indicated the LDPR supports the new constitution in every 

way, regarding it "good for 90 per cent" and saying the 

party plans to strive for creating "a strong parliament along 

with the strong president"). (Moscow ITAR-TASS, 10 Jan 

94, in FBIS-SOV-94-O06, 10 Jan 94, pp. 26) 

5. Need for Strong President and Dictatorship 

Strong president: "If I want to be objective, I must say that 

parliamentary democracy is superior to the presidential 

power .... This would be the ideal situation, but concretely 

in Russia, we need a strong presidential power and a strong 

president." (Budapest Pesti Hirlap, 14 Dec 93, pp. 1-2, in 

FBIS-SOV-93-239, 15 Dec 93, pp. 22-23) 

Dictatorship and shootings: "I say it quite plainly: When I 

come to power, there will be a dictatorship. I will beat the 

Americans in space. I will surround the planet with our 

space stations so that they'll be scared of our space 
86 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

weapons. I don't care if they call me a fascist or a Nazi. 

There's nothing like fear to make people work better. The 

stick, not the carrot. Those who have to be arrested will be 

arrested quietly at night. I may have to shoot 100,000 

people, but the other 300 million will live peacefully." 

(Remarks reportedly made in late 1991 at the Kremlin, 

reported by the Associated Press in The Washington Times, 

15 Dec 93, p. A12) 

Democracy not now: "As a lawyer and expert on human 

rights, I am an advocate of democracy, but I do not think 

democracy is the right medicine for the state's diseased 

organism. The only panacea is strong authority. Only after 

the organism of the state has recovered from the crisis and 

the economy has healed will it be possible to switch over 

to a democratic system .... The disease of destruction is 

very far advanced in Russia, and the economic crisis has 

assumed a particularly acute form. That is why it is 

essential to apply drastic measures. Only through fear can 

one enforce an end to the civil war, stop the disintegration 

of the army, and stem the tide of emigres .... (Russians) 

have never lived under democracy! By voting for me, they 

have opted for democracy and entrusted me with it. 

Democracy is in the right hands now .... The shift to 

democracy must be suitably prepared. Democracy needs an 

economic base, political parties need varied social strata, 

and the Army needs an objective and specific conditions. 

What is needed today, however, is a freeze, a political diet. 

•.. We need a strong authority." (Poznan WPROST, 2 Jan 

94, pp. 47-48, in FBIS-SOV-94-O07, 11 Jan 94, pp. 19-20) 

Ban parties, strikes, unions for 2-3 years: "I would only ban 

all the parties in the country, all strikes, and all trade unions 

for two to three years until peace and order prevail 
JAMES W. MORRISON 87 

everywhere and national conflicts are resolved." (Berlin 

ADN, 13 Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-238, 14 Dec 93, p. 34) 

6. Desire to Be President 

(If presidential elections were held in June 1994) "I will 

certainly take part in them . . . If, however, presidential 

elections are not held until 1996, then my election to that 

position would be a nice present for my 50th birthday." 

(Moscow lnterfax, 14 Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-239, 15 Dec 

93, p. 18) 

"... I have no doubt that I will win the next presidential 

election. Neither the so-called democratic camp nor the 

communists will stand a chance. That is a pity, because I 

am accustomed to a sharp struggle. I am sad that the 

victory will be so easy." (Poznan WPROST, 2 Jan 94) 

7. Domestic Policy in Russia 

Three tasks: "As prime minister I would make three basic 

decisions--an end to all financial help for foreign countries, 

an end to the conversion of the weapons industry to civilian 

production, and a sharp struggle against crime." (Ibid.) 

Minimum program: "... Russia's economy can be restored 

in a very short time. Russia possesses rich resources .... 

We have arrived at economic disaster and the 

impoverishment of the people because of the squandering 

of Russia's wealth, because of our wide open borders .... 

We need to begin with state borders, by establishing a strict 

customs regime, by stopping the export from the country of 
88 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

resources we need ourselves. A minimum program is 

needed. 1. All aid to foreign countries, nearby or further 

afield, should be stopped .... 2. The conversion of military 

industry should be suspended. We must continue to 

produce military products and sell them on the world 

market, from which the United States ousted us by deceit. 

• .. 3... put an end to organized crime .... The right to 

trade must be granted only to people having Russian 

citizenship .... " (Moscow Krasnaya Zvezda, 10 Dec 93, 

p. 2, in FBIS-SOV-93-237, 13 Dec 93, pp. 13-14) 

Saving money by stopping aid to neighbors: "... I will 

demand that aid to neighboring countries be immediately 

stopped. That will raise our standard of living by 30 

percent straightaway. Then a severe blow will be delivered 

against crime, a blow organized by officers from the 

ministries of defense, security, and internal affairs. That 

will also bring a significant increase in the standard of 

living." (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93) 

Economic program: "The people are tired.., we promise 

an improvement in the standard of living by about mid1994 that is, in about half a year--if we can work because 

we get the necessary number of deputies. This is to be 

achieved, first, by reducing subsidies. This yields an 

additional 30 percent of revenues for the state. Second, the 

destruction of the military-industrial complex is to be 

stopped. Destroying it is more expensive than continuing 

production• This yields another 30 percent in additional 

revenues. Third, the struggle against organized crime must 

be intensified, ff we are able to serve a decisive blow to 

the 5,000 organized gangs in Russia, we get another 30 

percent of revenues from their assets. In this way we can 

improve our financial situation by 100 percent within a 
JAMES W. MORRISON 89 

short time .... We must shape foreign policy.., so that 

we get the corresponding economic benefit from it. We 

must reestablish relations with the Balkan states and 

improve relations with the states in Eastern Europe, with 

Iraq, and with India. We must make sure that we get our 

debts repaid: We have debts of $70 billion, and others owe 

us $100 billion. This is $30 billion in our favor. If we get 

those and improve the relations with our immediate 

neighbors, this has a further effect on our economic 

situation." (Vienna Die Presse, 15 Dec 93) 

Mixed economy and anti-crime program: "We will pursue 

a mixture of... planned economy and moderate market 

economy . . . we will stop inflation .... Within three 

months I will destroy the several hundred mafia gangs... 

and every kind of serious criminals.., with the entire rigor 

of the law and a police force that is free of any corruption. 

Law and order must be restored. 1 guarantee it. And the 

Russians know that." (Munich Deutsche National-Zeitung, 

11 Feb 94, pp. 3-5, in FBIS-SOV-94-031, 15 Feb 94, pp. 

12-14) 

Crime and Mafia: "... The entire Mafia from the southern 

regions must be wiped out: A terrible blow has to be 

delivered against crime .... " (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 

Dec 93) 

Security: "... After six months, not only would people's 

standards of living increase, but also their security. I would 

also bring more militiamen and soldiers out onto the 

streets." (Poznan WPROST, 2 Jan 94) 

Defense industry: "Conversion to civilian purposes must be 
90 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

stopped immediately. We should finally start building 

submarines again. Export earnings for each submarine 

amount to $200 million .... " (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 

Dec 93) 

Provinces and tasks for the center: "... In the future, 

Russia should just have provinces, 40 or 50 self-governing 

units. We have to get rid of terms such as republics and 

autonomous regions. The central government, on the other 

hand, should concentrate on just seven [sic] tasks: foreign 

policy, defense, finances, transportation, energy, and the 

environment." (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93) 

Mixed economy: "... we support a mixed economy without 

destroying the state sector in the towns and in the 

countryside, and we are opposed to dismantling the 

collective farms .... " (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93) 

Promising vacations: "... The citizens of Russia will be 

able to breathe a sigh of relief. They will be able to afford 

a vacation once again--in the Crimea, on the Baltic, on 

Cuba, and in Bulgaria. Then after their vacation, they will 

say in the fall: We made the right choice in December 

1993 the Liberal Democratic Party." (Hamburg Der 

Spiegel, 20 Dec 93) 

B. Russian Nationalism and Power and 

the Near-Abroad 

Military and colonies: "... The most important thing today 

is our weapons--the army and the navy. This is mighty 

power! The best borders are maritime. Britain is a 

maritime power and the best borders are sea borders! 
JAMES W. MORRISON 91 

Mongolia--no sea borders--a miserable third-rate state! 

Today we have no colonies; meanwhile colonies provided 

the lion's share of revenues for Britain, for instance. At 

present we are not only getting anything (nothing?) from 

the colonies but ourselves are feeding these impoverished 

appendices. And we would be well advised to think about 

colonies." (Moscow Kuranty, 16 Dec 93, p. 4, in FBISSOV-93-240, 16 Dec 93, pp. 16-17) 

"For Russia, for all Russians": "... a new state system, a 

new economic policy, a new foreign policy--all this is to 

bring about better life. All this we want to implement 

under the slogan 'For Russia, for all Russians.' No Russian 

blood is to be spilt in nationality conflicts anymore .... " 

(Vienna Die Presse, 15 Dec 93) 

Russian greatness: "... Russians and Germans are the 

greatest European peoples, and Russia is the world's 

greatest state." (Munich Deutsche National-Zeitung, 14 Jan 

94, pp. 3-4, in FBIS-SOV-94-O11, 18 Jan 94, pp. 37-39) 

Russia not a satellite of the West: "... we and our real 

friends want Russia to remain Russia and be a strong 

Russian Russia, not a satellite of the West." (Munich 

Deutsche National-Zeitung, 17 Dec 93) 

Models to emulate: "Personalities from Russia's great 

past--Piotr Stolypin, Alexander II, the military commanders 

Suvorov, Kornilov, Zhukov. There are their portraits; they 

were real Russian patriots. That was how big Russia was 

120 years ago (he points to the emblem of his party, which 

shows the Czarist empire including Alaska.)" (Hamburg 

Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93, op. cit.) And "... My model is 

Bismarck. His great social laws on the one hand, and his 
92 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

ingenious foreign policy on the other, have made the creator 

of the small German empire immortal. . ." (Munich 

Deutsche National-Zeitung, 14 Jan 94) 

Russia in USSR borders: "The LDPR advocates the 

recreation of the Russian state within the borders of the 

former USSR. We are against the CIS as it now exists--it 

is an artificial formation that breaks ties between people 

and production lines and destroys the single economic area 

of the great power which formed in the course of 

centuries--Russia . . . it is necessary to reject national 

divisions and restore the old, prerevolutionary territorial 

administrative divisions .... Russia is a fatherland for all. 

