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27–063PDF 2018

THE ROHINGYA CRISIS: U.S. RESPONSE TO THE

TRAGEDY IN BURMA

HEARING

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

OCTOBER 5, 2017

Serial No. 115–99

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

(

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ or

http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/

(II)

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas 

TED POE, Texas 

DARRELL E. ISSA, California 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina 

MO BROOKS, Alabama 

PAUL COOK, California 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

RON DESANTIS, Florida 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

LEE M. ZELDIN, New York 

DANIEL M. DONOVAN, JR., New York 

F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, JR., 

Wisconsin 

ANN WAGNER, Missouri 

BRIAN J. MAST, Florida 

FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida 

BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania 

THOMAS A. GARRETT, JR., Virginia 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

KAREN BASS, California 

WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts 

DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

AMI BERA, California 

LOIS FRANKEL, Florida 

TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas 

ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois 

BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania 

DINA TITUS, Nevada 

NORMA J. TORRES, California 

BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois 

THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York 

ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York 

TED LIEU, California

AMY PORTER, Chief of Staff THOMAS SHEEHY, Staff Director

JASON STEINBAUM, Democratic Staff Director 

(III)

C O N T E N T S 

Page

WITNESSES 

Mr. W. Patrick Murphy, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Southeast Asia, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, U.S. Department of State .................. 5

The Honorable Mark C. Storella, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, U.S. Department of State ........................... 7

Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri, Acting Deputy Assistant Administrator, Bureau 

for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance, U.S. Agency for 

International Development ................................................................................. 16

LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING 

Mr. W. Patrick Murphy and the Honorable Mark C. Storella: Prepared statement ...................................................................................................................... 9

Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri: Prepared statement ..................................................... 18

APPENDIX 

Hearing notice .......................................................................................................... 48

Hearing minutes ...................................................................................................... 49

The Honorable Eliot L. Engel, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of New York: Material submitted for the record ............................................... 51

The Honorable David Cicilline, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of Rhode Island: Material submitted for the record .......................................... 59

The Honorable Gerald E. Connolly, a Representative in Congress from the 

Commonwealth of Virginia: Prepared statement .............................................. 62

Written responses from Mr. W. Patrick Murphy and Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri 

to questions submitted for the record by the Honorable Edward R. Royce, 

a Representative in Congress from the State of California, and chairman, 

Committee on Foreign Affairs ............................................................................. 64

Written responses from Mr. W. Patrick Murphy to questions submitted for 

the record by the Honorable Eliot L. Engel ....................................................... 69

Written response from Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri to question submitted for 

the record by the Honorable Ann Wagner, a Representative in Congress 

from the State of Missouri ................................................................................... 83

(1)

THE ROHINGYA CRISIS: U.S. RESPONSE TO 

THE TRAGEDY IN BURMA 

THURSDAY, OCTOBER 5, 2017

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS,

Washington, DC. 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:10 a.m., in room 

2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Ed Royce (chairman of 

the committee) presiding. 

Chairman ROYCE. This hearing will come to order. 

Before my opening statement, without objection, I would like to 

play a short video from our friends at Radio Free Asia that highlights very much the scope and severity of the violence against the 

Rohingya. So if that is prepared, let’s play that right now. 

While we are waiting for that, I see Mrs. Muhammad Ali in the 

audience, and I wanted to thank her for her focus on this issue, 

and appreciate her presence with us here today. Thank you. 

[Video shown.] 

Chairman ROYCE. So one of the reasons that I thought we would 

show the video from Radio Free Asia is to make a point: There is 

very little information outside of these types of coverage that are 

coming into the outside world, and more importantly, the Burmese 

people themselves. In Myanmar, there is no coverage of this information, so people do not actually know what is happening. The 

generals that run the country have a different narrative. And so 

there is very little recognition of the reality. 

In order to get to that reality, it is very important that we get 

reporters in on the ground, that we get USAID in to Myanmar, 

that we get the United Nations back in some way into Myanmar 

in order to cover. Because as long as that presence is there, it is 

a check to these types of atrocities. 

Now, there are few more pressing demands with respect to our 

attention to this immediate moment where we can do something to 

halt mass killings than the situation right now with respect to the 

plight of the Rohingya. As is often pointed out, for generation after 

generation now, they have been one of the most persecuted people 

in the world. And last week, for example, we heard testimony from 

two witnesses who had just returned from refugee camps in Bangladesh, and they told horrific stories. We heard from a young 

mother, torn from her burning home, separated from her husband 

and three daughters, finding out later that her husband had been 

brutally killed. Her story is just one of countless stories that we are 

2

now hearing about Rohingya refugees that are torn from their 

homes, that are forced to flee under these horrible conditions. 

For decades now, the Burmese Government has systematically 

suppressed the Rohingya people. A 1982 citizenship law denies 

Rohingya Burmese citizenship, even though most have lived in that 

country for generation after generation. They have been denied 

freedom of movement. They do not have access there to education 

or to healthcare. They have been marginalized by every level that 

the Burmese Government can marginalize them, from top to bottom. Formerly someone who was a minister, I talked with him, and 

he had had his citizenship stripped, and could no longer run for office because he was deemed to be of Rohingya blood. This is the 

reality that these people face in terms of not being able to even 

speak up for themselves. 

Recently, we have seen the horrors of this decades-old persecution. And there is ARSA, a fringe militant group that has carried 

out attacks there and, thus, sparked a new round on top of the old 

pogroms that we saw over the last few years directed against the 

Rohingya. So now you have an estimated 507,000 Rohingya that 

have been driven from their homes. Most of that had been forced 

to cross over to the border into Bangladesh, hundreds have been 

killed. But as they say, you don’t have journalists able to cover the 

story. They are denied access to the area, so I am sure it is more 

than the reported number, much higher. Two hundred villages 

have been burned to the ground, land mines have been placed inside Burma’s border with Bangladesh, so that is maiming some 

seeking safe haven. It is little wonder that the U.N.’s human rights 

chief called this a textbook example of ethnic cleansing. 

Bangladesh deserves credit, and I talked again with the Bangladesh Ambassador the other day. They deserve credit for opening 

their borders to this influx of refugees. The government, I know, 

will honor its promise in Bangladesh to build shelter for new arrivals and provide medical services. 

In response to this crisis, the Trump administration announced 

that it would provide $32 million in humanitarian assistance, and 

$20 million of that is going to Bangladesh right now. And the remainder is supposed to go into Rakhine State in Burma. And that 

is most welcomed. 

The State Counselor, Aung San Suu Kyi, she is a Nobel Prize 

winner, but she must make it a top priority to provide for the safety of those in Burma, including the Rohingya. This is a dialogue 

I have had with her for a number of years on this subject, and the 

international community is pressing her as well. We know the military government is calling the shots, but we expect everybody who 

has access to a microphone inside Myanmar to tell people the reality of what is going on in the country, and that includes her. We 

know they are not hearing it from their media, but they have to 

hear it from other sources, and that is why I appreciate Radio Free 

Asia broadcasting this information in. 

Her recent statement questioning why the Rohingya were fleeing 

and denying that the military had conducted clearance operations, 

that is factually false. That is exactly what the military is doing 

there. As I made clear when I wrote her a month ago, her government and the military have a responsibility to protect all of the 

3

people of Burma, regardless of their ethnic background or religious 

beliefs. Those responsible for these atrocities must face justice. She 

and the military generals must rise to this challenge. This is ethnic 

cleansing. The protection of human rights has been our Nation’s 

top priority in Burma, including freeing Aung San Suu Kyi. And 

today, that must also include the Muslim Rohingya people. 

This is a moral issue, and it is a national security issue. No one 

is more secure when extremism and instability is growing in this 

part of the world. And I look forward to hearing from the administration on how it is using the tools that we have to end this humanitarian and human rights crisis. 

And I now turn to our ranking member for his statement. 

Mr. Engel. 

Mr. ENGEL. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And as 

always, thank you for calling this hearing. And let me thank all 

witnesses and welcome you all to the Foreign Affairs Committee. 

You are very welcomed. 

The Rohingya crisis rages more than 8,000 miles from Washington. At that distance, events like this can seem remote. So during my statement, I ask that we display some images that show the 

reality facing the people of Burma right now as a reminder of the 

human tragedy unfolding as we sit here today. These images are 

the result of the unprecedented level of violence in Burma’s 

Rakhine State over the past 6 weeks. Violence that police and security forces have inflicted on civilians, interethnic and interreligious 

violence between Buddhist, Rakhine, and Muslim Rohingya. 

Because of this bloody conflict, more than 1⁄2 million Rohingya, 

60 percent of whom are children, have fled as refugees across the 

border into Bangladesh. More than 400,000 people left in the first 

30 days, the swiftest exodus of any population since the 1994 

Rwanda genocide and Serbia’s 1999 ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. 

Now, nearly three-quarters of those who have fled don’t have adequate shelter and half have no safe drinking water. It is a heartbreaking humanitarian disaster and it is getting worse. 

The Burmese military has claimed that this brutal crackdown is 

the response to a clash that took place on August 25, in which border security forces faced off against Rohingya insurgents, reportedly using knives, small arms, and small explosives. But this isn’t 

just some skirmish that has gotten out of hand, it isn’t a legitimate 

counterinsurgency or counterterrorism operation. The Burmese 

military and border security forces have specifically targeted 

Rohingya using medieval tactics: Slash and burn, rape, indiscriminate killing. Twenty-one square kilometers of villages systematically burned to the ground. The U.N.’s top human rights officials 

have called this a textbook case of ethnic cleansing. This flareup 

is not an isolated event, but the latest chapter in a long history of 

discrimination against the Rohingya, a history in which they have 

been denied citizenship, the ability to work, freedom of movement. 

A few key Burmese leaders have figured prominently into recent 

events. As I see it, the only person in Burma who can put an end 

to this violence, clear the way for humanitarian aid, and allow for 

a full accounting of what occurred is Min Aung Hlaing, commander-in-chief of the Burmese military. Unfortunately, the intenVerDate 0ct 09 2002 14:09 Feb 15, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00007 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_FULL\100517\27063 SHIRL
4

tion of the military is clear: To remove the Rohingya people from 

Burma. 

Some of those watching this horror have laid part of the blame 

at the feet of Aung San Suu Kyi, the moral and civilian leader of 

Burma. There is speculation that she is either not getting accurate 

information or is severely constrained politically. Some assert that 

she is unsympathetic to the events in Rakhine, but I personally 

have a hard time believing that a noble laureate, a champion of democracy, and a person of her moral fortitude, she has come here, 

we have met with her, would turn a blind eye to the immense 

human suffering taking place in her country. 

I think American policy toward Burma has complicated the situation. The Burmese military drafted the constitution, which allows 

the military to operate with impunity, maintain veto power in the 

Parliament, and legally retake control over the government. And 

yet when the United States lifted economic sanctions against 

Burma, we also lifted sanctions against the military and the businesses that fund them. So while Aung San Suu Kyi has little leverage to reign in military forces that run amuck, it is now legal for 

American companies to do business with Burmese military-owned 

companies. It is seems to me at a time that the Burmese military 

is waging this sort of violence against innocent people, we should 

reconsider our policy on targeted sanctions. And in the meantime, 

we need to confront a serious humanitarian crisis that is going to 

persist for years to come. 

The United States has allocated $38 million to assist with the 

crisis. That number seems grossly inadequate, considering the 

scale of the humanitarian nightmare now facing the Government 

of Bangladesh, and this is in addition to the Rohingya still trapped 

inside Burma. Bangladesh, a country with an average income of 

around $1,300, is currently supporting nearly 1 million refugees. 

This is a country that already has close to the highest population 

density in the world. I want to recognize Bangladesh’s Ambassador, 

Mohammad Ziauddin, who is here today. 

Your government has shown tremendous generosity in welcoming 

these refugees. Thank you. And while your country opens its doors, 

I consider it an embarrassment that the United States is closing 

ours. The Trump administration has lowered our yearly cap on refugees from all over the world to 45,000 per year, the smallest number ever. As this crisis grows worse, and as it grew worse, Bangladesh took in that many people every 4 days. 

This policy harms American leadership on the global stage. It undermines our ability to speak credibly about refugees’ human 

rights, while living up to basic international humanitarian principles. It diminishes our standing in the part of a world where 

China is only too happy to fill the void. So I do want to hear what 

our approach is. How the administration plans to deal with the crisis facing, not just the Rohingya, but the Kachin, the Shan, and 

other ethnic groups under assault by the Burmese army, how this 

violence subverts the peace process and undermines the democratically elected government. So I look forward to your testimony. 

I thank you, again, Mr. Chairman, and I yield back. 

Chairman ROYCE. Thank you. 

5

So we are joined by a distinguished panel here. We have Mr. Patrick Murphy, serves as the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Southeast Asia at the Department of State. And previously, Mr. Murphy 

served as Special Representative for Burma, among other senior 

positions. 

We have Ambassador Mark Storella with us. He is the Deputy 

Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration at the State Department. Previously, he served in multiple 

senior positions, including serving as the Deputy Chief of Mission 

in Brussels and as U.S. Ambassador to Zambia. 

We have Ms. Kate Somvongsiri. She serves as the acting Deputy 

Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, 

and Humanitarian Assistance at USAID. She has served in a variety of senior positions at USAID where she is focused on rule of 

law and on human rights issues. 

