Department of Health and Human Services 

OFFICE OF 

INSPECTOR GENERAL 

JUNE GIBBS BROWN 

Inspector General 

MARCH 2000 

OEI-06-98-00041 

CLIENT COOPERATION WITH 

CHILD SUPPORT ENFORCEMENT 

Challenges and Strategies to Improvement 
OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL 

The mission of the Office of Inspector General (OIG), as mandated by Public Law 95-452, is to 

protect the integrity of the Department of Health and Human Services programs as well as the 

health and welfare of beneficiaries served by them. This statutory mission is carried out through a 

nationwide program of audits, investigations, inspections, sanctions, and fraud alerts. The 

Inspector General informs the Secretary of program and management problems and recommends 

legislative, regulatory, and operational approaches to correct them. 

Office of Evaluation and Inspections 

The Office of Evaluation and Inspections (OEI) is one of several components of the Office of 

Inspector General. It conducts short-term management and program evaluations (called 

inspections) that focus on issues of concern to the Department, the Congress, and the public. The 

inspection reports provide findings and recommendations on the efficiency, vulnerability, and 

effectiveness of departmental programs. 

OEI's Region VI prepared this report under the direction of Chester B. Slaughter, Regional 

Inspector General and Judith V. Tyler, Deputy Regional Inspector General. 

Principal OEI staff included: 

DALLAS 

Blaine Collins

Ruth Ann Dorrill

Marnette Robertson

Clark Thomas, Ph.D.

Nancy Watts

Lisa White

FIELD OFFICES 

Lucille Cop 

Vincent Greiber 

Ianna Kachoris 

Thomas Purvis 

Graham Rawsthorn 

HEADQUARTERS 

Alan Levine, Program Specialist 

Joan Richardson, Program Specialist 

Linda Hall 

To obtain copies of this report, please call the Dallas Regional Office at 214-767-3310. 

Reports are also available on the World Wide Web at our home page address: 

http://www.dhhs.gov/progorg/oei 
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 

PURPOSE 

To describe challenges States face in gaining cooperation with child support enforcement from 

Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) clients and strategies States use to improve 

cooperation. 

BACKGROUND 

Federal law requires TANF recipients to cooperate with State child support enforcement agencies 

in establishing paternity and in creating and enforcing child support and medical support orders. 

Child support staff use the information provided by clients to locate a noncustodial parent or 

putative father, establish paternity, create a child support order, and/or enforce a prior obligation. 

These tasks are easier to accomplish when clients cooperate. While most TANF clients do 

cooperate, some may face barriers or disincentives to cooperating. State child support and public 

assistance agencies attempt to overcome these challenges through client education and procedural 

improvements, and by imposing penalties on clients who do not cooperate. This report describes 

challenges to improving TANF client cooperation with child support enforcement identified by 

child support and public assistance staff in six focus States which we chose in order to examine a 

variety of implementation experiences regarding client cooperation. It also examines strategies 

these States employ to improve cooperation when clients are reluctant, or fail to cooperate. We 

gathered survey information and reviewed documents from 99 local child support and 103 local 

public assistance offices, and interviewed approximately 180 managers and caseworkers. 

FINDINGS 

Some TANF Clients Face Barriers That Prevent Them from Providing Sufficient 

Information, or Otherwise Cooperating, and Some May Also Have Disincentives to 

Cooperating 

The majority of TANF recipients and applicants appear to cooperate with child support 

enforcement. However, lack of knowledge about noncustodial parents, lack of understanding of 

cooperation requirements, and limited interview time may hinder some clients from providing 

information about noncustodial parents. Other logistical barriers, such as lack of transportation, 

may hinder clients as they attempt to meet with child support staff. Many respondents report that 

TANF clients may also have strong personal and financial incentives not to cooperate with child 

support enforcement. 

i 
State Agencies Employ A Variety of Strategies for Surmounting Challenges to 

Client Cooperation, Focusing on Improving Services and Imposing Penalties 

Local offices encourage cooperation by enhancing staff interview skills to improve clients’ 

understanding of the benefits of child support and to elicit more complete and accurate 

information about noncustodial parents. Staff also encourage cooperation by educating clients 

about the potential benefits of paternity establishment and pursuing child support. Some offices 

ease cooperation by completing multiple tasks during appointments at child support offices and by 

assisting clients in gathering information about noncustodial parents. Staff in other offices avoid 

“no-shows” by reducing the need for clients to make separate appointments at the child support 

enforcement office. 

When Encouragement Fails, States May Threaten or Actually Impose Penalties to 

Motivate TANF Clients to Cooperate With Child Support Enforcement 

Many respondents believe the threat of penalties influences TANF clients to cooperate, while a 

few believe threats exert only a limited influence on clients. Nearly all public assistance 

respondents report most TANF clients who are penalized eventually cooperate, regardless of the 

type of penalty imposed. 

RECOMMENDATIONS 

Successful operation of the child support enforcement program requires effective, cooperative 

action by both the Office of Child Support Enforcement and the Office of Family Assistance. 

Therefore, we recommend that the Assistant Secretary for the Administration for Children and 

Families (ACF) encourage States to complete the following. 