• . . All peoples---great and small---are equal before the 

law, each possesses the right to maintain their traditions and 

customs and develop their national culture and the right to 

freedom of conscience. Naturally, the Russian people, the 

most numerous in our country, who possess a high culture 

and who made great sacrifices in the process of forming 

and maintaining the Russian empire, play the role of 

guarantor of the country's prosperity and integrity. There 

will be no need.., to resort to violence in order to reunite 

Russia's lands .... Inhabitants of the 'nearby foreign parts' 

have been deprived of their accustomed selfless aid from 

the Russian Federation . . . they will ask of their own 

accord to be restored to the body of the Russian state." 

(Moscow Krasnaya Zvezda, 10 Dec 93) 

Republics made to come back: "Our republics must be 

made to come back. How? By not being kind toward 

them .... We are buying third-rate cotton from Uzbekistan 

at world prices! And the way to act here is this: Two 

Zhiguli cars for your garbage cotton and that is it! They 

will starve? Let them. Tribal societies should starve. And 
JAMES W. MORRISON 93 

why ever should they be living at the expense of the 

civilized Russian nation?! Estonians . a nation of 

900,000---and all are stealing! A nation of thieves! 

Politics is the art of deception, and one should not be 

embarrassed by this. As long as we are kindly and decent 

looking in the eyes of the "world community," our people 

will go about hungry and wretched .... " (Moscow 

Kuranty, 16 Dec 93) 

Former republics return to Russia: The former Soviet 

republics "will crawl on their knees begging to be admitted 

to Russia. We will not take them all back at once but will 

listen to what the world community says." This will 

happen "when the republics see for themselves that they are 

incapable of self-rule and cannot offer people anything but 

chaos and war." (Moscow Interfax, 14 Dec 93) 

Reestablishing borders of Russia: "The reestablishment of 

the borders is to take place peacefully. Already today, 

Tajikistan, the Caucasus, and others are willing to return to 

us. And I think the events in Moldova, in the Baltic states, 

in Ukraine, and in Belarus contribute to making the 

majority of their people willing to return to Russia--not as 

republics in a federation, but in the form of governments 

(as during the time of the tsar--the editor). The CIS is 

nothing else but a weak variety of the Soviet Union, in 

which the center must keep the periphery. If Georgia is in 

danger, Moscow must one again rescue it, and, in return, 

Russian soldiers are killed from Georgia to Tajikistan and 

the members of the Russian minorities are humiliated. 

Therefore, they all want to get away from there--not only 

Russians, but also Ukrainians and others, who live as 

minorities there. Therefore, we--in contrast to other 
94 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

parties--see the solution only in a strong Russian state." 

(Vienna Die Presse, 15 Dec 93) 

USSR borders for Russia: "... We think that, in the long 

run, Russia's borders could be the borders of the former 

USSR, but this could happen only if the relevant territories, 

which today are viewed as independent, want this." (Sofia 

Otechestven Vestnik, 27 Dec 93, pp. 1,2, in FBIS-EEU-94- 

001, 3 Jan 94, pp. 6-7.) [Similar words plus the following 

sentences were reported by Sofia BTA]. "ff they do, they 

may approach Russia's new political leadership to get 

incorporated into Russia's borders. It won't happen unless 

they want it." (Sofia BTA, 26 Dec 93, in FBIS-EEU-93- 

246, 27 Dec 93, pp. 7-8.) And again: "We will not object 

if the currently independent areas--the former Soviet 

republics--ask to be allowed back to the fold. We will 

examine the question of readmitting them, and then the 

borders of the .former Soviet Union will gradually become 

the borders of Russia." (Budapest MTV Television Network, 

7 Jan 94) 

USSR/Russia/Borders/Militarv Forces/Nuclear Weapons: 

"The state should not have been allowed to disintegrate! 

The Soviet Union might still exist today; one should have 

provided greater independence and divided the country into 

provinces. Such a variant should also have been suggested 

to the Asian and Caucasian regions, plus Belarus, Ukraine, 

and the Baltic countries. Then they would have realized the 

advantages to be gained from living within one large state 

in which all the principles of freedom cultural and 

economic freedom are respected. Look what is happening 

right now. Entire settlements are burning, towns are being 

bombed, people are perishing .... (asked if the return of 

the USSR is still possible) Yes, in a territorial sense. But 
JAMES W. MORRISON 95 

the law, ideology, and government will be different. The 

territory of the former USSR could become the territory of 

a reborn Russia. That will only be possible when a new 

democratically oriented authority appears in the Kremlin, 

one that will work out a model of a strong state. A reborn 

and strengthened army is required for this purpose, together 

with a nuclear potential that must be improved so that our 

possible adversaries know that we are prepared to use it. 

Therefore we will develop our nuclear weapons, create a 

base in space, and from there we will defend Russia if the 

need arises. The ideal scenario calls for the existence of a 

Russo-Swedish and Russo-German border, and a border 

with China and India in the south." (Poznan WPROST, 2 

Jan 94) 

Expansion: "No expansion. On the contrary, we now have 

a situation where, for instance, Tajikistan and some 

Transcaucasian republics want to be with Russia once 

again. But I for one, together with my party, do not want 

this. We want the opposite . . . these countries should 

develop on their own as independent states, but I also say 

they will never be like independent states, because they 

joined Russia 200 years ago. This was always the tragedy 

of these peoples .... I favor the pullout of all Russian 

troops back to Russia, to Moscow. You will see.., that 

a terrible war will start there between Tajikistan, 

Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Iran .... This 

is not a state, this is not civilization. This is already a part 

of the third world war.., a situation of civil war within 

their country, or in a state of war with other states: Armenia 

and Azerbaijan, Abkhazia and Georgia, Tajikistan and 

Afghanistan. This is already part of the world war because 

it is a vast territory from India to Athens, to Serbia. It is 

larger than Europe during World War II .... I want to see 
96 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

our state within its historical borders, but not through 

violent means, only through economic means, through 

civilization, culture, law. For instance, if one day they want 

to return, if they call on us, and if you in the West... say 

we too will help these people to live.., then perhaps can 

we take positive steps. However, now, we do not want 

them to come back within Russia, all the peoples from the 

south, from Tajikistan to Chisinau .... (asked if this 

includes the Baltic states) Yes, the Baltic states too, but I 

say we must have economic relations. This does not mean 

constant aid for the Baltic states. If we stop selling our 

energy and mineral resources cheaply to the Baltic states, 

contrary to what we are doing now, their existence as 

independent states is over .... If I lead the Russian 

Government, we will immediately stop all economic aid to 

the Baltic states and to any other country. Trade yes, but 

pay, pay: Pay with hard currencies and no more economic 

aid. After that, the existence of the Baltic states as 

independent states is over." (Paris TF-1 Television 

Network, 3 Jan 94, in FBIS-SOV-94-O02, 4 Jan 94, pp. 4-5) 

Oppose USSR/CIS: "We are against preserving the CIS, just 

as we are against recreating the USSR. If anybody wants 

to join Russia, they are welcome, only with the rights of a 

territorial unit: a province or oblast. No national-state 

formations." (Moscow Komsomolskaya Pravda, 22 Jan 94) 

No national republics: "... we are against having national 

republics on Russian territory. There are to be no 

Tatarstan, Yakutsia, Bashkiria, or no North Caucasian 

Republics. Instead, 40 to 50 governments are to be 

established. As long as we do not have governments, there 

will always be conflicts and clashes, which for their part 

lead to resistance civil-war-like situations, and mass flight." 
JAMES W. MORRISON 97 

(Vienna Die Presse, 15 Dec 93) 

Defense of Russia and Russians: (Speaking of the 1991 

presidential elections) "I was the first politician who said he 

would defend Russians. I got six million votes just for 

saying that." (Michael Dobbs, The Washington Post, 15 

Dec 93, p. A23) 

Protect Russians: "... We want to protect all Russians and 

have secure borders." (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93) 

Crimean Russians: "Remember that the Liberal Democratic 

Party of Russia will stand up for your rights together with 

the Russian Party of the Crimea. We will protect Russian 

people wherever they are." (Moscow Interfax, 10 Jan 94, 

in FBIS-SOV-94-O07, 11 Jan 94, p. 15) 

Russian nationalism/motherland: "... Now, in the former 

USSR and the former republics, nationalism is the main 

ideological weapon, and in certain regions anti-Russian 

emotions intensified. We say that various nations should 

not be opposed to each other, because we are against every 

discrimination. Nevertheless, they try to slander us and say 

that we support Russian nationalism. We say that Russia 

is the motherland for all and that we oppose the idea of 

restoring the USSR and CIS. We support the existence of 

a Russian state, a great Russia, but as a motherland for all 

nations that live on its territory. It is their common 

motherland as a geographical entity. And what are they 

trying to do? They try to prove with their tales that we are 

Russian nationalists, that we want a pure Russian state, and 

so on. We do not want this .... " (Sofia Otechestven 

Vestnik, 27 Dec 93, pp. 1,2, in FBIS-EEU-94-O01, 3 Jan 94, 

pp. 6-7) 
98 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Don't want former republics in Russia: "Ex-Soviet Union 

republics, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, or Middle East, 

Central Asian republics--they want to be included to (sic) 

Russia. We don't want, because no profit to be together." 

(Vienna Oesterreich Eins Radio Network, 22 Dec 93, in 

FBIS-WEU-93-244, 22 Dec 93, p.6) According to another 

report, Zhirinovskiy, noting that many former republics, 

especially Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, are interested 

in joining Russia, stated that "we do not want that as there 

are big differences between us and those republics in the 

way of politics, economics, and culture. The program of 

our party does not envisage the former Soviet republics 

joining Russia." (Moscow ITAR-TASS World Service, 22 

Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-245, 23 Dec 93, pp. 7-8) 

Georgia: "Two hundred years ago Georgia became part of 

Russia forever as Tiflis Province and had no right to 

secede. For us Georgia is a state that does not exist .... " 

(Georgia should be allowed to exist on its own) "... 

without Russian subsidies, without our assistance. Let 

Turkish troops come and show them what Turkish 

democracy means if they don't want Russian democracy." 