So, without objection, the witnesses’ full prepared statements are 

going to be made part of the record. Members will have 5 calendar 

days to submit any statements or any questions they have for the 

witnesses or any extraneous material for the record. 

So if you would, Mr. Murphy, I would ask you to summarize your 

remarks. 

STATEMENT OF MR. W. PATRICK MURPHY, DEPUTY ASSISTANT 

SECRETARY FOR SOUTHEAST ASIA, BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN 

AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE 

Mr. MURPHY. Chairman Royce, Ranking Member Engel, distinguished members of the committee, I greatly appreciate the invitation to testify on the devastating human tragedy in Burma’s 

Rakhine State, and the suffering of ethnic Rohingya and other populations. I first want to thank this committee for its leadership on 

Burma, and Congress, in general, for the bipartisan collaboration 

with successive administrations over many decades working on 

Burma. 

Over the past 6 weeks, militant attacks on security forces and on 

local residents, a disproportionate military response, vigilante violence, and a lack of civilian protection have aggravated longstanding challenges in Rakhine State. The current crisis has led to 

the desperate flight of over 1⁄2 million refugees and displaced others 

internally. This massive and virtually unprecedented population 

movement has worsened the humanitarian situation in Bangladesh 

where many Rohingya refugees already shelter. 

This administration is undertaking all efforts to end the suffering immediately. We have made clear to Burmese civilian and 

military officials they must take urgent actions and steps to stop 

the violence, respect the rule of law, pave a path for safe return, 

and hold accountable those responsible for abuses. In spite of assurances that security operations have ended, there are continuing 

reports of violence, including civilians participating in arson attacks and blocking humanitarian assistance. 

Those who have fled must be able to return to their homes voluntarily. State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi has stated that Burma 

will allow their return, and we are encouraging closer communication between Burma and Bangladesh. The two sides met this week 

and formed a joint committee to address repatriation. 

6

Most urgently, we must ensure that humanitarian aid reaches 

people in need. My colleagues will speak to this, but on the diplomatic front, we are working to overcome security challenges and 

local resistance in Rakhine State that have precluded many U.N. 

agencies and NGOs from reaching affected areas. We are also 

pressing for unfettered media access so that we can all learn in 

greater detail what is happening. 

President Trump has discussed the situation with leaders from 

Southeast Asia. Secretary of State Tillerson called Aung San Suu 

Kyi to urge action. Vice President Pence denounced the military’s 

disproportionate response. U.S. Ambassador Haley called the Security Council for an international role. This crisis has implications 

far beyond Rakhine State. Burma’s nascent democracy is at a turning point, and a heavy-handed response invites international terrorists and challenges for other neighbors. We are thus engaging 

with ASEAN to address humanitarian needs and actions to stop 

the violence. 

I was in Burma myself 2 weeks ago. Our Ambassador and I met 

with top government and military officials, including Aung San 

Suu Kyi. Authorities committed to protect civilians, pursue accountability, and cooperate with the international community. The 

situation on the ground, nonetheless, remains grim. We must pursue all efforts to see full implementation of these commitments. I 

also visited Rakhine State. I met with members of the displaced 

Rohingya community. They condemn the violent attacks on security 

forces. I called on local officials and political figures in Rakhine 

State, as leaders of ethnic Rakhine communities, to end violence, 

facilitate assistance, and respect the rule of law. 

Under a government elected in 2015 by the people of Burma for 

the first time in half a century, there are efforts to address inherited longstanding challenges of discrimination and neglect. One 

such effort was the establishment of the Annan Rakhine Advisory 

Commission, which produced valuable recommendations to address 

these challenges. The government committed to implementing 

those recommendations. 

The U.S. Government is forming an overarching policy response 

to discourage abuses, ensure accountability, and further advance 

the democratization and development processes so desperately 

needed in Burma, and especially in Rakhine State. We will not do 

this alone. We are consulting with the region, the United Nations, 

the Human Rights Council, and courageous voices inside Burma to 

ensure human dignity for all. 

The current crisis in Rakhine has exposed the fragility of a transition we and Congress worked so hard to help achieve. The governing complexities underscore that no single actor can resolve this 

crisis. The national and local governments, security forces, community leaders, and indeed all peoples of Burma, have responsibilities. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, we are strongly engaged to bring an end to this suffering and to find lasting solutions 

in Rakhine State. We look to Congress as an essential partner in 

these efforts, and we thank you for the opportunity to describe 

what we are doing to address this tragic crisis. Thank you, Mr. 

Chairman. 

Chairman ROYCE. Thank you. Ambassador? 

7

STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE MARK C. STORELLA, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU OF POPULATION, REFUGEES, AND MIGRATION, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE 

Ambassador STORELLA. Chairman Royce, Ranking Member 

Engel, distinguished members of the committee, thank you for inviting us to this important hearing on the U.S. response to the violence against Rohingyas in Burma. I am grateful for the opportunity to update you on how the U.S. Government is targeting lifesaving aid and on the challenges ahead. 

The violence in Rakhine State continues to devastate vulnerable 

populations within Burma, and cause families, mostly women and 

children, to flee their homes for their lives. In terms of magnitude 

and speed, this is one of the most dramatic humanitarian emergencies to occur in decades. 

I will briefly comment on the current humanitarian situation facing those affected by the crisis, discuss the challenges the international community faces in delivering humanitarian assistance, 

and comment on what the State Department is doing to address 

the situation. 

The attacks on August 25 and the continuing violence resulted 

in approximately 200,000 internally displaced inside Burma and 

prompted, as has been noted, more than 1⁄2 million people to flee 

to Bangladesh, bringing the total number of Rohingya in Bangladesh to over 1 million people. 

The number one humanitarian priority, as the chairman and the 

ranking member both have noted, is access in Burma, gaining access to those in need in Rakhine State. Burma’s civilian government has committed publicly and privately to provide humanitarian assistance to all communities in affected areas through the 

Red Cross movement. The movement has stressed to the Burmese 

Government that it will not be able to fully meet humanitarian 

needs, and that U.N. agencies and international law and governmental organizations will also require operational space in northern Rakhine State. We take every opportunity to emphasize to Burmese officials at all levels of the government the need to allow humanitarian assistance to those in need. 

This week, PRM Acting Assistant Secretary Simon Henshaw met 

with Burmese officials at the UNHCR Executive Committee meetings in Geneva to express our profound concern. In all our contacts 

with Burmese officials, we continue to press the government and 

the military, both publicly and privately, to end the violence, to 

protect the security of all communities, and to allow Rohingya refugees to voluntarily return to their homes after Burmese authorities 

ensure they can do so safely. 

We are greatly appreciative of the Government of Bangladesh for 

opening its borders to those fleeing the violence, many of whom arrived after walking for days and in need of food, water, and medical care. The monsoon season has exacerbated the situation, as 

flooding and poor infrastructure made aid delivery even more challenging. 

In every meeting with Bangladeshi officials, we thank them for 

allowing refugees to cross into their country in such large numbers, 

and urge them to uphold humanitarian principles while balancing 

their own security concerns. Earlier this week, I met with a highVerDate 0ct 09 2002 14:09 Feb 15, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00011 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_FULL\100517\27063 SHIRL
8

level delegation from Bangladesh here in Washington for the U.S.-

Bangladesh Security Dialogue, which included the discussion of the 

violence in Rakhine State and the humanitarian crisis in Bangladesh. Our Ambassador in Dhaka, Ambassador Bernicat, recently 

visited the refugee encampments at Cox’s Bazar and has been in 

constant contact with Bangladeshi authorities on humanitarian 

issues. 

In addition to our diplomatic engagement, the U.S. is providing 

humanitarian assistance to our U.N. and other humanitarian partners to help vulnerable populations affected by the Rakhine State 

violence. The U.N. has estimated $434 million is needed for emergency response in Bangladesh through February 2018. 

In fiscal year 2017, thanks to the support from this Congress, the 

United States contributed nearly $104 million in assistance to displaced populations in Burma and for refugees from Burma 

throughout the region. Of this funding, the State Department’s contribution totaled nearly $76 million. This included the nearly $32 

million in emergency assistance, to which you have referred, which 

we announced in September, that allowed our partners to respond 

immediately as thousands were arriving daily in the already established and new settlements in Bangladesh. Our contributions provide lifesaving assistance, such as food, water, shelter, sanitation, 

health, and core relief items, and support to victims of genderbased violence. We are urging other donors to do more as well. 

I would like to conclude, Mr. Chairman, by highlighting that in 

responding to this crisis, the State Department’s primary concerns 

are protection and achieving meaningful, durable solutions for 

those who have been displaced, including the chance to go home in 

safety and dignity when conditions permit. The U.S. Government’s 

humanitarian assistance provides an important lifeline until that 

possibility becomes a reality. 

In concluding, thank you to the Congress for all that you have 

done, and thank you for the way you authorize funds so that we 

are able to react quickly to these urgent requirements. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Murphy and Ambassador 

Storella follows:]

9


27063a-1.eps

Statement of 

W. Patrick Murphy 

Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs 

and 

Mark C. Storella 

Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration 

United States Department of State 

Before the 

House Foreign Affairs Committee 

October 5, 2017 

Chaimmn Royce, Ranking Member Engel, distinguished Members of the 

Committee, we appreciate the invitation to appear before you today to testifY on 

the devastating human tragedy that has tmfolded in Burma's Rakhine State, 

exacerbating the longstanding suffering of etlmic Rohingya and other minority 

populations, inflicting a substantial burden on neighboring Bangladesh, and 

threatening to undem1ine Bum1a's substantial gains in recent years on its fragile 

transition from authoritarian military nile to elected government, including efforts 

to achieve a long elusive national peace. 

We are grateful for the opportunity to update you on the current humanitarian 

situation facing those affected by the crisis, comment on what the State 

Department is doing through diplomatic engagement and the targeting oflifesaving aid to address this situation, discuss the challenges the international 

community faces in delivering humanitarian assistance, and discuss what we are 

doing to move forward. 

Current State of Play: 

Rakhine State, one of the poorest states in Burma, suffers from a history of ethnoreligious tensions, political conflict, military violence against civilians, and social 

and economic underdevelopment. This underlying conflict has resulted in periodic 

displacement of people within and outside of Rakhine State. 

Over the last six weeks, attacks by militants, a disproportionate military response 

to those attacks, violence perpetuated by local vigilantes, and fear of a lack of 

protection for local poptuations has created a renewed crisis in Burma's Rakhine 

State, and exacerbated challenges for minorities, including the Rohingya people, 
10


27063a-2.eps

who lack most basic rights, including citizenship and even recognition oftheir 

identity. 

The violence in Rakhine State continues to devastate vulnerable populations within 

Burma and cause fanrilies and unaccompanied minors to flee, particularly to 

southeastem Bangladesh. Estimates indicate more than half a million people have 

fled to Bangladesh with an estimated 200,000 internally displaced. This almost 

m1precedented population movement has worsened a desperate humanitarian 

situation in Bangladesh, where previous crises in Rakhine State had already forced 

hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees to flee. Prior to these attacks, 

120,000 intemally displaced persons (IDPs) had been living in camps in Rakhine 

State since inter-communal violence in 2012. Approximately 87,000 had fled to 

Bangladesh following violence in October 2016,joining an estimated 200,000-

500,000 m1documented Rohingya and over 33,000 registered Rohingya already 

living in southeastern Bangladesh for over two decades. 

In Burma, the govenunent has reported that the recent violence has emptied at least 

175 Rohingya villages-more than one-third ofthe approximately 470 Muslim 

villages in northem Rakhine State, while satellite imagery from Human Rights 

Watch, taken on September 19, identified the bruning of nearly 215 Muslim 

villages. The violence resulted in the suspension of humanitarian activities to 

affected communities across Rakhine State and further limited already restricted 

access to populations requiring ongoing assistance. 

Diplomatic Engagement: 

The suffering of so many calls all of us to action. This administration is 

undertaking all efforts to end the suffering immediately. Tn the case ofthis crisis, 

the State Department's primary concems are protection and achieving meaningful 

durable solutions for those who have been displaced, including the chance to go 

home again in safety and dignity when conditions permit. 

We have made it clear to Burmese civilian and military officials at the highest 

levels, within the central govemment and in Rakhine itself, that all stakeholders 

must end the violence, respect the rule oflaw, cease displacement, pave a path for 

the Rohingyas' return to their homes, and hold accmmtable those responsible for 

violations and abuses. We have expressed alam1 about continuing reports of 

violence perpetuated by security forces, despite government assurances that 

security operations ended on September 5. We have received reports as well of 

civilians operating outside the rule oflaw-vigilantes-conm1itting arson attacks 

on Rohingya homes and blocking humanitarian assistance to many populations. 

2 
11


27063a-3.eps

We have been clear that those who have tled to Bangladesh or are otherwise 

displaced must be able to return home voluntarily- and we welcomed State 

Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi's commitment in her September 19 address that 

Burma would allow them to return. Much depends on the precise way in which 

people are repatriated. We are encouraging closer conmmnication between Bunna 

and Bangladesh. A senior Burmese delegation traveled to Dhaka earlier this week 

and the two sides agreed to form a joint working committee on repatriation. 