Reassess Policies Requiring Redundant Client Visits to Child Support Offices 

When Sufficient Information About Noncustodial Parents Has Already Been 

Gathered 

Evaluate Current Policies That May Create Disincentives for Client Cooperation 

Train Front Line Staff in Skills Designed to Encourage Client Cooperation 

Use Innovative Strategies to Make it Easier for TANF Clients to Cooperate With 

Child Support Enforcement 

Evaluate the Advantages and Disadvantages of Delaying Cash Assistance Until 

Child Support Staff Determine an Applicant Has Initially Cooperated 

ii 
COMPANION REPORTS

This is one of four OIG reports on how States gain TANF client cooperation with child 

support enforcement. One companion report, Client Cooperation with Child Support 

Enforcement: Policies and Practices (OEI-06-98-00040), provides an overview of 

cooperation polices and how they are implemented by States. Another report, Client 

Cooperation with Child Support Enforcement: The Role of Public Assistance Agencies 

(OEI-06-98-00042), discusses responsibilities of public assistance agencies and 

collaboration between agencies. The remaining report, Client Cooperation with Child 

Support Enforcement: Use of Good Cause Exceptions (OEI-06-98-00043), describes how 

clients may be exempted from cooperation requirements under certain circumstances, 

especially when enforcement may put the child at risk of violence. 

iii 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 

PAGE

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY i

INTRODUCTION 1

FINDINGS

Challenges to Client Cooperation 4

Strategies to Improve Client Cooperation 7

Imposing Penalties for Noncooperation 13

RECOMMENDATIONS 16

ENDNOTES 18
INTRODUCTION 

PURPOSE 

To describe challenges States face in gaining cooperation with child support enforcement 

from Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) clients and strategies States use 

to improve cooperation. 

BACKGROUND 

Federal law has long required public assistance clients to cooperate with State child 

support enforcement authorities in establishing paternity and creating and enforcing child 

support and medical support orders. As part of a broad effort to reform the nation’s 

welfare system, Congress made significant changes to Federal policy regarding client child 

support cooperation requirements in the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity 

Act of 1996. Currently, unless exempted from cooperation requirements through a good 

cause or other exception,1 TANF clients must name and provide information about the 

noncustodial parent of their children, and otherwise cooperate as determined by the State.2 

Formerly, State public assistance agencies determined whether clients were cooperating 

with their State’s child support agency; however, welfare reform made State child support 

agencies responsible for determining if TANF clients are cooperating in “good faith” and 

notifying the public assistance agency of each client’s cooperation status. Before welfare 

reform, State public assistance agencies solely determined how to deal with clients who 

failed to cooperate. Now, if the child support agency determines a client has not 

cooperated, the TANF agency is required to reduce the family’s cash assistance by at least 

25 percent and, at State discretion, may deny the family all cash assistance. If a State 

public assistance agency does not enforce the penalties requested by the child support 

agency, Federal law allows for the State to be penalized up to 5 percent of their TANF 

funds.3 All these changes were made in an attempt to improve client cooperation with 

child support enforcement. While families who receive Medicaid coverage, food stamps, 

or foster care services are also required to cooperate with child support enforcement 

efforts, this report focuses on cooperation issues involving clients of the TANF program.4 

Client cooperation is a critical first step of child support enforcement. States require 

TANF clients to provide information about noncustodial parents or putative fathers, keep 

various appointments, and submit to genetic testing. Child support staff use the 

information provided by clients to locate a noncustodial parent or putative father, establish 

paternity, create a child support order, and/or enforce a prior obligation. When clients 

cooperate, these tasks are easier to accomplish. Clients, however, may face barriers or 

disincentives which keep them from cooperating. State child support and public assistance 

agencies may attempt to overcome these challenges through various strategies, including 

client education, procedural improvements, and by imposing penalties on clients who do 

not cooperate. This report describes challenges to TANF client cooperation with child 

1
support enforcement as identified by child support and public assistance staff in six focus 

States. It also examines strategies these States employ to gain the cooperation of clients 

who are reluctant, or fail to cooperate. 

METHODOLOGY AND SCOPE 

We used several sources of information to examine TANF client cooperation with child 

support enforcement. The primary source of information comes from self-administered 

written surveys which we mailed to local child support and public assistance offices. 

Managers and administrators from 99 local child support offices and 103 public assistance 

offices in six focus States - California, Georgia, Illinois, New Jersey, Texas and Virginia -

returned these mail surveys regarding cooperation policies, practices, and improvement 

strategies. The quantitative data (percentage of responses) presented in this report come 

from responses to the questions in these surveys. We also gathered and reviewed agency 

documents from these same local offices, including client cooperation policy statements, 

standardized forms, examples of correspondence with clients and other agencies, outreach 

materials, and other related documents. 

We also made site visits to a subset of local offices, visiting offices in one or two cities and 

their surrounding areas in each of the six focus States. During these visits, we conducted 

interviews with approximately 180 local public assistance and child support managers and 

caseworkers. At almost all offices, we interviewed one or more managers, then separately 

interviewed two or more caseworkers. Resource constraints prevented us from directly 

interviewing clients. Finally, we conducted telephone interviews of administrators from 

each State’s child support enforcement and public assistance agency to confirm 

information regarding State policies. 

We purposively selected the six focus States to include a variety of implementation 

strategies and experiences regarding client cooperation. To achieve this variety, we 

considered many criteria, including type of penalties for noncooperation, number of good 

cause claims, number of good cause exceptions granted, outstanding program 

characteristics (innovations, privatization, etc.), status as State-administered or countyadministered, and geographic region. We also purposively selected local child support and 

public assistance offices within these States to provide a mix of urban, suburban, mid-size, 

and rural locations. The selection of focus States does not purport to be representative of 

the nation, nor do local offices represent all offices within individual focus States. The 

selections do, however, allow for examination of client cooperation processes under 

conditions found throughout the country. 

This report relies on the perceptions of local office survey respondents and interviewees. 