(Moscow Interfax, 4 Feb 94, in FBIS-SOV-94-025, 7 Feb 

94, pp. 15-16) 

Common Russian-Turkish border: "It is better for Russia 

that there should be a common border between Russia and 

Turkey, without the Caucasus, Armenia, Georgia, and 

Azerbaijan. Only Turkey and Russia. That will be 

sufficient." (London Kanal-6 Television, 10 Jan 94) 

Opening for Turkey in Central Asia: "The Turkish culture 

could grow like a flower in the Tashkent region, because 

that is exactly the place for you. Below that are the 
JAMES W. MORRISON 99 

Persian-speaking Afghanistan and Tajikistan, and to the 

north is Russia. But the Tashkent-Ashgabat region is your 

motherland. You have the Motherland Party, and your 

motherland lies between Tashkent and Ashgabat. One day 

in the past, your Ottoman Turkish armies marched into the 

Byzantine lands from this very region between Tashkent 

and Ashgabat." (London Kanal-6 Television, 10 Jan 94) 

Ukraine and Kazakhstan as Provinces of Russia: "Ukraine 

has not been, and will not be independent. It will be one 

of our provinces. The same applies to Kazakhstan, which 

will become a province within southern Siberia." 

(Bucharest Romania Libera, 14 Dec 93, p. 1, in FBIS-SOV93-240, 16 Dec 93, p. 17) 

Getting Ukraine to kneel: "It's all very easy. We cease 

supplying timber to Ukraine, and all the mines of its major 

coal region of Donbass will collapse .... And in three 

months, Ukraine will kneel." (Interview with Izvestiya, 

early Dec 93, in The Wall Street Journal, 15 Dec 93, p. 

AIO) 

Moldova as a Province of Russia: "Moldova will become a 

province of the Russian Federation, with the capital city at 

Tiraspol... " (Bucharest Romania Libera, 14 Dec 93) 

C. Threats to and Relations with Other Countries 

1. Threats to Other Countries 

Strong Russia, but no conflicts: "... When I advocate a 

large and strong Russia, I do not want to build up any 

conflict with Washington. But having several great powers, 
100 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

to which Russia and others belong, in addition to Germany 

and the United States, is better for the world than a single 

globocop, to whose tune the world dances. Equal rights in 

the family of peoples and states is the key to real 

partnership. I abhor war and any kind of military conflict, 

but I am for the peoples' right to self-determination .... " 

(Munich Deutsche National-Zeitung, 11 Feb 94) 

No threat from Russia: "The world does not need to fear us 

anymore. No one will be exposed to any kind of danger 

from Russian soil ever again: There will be no claims on 

territory, no military missions, and complete adherence to 

international treaties. Russia will be a civilized European 

country, open to the rest of the world, without prison 

camps, without repression, without Stalinism, and--God 

save us---without fascism. There will only be democracy." 

(Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93) 

North-South Division of the World: "Why should the 

United States meddle with European affairs? Let it take 

care of Latin America; let Europe take care of Africa; let 

China and Japan to take care of Southeast Asia, Australia, 

and New Zealand; and let Russia take care of Turkey, Iran, 

and Afghanistan. This vertical domination will produce a 

good, warm climate all over the world. We will spend less 

in transportation, communications. Fewer planes will fly, 

thus making air and water cleaner, and the environment will 

be preserved .... " (Sao Paulo Veja, 9 Feb 94, pp. 7-9, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-031, 15 Feb 94, pp. 14-16) 

Nuclear blackmail: (Zhirinovskiy is reported to have said 

the following during the 1991 RSFSR presidential 

campaign) "... I'll move the troops; about 1.5 million 

strong, into the former feast Germany), rattling my nuclear 
JAMES W. MORRISON 101 

sabers, and they'll give me everything .... What price 

Paris? How about London? Washington? Los Angeles? 

How much are you willing to pay so I don't wipe them 

from the face of the Earth with my SS-18s (missiles). You 

doubt me? Want to take a chance? Let's get started." 

(The Washington Times, 14 Dec 93, p. A14) 

U.S.: "You Americans must leave the Balkans and the 

Middle East .... ff you do not, you will find yourself on a 

court bench facing another Nuremberg." (quote not further 

identified, reported in USA Today, 15 Dec 93, p. 8A) 

U.S./Alaska: (In a meeting with German right-wing party 

leader Frey, Zhirinovskiy was shown on television as 

toasting "To a German Prussia and a Russian Alaska." 

(Moscow Ostankino Television First Channel Network, 11 

Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-237, 13 Dec 93, pp. 15-16) 

(Commenting on how the U.S. will soon face the same 

hardships as the former Soviet Union) "There will be no joy 

when California joins Mexico, when a negro republic is 

founded in Miami, when the Russians take back Alaska." 

(Quoted from Zhirinovskiy's book, Last Dash to the South, 

in USA Today, 15 Dec 93, p. 8A) 

(When an interviewer asked about a map of Alaska 

mounted on the wall at Zhirinovskiy's party headquarters) 

"No that is a historical map. That is what Russia was like 

120 years ago. We do not want to restore these borders. 

That was when the Russian empire was flourishing .... It 

is only history .... " (Budapest MTV Television Network, 

7 Jan 94) 
102 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Any Western attackers of Bosnia (presumably Serb 

elements): "As leader of the main opposition party in 

Russia, the party that won the elections, I want to warn all 

governments of Western countries that bombing any towns 

in Bosnia means declaring war on Russia." The report 

implied Zhirinovskiy was speaking of Bosnian Serbs, that 

he called for all foreign forces to withdraw from the former 

Yugoslavia, and that after such a pullout the Serbs should 

be left to solve their own problems, but that, if necessary, 

Russia would be ready to send its army. (Reuters report in 

Philadelphia Inquirer, 31 Jan 94, p. 8) 

Ukraine: "... Nothing has to be conquered again. We stop 

delivering timber to Ukraine and the mines will collapse; if 

we also stop delivering other goods, within three months 

Kravchuk will come begging on his knees to be allowed to 

return .... " (Budapest Pesti Hirlap, 14 Dec 93) 

The Baltic states: "I love the Baits . . . a nice cultured 

nation .... The Baltics is a region of the highest culture 

and the broadest cooperation--no soldiers, no shooting, 

mere economy, culture and festivals .... But if they jeer at 

Russians depriving them of voting rights and steal of Russia 

what belongs to Russia, then we will be forced to use the 

means of defense .... If you try to deprive Russians of 

their rights we will answer with such steps that you will 

have no electors left to stage elections .... If you use force 

to deprive them of voting rights, evict them from 

apartments, dismiss them from jobs, we will use economic 

methods only to square all accounts with the Baltics and 

your countries will collapse in two weeks after I have 

become the president of Russia. There will be not a single 

Baltic country if you continue your thievish policies." 
JAMES W. MORRISON 103 

(Tallinn BNS, 14 Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-239, 15 Dec 93, 

p. 21) 

Estonia: "A nation of 900,000 people, and all of them 

thieves." He spoke of a need to strengthen the defense of 

Russian borders "so that nobody can steal anything any 

more, especially a country like Estonia." (Tallinn BNS, 17 

Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-241, 17 Dec 93, pp. 12-13) 

Estonia: "... ff I become president, the Estonians will be 

satisfied. Those who are not satisfied will leave--for 

Sweden, Finland . . ." (Moscow Rossiyskiye Vesti, 30 Dec 

93, pp. 4-5, in FBIS-SOV-94-O01, 3 Jan 94, pp. 32-35) 

Baltics and small states: 'Tll start by squeezing the Baltics 

and other small nations. I don't care if they are recognized 

by the U.N. I'm not going to invade them or anything. I'I1 

bury radioactive waste along the Lithuanian border and put 

up powerful fans and blow the stuff across the border at 

night .... They'll all get radiation sickness. They'll die of 

it. When they either die out or get down on their knees, 

I'll stop it. I'm a dictator. What I'm going to do is bad, 

but it'll be good for Russia." (remarks reportedly made at 

a parliamentary session shortly after the August 1991 coup, 

reported by the Associated Press in The Washington Times, 

15 Dec 93, p. A12) 

Germany: "ff I was sitting in the Kremlin, the Germans 

would pay for all this meddling. I wouldn't hesitate to use 

nuclear weapons. We would make new Hiroshimas and 

Nagasakis." (quote from 1991 reported by Die Welt, as 

reported by the Associated Press in The Washington Times, 

15 Dec 93, p. A12.) This was also reported as: "If a 

German looks at Russia the wrong way when I'm in the 
104 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Kremlin... we will create new Hiroshimas and Nagasakis. 

I will not hesitate to deploy atomic weapons." (quote not 

further identified, reported by Charles Krauthammer in The 

WashingWn Post, 17 Dec 93, p. A25) 

Threat to destroy Germany for denying visa: Zhirinovskiy 

reportedly told a German diplomat who informed him of 

the denial of a visa application that this denial could lead 

to a "third World War" by which Germany would be 

"completely destroyed." Claiming to have such good 

contacts with Russian intelligence that he could make the 

official simply "disappear," Zhirinovskiy threatened that the 

diplomat would soon be "liquidated." (Paris AFP, 1 Jan 94, 

referencing Welt Am Sonntag of 2 Jan 94, in FBIS-WEU94-001, 3 Jan 94, p. 11) 

Germany/France: "History has shown that in Europe, our 

faithful ally should have been Germany. We could have 

avoided the two world wars with them. We needed a war 

against France." (quote not further identified, reported by 

Associated Press in USA Today, 15 Dec 93) 

Central Europe: "The so-called Oder-Neisse line isn't the 

last word in history." (interview with National Zeitung, 

reported by Associated Press in The Washington Times, 15 

Dec 93, p. A12.) This article also reported that at a 2 Oct 

93 meeting of the far-right German People's Union in 

Bavaria, Zhirinovskiy had said Germany and Russia should 

divide up territories in Poland, the Baltics, and Ukraine. 