Principals in our government have been strongly engaged on this issue. President 

Trump has discussed the situation with leaders from Southeast Asia. Secretary of 

State Tillerson called Aung San Suu Kyi on September 19 to urgent action. Vice 

President Pence denounced the Burn1ese military's disproportionate response in his 

remarks at the United Nations on September 20. USUN Ambassador Haley spoke 

at an open Security Council meeting on September 28 and called for an 

international role in ending the violence. National Security Advisor McMaster has 

spoken with his Burmese National Security Advisor cmmterpart. All have made 

clear that this crisis has implications far beyond Rakhine State. We are also 

engaging A SEAN member states on the crisis. 

Rakhine State Crisis Humanitarian Challenges: 

The challenges before us are 1nany. We will focus on: (1) gaining humanitarian 

access in Rakhine State; (2) the need to work with host governments in the region 

to ensure refugees are offered safety and treated with respect, and that host 

governments have what they need to help the refugees; (3) specific contributions 

made by the State Department in coordination with USAID; and (4) ensuring that 

UN and other humanitarian agencies have the support they need to respond. 

Humanitarian Access: 

The ntilllber one htlllanitarian priority is gaining access to those in need in 

Rakhine State. Relief agency access to most of the affected areas remains severely 

limited. Humanitarian activities remain suspended in northern Rakhine State and 

severely disrupted in central Rakhine as of mid-September. Although some relief 

activities have resumed in central Rakhine through local or camp-based staff, 

travel restrictions-primarily the lack of govermnent travel authorizations and 

threats from local ethnic Rakhine groups-prevent international staff of UN 

agencies and INGOs from accessing IDP camps and affected communities across 

Rakhine State. In addition, safety concerns prevent many Burmese staff from 

accessing those in need. 

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We take every opporttmity to emphasize to Bunnese officials at all levels of 

govemment the need to allow humanitarian assistance to those in need. The White 

House, State Department, and the U.S. Mission to the United Nations have issued 

statements calling for immediate lU1fettered humanitarian access to all affected 

populations. The State Department has urged the govenunent ofBunna to grant 

immediate humanitarian access to northem Rakhine State, and find the 

govemment's commitment to do so encouraging. 

We are working with intemational partners and stakeholders inside Bunna to 

overcome challenges that have precluded humanitarian agencies and NGOs from 

reaching affected areas of northem Rakhine State. We have succeeded in securing 

Burmese govemment cooperation for the Red Cross Movement (RCM) to deliver 

assistance, but they alone carmot assess or meet all of the humanitarian needs in 

Rakhine State. Specifically, the Intemational Conunittee of the Red Cross (ICRC) 

and the Tntemational Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) 

are working with the Myanmar Red Cross Society to develop and implement a 

response plan as the situation continues to evolve. ICRC has stressed to the 

Burmese govemment that the RCM will not be able to address all needs and the 

UN agencies and intemational non-govemmental organizations will also need 

operational space. We are also pressing for tmfettered media access to this isolated 

part ofBunna. 

Working with Host Govemments: 

We recognize the huge strain that the influx of refugees is currently placing on 

Bangladesh, as well as the concerns of other colU1tries such as India, Sri Lanka, 

and Thailand. We have seen reports of statements from the Govenunents of India 

and Thailand's efforts to keep Rohingya refugees from entering their countries. It 

is essential that neighboring countries keep their borders open for those fleeing 

violence in Burma, and we will continue to emphasize this to those in the region, 

along with seeking ways to support govemments hosting refugees. 

Bangladesh has kept its border open, though it is concemed about its capacity to 

absorb so many refugees, in addition to security concems related to the influx of so 

many vulnerable people in such a short period of time. We appreciate the 

generosity of the Govermnent of Bangladesh to those fleeing the violence, many of 

whom arrived after walking for days and in need of food, water, and medical care. 

They found official and makeshift camps already overstretched by previous 

influxes. International aid agencies are working to scale up operations and provide 

basic life-saving assistance to the new arrivals. The majority of those in need have 

little access to food, water, health care, and proper shelter. The monsoon season 

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has exacerbated the situation, as flooding and poor infrastructure have made aid 

delivery even more challenging. The UN estimated $200 million is needed for 

emergency response in Bangladesh to meet needs through February 2018. 

The Govemment of Bangladesh is working with UN agencies and the intemational 

community to provide temporary shelter and protection. Bangladesh recently 

donated 2,000 acres ofland and is working with UN agencies to build shelter for 

up to 200,000 refugees. The govemment has also initiated a registration process to 

document the Rohingya population in southeastem Bangladesh and provide 

individuals with identification documents that we hope will facilitate access to 

services and protection. In every meeting with Bangladesh officials, we thank 

them for allowing refugees to cross and discuss ways to support them as they 

uphold humanitarian principles while balancing their own security concems. 

Humanitarian Assistance: 

In addition to our diplomatic engagement, the United States is providing 

humanitarian assistance through our UN and intemational organization partners to 

help vulnerable populations affected by the Rakhine State violence. The U.S. 

continues to be the global leader in providing assistance to people in need in 

Burma and throughout the region. In FY 2017, thanks to support from Congress, 

the United States contributed nearly $104 million in assistance to displaced 

populations in Bunna and for refugees from Bum1a in the region. Ofthis funding, 

the State Department's contributions totaled nearly $76 million. This included 

nearly $32 million in emergency assistance announced at the UN General 

Assembly in response to the needs of those affected by the latest outbreak of 

violence. Our contributions provide life-saving assistance to meet critical 

humanitarian needs, such as food, non-food items, shelter, water, sanitation, and 

health both inside Burma and in host countries. 

Department support in FY 17 funded key humanitarian partners including the UN 

High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Organization for 

Migration (10M), the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), and intemational nongovernmental organizations, among others. These agencies are a key part of the 

international humanitarian system that is governed by humanitarian principles and 

brings teclmical expertise and operational capacity to respond quickly and 

effectively to large-scale crises such as this. 

Humanitarian Coordination: 

In addition to funding levels, the region's capacity to handle the humanitarian 

crisis is dependent on the capacity of the UN-led humanitarian response, including 

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deployment of emergency response experts and adequate stafl:ing levels. In 

Bangladesh, we continue to advocate with UN coordinating agencies to increase 

expert technical staff on the ground and strengthen the coordination structure 

supporting implementation of the response plan. In a refugee crisis such as this, 

UNHCR holds the global protection mandate; however, in Cox's Bazar, UNHCR's 

role to date has been limited by govemment restrictions. The govemment has 

recently increased cooperation with UNHCR and recently approved its role in 

leading protection services. This will help improve conditions in Cox's Bazar, 

including through increased information on the number and needs of refugees and 

coordination in responding to the most vulnerable individuals. Govemment 

constraints on funding to experienced intemational NGOs have limited donors' 

ability to assist all those in need, though we are seeing improvements in these 

processes. We will keep up pressure to ensure seamless coordination and strategic 

vision for the response in Bangladesh. 

Long-Term Challenges: 

In addition to pressing for immediate action to end violence and meet humanitarian 

needs, we are also supporting the elected government's efforts to address inherited 

challenges in Rakhine State. The govemment established the Rakhine Advisory 

Commission, led by former UN Secretary General Koti Annan, which in August 

produced a set of recommendations tor addressing the complex issues in Rakhine 

State that have ignited many crises over past decades. The Commission's 

recommendations on addressing underdevelopment, shortcomings in govemment 

services and access to justice and ensuring a credible, transparent citizenship 

process for all people in Rakhine, all provide valuable ways forward. The 

govemment of Burma has committed to implementing the recommendations. 

The U.S. govemment is developing an overarching policy response that includes 

ways to discourage the serious human rights abuses we have seen and further 

encourage the democratization process and economic development in Rakhine 

State and throughout the cmmtry. We will not do this alone. We are consulting 

with regional partners, members of the intemational conm1m1ity in intemational 

bodies like the United Nations, and courageous voices inside Burma who want 

hmnan dignity for all who reside in that country and a peaceful and stable future. 

Conclusion: 

For decades, Congress and the U.S. Govemment have worked closely together on 

Burma as partners. In particular, we thank this Committee for its leadership and 

bipartisan collaboration. Together, we supported Burma's democracy movement 

6 
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through the dark days of repressive military rule, and together we supported a 

military reforn1 government's transition toward democracy. 

It is in our interests, and those ofthe diverse populations of Burma, including the 

Rohingya, to see the new, elected govenunent succeed. The current crisis in 

Rakhine State has exposed the fragility ofthat democratic transition. Greater 

civilian control over, and professionalization of, the armed forces is needed, as are 

refon11S that will bring an end to the military's heavy-handed tactics that have 

fueled violence across Bunna since independence in 1947. The democraticallyelected government, security forces, community leaders, and populations across 

the country all must calm tensions, end the violence, and secure the safe, voluntary, 

and dignified return of all those displaced. Only then will there be a chance for 

lasting peace and change in Rakhine State and across the country as a whole. 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman and members ofthe Committee, we are strongly 

engaged to bring an end to this major crisis and to find lasting solutions to the 

long-standing challenges in Bun11a's Rakhine State and beyond. U.S. govenm1ent 

humanitarian assistance provides an important lifeline until this possibility 

becomes reality. We are grateful for the generosity of Congress and the American 

people who make our assistance possible. We will look to Congress, as we always 

have, as an essential partner in these eftorts. 

Thank you. We are ready to answer any questions you have. 

7 
16

Chairman ROYCE. Thank you, Ambassador. Kate Somvongsiri. 

STATEMENT OF MS. V. KATE SOMVONGSIRI, ACTING DEPUTY 

ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU FOR DEMOCRACY, 

CONFLICT, AND HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE, U.S. AGENCY 

FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. Chairman Royce, Ranking Member Engel, 

members of the committee, thank you for inviting me to speak 

today and for your engagement on this important issue. 

The recent escalation and violence in Northern Burma has resulted in massive displacement, as we have discussed, and increased humanitarian needs both in Burma and in neighboring 

Bangladesh. Burma has come a long way in its transition to a free 

and democratic society. These events, however, not only imperil the 

lives of thousands, but also cast a cloud over Burma’s gains and 

threaten to undermine economic progress. 

Over 500,000 people, as we have discussed, mostly Rohingya, 

have fled the recent violence in Rakhine and have sought refuge in 

Bangladesh. For a sense of scale, that is nearly the entire population of Washington, DC, leaving the city in just over a month’s 

time. And in addition, there are tens of thousands of people who 

have been internally displaced and are in need of assistance within 

Rakhine State. 

USAID is providing humanitarian assistance in Burma, helping 

host communities in Bangladesh cope with the influx of refugees, 

and addressing tensions in ethnically mixed areas of Rakhine and 

Burma, including those not directly affected by the recent violence. 

As a foreign service officer who lived on the Thai-Burma border 

16 years ago working with migrants and refugees, Burma is for me 

as it is for many, a special place, and has influenced my path in 

international human rights and development. In my testimony, I 

will touch on USAID’s response to the current crisis and highlight 

some of the challenges of providing assistance and bringing lasting 

resolution to this conflict. 

In Burma, our main humanitarian challenge is not a lack of resources, but a lack of access. Since the August 25 attacks, many 

of USAID’s partners were forced to suspend their work due to military security operations in Rakhine State. Insecurity, government 

restrictions, and local communities’ enmity toward U.N., international NGOs, and local staff, have prevented full humanitarian 

access, including along the border. False and misleading rumors 

about Rohingya spread and fanned by official government information have contributed to this volatility. 

We continue to call upon all parties to allow unfettered humanitarian access to people in need, and we urge the government to 

allow media and human rights monitors to access the afflicted 

areas. 

Reports of atrocities against civilians are extremely troubling 

and demonstrate the need for humanitarian assistance and protection from further violence, which are urgently needed. Together 

with our colleagues at State, along with the international community, USAID’s mission in Burma has reiterated our concerns to the 

Burmese Government and has called on them to end the violence, 

ensure that people have dignified, safe, and voluntary return to 

17

their homes. Additionally, USAID continues to support civil society 

within Rakhine State and across Burma to prevent the escalation 

of violent conflict, and to counter hate, speech and rumors. 

The speed and volume of people fleeing from Burma to Bangladesh has been staggering. We have seen, as we have discussed, 

over 500,000 flee in the span of over a month, a truly unprecedented rate, even faster than those fleeing Mosul, Iraq, or South 

Sudan over the past year. I don’t use the term ‘‘unprecedented’’ 

lightly, but it is fitting in this scenario. Given the enormity of this 

influx, stark challenges remain to adequately respond. The people 

fleeing to Bangladesh arrive with just what they could carry. They 

are in immediate need of safe drinking water, of sanitation facilities, of emergency food assistance, shelter, healthcare, nutrition, 

and protection services. And poor conditions in these displacement 

sites increase the risk of disease and outbreaks. 

USAID’s Office of Food For Peace has contributed $7 million to 

the World Food Program to provide lifesaving food assistance. In 

addition, USAID is supporting essential coordination efforts needed 

to manage the massive influx and for the immediate scaleup in 

concert with our state partners. We also applaud the Government 

of Bangladesh’s generosity in responding to this severe humanitarian crisis, and we recognize that the communities are stretching 

their own scarce resources to take in their neighbors. We are committed to supporting them as well. 