These respondents provided detailed information about how cooperation policies are 

implemented, as well as the effect of cooperation requirements on office operations, staff, 

and clients. We did not attempt to independently verify the information provided by staff. 

However, the information included in the report does relate the experience of front line 

2
staff who deliver services to clients on a daily basis, and who demonstrate considerable 

concern for the effectiveness of their programs. 

This study was conducted in accordance with the Quality Standards for Inspections issued 

by the President’s Council on Integrity and Efficiency. 

COMPANION REPORTS 

This is one of four OIG reports on how States gain TANF client cooperation with child 

support enforcement. One companion report, Client Cooperation with Child Support 

Enforcement: Policies and Practices (OEI-06-98-00040), provides an overview of 

cooperation polices and how they are implemented by States. Another report, Client 

Cooperation with Child Support Enforcement: The Role of Public Assistance Agencies 

(OEI-06-98-00042), discusses responsibilities of public assistance agencies and 

collaboration between agencies. The remaining report, Client Cooperation with Child 

Support Enforcement: Use of Good Cause Exceptions (OEI-06-98-00043), describes how 

clients may be exempted from cooperation requirements under certain circumstances, 

especially when enforcement may put the child at risk of violence. 

3
FINDINGS 

Child support staff in focus States report that most TANF clients provide enough useful 

information to pursue child support.5 Furthermore, staff of both agencies believe it is 

fairly easy for clients to meet their State’s cooperation requirements.6 However, our 

research also indicates that clients may face barriers that prevent them from providing 

sufficient information, or otherwise cooperating, and that they may also have incentives 

not to cooperate. To address these challenges, child support and public assistance 

agencies attempt to surmount barriers and encourage cooperation by improving 

procedures and by educating clients regarding the benefits of paternity establishment and 

child support, as well as the consequences of noncooperation. When encouragement fails, 

States impose penalties, which appear to motivate many TANF clients to cooperate. 

CHALLENGES TO CLIENT COOPERATION 

Barriers, Such as Lack of Knowledge, May Hinder TANF Clients from 

Providing Information about Noncustodial Parents 

As shown in Table 1, child support and public assistance staff in focus States agree some 

clients cannot provide information about noncustodial parents because they lack the 

knowledge. Clients may either know little about a noncustodial parent or be unsure of the 

identity of the father of a child. Staff report that lack of knowledge is more frequent in 

cases with older children, because clients may not have seen or heard from the 

noncustodial parent in years. When mothers are unsure who the father of a child is, 

genetic testing can typically identify the father if the mother provides enough information 

to allow him to be tested.7 

Table 1: Barriers to Provision of Complete, Accurate Information about Noncustodial Parents 

Barrier Child Support 

Respondents 

Public Assistance 

Respondents 

Client knows little about noncustodial parent 78 % (76 offices) 82 % (84 offices) 

Client does not know the identity of the father 68 % (66) 64 % (65) 

Client does not understand requirements 35 % (34) 23 % (23) 

Paperwork too difficult 18 % (17) 14 % (14) 

Too little time with caseworker to build trust 13 % (13) 45 % (46) 

Lack of staff training 11 % (11) 14 % (14) 

Interview too brief to gather information 11 % (11) 24 % (24) 

4
Even when clients have useful information, they may fail to provide it completely and 

accurately because they do not understand they are required to, and because they find the 

paperwork too difficult. Also, client interviews are often brief, and staff may not be 

adequately trained to encourage clients to provide maximum information. Almost half of 

public assistance offices (45 percent) report that TANF client interviews are too short to 

allow caseworkers the chance to gain client confidence, yet few child support offices (13 

percent) see this as a barrier. Local public assistance staff explain that gaining client 

confidence is critical to their agency’s long-term goals of helping clients find employment 

and achieve independence, as well as short-term objectives such as gathering information 

about noncustodial parents. They complain, however, that seeking personal information 

involving a client’s relationship with a noncustodial parent, particularly during initial 

interviews, often strains their efforts to gain the client’s confidence. 

Some TANF Clients May Routinely Be Required to Meet With Child Support Staff 

in Addition to Their Public Assistance Interview, Posing Logistical Barriers for 

Clients, Such as Lack of Transportation and Inconvenient Appointment Times 

The child support agency in one focus State requires that all newly approved TANF 

recipients attend personal interviews with child support staff. Some local child support 

staff in other States also report routinely requiring interviews with all TANF clients. 

Workers suggest problems with this practice of mandatory interviews. They complain that 

many of these interviews never need to occur, often because clients have provided 

sufficient information during their interview with public assistance staff. When scheduled 

unnecessarily, these interviews tend to frustrate both the client and worker, and may make 

the client less likely to appear for appointments in the future. Therefore, staff report the 

no-show rate for these interviews is very high, often because the client knows they have 

already provided all available information. Overall, 53 percent of local child support 

respondents report most or all public assistance clients personally interview with a child 

support worker at some time during the enforcement process, 21 percent report about half 

of clients have such an interview, and 26 percent report fewer than half of TANF clients 

interview with child support staff. 

Some clients have difficulty keeping appointments with child support and public assistance 

staff for logistical reasons. Transportation to agency offices is often a problem for clients 

with limited resources, especially in some rural areas where single offices service multiple 

counties. One worker in a rural office describes, “The clients who live farther out don't 

have transportation. It's up to 40 or 50 miles. A very legitimate problem.” Staff in 

several offices report that public transportation, even bus lines, are not available as a 

practical means of traveling to their offices. 