Turkev/NATO: "... We are only interested in Turkey, 

lran, and Afghanistan . . . (asked if he was afraid NATO 

will stand behind Turkey) "... You are mistaken if you 

believe the Turks are invulnerable because they are 
JAMES W. MORRISON 105 

members of NATO. NATO is a weak bloc .... Who will 

fight .... We, on the other hand, have fought the Turks 30 

times and beaten them every time. We have no worthy 

opponent anywhere in the world. NATO is an insignificant 

bloc, and it should be eliminated. The same goes for the 

United Nations. However, Russia is a peaceful country. 

We will not attack .... We prefer to win by economic 

means instead of military ones .... (Sofia 168 CHASA, 28 

Feb 94, pp. 1, 21, in FBIS-SOV-94-045, 8 Mar 94, pp. 6-9) 

Kuril Islands: "These islands belong to Russia. And the 

Sea of Okhotsk will be Russia's internal sea. We'll set up 

a 200-mile zone and not a single foreign fishing boat will 

ever enter the Sea of Okhotsk and "all marine products will 

reach the Russians' dining tables." (Moscow Interfax, 13 

Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-238, 14 Dec 93, p. 33) 

Japan/Pacific: (To Japanese journalists) "You'd better not 

raise the Kuril Islands issue, otherwise we'll bring up the 

issue of compensation for the 40 years of the illegal use of 

Sakhalin by Japan .... We'll drive everyone out of the Sea 

of Okhotsk--the Japanese, the Koreans, the Filipinos .... 

The Sea of Okhotsk will be a closed Russian sea. We'll 

establish a 200-mile zone, and you'll be fishing in 

Australia." (Moscow lnterfax, 6 Jan 94, in FBIS-SOV-94- 

005, 7 Jan 94, p. 10) 

The "Novosti" newscast stated that Zhirinovskiy had said he 

planned to occupy the post of Foreign Minister and as his 

first step he intended to invite Tokyo to sign a peace treaty, 

and if it refused he would use the Russian navy to blockade 

all Japanese islands. (Moscow Ostankino Television First 

Channel Network, 6 Jan 94, in FBIS-SOV-94-O05, 7 Jan 94, 

pp. 10-11) 
106 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Pakistan: (Asked how he would deal with the problem of 

prisoners in Pakistan) "I will call the Pakistan envoy and 

give him 72 hours. If our Russian boys do not arrive at 

Sheremetyevo airport within the 72 hours, I will send the 

Pacific fleet to the shores of Pakistan, and it will start by 

wiping Karachi off the face of the earth." (undated quote 

contained in article in Rossiyskiye Vesti, 30 Dec 93) 

Secret Weapon--Elipton: "... This weapon is stronger than 

nuclear weapons because its consequences are different, and 

there is no antidote• This is where its strength lies. There 

is no way of defending against it. It is the same with the 

sonic weapon• We also have this. What happens is that 

the cartridge detonates, and the sound is such that it brings 

down an entire military division. That is it; they are dead. 

•.. The elipton has the same effect. There is no radiation, 

no fire. There are no wounds. An entire military division 

simply dies. It is similar to the neutron weapon, but the 

latter has radiation. It has a damaging effect. The neutrons 

enter the human body; those cause the destruction. With 

the former, there is no damage, but all of life is 

immediately destroyed . . . (asked if the Americans or 

others had the weapon) No... No one. Russian scientists 

developed it exclusively .... (asked why no one had heard 

about it) Because it is secret." (Budapest MTV Television 

Network, 7 Jan 94) 

"It is my personal weapon• It completely destroys buildings 

and people, not by fire, but with a laser beam that destroys 

all targets. (asked if he could destroy the world with the 

"Elipton" weapon) "Of course I can, but I do not want to. 

It is important that we possess such a weapon• If any 

danger threatens us, in the case of extreme necessity there 
JAMES W. MORRISON 107 

is nothing strange about us using it in certain regions--for 

defense." (Sofia 168 CHASA, 28 Feb 94) 

2. Zhirinovskly's Future View of Russia and the 

World 

(Note: Source of quotes below is an interview with 

Zhirinovskiy by Rolf Gauffin, date and place not given, 

published under the title "Prague? Let Us Give It to 

Germany," in Rome L'Espresso, 21 Jan 94, pp. 76-79, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-O18, 27 Jan 94, pp. 20-21. Quotations in 

parentheses are from a similar but not identical report of an 

interview by Gauffin for the Italian Limes magazine 

published in Berlin Die Welt, 31 Jan 94, p. 3, in FBIS-SOV94-021, 1 Feb 94, pp. 19-21) 

Transcaucasus and Central Asia 

"Events in the Transcaucasus show that, without 

Russia, those peoples will always fight each other .... This 

will happen everywhere along Russia's southern borders 

• . . there will not be a Russian miiiiary presence in these 

areas. All we can do is sell weapons. If they want to buy 

them, they can do so only in Russia." 

"... Afghanistan . . is a country without a 

government, where one gang fights another, where one city 

fights another. This is the future of Central Asia. After 

30-40 years the.., entire region will plunge into the abyss. 

Then Iran and Turkey will intervene. It will be hell. Then, 

after a further 20-30 years, they will plead with Russia to 

return to guarantee stability .... " 
108 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

"From Moscow we can force those small nations to 

stop fighting. Since they are aware of the strength of 

Russia's industry and Armed Forces, they must stop the 

destruction. Together with the international community, 

they will ask us for help. We will examine the possibility 

of halting the disaster, but only if they pay us. Otherwise, 

we will leave those regions to slide downhill, as is now 

happening in the Transcaucasus and Tajikistan .... " 

("Trans-Caucasus. There we have Georgia, 

Azerbaijan, and Armenia. One day, they will ask to be 

permitted to belong to Moscow again. Yet, we do not want 

these territories. There are only criminals there, no 

reasonable economy, and no opportunities for profit for 

Russia. Iran can take over Azerbaijan, while Armenia and 

Georgia will go to Turkey. These countries have never 

been independent.") 

("These regions and the international community 

will ask us, and we will--with certainty--stop the disaster, 

but only on condition that they pay for it.") 

"... Throughout its history Kazakhstan has never 

had a role as an independent state. The whole of 

Kazakhstan is nothing but southern Siberia .... Kyrgyzstan, 

which used to belong to China, must go to Russia. There 

has never existed a state called 'Kyrgyzstan.' As for the 

rest, there are no problems of any kind with Mongolia, 

China, Japan, and India." 

Russians Outside Russia 

"... all Russians living outside their homeland must 

be granted dual nationality. Then we will defend them, 
JAMES W. MORRISON 109 

mainly by means of economic instruments. . . take 

Estonia .... If the Russians do not obtain the right to vote 

in that country, we will implement an economic blockade. 

And without Russia's sources of energy and infrastructures, 

Estonia will be completely annihilated as a state. This is 

why we will never use military force but will use the force 

of law and the economy, instead, to protect Russians' 

interests." 

Baltic States, Koeningsberg, and Finland 

"... Estonia. There are Russians living there. This 

territory must therefore be included within Russia's borders• 

•.. But Tallinn... should remain a kind of city republic, 

like Luxembourg, Monaco, or Liechtenstein. The rest of 

Estonian territory belongs to Russia .... In Latvia over half 

the population is Russian. In Riga only 35 percent of the 

population are Latvians. So the whole of Latvia must go to 

Russia .... Lithuania, with its capital Kaunas (sic), and 

with the cities of Panevezys and Siauliai, will form a small 

Lithuanian State. All the rest is Russia's .... Koeningsberg 

is part of Russia. Some day we may return it to Germany. 

We would like to give back to the West whatever the West 

wants." 

("... Lithuania will become a small, independent 

state, an enclave .... ") 

([Finland] "No problem. Yet, Finland would like to 

have Karelia back. All I can say on this issue is that if 

Finland wants to have Karelia, all of Finland must go to 

Russia. We will not cede one inch in the West. One day, 

everybody will return to Russia .... ") 
110 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Eastern Europe 

"Gdansk, Wroclaw, and Sczeczin, which used to be 

part of Prussia, belong to Germany. And if Poland wants 

Lvov, we may even accept its request. This is to 

compensate the Poles for its losses. It will be Russia's gift 

to the West. But eastern Ukraine is entirely Russia's. The 

same applies to Moldova and Belarus .... Some day, 

perhaps, Slovakia will want to become part of Russia. The 

Czech Republic, however, will go to Germany. Austria and 

little Slovenia should unite. The future Germany-AustriaSlovenia will have to have access to the Adriatic. This is 

the German people's will. Thus the Germans will have 

well-founded historical borders to the east and south." 

("... All of eastern Ukraine belongs to Russia... 

[note: much later in the interview] Belarus is Russian, 

Ukraine is Russian, and the people want to belong to 

Russia.") 

("... Dobrudja also belongs to Bulgaria. And the 

Greeks should return Thrace to Bulgaria .... ") 

([Yugoslavia] "All foreign troops must leave the 

country. The Serbs, Croats, and Bosnians should keep the 

borders that exist now. The UN Forces should withdraw so 

that the warring parties can settle the conflict among 

themselves.") 

German-Russian-Indian Axis 

"... Some day there will be a greater Germany and 

a new Russia, which will reach an agreement with India. 

India has 1 billion inhabitants. We have 300 million. So, 
JAMES W. MORRISON 111 

together with Germany and India, we would total more or 

less 2 billion people. Then the world will take whatever 

form we want. India and Russia together will neutralize 

China in Asia. With Germany, Russia can neutralize 

Europe." 

("One day, greater Germany, a new Russia, and 

India will form a new entente. Then there will be no 

problems for the world any more. India and Russia will 

neutralize China in Asia; Russia and Germany can control 

Europe; and Russia and the Balkan states will solve all 

problems in the Balkans.") 