In conclusion, the latest violence and continued conflict in 

Rakhine State has exacerbated the existing human rights and humanitarian crisis impacting the lives of thousands. We must be 

honest and forthright in our assessment of the situation and clear 

on what we expect as humanitarians and as Americans. We shall 

remain resolute in our efforts to meet the needs of the Rohingya 

and affected communities in Burma and Bangladesh, and we call 

on all stakeholders to end the violence and seek a lasting resolution to the conflict. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Somvongsiri follows:]

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Testimony of V. Kate Somvongsiri 

Acting Deputy Assistant Administrator 

Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance, USATD 

Before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

October 5, 2017, 9:00AM 

Chairman Royce, Ranking member Engel, members of the committee, thank you for inviting 

me to speak to you today. As you have seen, the recent escalation in violence in northern 

Rakhine State, Burma has resulted in massive displacement and humanitarian needs both in 

Burma and across the border in neighboring Bangladesh. This is a humanitarian crisis that is 

growing rapidly, and the United States is responding to save lives. Recent events not only 

imperil the lives of thousands, but also cast a cloud over Burma's recent democratic gains, 

and threaten to undennine their economic and political reforms. 

We are deeply concerned about the humanitarian crisis in Bangladesh and reports ofhorritic 

human rights abuses in northern Rakhine State. Our main challenge in responding to the 

humanitarian crisis in northern Rakhine State is not due to a lack of resources, but a lack of 

access. This is due to restrictions imposed by Burmese authorities, which prevent UN and 

international non-governmental organizations (lNGOs) from providing much-needed 

humanitarian assistance. Over 50,000 people fleeing the recent violence in Rakhine, most 

from the Rohingya community, have sought refuge in Bangladesh. For a sense of scale, that's 

nearly the population of Washington, D.C., leaving the city in the span of little over a month. 

In addition, there are as many as 200,000 of people from many communities who have been 

internally displaced- and are in need of assistance- inside Rakhine State. 

While the immediate crisis has been triggered by a coordinated attack from the Arakan 

Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on Burmese security outposts and disproportionate 

response by Burmese security forces and militias, the conditions for a large-scale crackdown 

on Rohingya civilians have been developing for several years. 

ln response to the latest violence, USAID is responding on both sides of the 

Bunna/Bangladesh border, providing humanitarian assistance where possible, as well as 

helping host communities cope with the influx of refugees in Bangladesh, and addressing 

intercommunal tensions in ethnically mixed areas ofRakhine in Burma, including those not 

directly affected by recent violence. 

As a foreign service officer who lived on the Thailand-Burma border sixteen years ago 

working with migrants and refugees, Burma is for me, as I know many others, a special place 

that has influenced my path in international human rights and development. In my testimony, 

1 will touch on the issues USAID is responding to in the current crisis, and highlight some of 

the challenges we face in attempting to provide assistance, and bring a lasting resolution to 

this crisis. 
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Context/Recent Developments 

In the wake of the most recent violence, conflict-affected populations in central Rakhine, 

including those in pre-existing IDP camps, are in critical need offood, health, and sanitation 

assistance. However, humanitarian activities were suspended on August 25, and have only 

partially resumed. World Food Programme (WFP) food rations are more than a month 

behind, and the government has not yet authorized delivery of food distributions to IDP 

camps that would normally have taken place in September. 

While local civil society groups and Red Cross organizations are distributing limited 

assistance to internally displaced communities, UN partners and international NGOs have not 

been allowed to provide assistance in northern Rakhine State, state, the Rohingya-majority 

area where abuses are occurring. Burmese officials have instructed local civil society groups 

that they are not permitted to provide assistance directly to Rohingya communities, and that 

all assistance to Rohingya will be managed by the government and Red Cross Movement 

organizations. Burmese officials continue to emphasize that the Government of Burma and 

Red Cross Movement will lead response efforts and that assistance delivered directly by 

international groups such as the UN and TNGOs is not currently an option in Rakhine State. 

We continue to call upon the Bunnese Government and military to allow unfettered access 

for humanitarian access to resume across Rakhine State. 

As cont1ict continues in Rakhine, tens of thousands of people continue to flee into 

Bangladesh. Since Au6>ust 25, more than 500,000 men, women, and children have fled into 

Bangladesh from Bunna, bringing the current total estimated number ofRohingya refugees in 

Bangladesh to as many as 900,000 people. The new influx of Rohingya is currently 

encamped in a series of informal settlements and host communities in and around Cox's 

Bazar in Southeast Bangladesh near the Burmese border. 

USAID Response 

So far in FY 2017, the United States has provided over $100 million in humanitarian 

assistance for vulnerable communities displaced in Bunna and the region, including 

Bangladesh Through USAID's Offices of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) and 

Food for Peace (FFP), the Agency has provided over $27 million, and we expect to continue 

responding to this crisis in FY 2018. 

Burma 

USAID has been responding to the humanitarian needs of vulnerable populations (including 

but not limited to Rohingya) in Bunna for decades. Tn the east along the Thailand-Bum1a 

border, USAJD supports cross-border consortiums and local partners to respond to the 

humanitarian needs of nearly 400,000 Karen and Karenni IDPs and refugees. In Kachin and 

northern Shan States, where recent armed conflict has led to further displacement, USAID is 

supporting nearly 100,000 IDPs in areas with limited humanitmian access, though the 

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military continues to prevent humanitarian assistance from reaching areas that are 

administered by ethnic armed groups. 

In Rakhine, the international community has faced years of challenges to humanitarian access 

due to insecurity, restrictions put in place by local and national authorities, and public 

mistmst of international organizations. USAID has responded to the needs of conflictaffected populations across Burma, including Shan, Kachin, and Karen states, as well as the 

Rohingya, since an outbreak of intercommunal violence in 2012 displaced over 100,000 

people in Rakhine. 

In Rakhine State, many ofUSAID's partners were forced to suspend their work due to the 

military's security operations since the August 25 attacks and they remain unable to gain 

access to northern Rakhine State. It's important to note, though, that humanitarian access 

throughout Rakhine State had become increasingly restricted even before the Auh'l!St 25 

attack. However, our partners have maintained a presence in Rakhine and many of our 

conflict mitigation and intercommunal conflict mitigation programs remain ongoing. Our 

humanitarian programs are ready to resume activities as Burmese authorities permit access. 

USAID partners have been able to resume limited life-saving assistance to people in central 

Rakhine State located in camps for internally displaced persons in Sittwe and Pauktaw. This 

includes nutrition, protection against trafficking and other human rights abuses, and water, 

sanitation, and hygiene services, largely managed by local staff. However, the security forces 

continue to prevent full humanitarian access to northern Rakhine state and full resumption of 

activities in other parts of the state. Additionally, insecurity, government restrictions, and 

local communities' enmity towards UN and NGO staff, including local staff further inhibit 

access. False and misleading rumors about the Rohingya, the level of threat presented by 

ARSA, and the role of the international community spread amongst local communities and 

fanned by official government and military information channels have contributed to the 

volatility of the present environment. 

Reports of atrocities against civilians are extremely troubling, and further demonstrate that 

humanitarian assistance and protection from further violence is urgently needed. We continue 

to call upon all parties to allow unfettered humanitarian access to people in need and we urge 

the authorities to allow media and human rights monitors access to the afflicted areas. We 

also urge Burmese security forces to follow the lead of the elected government in 

implementing the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State's recommendations. 

USAID's Mission in Burma is closely coordinating with other agencies in Burma and the 

regional international organizations, and other donors, to address the situation in Rakhine 

State. Together with our colleah'l!es at the State Department, along with the international 

community, we have reiterated our strong concerns to the Bunnese Government, and have 

called on them to end violence, provide immediate, unfettered humanitarian access, and 

ensure the dignified, safe, and voluntary return of all those displaced from their homes. 

3 
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The Red Cross Movement has begun an initial humanitarian response to reach 150,000 

people in the next three months, as requested by the Burmese Government until broader 

access is possible. Even this initial response will stretch the capacity of the Red Cross in 

Myanmar. The Red Cross Movement as well as diplomatic missions continue to advocate for 

access and support from other humanitarian agencies 

Additionally, USAID continues to support civil society in Rakhine State and across Burma to 

prevent further escalation of violent conflict and counter hate speech and rumors. Peace 

nehvorks, made up of diverse civil society organizations throughout Burma, have actively 

combated misinformation on the Rakhine conflict, as well as worked to prevent the narrative 

from spreading into a larger conflict targeting all Muslims, like was seen in 2012 and 2013. 

These etiorts, along with our work with local government otftcials on conflict mitigation 

trainings, have been complemented by our partners working on Facebook, developing online 

platforms that counter fake news by fact-checking local reporting and online rumors. 

Bangladesh 

The speed and volume of people fleeing over the border from Bunna to Bangladesh has been 

staggering. We have seen more people flee, over 500,000, in the span of less than two 

months, a truly unprecedented rate, faster than even the movement out ofMosul, Iraq, or 

South Sudan into Uganda, within the past year. 1 don't like to use the term 'unprecedented' 

lightly, but it seems to be the most fitting term in this situation. 

Given the enormity of this influx, stark challenges remain in order to adequately address the 

scale and speed of the response effort needed. The people fleeing to Bangladesh arrive with 

little to no possessions, and have settled in existing makeshift settlements, newly established 

sites, as well as in host communities. They are in immediate need of access to safe drinking 

water and sanitation facilities, emergency food assistance, and sufficient shelter, health, and 

nutrition services. Conditions in displacement sites raise very real concerns about the risk of 

disease outbreaks. 

We applaud the Government of Bangladesh's generosity in responding to this severe 

humanitarian crisis and appreciate their continued efforts to ensure assistance reaches people 

in need. The Government of Bangladesh has set aside approximately 2,000 acres of land 

adjacent to the Kutupalong makeshift camp for the new arrivals. The Government has also 

committed resources to provide health services and started biometric documentation for new 

arrivals. 

The international humanitarian community has also mobilized, with many UN agencies 

making Level 3-the highest level- declarations including the World Food Program, 

Ul\THCR, and UNICEF. We are working alongside our State Department colleagues and other 

donors, to support UN agencies and NGOs on an effective response. 1 would like to point out 

4 
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that declaring this a Level 3 crisis, along with places such as Syria, South Sudan, and Yemen, 

should underscore the severity of the situation. 

The US AID Mission in Bangladesh is actively engaged in responding to the crisis, leading 

several donor coordination meetings with international agencies and Chiefs of Mission from 

several countries. Over this past weekend, US Ambassador Marcia Berni cat and our Mission 

Director, Janina Jaruzelski, visited the formal and informal refugee camps to further assess 

the needs and determine how the U.S. Government can be most helpfuL 

USAID's Office of Food for Peace recently contributed $6 million to WFP for their response 

to the int1ux of refugees into Bangladesh, in addition to $1 million provided to WFP earlier 

this year. This funding complements assistance announced by the Department of State's 

Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration on September 20, which included $28 million 

in assistance to Rohingya refugees and host communities in Bangladesh. Tn addition to 

providing life-saving food assistance, USAID's contribution supports essential coordination 

efforts needed to manage the massive influx of new arrivals and need for immediate scale-up. 

Given these needs, FFP has also deployed a senior FFP Officer and Communications Officer 

to augment the Mission's humanitarian response etl'orts. 

USATD recognizes that host communities are stretching their own scarce resources to provide 

support to this sudden and massive influx of refugees, and have had their normal livelihoods 

disrupted. USAID maintains a robust program of regular development assistance to 

Bangladesh, providing more than $212 million in 2017. Programs in the Cox's Bazar region, 

housing the influx ofRohingya, support efforts to expand economic opportunity, advance 

health and education, and ensure best practices are used to foster human rights. 

Conclusion 

USAID will continue efforts to foster national peace and reconciliation, maintain momentum 

for democratic and economic reforms, and improve the lives of the people of Burma. 

However, we must be honest and forthright in our assessment of the situation, and clear on 

what we expect as humanitarians, and as Americans. The latest violence and continued 

conflict in Rakhine has exacerbated the existing human rights situation and humanitarian 

crisis, imperiling the lives of hundreds of thousands. Tn the long-term, our development 

efforts must continue to address the underlying drivers of the violence. But in the immediateterm, until the contlict is resolved, we shall remain resolute in our etl'orts to assist Rohingya 

and all affected communities within Burma and Bangladesh. 

5 
23

Chairman ROYCE. Thank you, Kate. 

This was always going to be a difficult transition for Burma to 

a more democratic state from the military control, especially given 

the tripwires of all the different ethnic groups inside Burma. But 

the most injurious decision, I think, that has been made by the 

military has been to restrict access of the United Nations to these 

areas like Rakhine State. Because what that does is that when you 

have a situation like the attack of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation 

Army, this fringe group, and they launch an attack—you had 10 

police officers killed in that attack, and many of the attackers 

killed as well—that then gives the excuse for the local militia that 

is trained and focused along ethnic lines to unleash their violence, 

and in this case, with the full support, apparently, of the military 

in Myanmar. 