The scheduling of appointments may also present problems. Public assistance workers 

report that clients complain of receiving notices from child support offices for 

appointments scheduled during regular business hours when the client works. Staff add 

that clients say it is often impossible to get through to child support staff on the telephone 

5
to reschedule, and few offices are open after-hours to accommodate employed clients who 

cannot take time off work. Some clients also suggest to staff that they have to arrange 

child care during these scheduled appointments, but all the offices we visited seemed to 

expect children to regularly accompany adults. Several child support offices we visited 

had play areas, toys, and books available for children while their parents met with staff. 

Many Agency Staff Report That Some TANF Clients Have Strong Personal 

Incentives Not to Cooperate with Child Support Enforcement 

As shown in Table 2, staff believe that many clients avoid cooperating with child support 

simply because they do not want the noncustodial parent to be involved with their 

children. Staff explain that perhaps a client has developed a relationship with another 

person, and believes that child support enforcement may strain that relationship. One 

worker describes the length to which some clients will go to keep noncustodial parents out 

of their lives, “I had a lady name three wrong guys. She knew that they were not the 

father. She did ‘cooperate’, by giving names, but not the right one. She wasn't gaming 

the system. She didn't want it to be him. She named men that she might like to be the 

father first. We explained how genetic testing works, but she still tried.” 

Table 2: Staff Perception of Reasons for TANF Client Noncooperation 

Reason Respondents 

Child Support 

Respondents 

Public Assistance 

Client does not want noncustodial parent in child’s life 95 % (92 offices) 91 % (93 offices) 

Client wants to protect noncustodial parent from obligation 94 % (91) 92 % (94) 

Client fears loss of informal support 88 % (85) 88 % (90) 

Client does not want to establish paternity 67 % (65) 37 % (38) 

Client sees no benefit to cooperation 64 % (62) 39 % (40) 

Client fears violence from noncustodial parent 63 % (61) 73 % (74) 

Staff also explain that some mothers fear if paternity is established the father may seek 

custody of the child or try to change visitation arrangements, especially if he is paying 

child support. Clients may fear the noncustodial parent becoming involved in the child’s 

life if the noncustodial parent is a substance abuser, is involved in criminal activity, or 

imprisoned. Some clients fear violence from the noncustodial parent, either directed at the 

child or themselves. In a companion report, we note that, while TANF clients may be 

exempted from cooperation requirements for good cause based on fear of physical harm 

from noncustodial parents, local offices in our focus States report granting very few good 

cause exceptions.8 

6
Many Agency Staff Report That Some TANF Clients Have Strong Financial 

Incentives Not to Cooperate with Child Support Enforcement 

Staff explain that many noncustodial parents provide informal financial support to their 

children, or in-kind support such as child care services, and may spend at least some time 

living in the client’s home or visiting their children. If noncustodial parents are required to 

pay child support through the formal system, the family may actually be worse off because 

the noncustodial parent may cease informal or in-kind support. Additionally, clients know 

that many States will retain most or all formal child support as reimbursement for public 

assistance, rather than allowing the support to go to the family. Federal law allows States 

to pass-through to the family a portion or all child support collected, and disregard this 

amount when calculating the size of cash assistance grants. At least two States currently 

use this flexibility to forward all child support collections to public assistance families, yet 

most States pass-through only 50 - 100 dollars of monthly child support collections or 

have eliminated all pass-through provisions. All six focus States we studied pass-through 

and disregard 50 dollars of any current child support collected. Staff believe that, for 

clients who receive even modest informal support from noncustodial parents, meager passthrough provisions provide strong financial disincentives to cooperate. Clients may also 

have little confidence that States will collect support, especially from low-income or 

unemployed noncustodial parents. Even if no child support is collected, as staff report is 

often the case, the noncustodial parent may withhold informal or in-kind support if the 

client cooperates with authorities. 

One caseworker describes what we heard repeatedly, “I think the reason [TANF clients] 

don't want to cooperate is that those who do cooperate see no benefits coming from the 

[child support] office. It doesn't matter to the parent if [CSE] collects or not. The client 

will not get any money or support. [They] may be living with him, or getting support on 

the side. They don't want to cooperate, because it will only hurt their family. They don't 

want to have the State collect their children's support, because it will hurt their children. 

They will go from getting support to not getting support. There is a $50 disregard, but 

that is a cut for someone who's been getting any real support, and not enough to matter 

to the rest. Plus, only about 10 percent of my clients have any support being collected -

maybe less. [There is] no incentive.” 

STRATEGIES TO IMPROVE CLIENT COOPERATION 

To surmount barriers and reduce disincentives to client cooperation, States employ 

various strategies, including improving staff skills to gain better cooperation, educating 

clients on the benefits of cooperation, improving procedures to ease cooperation, and 

imposing penalties to deter noncooperation. 

7
Local Offices Encourage Cooperation by Enhancing Staff Interview Skills for 

Eliciting More Complete and Accurate Information and Improving Client 

Understanding of Benefits of Cooperating 

Respondents from both agencies report making significant efforts to improve the 

interviewing skills of front line workers. Staff explain they have two basic goals to 

accomplish during interviews: to establish a positive relationship with clients; and to 

obtain as much information about noncustodial parents as possible. Workers report that 

interviewers can have a big impact on client attitude, a critical element in gaining 

cooperation. Staff appear to attempt to strike a balance in communicating with clients, 

encouraging strict compliance while remaining pleasant and respectful. Two workers 

explain how they handle interviews, “The manner in which the parents are treated will 

often affect the amount of cooperation. The interviewer should be professional, 

courteous and firm with the client.” And, “We try to make clients feel comfortable. We 

try to relate to them one-to-one. We try to make them feel empowered and a part of the 

system and explain to them why we have to do this. Sometimes they are scared or angry. 