3. Selected Quotations from Zhirlnovskly's Book, 

Last Dash to the South 

(Note: Source of quotes below from Zhirinovskiy's book 

is Moscow Izvestiya, 21 Jan 94, First Edition, pp. 1-2, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-O15, 24 Jan 94, pp. 31-33.) 

Dash to south to save Russia: "I have already begun to 

develop my own geographical concept. I don't want to 

give it my name, the Zhirinovskiy formula, say, but the last 

'dash' to the south and an outlet for Russia to the shores of 

the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea are really the 

task of saving the Russian nation." 

Shock 'Dash': "The idea emerged of the last 'dash'--last 

because it will probably be the last repartition of the world 

and it must be carried out in a state of shock therapy, 

suddenly, swiftly, and effectively." 

Wash boots in Indian Ocean: "The last 'dash' to the south. 

I dream of Russian soldiers washing their boots in the 
112 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

warm waters of the Indian Ocean and switching to summer 

uniform forever. Lightweight boots, lightweight trousers. 

•.. And a small modern Russian assault rifle produced by 

the Izhevsk plant. These assault rifles are much better than 

UZI's. So any platoon of Russian soldiers can impose 

order anywhere." 

'Dash' needed by Russia but states to south won't like it: 

"... we will make this last 'dash' to the south. We badly 

need it, it is medicine that we must take. Medicine is not 

always sweet. Some people in Kabul, Tehran, and Ankara 

may not like this. But millions of people will feel better as 

a result." 

'Dash' as renaissance for the Army: "Our Army will 

perform this task. This will be a method of ensuring the 

survival of the nation as a whole, it will be the basis for the 

renaissance of the Russian Army. New armed forces can 

be reborn only as a result of a combat operation. The 

Army cannot grow stronger in military commissariats and 

barracks. It needs a goal, a task." 

Pros outweigh cons and Army needs it: "The pros of 

carrying out this operation considerably outweigh the cons 

which may naturally be perceived. And the Russian Army 

also needs this so that our guys can flex their muscle, tired 

as they are of 'hazing,' instead of sitting around in 

barracks, in the depths of Russia, waiting for the end of 

their term of service, not knowing where the enemy is, who 

the adversary is, or what they need to prepare themselves 

morally and physically for. This would be a cleansing for 

us all." 
JAMES W. MORRISON 113 

Southern campaign: "May Russia successfully accomplish 

its last 'dash' to the south. I see Russian soldiers 

preparing for this last southern campaign. I see Russian 

commanders at the headquarters of Russian divisions and 

armies tracing the itineraries for the movement of troop 

formations and the destinations of the itineraries. I see 

aircraft at airbases in southern districts of Russia. I see 

submarines surfacing off the shores of the Indian Ocean 

and landing ships approaching shores along which Russian 

Army soldiers are already marching, infantry fighting 

vehicles are driving, and huge masses of tanks are moving. 

[The italics are V. Zhirinovskiy's.] At long last Russia 

completes its last military campaign." 

4. Relations with Other States 

(a) America, the West, and Aid to Russia 

America: "... Everywhere there are hotbeds of war, you 

find Americans. Everywhere you find diseases, they are 

diseases from America. AIDS is from America. 

Drunkenness and depravity is from America." (Moscow 

Ostankino Television First Channel Network, 11 Dec 93) 

President Clinton: (Asked if he expected to meet with 

President Clinton during the January Summit) "I can, but he 

refused. He's afraid. He's a weak President. But what I 

can do? I'm strong. I'm brave. I can but he couldn't. In 

sexual life, that means impotensa. Impotensia!" (CBS 

Evening News, 12 Jan 94, reported in Dept. of Defense 

Radio/TV Dialogue media summary.) 

"I am ready, but he is scared--and so much the worse for 
114 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

him. Shame on such a president, let him go on playing his 

saxophone at home and not come here at all .... You in 

the west are all scared of the new, honest, and brave 

politician emerging in Russia." (Moscow ITAR-TASS World 

Service, 6 Jan 94, in FBIS-SOV-94-O04, 6 Jan 94, p. 3.) 

President Clinton and Support for Disintegration of Russia: 

(President Clinton) ".. has shown himself to be a 

weakling" (by not having a meeting with Zhirinovskiy in 

Moscow). "This is a gift, because anti-American feeling is 

growing in Russia, because the people know that Clinton 

supports the disintegration of Russia." (Belgrade Tanjug 

Domestic Service, 30 Jan 94, in FBIS-EEU-94-020, 31 Jan 

94, p. 25. 

Meeting with President Clinton: "He asked for a meeting, 

but I refused, because the invitation was addressed to the 

Liberal Democratic Party of Russia. It should have been 

addressed to me personally .... However, the chance of 

Clinton and me meeting has not been lost. My adviser will 

soon fly to the United States and arrange this in March or 

April. We will play golf and go to a ranch. We will have 

a rest and get to know each other better .... " (Sofia 168 

CHASA, 28 Feb 94) 

Aid to Russia: "We need no help from the United States or 

the West! . . . We are a very rich country. Very strong. 

Very rich." To an American, he bellowed, "No necessary 

help from you. Help Africa." (Statements to reporters at 

the Duma, reported by the Associated Press in The 

Washington Times, 14 Jan 94, p. A12.) 

"... Until now, the so-called help from the West has 

caused us more harm than good. Russia has been exploited 
JAMES W. MORRISON 115 

materially and intellectually. Let them leave us alone, and 

we will reestablish Russian power .... " (Poznan WPROST, 

2 Jan 94) 

"This business of Western aid is just a provocation. 

Nobody gives us a cent: In fact they only come here to 

take. This IMF is just an illusion; it does us harm, and that 

is all. The tide of profiteers will gradually be eliminated: 

By 1995 we will have thrown them all out, we will have a 

new government and a new policy." (Milan Famiglia 

Cristiana) 

(b) Europe 

Europeans: (Asked if he really wanted Italy to cede South 

Tyrol to Austria) "Definitely. You wanted to break us up 

into pieces. Well, now you can taste some of your own 

medicine .... You Italians, you Europeans, you Westerners. 

You caused the Soviet Union to collapse, and it would 

serve you right to suffer the same fate and see what it feels 

like. Thus, perhaps you will understand what Russia is 

experiencing now, without the 14 republics that have 

historically belonged to it .... You are small, but you must 

become even smaller .... (Rome La Republica, 12 Jan 94, 

p. 13, in FBIS-SOV-94-O08, 12 Jan 94, pp. 22-23) 

U.S. Troops in Europe: (Asked about a NATO proposal to 

move U.S. troops to the very border of Russia for defense) 

Zhirinovskiy said: "All American troops must come back 

to home. And Russian, all troops come back in Russia. 

It's good. If you would like to approach your troops to 

border of Russia, so you would like war. What kind of 

reasons to approach my troops to near the border of this 
116 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

country? That means I would like to have the war with this 

country." (CBS Evening News, 12 Jan 94) 

Union with Germany: Zhirinovskiy is reported to have said 

that the "strategic point" for Russian foreign policy was a 

"union with Germany," which would "benefit the whole 

world." (Berlin DDP, 21 Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-244, 22 

Dec 93, p. 11) 

Friendly relations with all, especially Germany: "We want 

to have proper friendly relations with other countries. That 

particularly applies to Germany. Russians and Germans 

should never fight each other again. The best possible 

partner-like relations are what we want and no less than 

that." (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93) 

Cooperation, especially with Germany: "I will develop the 

most extensive cooperation that Russia has ever had with 

the rest of the world. That is the only way in which we 

can put an end to military confrontation. It is my greatest 

wish that the last Russian soldiers should leave German soil 

soon, but all American troops should leave too. There 

should be no foreign military bases left on German soil. 

Germany should be completely free. No Russian ethnic 

German should leave. On the contrary, German farmers 

might have success here .... I would gladly welcome 

hundreds of thousands to the Moscow region, for example. 

We would give everyone 30 hectares of land for nothing 

and we would see to it that they have the best conditions so 

that they can work for the good of Germany and Russia. 

Houses are ready and the infrastructure is there, including 

telephone lines." (Hamburg Der Spiegel, 20 Dec 93) 

Maior Projects with Germany: "... I have proposed a joint 
JAMES W. MORRISON 117 

German-Russian project for the construction of a highway 

linking Berlin and Moscow via Koenigsberg, that German 

should become the principal foreign language taught 

throughout Russia, that our students should participate in 

large-scale exchange programs, and that there should be a 

free cultural exchange between our countries. I have 

proposed that Germany play the leading role in the 

extraction of our mineral wealth, in our industry, and in 

joint defense projects." (Munich Deutsche NationalZeitung, 4 Feb 94, pp. 3-5, in FBIS-SOV-94-026, 8 Feb 94, 

pp. 18-19) 

Oder-Neisse Line: "... when I talk of reaching agreement 

on a settlement of the East Prussia issue in a way that will 

be to the advantage of Germany and when I also say that 

history has not said its last word about the terrible injustice 

of the Oder-Neisse line, which I believe can be revised 

through peaceful negotiations, then I am portrayed as some 

evil demon from hell and a fanatical enemy of Germany." 

(Munich Deutsche National-Zeitung, 4 Feb 94) 

Europe/Germany/Poland: "... In Europe we have an 

alliance with Germany, because it is a major country. But 

Poland lies between us, and there are problems there. I 

know the mood in Germany--to get back eastern Prussia, 

but that is part of Poland .... These, however, are PolishGerman problems .... " (Moscow Komsomolskaya Pravda, 

22 Jan 94, p. 2, in FBIS-SOV-94-O15, 24 Jan 94, pp. 33-35) 

Europe/Germany/Poland: "In Europe, we are mostly 

interested in good relations with Germany, and it is in this 

context that one should address the Polish question. 