So you end up with a circumstance here, without eyes or ears on 

the ground, where there is no check to it. And had these arrangements originally allowed in times of stress like this, the positioning, the continued position of U.N. personnel and Red Cross 

and NGOs up in Rakhine State, at least you would have observers 

on the ground that would have tempered—I mean, the information 

would have got out a lot sooner and there would be direct evidence 

of it, and it would filter across Burma. All of that is being locked 

out. 

And so, Mr. Murphy, you mentioned that you went up there and 

you had these conversations. But when you say to the military government, right now, can we bring the United Nations in here, can 

we bring the Red Cross in here and start addressing these issues 

in these specific villages, what is the response? I understand the 

response is, well, everybody is going to be allowed to come back to 

their villages. Where is the evidence that any of that is true? 

Where is the evidence that we have cleared the way with those 

who we have discussed this with that are going to allow them to 

have access for U.N. and NGOs? Has it happened yet anywhere in 

Rakhine? 

Mr. MURPHY. Mr. Chairman, I would agree with you that it is 

a significant mistake on the part of Burmese stakeholders to prohibit the U.N. agencies to have access to northern Rakhine State. 

Worse, I would point out, that early in this crisis, military figures 

suggested somehow that U.N. agencies were aiding and abetting 

militant attackers. That was false. We called them out on that. 

That has since been corrected. But it created damage and increased 

tensions locally. 

We have told them that they can’t do this alone. They need the 

help of agencies to scale up the kind of assistance that is needed. 

The U.N. agencies that have experience in this part of the country 

are on the ground and poised to operate. 

Aung San Suu Kyi did agree publicly to call for international 

help and assistance. We are urging that they take advantage of 

that by inviting the U.N.——

Chairman ROYCE. So to clarify this, although you had these discussions, the reality is that unless you personally lead these NGOs 

back in there and the U.N. back in there, I mean, they are willing 

to tell us that, yes, this is what they are going to do, but those are 

just words. You actually cannot get up there into Rakhine State to 

24

see these villages. We can’t get NGOs up there, right? You want 

to clarify this point? 

Mr. MURPHY. Mr. Chairman, there actually has been some small 

signs of progress in recent days. The Myanmar authorities are 

working with the Red Cross family of organizations. And just this 

week, Red Cross agencies have gained access to northern Rakhine 

State. There is some humanitarian assistance being delivered. It is 

not adequate. We are encouraging this to be scaled up with the 

kind of partners, World Food Program, the U.N. family of agencies, 

that have the experience to meet all of the needs. 

It is a very difficult environment right now for a variety of reasons for these international organizations. I saw that firsthand. 

While I was in Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State, there was a 

Red Cross shipment of supplies. Locals heard about this and came 

out and began attacking that Red Cross shipment. 

Now, local security authorities put down the attack, but this is 

the environment. There are local populations who perceive all of 

the assistance is going to the Rohingya and their own needs are 

not being met. That is inaccurate. That is a result of a lot of misinformation and a complicated longstanding history of discrimination 

for all ethnic populations in the state. Therefore, we need to work 

with many stakeholders, not just the central government authorities and the security forces, but local leaders. And that is who I 

met with while I was in Rakhine. It is in their own interest to help 

facilitate the access of humanitarian assistance. 

Chairman ROYCE. I have met with Kofi Annan in the past, and 

we all understand his Advisory Commission on Rakhine State that 

he chaired and the recommendations he made. But the ones that 

would seem particularly essential at this moment, besides the humanitarian assistance, obviously, being able to get to the people we 

want it directed at, is to ensure that the violators of human rights 

be held accountable. I think there has to be some understanding 

that there will be an attempt to trace down those who have committed these human rights atrocities, to strengthen bilateral ties 

between Myanmar and Bangladesh—very important at this moment—to train security forces deployed in Rakhine State. 

And I think this is an added point that we are going to have to 

address so that, in the future, there is some kind of effort in this 

training to ensure those verified as citizens enjoy the benefits, 

rights, and freedoms associated with citizenship there. And that is 

going to require us making that a component of this solution. To 

investigate and map existing restrictions on movement so that that 

is changed, and the government should role out comprehensive 

birth registration, an ongoing campaign to make sure that girls 

and boys are registered at birth so that they are recognized that 

they have full citizenship rights. And the government should roll 

out a comprehensive strategy to close all IDP camps in Rakhine. 

That, I would say, is essential. 

I am going to go to Mr. Engel for his question. We have a 15-

minute vote, and the subcommittee chairman is voting right now, 

and will take the chair while I vote. 

So, Mr. Engel. 

Mr. ENGEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

25

I ask unanimous consent to enter into the record two documents. 

The first is a report prepared by Amnesty International detailing 

their research and documentation of this crisis. The second is a bipartisan letter on the U.S. response to this crisis sent on September 28 to Secretary Tillerson and USAID Administrator Green 

from Senators McCain, Cardin, and 20 of our colleagues in the Senate. So I ask unanimous consent to have those two entered in. 

Chairman ROYCE. Without objection. 

Mr. ENGEL. Thank you. 

Mr. Murphy, let me start with you. There is ample evidence and 

satellite imagery and eyewitness accounts that Burmese military 

and security forces have been carrying out an intentional, systematic policy to drive Rohingya from their homes in Burma and to 

burn their villages to the ground. Medical professionals working in 

Bangladesh report hundreds of men, women, and children being 

treated for gunshot wounds because the Burmese military and security forces have opened fire on them as they flee. Senior United 

Nations officials have called this a textbook case of ethnic cleansing. 

The commander-in-chief of the Burmese military, Min Aung 

Hlaing, said there is no oppression or intimidation against the 

Muslim minority, and everything he says is within the framework 

of the law. He also said the Bengali problem was a longstanding 

one, which has become an unfinished job. So let me ask you, are 

the Burmese military and security forces responsible for violence 

and intimidation of the Rohingya in Burma, and do these actions 

constitute ethnic cleansing, in your opinion? 

Mr. MURPHY. Thank you very much, Ranking Member Engel. 

The horrific actions that have taken place in northern Rakhine 

State are beyond troubling. This is a tragedy of epic proportions. 

And the security forces there in northern Rakhine State bear considerable responsibility for what we have called a disproportionate 

response. 

I think it is important to note that there are other contributors 

to violence in this area. There are the militant attacks that took 

place on August 25 by individuals who claim responsibility for attacks that took place the year prior. There is also local vigilante 

action on the part of citizens and others. And these militants, according to very credible reports, are exacting violence on some of 

their own population. 

This is a cauldron of complexities. What has taken place is absolutely horrific. The Secretary of State said that it has been characterized by many as ethnic cleansing. Ambassador Haley in New 

York said what has taken place appears to be a sustained campaign to cleanse the country of an ethnic minority. 

There are unknowns. There are populations that obviously have 

moved in great numbers. There are other populations that haven’t 

moved. That is why we are asking for full access of media, humanitarian organizations, all steps to stop the violence. 

Let me also point out, Mr. Engel, to another action. The United 

States, earlier this year, helped form a U.N. fact-finding mission. 

We are asking authorities in Burma to support and cooperate with 

that mission so that there can be full disclosure of what has transpired, not just in Rakhine State, but I hasten to point out, there 

26

is conflict elsewhere in Burma, longstanding conflict currently ongoing in the northeast in Shan and Kachin states. But Burma is 

a country that has been at war with itself since the 1940s, since 

independence. And the current government is struggling with these 

sorts of conflicts and refugees and displaced persons. 

We have talked about the displacement inside Rakhine State, potentially hundreds of thousands. There are hundreds of thousands 

of displaced individuals elsewhere in the country as well. 

You mentioned Min Aung Hlaing. Yes, as commander of the 

armed forces, he has enormous responsibility to stop the violence, 

to act in a proper manner with the security threats they believe 

they face. He is not the only stakeholder. We need actions from the 

government, from local Rakhine officials, and Burmese citizens as 

well. 

Mr. ENGEL. So you would agree with me, then, that this is ethnic 

cleansing? 

Mr. MURPHY. Mr. Engel, I am pointing to our members of the 

Cabinet who have pointed to voices and evidence that would suggest that there may be ethnic cleansing. I would say what is more 

germane, what is more important is the actual humanitarian crisis: 

Displaced persons, violence that hasn’t stopped. That is our most 

pressing focus. There are mechanisms, there are bodies who are 

looking at what best to call this, but it is, at the end of the day, 

a human tragedy. And we want to do everything to stop it. 

Chairman ROYCE. Would the gentleman yield? 

Mr. ENGEL. Certainly. 

Chairman ROYCE. Just for the record, myself and Mr. Engel, this 

committee, we identify this as full-fledged ethnic cleansing. 

Mr. ENGEL. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

What are we doing right now to hold the military accountable? 

Do you think that reimposition of targeted sanctions against senior 

military leadership or businesses that generate funds for the military is appropriate? 

And let me say, as a first step, I would encourage the administration to immediately stop issuing JADE Act waivers, which allow 

members of the Burmese military and their families to come to the 

United States, at least until such time as violence stops and humanitarian access is restored. 

Mr. MURPHY. Congressman, thank you. We are exploring all options available to us to effect change inside this country, with a 

focus on the armed forces. I think it is important to point out that 

we have in place already a substantial range of restrictions on the 

military. Our engagement is virtually nonexistent. There is no 

training. Assistance is prohibited. That reflects the fact that the 

transition to democracy is not complete. 

Democracy has not been fully consolidated. We have talked about 

the expansive authorities that the security forces have over their 

own armed forces, three key ministries, one of the vice presidencies 

in the country. They are outside civilian control, particularly in this 

part of the country. We want to bring about accountability. There 

are ample evidence and reports of abuses and allegations. We will 

explore further tools. 

The JADE Act, which Congress put into place in 2008, remains 

very active. There are visa restrictions on all senior military leadVerDate 0ct 09 2002 14:09 Feb 15, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00030 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_FULL\100517\27063 SHIRL
27

ers and their family members. The waivers that you refer to, Mr. 

Engel, are very sparingly and very rarely applied, only in the cases 

where it is in the U.S. interest. We are examining that very closely, 

not considering any expansion. For the time being, the JADE Act 

holds and those restrictions remain in place. 

Chairman ROYCE. I think that one of the issues is going to be, 

can we get the United Nations back more engaged in Burma, and 

can the U.N. then be the conduit to get the Red Cross and to get 

NGO groups back into Rakhine State? 

What is the prospect at the United Nations that our Ambassador 

could work with the Security Council, lay the foundation for a more 

robust presence? The very criteria that I just laid out that Kofi 

Annan helped develop in consultation while in Burma—he had 

been invited in and worked with the Council on Aung San Suu Kyi 

on this issue. So there is this possibility of the U.N. being the mediator or helping even in this role of setting up the dialogues between different ethnic groups up in Rakhine State. If the international body can come in, would that give us considerable leverage to get to some of these objectives? 

Mr. MURPHY. Mr. Chairman, you rightly point out the critical, 

important role of the United Nations. And that is important in a 

variety of avenues of effort: The humanitarian assistance that you 

refer to, also the actions that potentially the Security Council could 

take. And let me point out the U.N. bodies that deal with human 

rights, like the Human Rights Council. 

I also want to offer that our Ambassador in Burma, Ambassador 

Scot Marciel, and his team have been relentless on this and many 

lines of effort to address this crisis. They are working with the government to encourage an increased role for the United Nations. In 

fact, there is currently a U.N. presence in Burma on the ground. 

In Rakhine State itself, they are poised to activate their humanitarian operations. 

We have encouraged the government to invite senior U.N. figures 

to visit Burma, engage, discuss possible ways forward. And as the 

chairman pointed out, in New York, our Ambassador and team are 

quite engaged at the Security Council in forging a way forward for 

the U.N. I just want to emphasize, there are many lines of action 

for the U.N.—humanitarian, accountability, human rights. And our 

press is on all of those fronts and encouraging cooperation inside 

Burma with these entities. 

Mr. YOHO [presiding]. Does anybody else want to comment on 

that? 

Ambassador STORELLA. I would like to add that our efforts at 

pushing for access have not been without any success whatsoever. 

Initially, the Government in Burma had said that it would allow 

humanitarian assistance to pass only through its hands, and our 

Ambassador in Burma and others insisted that that would not be 

possible for us. Eventually, they agreed to the Red Cross Movement 

being a source of assistance directly in the region. And with the assistance provided through the Department of State, the Red Cross 

Movement is staffing up from 20 in northern Rakhine State to, we 

hope, 200 soon to increase access. 

Access has also come in the way of, most recently, movement to 

permit one NGO from the United Kingdom to be present. And I 

28

would note that, on October 2, our Ambassador, Scot Marciel, was 

able to visit Rakhine State to see what was going on with his own 

eyes and saw some of the destruction. So we will keep pushing. 

And I want to guarantee to you that we will support these agencies 

that are active, and we will keep supporting them diplomatically 

on every single front. 

Mr. YOHO. I appreciate your work in doing that. 

And, again, I want to give a shout-out to the Ambassador of Bangladesh, Ambassador Ziauddin. Thank you and your country for 

what you have done and are continuing to do, and we look forward 

to partnering up with you. 

You know, too many times, we see these disturbing things going 

on around the world. And this is the 21st century, and I know we 

have said over and over again, ‘‘Never again.’’ Never again will we 

see these atrocities, whether it is in Nazi Germany, whether it is 

in Rwanda, any other place where we see genocide. And we as humans, to tolerate this is intolerable. And we have to crack down, 

and we have to find an effective way to bring partners to this. 