Sometimes we have to insist, but most of the time we can take a friendly approach.” 

After establishing a positive relationship, interviewers turn their attention to the 

information provided by clients. Staff report that most TANF clients provide all they 

know, yet some apparently withhold information or give false information. Again, staff 

describe their efforts, “[You have to] hone your interviewing skills to elicit information. 

If she has a new pregnancy or baby, act interested. Say in a friendly way, “Were you 

living with the baby’s father?” “How long were you dating?” “Did you tell him you 

were pregnant?” This will encourage her to confide in you. Gently tell the reasons for 

establishing paternity and obtaining support for their child.” To improve the quality of 

information, child support workers attempt to immediately verify information through 

various data sources such as State department of motor vehicle or employment databases. 

Access to these tools helps staff quickly identify false or outdated information and ask 

follow-up questions to uncover additional details. 

Local Staff Encourage Cooperation by Educating TANF Clients about 

Cooperation Requirements and the Potential Benefits of Pursuing Child Support 

Local child support and public assistance staff in focus States agree that educating clients 

regarding cooperation requirements, and on the benefits of cooperating, is one of the most 

effective ways they have to improve client cooperation with child support enforcement. 

Caseworkers are likely to address cooperation requirements during individual interviews, 

but report that clients may not always fully understand what is expected.9 Staff also report 

this lack of understanding can create a barrier to client cooperation (Table 1). 

Caseworkers discuss the benefits of cooperating either in person during these same 

interviews, or in group orientation sessions. These group sessions are likely to be offered 

several times a month, as needed, and may include information on paternity establishment 

and support collections. 

8
Staff report spending significant time explaining the long-term benefits of child support 

enforcement and discussing other reasons why TANF clients should cooperate. 

Caseworkers often describe child support as a possible source of income the client can 

access after their time-limited cash assistance runs out, or as a supplement to income from 

employment. When clients suggest the noncustodial parent is unemployed or has few 

resources to pursue, staff explain that those circumstances are likely to change as the 

noncustodial parent ages. Workers also explain that it is the responsibility of the 

noncustodial parent to support the children and that it is unfair for the client to shoulder 

this burden alone. If the noncustodial parent has children in another household, 

caseworkers emphasize that those other children may be getting support to the detriment 

of the client’s child. If workers suspect the noncustodial parent is actually providing 

informal support to the family, staff often react as one worker describes, “A lot of times 

the guy might be giving them money instead of paying child support, but I try to inform 

them that if they don't go through the courts, then that guy can disappear anytime, and 

without an order we can't do anything to help her.” Finally, in cases in which paternity 

has not been established, staff remind clients that children have the right to know their 

father, to have a relationship with him, to have access to medical history information, and 

to be a possible beneficiary of Social Security or other benefits. 

Local Staff Encourage Cooperation by Reducing the Need for TANF Clients to 

Make Separate Appointments at the Child Support Enforcement Office 

Failure to keep appointments is the most frequent reason clients are considered 

noncooperative with child support enforcement cooperation requirements in many offices. 

Child support workers describe the severity of this problem, “No-shows at child support 

are the typical reason for noncooperation with child support.” And, “We average only a 

30 percent rate of appearance for first interviews.” To combat this problem, many 

offices avoid ever having clients come to the child support office. Offices use five 

strategies to accomplish this: relying on information gathered by public assistance staff; 

co-locating or out-stationing child support staff at public assistance offices; mailing 

documents to clients for completion and return; conducting telephone interviews; and 

conducting video conference interviews. 

Information From Public Assistance Interviews 

During typical application and re-determination interviews, public assistance caseworkers 

ask TANF clients to provide information about noncustodial parents. While child support 

workers are concerned about the completeness and accuracy of this information, it may 

still be sufficient for child support enforcement. Information can be sufficient especially 

when critical facts are obtained, such as the noncustodial parent’s Social Security number, 

driver’s license number, current address, or current employer. Some child support offices 

report they rely heavily on noncustodial parent information collected by public assistance 

workers, while others report that this information is merely a starting point for casework.10 

9
Information From Co-located Child Support Staff 

All six focus States use co-location or out-stationing of child support staff in at least some 

local public assistance offices. In one focus State, child support and public assistance 

workers are employees of the same agency and are co-located in every county of the 

State. In other focus States, child support workers are assigned to work at public 

assistance offices on regular or periodic schedules. Areas with larger caseloads tend to 

have full-time, out-stationed workers, while rural areas tend to send child support workers 

to public assistance offices less frequently. One worker describes, “Once a month I visit 

each one of my four counties to talk to the people that for whatever reason cannot 

provide the information by mail or phone. So I go to one county this week, another one 

next week, etc. I schedule clients so I can handle them all in one day.” 

Information Requested by Mail 

Some local child support offices mail clients various documents in advance of, or in lieu 

of, personal interviews at agency offices. One office we visited primarily uses the mail to 

facilitate interaction with clients. Staff from this office report they often only need to 

personally interview about 5 percent of clients. As a caseworker describes, “They don't 

come here very much. We send out the [questionnaire] and they complete it and send it 

back. Then we often make phone contact to fill in the incomplete information. The 

[questionnaire] is long and tedious. It also asks very personal questions and some 

people feel uncomfortable putting some of that on paper.” 

Table 3 lists the items child support offices most frequently mail to TANF clients. In 

addition to allowing some clients to avoid coming to the child support office, staff report 

that clients who receive program information and checklists in advance are better prepared 

to cooperate if they eventually have a personal interview because they know what will be 

expected of them. 