However, we do not want to interfere in Poland's internal 

affairs. Even if Poland wants to join NATO, that is an 
118 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

internal matter for Poland and NATO .... Poland has never 

had a permanent border. It has possessed various shapes at 

various times of history, and there was a period when it 

was divided and formed part of Russia, among other 

countries. Until recently, the Russian forces guaranteed the 

Polish border. Today, in this matter, one should turn to 

NATO and Germany, which play the greatest part in this 

section of the continent. For the time being, the Poles can 

carry on singing 'Poland has not perished yet.'" (Poznan 

WPROST, 2 Jan 94) 

Germany/Poland: (Asked by the Berlin media about 

"Eastern Prussia") "Solve that with Poland. We don't give 

a damn about it." (Berlin DDPADN, 7 Jan 94, in FBISSOV-94-005, 7 Jan 94, p. 10) 

Eastern Europe: (asked about Russia regaining Eastern 

Europe) "Not at all. I say this to the countries of Eastern 

Europe: Stay neutral, free, and independent• You do not 

need NATO at all. Why do you want to lick American and 

British general's boots? You will never have anything to 

fear from Russia. Russia will never reach as far as Prague 

or Budapest." (Rome La Republica, 12 Jan 94) 

Finland and Poland: "All the stories that... I threaten the 

sovereignty of Poland and Finland are lies .... We do not 

question at all the fact that Finland is now a sovereign state. 

•.. We do not talk about returning Finland to Russia. We 

do not need this. Let Finland be. The same applies to 

Poland." (Sofia Otechestven Vestnik, 27 Dec 93) 

Czech Republic: "... if Vaclav Havel is unhappy, then I 

am also unhappy that a playwrite can become the president 

of a country .... Why is a playwrite a president?... Your 
JAMES W. MORRISON 119 

country is on the decline.., in 10 years from now, there 

will be no Moravia and no Sudetenland. In 10 years time, 

the entire Czech nation will curse Havel the way the 

Russian people are cursing Gorbachev . . . young Czechs 

•.. will be forced to speak German, to forget their mother 

tongue, to go to German churches, and to clean the boots of 

German officers .... Therefore, we want to talk to 

everyone at the congress of Slavic peoples• After all, there 

are 300 million of us and we will live together in an 

Eastern European Slavic community. We will not serve the 

West•" (Prague Lidove Noviny, 9 Feb 94, pp. 1, 8, in FBISSOV-94-031, 15 Feb 94, pp. 9-10) 

Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Slavic Cooperation: 

"Because of the Sudetenland and Moravia, the Czechs are 

closer to the Germans. Practically speaking, Czechia has 

no future. Germany will gradually take it over. Bratislava, 

however, could turn into a center for East European Slavic 

cooperation. This would be a counterbalance to the West 

European alliance ..." (Ljubljana Mladina, 2 Feb 94) 

Peace in the East: "... the period of transition in Russia 

and all East European countries has come to an end and 

these countries will soon see new political leaders come to 

power• Conditions will soon be ripe for sustainable peace 

and democracy for everybody, not for a single nation or 

group of individuals only. Man will be of paramount 

importance, he will be even more important than the state•" 

(Sofia BTA, 26 Dec 93, in FBIS-EEU-93-246, 27 Dec 93, 

pp. 7-8) 

Bulgarians decide their fate: "... nobody has the right to 

tell Bulgarian people how to live, who to govern them, 
120 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

what parties to have. Bulgarians alone can decide their 

fate." (Sofia BTA, 26 Dec 93) 

Change Bulgarian leadership: "We think that Bulgaria must 

be a key country in the Balkans and that Macedonia and 

Thrace could be ceded to its territory. They are ancient 

Bulgarian lands. However, the main thing for us is the fact 

that the country's political leadership must be changed. 

Your current president, Zhelyu Zhelev, is a figure of the 

transitional period, which is about to end. The state 

leaderships of many East European countries are being 

replaced, and I would like to see Mr. Svetoslav Stoilov as 

your president. I think that this will also be beneficial for 

Russia. Mr. Stoilov is a well-known economist and our 

European consultant on all economic issues. Bulgaria needs 

such a president in the new year. The process of stabilizing 

relations throughout the entire Balkan peninsula with the 

participation of Russia will begin only after he comes to 

power. Then the violent actions and armed conflicts will 

end. Naturally, the help of the UN Security Council 

member-countries is necessary for this .... I think that this 

confederation among the Balkan states could be expanded 

by the inclusion of Romania and Hungary, but no state will 

have priority. Every nation has the right to live in the 

Balkans and discrimination based on nationality or religion 

is necessary. There have never been Muslims in the 

Balkans. Whoever claims the opposite lies. Slavonic and 

Christian peoples, predominantly belonging to the Eastern 

Orthodox Church, but also Catholics, lived here. The lie 

about the Muslim nation is a pure game on the part of 

certain centers. This all could be regulated and I think that 

the new Russian parliament, the Duma, will support the 

Liberal Democratic Party plan on peacefully and finally 

stopping the conflicts in the Balkan peninsula. However, 
JAMES W. MORRISON 121 

for the time being, the main thing is to change Bulgaria's 

political leadership, and I think that this will happen soon." 

(Sofia Otechestven Vestnik, 27 Dec 93) 

Serbia: "We side with the Serbs. Our position is clear. 

The Serbs must be saved. They are our Orthodox 

brethren." (quote not further identified, reported by 

Associated Press in USA Today, 15 Dec 93) 

Support for Serbs: "We are supporting the Serbs and our 

standpoint is that the Serb lands--the republic of Srpska 

and the republic of Krajina should be within the Republic 

of Serbia. (he would be happy if) "... Russia and Serbia 

had a common border." (He has never) "... liked the 

policy pursued by Russian Foreign Minister Andrey 

Kozyrev, particularly in the Balkans," (and will demand his 

resignation) ". if he does not support Serb policy." 

(Russia has never threatened anybody with anything and has 

not done anything by force) "... but it will come, if 

someone calls for it." (When he is elected president, he 

will) "... propose an alliance of Slav states, whose center 

will not be Moscow, because everyone has grown tired of 

this." (Belgrade Tanjug Domestic Service, 30 Jan 94, in 

FBIS-EEU-94-020, 31 Jan 94, p. 25) 

Former Yugoslavia: "... There should be only three parts: 

Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia, full stop. And Bulgaria. All 

foreign armies should leave Yugoslavia .... There is no 

Muslim question. Historically speaking, the Muslims are 

ethnic Croats and Serbs .... Instead of Bulgaria, it should 

be named Macedonia .... Serbia should get the Serbian 

part of the present Macedonia...." (Ljubljana Mladina, 2 

Feb 94, p. 22, in FBIS-EEU-94-023, 3 Feb 94, p. 33) 
122 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Threats to those who bomb Serbs: "I am opposed to any 

kind of force against the Serbs. I warn you, 1 view the 

bombing of Serb cities as if it were the bombing of Russian 

cities. This would absolutely alter Russia's foreign policy. 

If the bombing takes place, we will of course--send 

protests to the countries whose pilots take part in it. We 

will warn them that what they are doing to Serb cities will 

be done to their countries. Bombs will be dropped on the 

cities of those countries that bomb Serb cities•" (Prague 

Lidove Noviny, 9 Feb 94) 

Dissolve NATO, withdraw troops: "We have dissolved the 

Warsaw Pact, but NATO continues to exist• NATO must 

also be dissolved. All foreign troops must be withdrawn. 

• . . " (Vienna ORF Television Network, 21 Dec 93, in 

FBIS-WEU-93-244, 22 Dec 93, p. 5) 

Disband NATO while East forms economic and cultural 

union: "We oppose [military blocs]. If the Warsaw Pact 

was dissolved, we think that NATO should also be 

dissolved as a military bloc. However, it is very possible 

that the East European peoples form an economic and 

cultural alliance with Russia, similar to the European 

Community, without attributing any military aspects to this 

alliance." (Sofia Otechestven Vestnik, 27 Dec 93) 

NATO expansion okay: "Member of NATO or create a new 

block is their problem [preceding three words in German], 

for Russia no problem• We are for peace, but if Poland, 

Hungary would like to be included in NATO, okay." 

(Vienna Oesterrich Eins Radio Network, 22 Dec 93, in 

FBIS-WEU-93-244, 22 Dec 93, p. 6) 
JAMES W. MORRISON 123 

Oppose Poland ioining NATO: "... Let us all be neutral 

and neither we nor you join. Do not think that they are 

waiting for you there. Even if that is so, it is waiting for 

servants who would polish the boots of German or British 

generals. They would force you to feed foreign divisions, 

they would behave like peasants .... Blacks from America 

will come over and kick you in the face. You are going to 

be a testing ground and a dump. You must understand that 

a neutral Poland and security guarantees for the whole of 

East Europe are what we need .... We Russians have never 

had an urge to push west. We have problems in the south. 

So, if you want, we will give you Lvov back. Do not join 

NATO in any case." (Warsaw Radio Warszawa Network, 

10 Jan 94, in FBIS-SOV-94-O07, 11 Jan 94, pp. 18-19) 

Opposition to NATo Expanded Membership: "It would be 

best if all former East Bloc states remained neutral. NATO 

is a military bloc. If a country accedes to this bloc, this 

will not contribute to the establishment of peace. NATO 

will use these countries as small parmers that are to serve 

the big members." (Vienna Kurier, 1 Feb 94, p. 5, in FBISSOV-94-021, 1 Feb 94, pp. 21-22) 

(c) Middle East 

Iraq: "Interference in Iraqi affairs is inadmissible... We 

are very favorably disposed to everything that is going on 

in Iraq." (quote not further identified, reported by 

Associated Press in USA Today, 15 Dec 93) 

Iraq and embargoes on Iraq, Libya, and Serbia: "We have 

never had any special relationship with him (Saddam 

Hussein). What happened historically was simply that the 
124 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

Soviet Union invested enormous sums in Iraq. Therefore, 

Iraq now owes us more than $10 billion, and it is ready to 

pay this• That is why it is not in our interest to take part in 

the embargo against Iraq--just like in the case of the 

embargo against Serbia and the embargo against Libya." 