And one of my questions was, why do Russia and China feel that 

it is in their strategic interest to provide diplomatic cover for the 

Burmese military? Are they afraid of another democracy forming? 

What are your thoughts on that? 

We will start with you, Mr. Murphy. Go ahead. 

Mr. MURPHY. Thank you, Congressman Yoho. 

I could not agree with you more that this is a human tragedy, 

and we don’t want to see history repeat itself. Inside Burma, the 

plight of the Rohingya people is a longstanding challenge, decades 

and decades of repression and discrimination. The new government 

there is 18 months in the making and inherited this problem. It 

needs to do more. We have called on the government to provide 

moral leadership. 

There are some efforts underway. As the chairman cited, the 

Annan commission provides an important potential path forward. 

Eighty-eight recommendations. This was a commission formed by 

the Government of Burma with expertise from outside and inside 

the country. And it deals with some of the most sensitive, politically challenged issues, including citizenship for the Rohingya, important development efforts, rights, and cooperation with neighbors, including Bangladesh. 

Mr. YOHO. Let me interrupt you there, because I just read a report, I think it was a day or 2 ago, where the Burma Government 

said they would allow people to come back in. And I know there 

is proof of citizenship and all that. Have they worked through that, 

or are they at a point where they are like, you know what, we need 

to take these people back? 

And then another question, and this will probably be for you, 

Ambassador Storella. If we can’t rely on the Security Council at the 

U.N., the obvious question that comes to me is, number one, is it 

efficient or effective? And the obvious answer is no. So what do we 

need to do, from the influence of the United States, to say, ‘‘You 

guys need to get your act together. These are crimes against humanity, and for us to continue to be involved with you, you need 

to tighten up your act, and let’s get the results we want on the 

ground and stop these things’’? 

29

So if you guys could respond to that. 

Mr. MURPHY. Congressman Yoho, on returns, a couple of things 

to offer. First, we have stated very clearly the right to safe, voluntary, dignified return must be an absolute. Aung San Suu Kyi 

herself stated that those who have fled will be allowed to return 

to their homes. 

A couple of things have taken place. We now need to see implementation. 

The Burmese, earlier this week, sent a senior minister, Kyaw Tin 

Swe, to Dhaka to begin discussions with Bangladesh counterparts. 

They, together, formed a joint working committee on repatriation 

modalities. That is important, and we want to support that. 

Inside the country, the government has formed a committee to 

implement the recommendations of the Annan commission, the recommendations in that report. 

This is good. Now we need to see action. 

And there are other stakeholders. This is not just a matter of the 

civilian government, dictating refugees shall return. There are 

other stakeholders like the security forces, like local authorities in 

Rakhine State. There is not one single point of authority in the 

country. So, you know, it is very complex in that regard. 

Mr. YOHO. Well, and that leads to, who is going to monitor and 

who is going to police it outside of the Burmese Government? 

Let me have Ambassador Storella—and, Ms. Somvongsiri, I will 

ask you something if I have a moment. I guess I do. 

Go ahead. 

Ambassador STORELLA. So thank you very much, Mr. Yoho, for 

that question. 

Indeed, we face obstacles in the actions that we want to take. I 

think that what is most important for us in dealing with the U.N. 

system and international organizations is that we look at all the 

tools that we have at our disposal and try to use all the tools as 

best as we can. 

It is noteworthy that the U.N. Human Rights Council, on which 

I once represented the United States, has extended the mandate 

for action in Burma. We should work with that. The 88 recommendations from the Annan Commission report have been accepted by the Burmese Government and by the Bangladesh Government. We should look at each one of those and determine which 

ones can be used best to press our case to provide for access and 

accountability. 

I think that we also have to continue to use our voice publicly, 

which our senior leadership has in New York and Washington and 

also in Burma itself. And we should continue that. 

Finally, I think that we have to keep demonstrating to the Burmese leadership that it is in their interest to settle the issues inside their country so the country can get on with peaceful development and a better future for its own people. As you know, that is 

not so easy to do. 

Mr. YOHO. It is not. And we had a hearing on this last week, and 

it was disheartening because we brought up some of these issues. 

And, Ms. Somvongsiri, since you were on the Thai-Burma border 

and you lived there, what are the things that need to change? You 

know, when we had the hearing last week, it was recommended 

30

that the U.N. needs to study this and do a report. In the meantime, 

we don’t have time for that. We have people dying on the ground, 

being run out, genocide happening today. We don’t have time for 

a report. 

What do we need to change in the narrative or in the directive 

of the U.N. to intervene, go in there and monitor it and bring in 

the appropriate world nations to help bring stability to this and 

stop this nonsense? 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. Thank you, sir, for that important question 

and for that point. 

The main thing, from USAID’s perspective, that needs to change 

immediately is humanitarian access. Until and unless we are able 

to get into northern Rakhine State to provide lifesaving support as 

well as to be able to have media to come in to actually see and assess the situation, there is not much, from a development assistance perspective, that we can do until that happens. 

As the situation stands right now, as we have heard, the Government of Burma and the military are in northern Rakhine, and the 

Red Cross Movement has been granted permission. But, aside from 

that, none of the U.N. agencies, none of the aid partners are in 

there. We are in central Rakhine State and are able to restore 

some support there, but it is very limited. So we call for unfettered 

access. That is an obvious——

Mr. YOHO. All right. I thank you. 

I am going to turn now to Mr. Dana Rohrabacher from California. 

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And I 

say ‘‘Mr. Chairman’’ because you are the subcommittee chairman 

and had a great hearing on this issue just a few days ago. So I 

would like to congratulate you, and also to suggest that I think 

that Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Eliot Engel, they have 

done a good job in making sure that this issue is high on our priority. So the word is out around the world that we are paying attention. Perhaps more than anything else, that can have a positive 

impact. 

And this message is especially important for those people in the 

Muslim world who are being told that we are their enemy. And we 

have to let good people know all over the world, whatever their religion is, that we are on the side of ordinary people and their rights 

to live decent lives without being murdered and raped and the type 

of things that these poor people are suffering who are the subject 

of the hearing today. 

This does remind me—and I wasn’t here for Eliot’s remarks, but 

Eliot and I were very involved when a similar situation was in 

Kosovo, where you had Muslims who were being—I say obliterated, 

they were being ethnically cleansed, and, at that time, it was by 

the Serbs. Let me just say that, from what I see here, the Serbs 

at that time were acting very similarly to what we see happening 

in Burma. 

And I spent a lot of time working with people in Burma who 

were under attack 20, 30 years ago. So this vicious activity by the 

Burmese Government shouldn’t be looked at just as something 

aimed at this Muslim people. The fact is they are conducting themselves in an absolutely unacceptable, criminal way with the 

31

Kachins, the Chins, the Karens and the Karenni who are Christians, the Shan. 

The central government in Burma and the Burmese Army, which 

used to call themselves—the administration before Aung San Suu 

Kyi was called the SLORC, which fit what was going on there. This 

has got to stop. And I don’t think we should look at this just as 

the attack on these people, which is unacceptable, but we should 

look at it as an example of the behavior of the Burmese Government and hold them accountable. 

I was a big supporter of Aung San Suu Kyi. We are expecting 

more from her than what is happening. And the fact is, perhaps 

she is unable to do more. But we must mobilize public opinion—

that is what this hearing is about—mobilize public opinion when 

such atrocities are being committed by the Burmese Government. 

Okay, so I have castigated the Burmese Government, but I want 

to ask you about the Bangladesh Government now, because I have 

had reports that significant amounts of money have been donated 

by oil-rich countries to Bangladesh to deal with these people but 

that that aid has somewhat disappeared. Is that correct? 

Mr. MURPHY. Congressman Rohrabacher, if I first could thank 

you for your longstanding interest in Burma. We have had the opportunity to discuss many times over the years the challenges 

there, and these discussions are always quite fruitful. 

Before we talk about Bangladesh, I want to acknowledge the accuracy of what you have had to offer, say, about many suffering 

people throughout the country of Burma. And, indeed, what I 

would add to the mix: Inside complicated Rakhine State itself, on 

display is the terrible, terrible treatment of the Rohingya people. 

Mr. ROHRABACHER. That is right. 

Mr. MURPHY. There are other minorities there, as well, who feel 

aggrieved, most notably the ethnic Rakhine, who happen to be 

Buddhist but feel over many, many years they have been discriminated and repressed by central authorities and successive military 

governments. 

That complicates the environment to facilitate humanitarian assistance and give the Rohingya the attention they need. We have 

to think about the other ethnic minorities there, too, that are in 

need, are part of the problem and need to be part of the solution. 

And, indeed, we call on all Burmese people who have suffered 

through the struggle for independence, the 50 years of authoritarian rule, have suffered discrimination, repression, neglect, 

underdevelopment. We ask them to find in their own hearts compassion for fellow human beings who need basic dignity—apart 

from any political, challenging questions, need respect, dignity, and 

safety. 

With regards to Bangladesh, I have been in communications with 

Bangladesh diplomats here in Washington. We are very, very 

grateful for the incredible safe haven that country has provided, 

not only in response to the current crisis—over 1⁄2 million refugees—but substantial populations who have crossed, following previous crises, into Bangladesh. 

I will defer to my colleagues to talk about the kind of assistance, 

but what we are focusing on is the much-needed communication between Burma and Bangladesh. We have seen some movement on 

32

that this week. We understand that a Bangladesh senior official 

planned some travel to Naypyidaw, the capital of Burma, for further discussions. This is good. The two countries have much in 

common, many challenges they need to overcome—most importantly, the safe path to return of refugees to their original homes. 

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Uh-huh. 

Mr. MURPHY. And there was an earlier question about citizenship. Our understanding from the authorities in Burma is that citizenship is not a requirement for return. That is a separate process—verification and path to citizenship. There will need to be a 

process to identify where they came from, when they crossed. But 

those discussions are now underway, and we are going to focus on 

that very, very closely. 

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Well, let’s note that many people in Congress, when we are dealing with a limited budget, some of us who 

do not believe in economy-building or nation-building as a target 

for foreign aid, we all believe that, as human beings and as on this 

planet, the American people do have responsibility toward their fellow human beings in cases of emergency and crisis. 

Now, this is not a natural crisis. This is a manmade crisis, and 

it is an emergency. So we are behind these efforts. 

But, again, just one question. I am sorry to put you on the spot, 

Mr. Ambassador, but I have been told that money that was donated by very wealthy, oil-producing, Muslim countries, that a lot 

of it has not gone to these folks who are suffering. 

I would ask our lady from the USAID. 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. Thank you, sir, for that question on the issue 

of support to Bangladesh. 

In addition to our U.S. support that we have been discussing 

today, I would note that a number of other countries have also 

stepped up their efforts. It is not just the U.S. that has seized with 

this issue. So the United Kingdom, for example, has pledged——

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Okay. But is there any indication that that 

aid has been—that corruption is getting in the way of helping these 

people? 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. There is indication that some of the aid is 

going to much-needed lifesaving support. Of the corruption issue, 

the issue you speak of specifically, I don’t have knowledge of that 

right now, but we can look into that and get back to you on that. 

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Okay. Thank you. 

And thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman ROYCE [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Rohrabacher. 

We go now to Mr. Joaquin Castro of Texas. 

Mr. CASTRO. Thank you, Chairman. And thank all of you for your 

testimony today. And I apologize if I retread any ground that we 

have covered already. I was at my other committee hearing. 

But, as you know, this is an incredible time, a very tumultuous 

time for dispossessed peoples in the world. Europe is still facing its 

largest migration since World War II, mostly because of the Syrian 

conflict. But, also, in Southeast Asia, the Rohingya have been dispossessed. 

So humanitarian organizations estimate that the cost to help them would be about $434 million. The United States, I know, in 

September, I believe, committed about $32 million. My question is, 

33

as far as you know, what other nations are helping or groups are 

helping? And, also, does the United States plan any further aid? 

Ambassador STORELLA. Congressman Castro, thank you very 

much for that question. And I would like to start by saying that 

the magnitude of this crisis, as you have indicated, is so large that 

it is going to require many different hands to support the needs 

that are so evident and so urgent right now. The United States did indeed provide an additional $32 million 

on September 20. On September 28, USAID, through the Office of 

Food for Peace, announced an additional $6 million in assistance. 

And, on that same day, PRM at the Department of State announced an additional—well, we didn’t announce, we simply provided an additional $2.1 million. That is the end of fiscal year 2017. 

We are going to review our funding in fiscal year 2018, but we will fund against appeals themselves. The indication of $434 million in needs is a preliminary statement by the United Nations. We 

will be reacting to and examining actual appeals by different organizations to respond to them. 

But I do want to emphasize, as my colleague from USAID mentioned, we are not the only ones and we should not be the only ones 

to respond to this tragedy. She mentioned that the United Kingdom has already stepped forward, but I——

Mr. CASTRO. And how much have they put up? 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. $33.5 million. 

Ambassador STORELLA. $33.5 million. 

Mr. CASTRO. Any other European nations that have stepped forward? 