Table 3: Items Which Child Support Offices Mail to TANF Clients 

Item Percent of Respondents* 

Questionnaire about Noncustodial Parents 60 % (52 offices) 

Checklist of Noncustodial Parents Information Needed 60 % (52) 

Information about the Consequences of Failure to Cooperate 56 % (49) 

Information about Cooperation Requirements 46 % (40) 

Child Support Application 34 % (30) 

Voluntary Paternity Acknowledgment Form 21 % (18) 

* Percent of child support respondents who report mailing documents to TANF clients from among the 87 

offices that report mailing any documents to clients. 

10
As mentioned above, staff report one serious concern regarding mailing documents to 

clients for completion and return. Clients often have difficulty accurately completing 

detailed documents and may be reluctant to write down confidential information. As 

explained by one worker, “Our biggest problem or our biggest barrier is getting a form 

completed. It’s a confidential information gathering letter that our attorneys have grown 

terribly attached to. They will not proceed without that form completed, signed and 

dated, with no discrepancies in it. If we cannot accomplish that by mail, then we have to 

sit down and have a staff member take [the client] through it.” 

Information from Telephone Interviews 

Many local child support offices interview clients by telephone, whether as the primary 

information collection method or as follow-up to previous contact. One State has a policy 

which requires child support workers to be available in person or by telephone to 

interview all new applicants for public assistance. Staff report that telephone interviews 

speed the enforcement process because it may be faster to contact parents by telephone 

than to arrange and wait for an in-person appointment. 

While telephone interviewing can be an effective information gathering tool, staff report 

the method has three significant weaknesses. First, some clients do not have telephone 

service or may be difficult to reach by phone. Second, it may be difficult for some clients 

to reach caseworkers when returning calls due to inadequate agency phone systems. Staff 

report callers to child support offices may experience frequent busy signals and long waits 

on hold. Finally, caseworkers explain they like to see the client’s face during interviews to 

help establish good rapport and to get signals about when to ask additional questions on 

particular topics. Telephone interviewing obviously deprives caseworkers of these ‘visual’ 

tools. To address one of these weaknesses, staff in several child support offices describe 

efforts to improve their procedures for handling phone calls, and customer service 

generally, “We have a public service staff in our call center who pull up records to 

obtain the status of cases. We were one of the first counties to get this capability, but 

many other counties are beginning this practice. Phone calls were inundating staff, and 

they were not able to get work done. The operators are highly trained, and can answer 

most questions over the phone, almost like case managers. They can make referrals, and 

know local resources. The support officers will take the most complex calls, but usually 

the phone staff handle things.” 

Information from Video Conference Interviews 

One of the 24 local child support offices we visited is utilizing video conference 

technology to facilitate client interviews with child support workers. This office has 

clients spread over twelve mostly rural counties, each of which has a local public 

assistance office. Through video conferencing, clients who are already at the public 

assistance office for application or re-determination interviews may speak directly with 

child support workers seeking information about noncustodial parents. Although the 

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technology had only been used for two months at the time of our visit, staff report 

favorable first impressions and a few significant benefits. First, clients were spared from a 

trip to the child support office. Second, child support staff felt they obtained better 

information than they might have on the telephone. Caseworkers attribute these better 

results to clients feeling more comfortable because they can see the interviewer and 

because the client’s public assistance worker, with whom many clients develop a close 

relationship, is also present for the video conference call. Additionally, interviewers can 

see clients, making it easier to pick up body language and other signals and ask more 

pointed and timely follow-up questions. 

Local Staff Encourage Cooperation by Completing Multiple Tasks During 

Appointments at Child Support Offices and Assisting TANF Clients in Gathering 

Information about Noncustodial Parents 

When clients do attend appointments at local child support offices, staff attempt to 

accomplish as much as possible, depending on the needs of the case. In addition to 

eliciting information about noncustodial parents, many offices also help clients voluntarily 

acknowledge paternity and may arrange for meetings between parents. For example, 

some local child support offices hold special “paternity” or “support” days in which staff 

meet with clients and putative fathers or noncustodial parents to seek agreement on terms 

for child support. Additionally, many local offices are equipped to collect genetic samples 

from clients, children, and putative fathers. Staff suggest that collecting genetic samples 

from clients who already have appointments at child support offices eases cooperation, 

because it avoids requiring clients to make a second trip to submit samples. 

One of Our Study’s Focus States Encourages Cooperation by Delaying TANF 

Benefits Until Child Support Staff Deems an Applicant Cooperative 

Federal welfare reform legislation places the responsibility for determining whether a 

TANF client is cooperating with the child support enforcement agency. In many local 

areas of most focus States, child support staff do not have an opportunity to make this 

determination until after a new client is already receiving benefits, because the case is not 

referred to the child support agency until after the applicant is approved for assistance. In 

one focus State, however, individuals may not proceed with their application for cash 

assistance until they interview with child support staff and are determined to have initially 

cooperated. In this State, child support and public assistance workers are employees of 

the same agency and are co-located in every county of the State. TANF applicants who 

provide information about noncustodial parents and agree to cooperate in the future are 

given a certificate of cooperation to present to public assistance staff to demonstrate their 

cooperation with child support enforcement. One benefit of this pre-approval process is 

that child support staff may obtain and verify information sooner, and immediately begin 

working the case. Child support workers indicate that at the time of application clients 

often have the best information they will ever have about noncustodial parents. 

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Additionally, some workers suggest they have more leverage to gain cooperation when 

clients are still in need of benefits, than when clients are already receiving cash assistance. 

One worker notes, “At the initial interview, they are wanting help so they are more likely 

to give information. At that time, [cooperating is] just one more thing and they wouldn't 

think about it.” 