(Budapest MTV Television Network, 7 Jan 94) 

Mid-East arms embargo: "... The adherence to the arms 

embargo on the Middle East, for example, is costing us 

many billions of dollars. Russia could earn about $50 

billion a year from weapons exports... " (Poznan 

WPROST, 2 Jan 94) 

World War III and the South: "... World War Ill is a 

possibility. I do not wish it but if the wars in the Balkans, 

the Caucasus, and Central Asia continue; if something 

happens between Iran and Iraq; or if the Kurdish problem 

in Turkey expands, then World War HI might occur. I do 

not want it but we are slowly approaching that eventuality. 

• . . If the war continues in the Caucasus, Turkey will 

definitely be involved in it." (Ankara Show Television, lO 

Jan 94, in FBIS-SOV-94-O08, 12 Jan 94, pp. 21-22) 

Turkey: "... I love Turkey and the Turks .... Everything 

is all right in the current Turkey. The Turks, however, 

arrived five centuries ago on Byzantine territory as enemies. 

They were the real enemy. They were not invited by 

anyone .... They decided that they had the power to 

occupy the rich people living in peace in the west. What 

kind of behavior was that? . . . I say that this is not the 

fault of the current Turkish people .... Why did Demirel 

visit our Central Asian republics? There are Russians 

living there• There is a Turkish speaking population but 

there is also a Russian speaking population .... This is not 
JAMES W. MORRISON 125 

what the Russian people want. Let them interfere with 

another people. It can backfire .... That is why I wrote 

this book (Last Dash to the South)... it is written on what 

will happen if this interference continues. If this policy is 

pursued then it will backf'tre. The Russians will advance up 

to the shores of the Indian Ocean. The Turkish Army 

advanced up to the shores of Constantinople once. The 

Russians will now advance up to the shores of the Indian 

Ocean. (Ankara Show Television, 10 Jan 94) 

Arms sales/proliferation: "We will continue to sell weapons 

everywhere. Whoever wants to buy will always be 

welcome. But we will ensure that our weapons do not end 

up in the hands of those who have aggressive intentions 

with respect to Russia. So to our neighboring countries we 

will sell only defensive weapons, while to distant countries 

we will sell offensive weapons." (Milan Famiglia 

Cristiana) 

War against the Muslim world: ".. This will be a 

religious war against the Muslim world. Well, it is already 

happening. For this reason, I have also written the 

book--the Last Push (Dash) to the South .... At the end 

of the 20th century, there will be no more international 

wars, however, religious wars will begin .... Now Turkey 

and Iran can push toward Caucasus, the Turks are 

penetrating into the Balkans, Iraq in Central Asia, 

Afghanistan in Tajikistan. You will have pan Islamism, 

Balkans, Arabs. France and Germany will be destabilized. 

Finally, Europe will be in a state of war .... (Who can stop 

all this?) "Only Russia. Russia could be a factor of 

stability. It could stop the process of disintegration of 

Europe, the Balkans, and central Asia .... " (Ljubljana 

Mladina, 2 Feb 94) 
JAMES W. MORRISON 127 

NOTES 

Chapter 1: Who Is Vladimir Zhirinovskiy? (pages 1-30) 

1. M. Reshetnikov and V. Vasilyev, "Analytical Research: 

Democracy. National Populism. Extremism, Fascism? 

Problems of Spiritual Leadership," Moscow Rossiyskiye 

Vesti, 30 Dec 93, p. 4-5, Foreign Broadcast Information 

Service, Central Eurasia Daily Report (FBIS-SOV)-94-O01, 

3 Jan 94, pp. 32-35. For a report on Zhirinovskiy's 

political rise in the 1990's, see article by Lee Hockstader, 

"How Russia's Zhirinovskiy Rose," The Washington Post, 

6 Mar 94, pp. A1, A26, and A27. 

2. Ibid. 

3. Moscow Interfax, 15 Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-240, 16 

Dec 93, p. 16. 

4. Budapest MTV Television Network, 7 Jan 94, in FBISSOV-94-006, 10 Jan 94, pp. 11-15. 

5. Moscow Rossiyskiye Vesti, 30 Dec 93. 

6. Budapest MTV Television Network, 7 Jan 94. 

7. Moscow Rossiyskiye Vesti, 30 Dec 93. 
128 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

8. Ibid. 

9. Walter Laqueur, Black Hundred: The Rise of the 

Extreme Right in Russia (New York: Harper/Collins 

Publishers, Inc., 1993), pp. 254-257. 

10. The Rossiyskiye Vesti article suggests that Zhirinovskiy 

established and became chairman of the Liberal Democratic 

Party in March 1991, while the Laqueur book indicates 

March 1990. 

The Hockstader Washington Post article suggests 

there were both an early and a later Liberal Democratic 

Party. 

11. Moscow Rossiyskiye Vesti, 30 Dec 93. 

12. Ibid. 

13. Ibid. 

14. Moscow Ostankino Television First Channel Network, 

11 Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-237, 13 Dec 93, pp. 15-16. 

15. Moscow Interfax, 25 Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-246, 27 

Dec 93, p. 1, and Moscow ITAR-TASS, 19 Jan 94, in FBISSOV-94-015, 24 Jan 94, p. 57. 

16. Paris France-lnterRadio Network, 14 Dec 93, in FBISSOV-93-239, 15 Dec 93, pp. 20-21. 

17. Moscow ITAR-TASS Worm Service, 13 Jan 94, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-O09, 13 Jan 94, p. 43. 

18. Paris APF, 17 Jan 94, and Moscow Russian Television 
JAMES W. MORRISON 129 

Network, 17 Jan 94, in FBIS-SOV-94-012, 19 Jan 94, pp. 

31-32. 

19. Interview, 29-30 Jan 94, in Slovenia, by Vienna's 

Kurier, "If NATO is Enlarged, This Will Not Contribute to 

Peace," Vienna Kurier, 1 Feb 94, p. 5, in FBIS-SOV-94- 

021, 1 Feb 94, pp. 21-22. 

20. Moscow Izvestiya, 21 Jan 94, First Edition, pp. 1-2, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-O15, 24 Jan 94, pp. 31-33. 

21. Press conference by Zhirinovskiy and Gerhard Frey in 

Moscow, 26 Jan 94, reported by Moscow Russian 

Television Network, 26 Jan 94, and Moscow Ostankino 

Television First Channel Network, 26 Jan 94, in FBIS-SOV94-018, 27 Jan 94, pp. 19-20. 

22. Interview or interviews, place and date not given, with 

prosecutor Viktor Kruglov by Sergey Kaverin, "Only for 

Kuranty: Zhirinovskiy Under Probe," Moscow Kuranty, 1 

Feb 94, p. 5, in FBIS-SOV-94-021, 1 Feb 94, pp. 25-26; and 

"Mr. Zhirinovskiy Might Be Arrested," Moscow 

Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 8 Feb 94, First Edition, pp. 1-2, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-026, 8 Feb 94, pp. 23-24. 

23. Sofia Otechestven Vestnik, 27 Dec 93, pp. 1-2, in 

Foreign Broadcast Information Service, East Europe Daily 

Report (FBIS-EEU)-94-O01, 3 Jan 94, pp. 6-7. 

24. Paris AFP, 21 Dec 93, in Foreign Broadcast 

Information Service, West Europe Daily Report (FBISWEU)-93-244, 22 Dec 93, p. 5; and Vienna 

Wirtshaflswoche, 7 Jan 94, pp. 38-39, in FBIS-WEU-94- 

006, 10 Jan 94, pp. 10-12. 
130 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

25. Munich Deutsche National-Zeitung, 17 Dec 93, pp. 3- 

5, in FBIS-SOV-93-241, 17 Dec 93, pp. 13-14. 

26. Paris AFP, 21 Dec 93, and Vienna Oesterreich Eins 

Radio Network, 22 Dec 93, in FBIS-WEU-93-245, 23 Dec 

93, p. 4. 

27. Vienna Wirtschaftswoche, 7 Jan 94. 

28. Vienna ORF Television Network, 21 Dec 93, in FBISWEU-93-244, 22 Dec 93, p. 5. 

29. Vienna Neue Kronen-Zeitung, 24 Dec 93, p. 2, in 

FBIS-WEU 93-246, 27 Dec 93, p. 2 

30. Vienna Wirtschaftswoche, 7 Jan 94. 

31. Vienna Neue Kronen-Zeitung, 24 Dec 93. 

32. Radio Free EuropeRadio Liberty Daily Report, 29 Dec 

93, p. 3. 

33. Sofia BTA, 27 Dec 93, reported in FBIS-EEU-93-246, 

27 Dec 93, p. 8. 

34. Sofia Khorizont Radio Network, 29 Dec 93, in FBISEEU-93-249, 30 Dec 93, p.1. 

35. Sofia Khorizont Radio Network, 28 Dec 93, and Sofia 

BTA, 28 Dec 93, in FBIS-EEU-93-248, 29 Dec 93, pp. 2-3. 

36. Sofia BTA, 28 Dec 93. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 131 

37. Sofia Trud, 30 Dec 93, pp. 1,3, in FBIS-EEU-94-O04, 

6 Jan 94, p. 4. 

38. Vienna Wirtschaftswoche, 7 Jan 94. 

39. Berlin DDPADN, 29 Dec 93, in FBIS-WEU-93-248, 29 

Dec 93, p. 3. 

40. Hamburg DPA, 29 Dec 93, in FBIS-WEU-93-248, 29 

Dec 93, p. 3. 

41. Paris AFP, 1 Jan 94, referencing Hamburg Welt Am 

Sonntag, 2 Jan 94, in FBIS-WEU-94-O01, 3 Jan 94, p. 11. 

42. The Washington Post, 1 Feb 94, p. A16. 

43. Paris AFP, 28 Jan 94, in FBIS-EEU-94-021, 1 Feb 94, 

p. 43. 

44. Ibid. 

45. Ljubljana Radio Slovenia Network, 28 Jan 94, in FBISEEU-94-020, 31 Jan 94, p. 23; Paris AFP, 28 Jan 94. 

46. Moscow Izvestiya, 1 Feb 94, First Edition, p. 2, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-022, 2 Feb 94, p. 6. 