Ambassador STORELLA. Yes. Denmark provided $3.1 million; Australia, $4 million; the European Union, 3 million euros; Canada, $2.1 million; South Korea, $1.5 million; Japan, $4 million; and 

Saudi Arabia, $15 million. 

That is a beginning. The United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator, Mr. Lowcock, announced yesterday that there will be, in all 

likelihood, a pledging conference on October 23. And that may take 

place in Geneva, but, actually, we don’t have the full details on 

that. I don’t know that we will be ready to pledge additional assistance at that time, but we will certainly be ready to work with other 

governments to ensure that others come forward to help carry this 

burden. 

Mr. CASTRO. Thank you. 

Ambassador STORELLA. Thank you. 

Mr. CASTRO. And—yes? 

Mr. MURPHY. If I could, Representative Castro, first, I want to 

thank you for your leadership with the ASEAN Caucus——

Mr. CASTRO. Thank you. 

Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. Here in Congress. A very important 

entity in our relationship there at 40 years is very productive. 

But that gives me the opportunity to talk about the neighborhood. In my statement, I said that if this crisis is not managed and 

the violence brought to an end, it can have an impact on the neighborhood. Under military regimes, Burma exported refugees, illicit 

narcotics, trafficking victims. We don’t want to revert to that. And 

we have been messaging with the neighborhood that they need to 

focus on this crisis so it doesn’t spread throughout the region. 

34

There is a growing potential for terrorism of an international flavor in Burma. That would spell bad news for the neighborhood. 

So we are working with ASEAN. ASEAN has activated its 

ASEAN humanitarian assistance program. And I believe it is only 

the second time—they call it AHA—only the second time they have 

activated this mechanism as a result of a non-natural disaster crisis. So they are providing assistance. 

We are also encouraging ASEAN to communicate, to encourage 

the stakeholders inside Burma to take the actions needed to end 

the violence, open up humanitarian assistance for international organizations, and implement the Kofi Annan recommendations. We 

believe the voice, the collective voice, of ASEAN could be influential 

in this situation. 

Mr. CASTRO. And I probably have time for one more question. 

Has the United States been clear that this is ethnic cleansing? Has 

the State Department taken that position? Or how would you all 

define it, at this point? 

Mr. MURPHY. Mr Castro, I refer to my seniors in the U.S. Government, the Secretary of State, who said it has been characterized 

by many as ethnic cleansing. That must stop. Our Ambassador to 

the United Nations, Ambassador Haley, stated that this is a brutal, 

sustained campaign that appears to be an effort to cleanse the 

country of an ethnic minority. 

There are separate processes underway examining the avenue of 

accountability. What we do know, regardless of discussions about 

what to call it, is that it is a human tragedy. Half a million people 

on the move across the border, several hundred thousands displaced internally. And actions need to be taken now to stop the violence, deliver humanitarian assistance, as well as the efforts to 

hold accountable those who have perpetuated abuses and violations 

of international standards. 

Mr. CASTRO. Will you permit me one more comment? 

Chairman ROYCE. I will, Mr. Castro. 

Mr. CASTRO. Thank you, Chairman. 

Well, thank you all for your efforts. Thank you for the initial assistance to this problem. And I hope that we won’t lose sight of 

this, even though it is in a faraway place in the world from the 

United States. The pace at which news and devastating news hits 

us now causes whiplash, almost, for not only Americans but also 

for those of us in Congress as we deal with human tragedies. So, 

you know, we will keep working with you on this. 

Chairman ROYCE. Would the gentleman yield? 

Mr. CASTRO. Sure. 

Chairman ROYCE. The other thing I thought I would clarify is 

the $32 million is the latest tranche for this fiscal year. The total 

is $104 million for Burma, the vast majority of that for the 

Rohingya situation. But an additional funding we have for regional 

humanitarian assistance, some money that we don’t break out by 

country. So it would be in excess of the $104 million so far. 

But it is a good point, that we will stay on top of this. And I 

just——

Mr. CASTRO. Thank you, Chairman. 

Chairman ROYCE [continuing]. Mention that for the record. 

We go now to Ann Wagner, Ambassador Wagner, of Missouri. 

35

Mrs. WAGNER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will be brief here. I 

have to run to another Financial Services hearing. 

But I want to first acknowledge the Bangladesh Embassy for the 

work that they are doing to give refuge to Rohingya. I thank them 

very, very much. 

I am devastated by the ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims in 

Burma. For over 60 years, the Burmese Government has persecuted religious and ethnic minorities, from Christians in Kachin 

to Muslims in Rakhine State. We are, in part, to blame for not 

holding the Burmese Government and military accountable for 

their actions, which we knew about full well as we lifted the sanctions. 

Ambassador Storella, you indicated in your written statement 

that you are supporting the elected government’s efforts, including 

the Rakhine Advisory Commission. I understand the political expediency of supporting the Commission, but Burma has clearly abdicated its responsibility to protect. And the U.S. should officially recognize mass-atrocity crimes against Rohingya Muslims and unequivocally support an independent investigation. Downplaying 

human rights violations and impunity has not resulted in national 

reconciliation. It has perpetuated more conflict and a lack of accountability. 

Ambassador Storella and Assistant Secretary Murphy, when will 

the United States push for an independent investigation into these 

mass-atrocity crimes? 

Mr. MURPHY. Thank you very much, Congresswoman. 

And I agree with your characterization of this longstanding challenge that is abhorrent and now on full display. But for those of 

us who have followed the country for a long time, we have seen big 

population movements in the past—1970s, 1990s, crisis again in 

2012, last year as well. Irregular migration in 2015 caused a crisis 

for the entire region——

Mrs. WAGNER. Independent investigations. Please get to the 

point. 

Mr. MURPHY. We are supporting, Congresswoman, as a cosponsor 

at the Human Rights Council, a U.N. fact-finding mission that was 

recently extended, the mandate for this program, to look closely at 

the abuses, gather information, and make determinations on the 

way forward. 

I hasten to point out, there are not just challenges in Rakhine 

State; there is ongoing, active conflict elsewhere in the country——

Mrs. WAGNER. Correct. 

Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. In particular, in Kachin and Shan 

States. Those conflicts need to come to an end. 

There are many actors inside the country, I also want to point 

out, in terms of pressure points. There is the civilian government. 

There are the security forces. There are local ethnic leaders. There 

is the broad population. 

Mrs. WAGNER. Why isn’t—and reclaiming my time, and I have a 

short amount here. Why isn’t the U.S. doing its own independent 

investigation? Why are we not doing that? 

Mr. MURPHY. We have many efforts underway, first and foremost, to bring this immediate crisis and suffering to an end. We 

36

are indeed looking at tracks for accountability. As we stated earlier——

Mrs. WAGNER. Okay. 

Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. We are attempting to gain access——

Mrs. WAGNER. I am going to reclaim my time——

Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. To northern Rakhine State——

Mrs. WAGNER [continuing]. With apologies. We have been looking 

at this while people have been suffering for 60 years. 

Ambassador Storella, some countries are hesitant to officially call 

survivors in Bangladesh refugees. How do we address the needs of 

Rohingya who have no home to return to? How would you classify 

these stateless people who were forced to leave their country, running from likely genocide? 

Ambassador STORELLA. Congresswoman, thank you very much 

for that question. And I would like to say that right now there are 

1 million Rohingya residing inside Bangladesh. We have all recognized the incredible generosity——

Mrs. WAGNER. Correct. 

Ambassador STORELLA [continuing]. Of the Government of Bangladesh and its people. It is perhaps more than there are Rohingya 

left in Burma at this time. We consider these people refugees. We 

think that they should come under the mandate of the UNHCR 

and the international legal instruments that apply to that. 

The United States has been very gratified to see that the Bangladesh Government has undertaken a registration process for the 

people who have crossed the border. This is something that at 

times has been controversial in the past. They are doing so now, 

with the assistance of the UNHCR. This will give us a record of 

who has come across the border, which will help us provide greater 

protection under international law for them. 

It is a slow process right now. I think that they are able to register right now, as they have just started the process, about 6,000 

per day. 

This is going to help. And I think that it is important to recognize that the Government of Bangladesh has increased its cooperation with UNHCR under these circumstances——

Mrs. WAGNER. Thank you. Thank you. 

With the chair’s indulgence, I have one last question. 

Chairman ROYCE. The gentlelady’s time has expired. 

We go to Mr. Gerry Connolly of Virginia. 

Mrs. WAGNER. I will submit it for the record. Thank you. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Following up on I think where my colleague Mrs. Wagner was 

leading, Mr. Murphy, I guess I don’t understand your reluctance to 

call this what it is: Ethnic cleansing. I mean, you have used code, 

‘‘disproportionate response by the military,’’ ‘‘other sources of violence,’’ ‘‘a culture of complexities.’’ At least Nikki Haley admitted 

it appears to be ethnic cleansing. 

When 800,000 people of a particular ethnic background are living 

in a neighboring country because they have been forcibly removed 

from their villages, I would call that ethnic cleansing, you know, 

pretty clear and simple. 

What is your reluctance to call it what it is? 

37

Mr. MURPHY. Thank you very much, Congressman Connolly. I 

appreciate your perspectives and concern about the situation, as we 

are deeply, deeply concerned by the human tragedy. And that is 

what it is. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Let’s stipulate we both are concerned. We accept 

that. Why not call it ethnic cleansing? What is the nature of your 

reluctance, as a diplomat representing the State Department, to 

call it ethnic cleansing? Are you afraid you will offend the Burmese 

military? I mean, what is our concern? 

Mr. MURPHY. No, there is no reluctance, Mr. Connolly, at all. I 

have referred to our senior officials, including Ambassador Haley 

and Secretary Tillerson, who have referred to what appears to 

many to be ethnic cleansing. 

The important thing now is action to end the violence——

Mr. CONNOLLY. I get that, Mr. Murphy. But, you know, I am an 

English lit major; words mean something. And you are still evidencing a reluctance to call it ethnic cleansing. My question to you 

is, why? 

Mr. MURPHY. In part, the situation must be focused on the U.N. 

fact-finding mission. That is a deliberative process to look exactly 

at what has taken place——

Mr. CONNOLLY. Okay. So——

Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. Both there and elsewhere. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I am sorry. I am——

Mr. MURPHY. We are supportive——

Mr. CONNOLLY. I am worried about time. I am not trying to be 

rude, but I only have 3 more minutes, and you see the chairman 

is strict. 

So we are waiting for the U.N.? 

Mr. MURPHY. No. That is a parallel process that we are strongly 

supporting. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. So we don’t care whether the U.N. finds it ethnic 

cleansing or not; we are free to call it what we think it is. 

Mr. MURPHY. Absolutely. A human——

Mr. CONNOLLY. Well, then why don’t you call it——

Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. Tragedy. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Then why don’t you call it ethnic cleansing? 

Mr. MURPHY. It is a human tragedy. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Murphy, do I look like a fool to you? 

Chairman ROYCE. Would the gentleman yield for a moment? 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Yes, sir. Of course. 

Chairman ROYCE. Just to quote Ambassador Nikki Haley, who I 

have talked to at length on this issue and is speaking for the administration, I presume, on this issue, she says it is a ‘‘brutal, sustained campaign to cleanse the country of an ethnic minority.’’ To 

cleanse the country of an ethnic minority. 

The U.N. is engaged in its assessment of the situation, but I 

would say that puts us out on the ledge of what I and Eliot Engel 

and us on the committee have named and called ethnic cleansing. 

We encourage everyone to use that term. 

But I just wanted to clarify Nikki Haley’s——

Mr. CONNOLLY. Yeah. I thank the chair. And, apparently, that 

word hasn’t gotten to the Deputy Assistant Secretary. 

Chairman ROYCE. He had used the quote earlier. 

38

Mr. CONNOLLY. Sometimes we have to be careful, but when we 

are looking at the kind of tragedy we are looking at here, it seems 

to me speaking with clarity actually is an important tool of diplomacy, not fuzzifying it with other kinds of descriptions that clearly, 

deliberately are avoiding calling it what it is. 

By the way, I would ask the chair if he might just restore a little 

bit of my time. 

Chairman ROYCE. But of course. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I thank the chair. 

Okay. Let’s see. 

Mr. Murphy, when Mr. Engel asked you about sanctions, you 

said, ‘‘We are exploring all available options, and many restrictions 

remain in place, especially with respect to the armed forces.’’

Could you elaborate? Does that mean no military-to-military 

training, for example, or that military assistance directly is still on 

ice? 

Mr. MURPHY. Yes, sir. What that means is there is a prohibition 

on assistance to the Burmese military. There is a broad set of visa 

restrictions that apply to senior military leaders and their families 

that remains active. There is very, very limited ability to engage 

with the Burmese military on issues like humanitarian assistance, 

human rights international standards, but that has been so nascent and almost negligible. But, primarily, this is not a normalized 

military-to-military relationship, by any stretch, and has not been 

for decades. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Yes. I agree with that. 

The military was driven to open itself to the outside world back 

in 2011 and came to some kind of uneasy peace with civilian government up to a point, allowing elections and Aung San Suu Kyi 

being the effective leader of the country—not by title, but she has 

it. 

What has liberated the military in this situation to feel that all 

of those restraints or all of those boundaries do not pertain and we 

are free to engage in this ethnic cleansing with such violence and 

effectiveness, actually? 