However, some child support staff argue that if pre-approval cooperation determinations 

require child support staff to interview all TANF applicants, this will unnecessarily waste 

staff time because some applicants will be denied assistance, and may never enter the child 

support caseload. They argue that the agency receives little gain from any time child 

support staff spend interviewing applicants who are subsequently denied benefits. 

Additionally, they argue that since public assistance workers do gain sufficient information 

in some cases, the best policy is to require an interview with child support workers only 

after an applicant is approved for benefits, and then only if additional information is 

required to pursue support. On the other hand, proponents of pre-approval by child 

support staff argue that if an applicant needs child support services, an initial child support 

interview is a proper agency function, regardless of whether the family is eventually 

approved for TANF. 

IMPOSING PENALTIES FOR NONCOOPERATION 

In lieu of, or in addition to, the strategies discussed above, States also encourage 

cooperation by penalizing TANF clients who fail to cooperate. Cash penalties for 

noncooperation with child support enforcement in our six focus States range from the 

Federally-mandated 25 percent reduction in the family’s cash assistance, to a “full-family” 

penalty which eliminates all cash assistance to the family of a TANF client who fails to 

cooperate.11 Staff indicate that the ultimate effectiveness of penalties as a strategy to 

improve cooperation appears to rely upon three factors: whether clients believe that 

penalties will be imposed; whether penalties are actually imposed; and the size of penalties 

relative to the total public assistance a client receives. 

Many Agency Staff Believe the Threat of Penalties Influences TANF Clients to 

Cooperate, While a Few Believe Threats Exert Only a Limited Influence 

As shown in Table 4, 54 percent of public assistance and 42 percent of child support staff 

feel that the threat of penalties for noncooperation strongly influences TANF clients to 

cooperate with child support enforcement. Only 9 percent of public assistance and 21 

percent of child support respondents believe the threat of penalties has weak or no 

influence on client cooperation. These perceptions are consistent with the evidence that 

most TANF clients and applicants cooperate as required, without having penalties actually 

imposed. 

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Table 4: Staff Perception of How Threat of Penalties Influences TANF Client Cooperation 

Level of Influence Respondents 

Child Support 

Respondents 

Public Assistance 

Very Strong Influence 15 % (15 offices) 17 % (17 offices) 

Strong Influence 27 % (27) 37 % (38) 

Moderate Influence 37 % (37) 37 % (37) 

Weak Influence 19 % (19) 9 % (9) 

No Influence 2 % (2) 0 % (0) 

Our research suggests two possible explanations for why the threat of penalties may have 

limited influence on some clients. First, it appears possible that the threat of penalties has 

less influence on TANF clients who receive lower benefits than those receiving higher 

benefits. Eighty percent of the 30 respondents expressing a belief that the threat of 

penalties has only weak or no influence on client cooperation work at local offices in the 

three focus States having the lowest cash benefit levels. Second, respondents suggest that 

some clients doubt that threatened penalties will actually be imposed and, therefore, may 

not respond to threats. 

Nearly all Public Assistance Staff Report Most TANF Clients Who Are Penalized 

Eventually Cooperate, Regardless of the Type of Penalty 

As shown in Table 5, 90 percent of local public assistance offices report that TANF clients 

who have been penalized for noncooperation with child support enforcement eventually 

cooperate most of the time or frequently. The remaining 10 percent of respondents report 

that clients only sometimes or rarely cooperate after being penalized. As one worker 

states, “They will usually have excuses for missed appointments. Once they are actually 

sanctioned, cooperation follows.” 

We examined local office responses regarding whether penalized clients eventually 

cooperate by State characteristics, to examine if stiffer (full-family) penalties are seen as 

having greater influence on clients than lesser (partial) penalties. Our small, purposive 

sample did not yield data to definitively determine which type of penalties have the most 

impact on clients. Nevertheless, we can offer several observations based on staff 

responses. 

First, staff of both agencies report that TANF clients are most likely to act in response to 

the first cash penalty, whether that involves a full or partial reduction in benefits. Staff 

suggest that States which impose stiffer penalties after some period of time are unlikely to 

influence clients to cooperate much beyond the effect of the initial penalty. One worker 

explains, “It depends on the client. We only hear from a percentage of the women we 

sanction. The others are not going to cooperate with us no matter what. They will take 

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the grant money as long as possible, and not get assistance once we cut them off. 

Closing the case does not do the trick. She will cooperate when we first reduce the check, 

or else she is not going to cooperate at all.” 

Table 5: Local Public Assistance Staff Perceptions of Client Cooperation After Being Penalized 

States 

by type of penalties 

and cash benefits levels 

Frequency of TANF Client Cooperation 

Most of the Time 

or Frequently 

Sometimes 

or Rarely 

All Focus States 90 % (87 offices) 10 % (10 offices) 

States with Immediate 

Full-family Penalties 85 % (29) 15 % (5) 

States with Initial 

Partial Penalties 92 % (58) 8 % (5) 

States with High Benefits 97 % (35) 3 % (1) 

States with Low Benefits 76 % (13) 24 % (4) 

Second, as shown in Table 5, a higher percentage of respondents from focus States which 

initially impose only partial cash penalties (92 percent) report that most TANF clients 

eventually cooperate, compared to respondents from focus States with full-family 

penalties (85 percent). Surprisingly, based on public assistance staff responses, partial 

penalties appear to have at least as much influence on client cooperation as full-family 

penalties. 