47. The Washington Post, 4 Feb 94, p. A23. 

48. Budapest Kossuth Radio Network, 15 Feb 94, in FBISEEU-94-032, 16 Feb 94, p. 21. 

49. The Washington Post, 1 Feb 94, p. A16, and Paris 

AFP, 31 Jan 94, in FBIS-EEU-94-020, 31 Jan 94, p. 14. 
132 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

50. The Washington Post, 1 Feb 94, p. A 16. 

51. Moscow Izvestiya, 1 Feb 94. 

52. D. Becirovic, "Zhirinovskiy: There Will Be No 

Bombing of Serbian Towns," Belgrade Politika, 2 Feb 94, 

p. 3, in FBIS-EEU-94-032, 16 Feb 94, p. 56. 

53. Paris AFP, 25 Jan 94, in FB1S-SOV-94-OI6, 25 Jan 94, 

p. 12, and Warsaw PAP, 12 Mar 94, in FBIS-EEU-94-049, 

14 Mar 94, p. 29. 

54. Moscow Izvestiya, 26 Jan 94, First Edition, p. 4, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-O17, 26 Jan 94, p. 4. 

55. Moscow Interfax, 5 Feb 94, in FBIS-SOV-94-025, 7 

Feb 94, p. 23. 

56. Moscow 1TAR-TASS Worm Service, 9 Feb 94, in FBISSOV-94-028, 10 Feb 94, p. 6. 

57. Madrid RNE-1 Radio Network, 16 Feb 94, in FBISWEU-94-033, 17 Feb 94, p. 34. 

58. Moscow Rossiyskiye Vesti, 30 Dec 93. 

59. Interview with Zhirinovskiy by Vivien Lando, Sao 

Paulo Veja, 9 Feb 94, pp. 7-9, in FBIS-SOV-94-031, 15 Feb 

94, pp. 14-16. 

60. Moscow ITAR-TASS World Service, 6 Jan 94, in FBISSOV-94-004, 6 Jan 94, p. 3. 

61. Moscow Interfax, 14 Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-239, 15 
JAMES W. MORRISON 133 

Dec 93, pp. 18-19. 

62. Moscow Kuranty, 15 Dec 93, p. 1, in FBIS-SOV-93- 

239, 15 Dec 93, p. 23. 

63. Budapest Beszelo, 16 Dec 93, pp. 19-21, in FBIS-SOV93-243, 21 Dec 93, pp. 6-8. 

64. Moscow Russian Television Network, 10 Jan 94, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-O07, 11 Jan 94, pp. 30-31. 

65. Moscow Kuranty, 24 Dec 93, p. 1, in FBIS-SOV-93- 

246, 27 Dec 93, pp. 8-9. 

66. Amsterdam De Volkskrant, 31 Dec 94, p. 1; Moscow 

Segodnya, 4 Jan 94, p. 1; and Pravda, 4 Jan 94, p. 1, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-O02, 4 Jan 94, pp. 6-8. 

67. Rotterdam Algemeen Dagblad, 30 Dec 93, pp. 1, 9, in 

FBIS-WEU-94-O01, 3 Jan 94, p. 8. 

68. Vienna News, 13 Jan 94, pp. 45-47, in FBIS-SOV-94- 

010, 14 Jan 94, pp. 43-44. 

69. Karen Mishikyan, "Prophet in His Own Country," 

Moscow Trud, 4 Feb 94, Night Edition, p. 2, in FBIS-SOV94-025, 7 Feb 94, p. 59. 

70. Note on talk and discussion at the Hudson Institute 

about the Russian Duma elections and referendum on the 

constitution, 14 December 1993, reported by Dr. Brian 

Sullivan, Senior Fellow, INSS, National Defense University. 
134 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

71. Hamburg ARD Television Network, 14 Dec 93, in 

FBIS-SOV-93-239, 15 Dec 93, pp. 23-24. 

72. Moscow Rossiyskiye Vesti, 30 Dec 93. 

73. Sao Paulo Veja, 9 Feb 94. 

74. Budapest MTV Television Network, 7 Jan 94. 

75. Moscow Ostankino Television First Channel Network, 

26 Jan 94. 

76. Moscow Ostankino Television First Channel Network, 

11 Dec 93. 

77. Ibid. 

78. Parade Magazine, 30 Jan 94, p. 16. 

79. Moscow 1TAR-TASS World Service, 12 Jan 94, 

referencing a 12 Jan 94 issue of Literaturnaya Gazeta, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-O08, 12 Jan 94, p. 34. See also Walter 

Laqueur, p. 257. 

80. The Washington Post, 14 Jan 94, p. A 27. 

8 I. Vienna Neue Kronen-Zeitung, 27 Dec 93, pp. 2-3, in 

FBIS-WEU-93-246, 27 Dec 93, p. 2. 

82. Hudson Institute, discussions with Kalugin. 

83. Budapest MTV Television Network, 7 Jan 94. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 135 

84. Moscow 1TAR-TASS Worm Service, 29 Dec 93, in 

FBIS-SOV-93-249, 30 Dec 93, p. 38. 

85. Moscow Ostankino Television First Channel Network, 

22 Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-244, 22 Dec 93, pp. 2-8. 

86. Moscow Komsomolskaya Pravda, 22 Jan 94, p. 2, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-O15, 24 Jan 94, pp. 33-35. 

87. Budapest Beszelo, 16 Dec 93. 

88. Moscow Interfax, 15 Dec 93, in FBIS-SOV-93-240, 16 

Dec 93, p. 16. 

89. Hudson Institute Discussions with Kalugin. 

90. Budapest Beszelo, 16 Dec 93. 

91. Moscow Ostankino Television First Channel Network, 

11 Dec 93. 

92. Budapest Beszelo, 16 Dec 93. 

93. Hamburg ARD Television Network, 14 Dec 93. 

94. John P. Hannah, "'The Last Thrust Southwards': 

Zhirinovskiy and the Middle East," Policywatch, No. 108, 

The Washington Institute, 28 Dec 93. 

95. Ibid. 

96. Moscow Interfax, 14 Dec 93. 
136 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

97. Baghdad Republic oflraq Radio Network, 21 Dec 93, 

in FBIS-SOV-93-244, 22 Dec 93, p. 11. 

98. Moscow Ostankino Television, 11 Dec 93. 

99. News conference, 14 Dec 93, in USA Today, 15 Dec 

93, p. 8A. 

100. News conference, 14 Dec 93, in The Washington 

Times, 15 Dec 93, p. A12. 

101. Moscow Segodnya, 15 Dec 93, p. 1, in FBIS-SOV-93- 

239, 15 Dec 93, p. 19. 

102. Budapest Pesti Hirlap, 14 Dec 93, pp. 1-2, in FBISSOV-93-239, 15 Dec 93, pp. 22-23. 

103. Jerusalem Qol Yisra'el, 13 Jan 94, in FBIS-SOV-94- 

010, 14 Jan 94, pp. 42-43. 

104. Moscow Segodnya, 15 Dec 93. 

105. Moscow Interfax, 14 Dec 93. 

106. The Washington Post, 4 April 94, p. A12. 

107. Budapest MTV Television Network, 7 Jan 94. 

108. Ibid. 

109. Parade Magazine. 

110. Tel Aviv HA'ARETZ, 14 Jan 94, p. C3, in FBIS-SOV94-010, 14 Jan 94, pp. 42-43. 
JAMES W. MORRISON 137 

111. Ibid. 

112. Moscow Rossiyskiye Vesti, 30 Dec 93. 

Chapter 2: What Does Zhirinovskiy Stand For? (pages 

31-36) 

1. Michael Dobbs, "Russia's Loose Cannon," The 

Washington Post, 15 Dec 93, p. A23. 

2. Moscow Rossiyskiye Vesti, 30 Dec 93. 

3. Ibid. 

4. John Hannah. 

5. Moscow Izvestiya, 21 Jan 94. 

6. Interview or interviews with Zhirinovskiy by Rolf 

Gauffin, date and place not given, published in similar but 

not identical articles: (1) "Prague? Let Us Give It to 

Germany," Rome L'Espresso, 21 Jan 94, pp. 76-79, in 

FBIS-SOV-94-O18, 27 Jan 94, pp. 20-21; and (2) "On the 

Search for a Lost Empire," interview for the Italian Limes 

magazine, Berlin Die Welt, 31 Jan 94, p. 3, in FBIS-SOV94-021, 1 Feb 94, pp. 19-21. 

Chapter 3: Zhirinovskiy and Increasing Russian 

Nationalism (pages 37-56) 

1. Belgrade Tanjug Domestic Service, 31 Jan 94, in FBISEEU-94-021, 1 Feb 94, p. 41. 
138 ZHIRINOVSKIY: RUSSIAN ULTRA-NATIONALIST 

2. The Christian Science Monitor, 4 Feb 94, pp. 1 and 18. 

3. Ibid. 

4. Press conference, undated, reported in Munich 

Sueddeutsche Zeitung, 27 Jan 94, p. 9, in FBIS-SOV-94- 

019, 28 Jan 94, p. 16. 

5. Interview in Moscow, undated, with Zhirinovskiy by 

Petra Prochazkova and Jaromir Stetina, "The Czechs Will 

Clean the Boots of German Officers," Prague Lidove 

Noviny, 9 Feb 94, pp. 1, 8, in FBIS-SOV-94-031, 15 Feb 

94, pp. 9-10. 

6. Sao Paulo Veja, 9 Feb 94. 

7. Opening address to Russia's upper-house Federation 

Council by President Boris Yeltsin, 11 Jan 94, reported by 

Moscow Radio Rossii Network, 11 Jan 94, in FBIS-SOV-94- 

007, 11 Jan 94, pp. 39-41. 

8. Ibid. 

9. Ibid. 

10. Ibid. 

11. Ibid. 

12. Statement by President Boris Yeltsin at news 

conference in Moscow, 14 Jan 94, Moscow Russian 

Television Network, 14 Jan 94, in FBIS-SO V-94-011, 18 Jan 

94, pp. 6-7.