Third, among focus States which initially impose partial penalties, staff from States with 

relatively high cash benefits perceive penalties as having greater influence (97 percent) 

than do staff from low cash benefits States (76 percent). One apparent explanation is that 

TANF clients in States with low cash benefits tend to receive higher food stamp benefits, 

and therefore, may not miss the small cash reduction caused by a partial penalty. 

Finally, staff suggest that access to public assistance other than cash benefits may affect 

how much influence penalties have on client cooperation. One worker explains, “Some 

clients have their needs removed and just go on with TANF at a lower benefit. All we can 

do is cut $75 - $80 off their grant. They still get their housing, their WIC, their 

Medicaid, and food stamps. So the sanction is not effective to get them to cooperate.” 

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RECOMMENDATIONS 

Successful operation of the child support enforcement program requires effective, 

cooperative action by both the Office of Child Support Enforcement and the Office of 

Family Assistance. Therefore, we recommend that the Assistant Secretary for the 

Administration for Children and Families (ACF) encourage States to: 

Reassess Policies Requiring Redundant Client Visits to Child Support Offices 

When Sufficient Information about Noncustodial Parents Has Already Been 

Gathered 

Most States we studied attempt to avoid having TANF clients visit child support offices 

unless absolutely necessary. However, one of our focus States’ computer system 

automatically schedules all new TANF clients for appointments at their local child support 

office. State policies which require all clients to appear at child support offices, even 

when the client has previously provided sufficient information for child support 

enforcement, are counterproductive because they frustrate both staff and clients, and may 

delay enforcement. As ACF and States work to improve the quality of information 

gathered during initial interviews at public assistance offices, they should discourage 

policies which require redundant efforts. 

Evaluate Policies That May Create Disincentives for Client Cooperation 

Staff suggest that cooperation with child support enforcement may actually make some 

TANF families worse off financially because noncustodial parents may stop providing 

informal or in-kind support to clients who provide information to the State. Additionally, 

many clients appear to have little faith that collections will occur, and know that many 

States retain most or all child support collected on behalf of families receiving TANF cash 

assistance. Considering that welfare reform empowered States with broad flexibility to 

implement policies to assist needy families, ACF should encourage States to evaluate 

whether their current pass-through policies and treatment of in-kind support are counterproductive to long-term goals of helping clients attain independence and self-sufficiency. 

Train Front Line Staff in Skills Designed to Encourage Client Cooperation 

Some TANF clients do not fully understand cooperation requirements or the benefits of 

cooperating with paternity establishment efforts and child support enforcement. Staff 

suggest that educating clients improves their cooperation. ACF should assist State 

agencies in providing local office staff training needed to insure they educate clients on 

what is required and how they might benefit. 

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Use Innovative Strategies to Make it Easier for TANF Clients to Cooperate With 

Child Support Enforcement 

Some States have changed their procedures to make it easier for clients to cooperate. For 

instance, some areas avoid having clients come to local child support offices through 

methods such as mailing requests for information to clients, video conferencing, and outstationing child support staff at public assistance offices. When appointments at child 

support offices do occur, local offices may attempt to complete multiple tasks, including 

signing voluntary paternity acknowledgment forms and collecting genetic testing samples. 

ACF should encourage appropriate State use of these and other strategies for enhancing 

client cooperation. 

Evaluate the Advantages and Disadvantages of Delaying Cash Assistance Until 

Child Support Staff Determine an Applicant Has Initially Cooperated 

While States must require client cooperation with child support enforcement as a criterion 

for participation in the TANF program, one focus State will not approve new applicants 

for benefits until the child support agency certifies that the client has at least initially 

cooperated. Staff suggest that such a policy improves client cooperation because 

individuals are often more willing and able to provide useful information about 

noncustodial parents at the early stages of the application process. ACF should encourage 

States to evaluate whether adoption of such a policy could improve cooperation in States 

that do not currently require such pre-approval determinations by child support staff. Of 

course, States should continue to assure that emergency assistance is readily available for 

applicants in dire need. 

ACF did not provide comments in response to our draft report and recommendations. 

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ENDNOTES 

1. See our companion report, Client Cooperation With Child Support Enforcement: Use of 

Good Cause Exceptions, OEI-06-98-00043, 2000. 

2. Social Security Act, Title IV, Part A., Sec. 408 (2). 

3. Social Security Act, Title IV, Part A., Sec. 409 (5). 

4. For information regarding gaining client cooperation with child support enforcement from 

individuals receiving Medicaid, but not TANF, see our report, Client Cooperation with 

Child Support Enforcement: Medicaid-Only Clients, OEI 06-98-00045, 2000. 

5. Fifty-five percent of child support offices report that custodial parents provide enough 

information about noncustodial parents to successfully pursue child support enforcement 

often or very often. Another 35 percent report that clients provide this level of 

information about half the time, and only 10 percent indicate clients do so less than half 

the time. 

6. Eighty-nine percent of child support and 90 percent of public assistance respondents 

report that it is at least somewhat easy for clients to meet cooperation requirements. 

About three-quarters of these respondents from each agency said cooperating was easy or 

very easy for clients. 

7. See our report, Paternity Establishment: States Use of Genetic Testing, OEI 06-98-00054, 

September, 1999. 

8. Ibid., OEI 06-98-00043, 2000. 

9. For further information regarding client understanding of cooperation requirements, see 

our companion report, Client Cooperation With Child Support Enforcement: Policies and 

Practices, OEI 06-98-00040, 2000. 

10. See our companion reports, ibid, OEI 06-98-00040, and Client Cooperation With Child 

Support Enforcement: The Role of Public Assistance Agencies, OEI 06-98-00042, 2000. 

11. Ibid., OEI 06-98-00040, 2000. 

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