Mr. MURPHY. Congressman, the transition that you referred to 

enjoyed the support of many in the international community, providing Burma perhaps with its first and best opportunity to address so many longstanding challenges. The transition to an elected 

government allowed the will of the people to be expressed. 

However, the armed forces designed and implemented the very 

constitution that forms the basis for government. That places a lot 

of limitations on this new government. The military accords full authority for its own security forces——

Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Murphy, I was in Burma a year ago. I met 

with the head of the military as well as Aung San Suu Kyi, and 

I absolutely take your point. 

But my question, really, though, is, in this time period until this, 

they have shown a certain restraint, a certain caution. There are 

also restraints on the civilian side. They know there are unwritten 

boundaries. But, in this case, all of that seems to have been pushed 

away, and there seems to be no sense of restraint by the military 

with respect to the Rohingya. Why do you think that is? It is out 

39

of character with how I think we would characterize the last 5 or 

6 years of their behavior. 

Mr. MURPHY. Congressman, I would say not entirely out of character, because there is ongoing conflict in northern Burma. At any 

point in time over the last 70 years, there has been active conflict 

somewhere between the——

Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Murphy, my time is up. But, look, all of that 

is true, but they haven’t pushed 1⁄2 million people into another 

country in such a limited timeframe. And I am asking you your assessment. Why do you think, at this moment, they kind of changed 

their behavior and really accelerated this in such enormous numbers and with such impunity? 

Mr. MURPHY. Congressman, without explaining any understanding or condoning the actions, I can point to what the security 

forces say, what the narrative in the country is. They feel that they 

are under attack. The militant, coordinated assaults on August 

25——

Mr. CONNOLLY. By the Rohingya. 

Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. By Rohingya militants, a new organization that now claims responsibility for attacks as well in 2016, 

this has bumped up a level. They were coordinated. They resulted 

in deaths. This feeds a narrative popular in the country that the 

sovereignty of their country is under assault and they face a serious terrorism problem. 

They obviously have responded in a very disproportionate manner and have failed to protect civilian populations. Regardless of 

that threat, they have behaved in a way that has exacerbated the 

problem and the challenges. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Chairman, thank you for your indulgence. 

Chairman ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Connolly. 

We go now to Tom Garrett of Virginia. 

Mr. GARRETT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And thank you all for your testimony here today. 

It strikes me that, for the last probably 20 years, I have heard 

folks of a broad array of political stripes extol the virtues of Aung 

San Suu Kyi, the progress in Burma, et cetera. And that tool that 

is at our disposal that I think is infrequently used but oftentimes 

effective is that of shame. 

I wonder if any of you could elaborate on the potential to bring 

pressure on the Government of Burma to amend its behaviors by 

virtue of publicizing the realities on the ground as it relates to the 

Rohingya and essentially motivating Ms.—I don’t know what the 

proper—Aung San Suu Kyi—I don’t know whether it would be Ms. 

Suu Kyi—to compel different behavior by virtue of that tried-andtrue, traditional tactic of shame. 

In other words, do you think it might help to shine light on the 

reality? What role could the United States take to that end, both 

in the global media world and in the United Nations and as an 

influencer of ASEAN and as a member of SEATO, et cetera? And 

it is wide open. 

Mr. Murphy, you can take a break if you want. You are also welcome to answer, but if you would like to catch your breath, you can. 

Ambassador STORELLA. Congressman, thank you very much for 

that question. I can answer from the humanitarian assistance perVerDate 0ct 09 2002 14:09 Feb 15, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00043 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_FULL\100517\27063 SHIRL
40

spective and will not try to cover the entire scope of your question. 

But I do want to say that it is extremely important to document 

what is going on, and it is extremely important to bear witness to 

what is going on. 

The Government of Bangladesh has accepted over 500,000 people 

onto its territory. Our Ambassador in Dhaka, Marcia Bernicat, I 

spoke with her last night. And she immediately went to Cox’s 

Bazar to check on the circumstances there. And there she brought 

the press with her. And she interviewed people, including women 

who had been subject to gender-based violence, to hear their stories, and she has related them. 

That is part of our humanitarian approach, but it also shines a 

light on what has happened, and it is very important for us to continue doing that. 

Thank you. 

Mr. GARRETT. Oh, you can talk. I wasn’t telling you not to talk. 

I just felt like you had kind of been raked across the coals there. 

And, candidly, to be fair, I know you don’t single-handedly shape 

U.S. policy, but I am a little bit sympathetic to—mark this down, 

it is a red-letter day—to Mr. Connolly’s line of questioning. 

But, yeah, go ahead and speak to it, please, sir.

Mr. MURPHY. Thank you, Congressman. And I appreciate the 

perspective. What can we do? This is a source of frustration, and 

we are outraged by the human suffering. 

There are many stakeholders inside the country that need to 

take action. This is not a monolithic authority. There is the government. There are the security forces. There are local ethnic leaders 

inside Rakhine State. There is the broad population. All of them 

need to take actions. 

I would agree——

Mr. GARRETT. Let me interrupt you for a second. And, again, I 

am not trying to double down on beating up on you. 

It has been my experience, whether it is in Burma or it is in 

Central America or whether it is in Africa, that the local militias, 

et cetera, operate with a great deal more impunity when the government is willing to look the other way. Obviously, they continue 

to exist, even in contrivance to the government in many instances. 

But I think right now what we are seeing—what I understand 

is that they operate with impunity because the government either 

condones it or doesn’t do anything to deter it. 

So, sorry. Go ahead. 

Mr. MURPHY. I agree with your perspective, and I appreciate 

that. I think the fact that we herald the transition to a more democratic Burma does not absolve the government of criticism. And, indeed, as Ambassador Haley said in New York, we should shame 

Burma’s leadership. We are looking for more. 

At the same time, there are figures who are attempting to do 

what has been unattempted, unprecedented for many, many decades—that is, to give Rakhine and the Rohingya attention, a path 

to citizenship, right now a path to return to their homes. 

We can’t effect action from outside the country without action by 

stakeholders inside the country——

41

Mr. GARRETT. Let me interrupt you, because I have 10 seconds, 

because you touched on something, and that is a path to return to 

their country. 

It is so frustrating—I know I am over; I am going to wrap up 

quickly—because I spent the better part of a year in a uniform in 

the Balkans, and we watched 6 million internally and externally, 

at least, displaced people from Iraq and Syria, and we see it here 

with Burmese Rohingya pushed into Bangladesh, and we always 

talk about creating circumstances where people can return to their 

homes, and they never—I mean, with small exceptions, they never 

do. 

So it is not directed at you; it is more of a frustration of the 

world that we live in and perhaps an implorement to find a better 

paradigm moving forward. 

Thank you. 

Chairman ROYCE. Thank you very, very much for your questioning, Mr. Garrett. 

We now go to Mr. David Cicilline of Rhode Island. 

Mr. CICILLINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And thank you to the witnesses for your testimony this morning. 

I would like to focus very specifically on the sanctions and what 

specific actions the administration is considering in terms of removing or revising any of the existing waivers on sanctions on Burma. 

I know earlier in testimony it was suggested that waivers are infrequently used. I just pulled up on my phone a long list of sanctions 

that were waived with respect to Burma. 

So I want know very specifically, is the administration looking at 

revoking or revising those and instituting additional sanctions? 

What is the downside of that? And particularly sanctions with the 

military in Burma that is responsible for this outrageous and atrocious behavior. 

Mr. MURPHY. Thank you, Congressman. 

I think what you are getting at is what consideration of actions 

can we take that can effect behavior change inside the country of 

actors who need to stop the violence. 

We have a deliberative process, interagency process, underway, 

where we are looking at all options——

Mr. CICILLINE. Including the waivers? Including removing the 

waivers that have been previously granted? 

Mr. MURPHY. All the available options are under consideration: 

Reimposing restrictions, expanding restrictions. Or is there a different variety of assistance and cooperation that in fact is needed? 

What we are motivated by are two things that I would like to 

highlight. 

One, there does need to be accountability for any abuses and violations. That is a very important track. That will be ongoing. 

In the very immediate term, we need to take actions that help 

the plight of people who are vulnerable, at risk, facing violence. We 

don’t want to take actions that exacerbate their suffering. There is 

that risk in this complicated environment. 

Mr. CICILLINE. I understand——

Mr. MURPHY. That doesn’t withhold us from action, but it means 

we want to be very deliberative and careful about what we do, Congressman. 

42

Mr. CICILLINE. I understand that. 

In fact, that leads to my very next question. What are we doing 

to ensure—and this is really for the Administrator—that women 

and girls who have been subjected to unspeakable sexual violence 

are receiving the care and not only medical care but the comprehensive counseling and all the things that a victim of this kind 

of violence absolutely requires? And are we taking any steps, either 

alone or with our partners, to help mitigate the risk of sexual violence? 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. Thank you, sir, for raising that very important 

issue. 

As you highlighted, within a vulnerable population already within the Rohingya, women and adolescent girls are especially vulnerable. We have talked about the limitations on movements within 

the community. Women and girls have further limitations, not only 

just staying in the camps but, as Muslim women and girls, in some 

cases having to stay in their homes and shelters, which really 

makes them much more vulnerable and susceptible to things like 

trafficking. 

As you know, we do not have access to northern Rakhine State 

to see the situation firsthand, but we have heard reports of those 

who have crossed over to Bangladesh of exactly the sorts of genderbased violence you have mentioned. 

Mr. CICILLINE. But my question is—I am aware of it. I think we 

all know the problem. I am asking, are we doing anything about 

it? 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. So what we are doing on the humanitarian 

side is helping to provide things like psychosocial counseling, which 

is very important, getting access to health care, clinical rape kits, 

trying to provide child-friendly and other safe spaces. 

But, as I mentioned earlier, until we are actually able to—that 

we can do on the Bangladesh side, and Ambassador Storella may 

want to elaborate on that. But within northern Rakhine State 

itself, since we do not have access, we are unable to provide the 

kind of protection services that are essentially needed. So we continue to call on the need for that. 

Mr. CICILLINE. You hear the numbers in terms of the refugees 

who have gone into Bangladesh—nearly 750,000, I think. And we 

have to wonder, have we lost our leverage as a country to be effective in this conversation when we only are accepting 145,000 refugees, and what impact is that having on what we are asking of 

other countries and what they are undertaking? 

It seems like it would have significantly reduced our leadership 

and our credibility on the issue of refugees when, at the time of a 

crisis like this, we have actually reduced to an embarrassingly 

small amount the number of people we are accepting into our own 

country. 

I don’t know—anyone is free to answer that. 

Ambassador STORELLA. Congressman Cicilline, the United 

States’ record on accepting refugees is quite an admirable one. 

Since 1975, the United States has resettled over 3.3 million refugees in the United States, giving them full rights to citizenship, 

work, education, and the rest here. 

43

The President each year, as you know, sets a ceiling for the fiscal 

year coming up on the number of refugees who will be admitted. 

This year, it was set at 45,000. The number varied over times, but 

it is important to recognize that it is a ceiling. And that means 

that, over the years, we have never actually surpassed the ceiling. 

We have come very, very close several times, but sometimes we 

have missed by 10,000, even 20,000. 

Mr. CICILLINE. Ambassador, that is really not my question. With 

all due respect, I know our history, our very proud history of refugees, and it makes me very sad that that history is changing. 

My question is, is that decrease diminishing our leverage in this 

crisis? You know, I appreciate the history. It is exactly what is not 

happening now. And I am asking, is that undermining our ability 

to be a leader in this crisis? 

Mr. YOHO [presiding]. Mr. Ambassador, I am going to have to cut 

you off. If you could submit that answer for Mr. Cicilline, I would 

greatly appreciate it. 

David, if you don’t mind——

Mr. CICILLINE. No, I don’t——

Mr. YOHO. Thank you. 

Mr. CICILLINE. Can I just ask unanimous consent that these 

three pages of waivers granted for Burma be entered into the 

record? 

And I look forward to a written response as to what the administration is going to do with respect to specific reviews. 

Mr. YOHO. I think those are very important. And, without objection, we will submit those. 

Mr. CICILLINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. YOHO. Thank you. 

Mr. Perry? 

Mr. PERRY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Let me join the long list of those who give accolades and acknowledgment to the Ambassador of Bangladesh and our gratitude 

for your help and assistance in this crisis. 

Ladies and gentlemen of the panel, thank you. 

I am frustrated again this week, as I was last week. Let’s get 

right to the point. Do we understand, do we acknowledge and agree 

that time is of the essence? There is an urgency associated with 

this circumstance, right? 

Because last week we were talking about 1 million Rohingya, 

right? And as of last week, in about a timespan of 30 days, as of 

last week, 488,000, from my notes, were either displaced or murdered. Right? So, if you are looking at the sheer numbers, we have 

about 30 days to deal with this. 

Now, we are all talking, we are sitting here in our white shirts 

and our suits, and these people are being slaughtered and thrown 

out of their country. I am frustrated. 

Burma is a sovereign nation, as the United States is a sovereign 

nation. Somebody needs to take action. And I don’t think anybody 

here is discussing or is implying that we should go invade Burma. 

I don’t think anybody is implying that, and I am certainly not implying that. But while we talk about sanctions and we talk about 

foreign assistance, these things take a long time. We have 30 days 

or less. 

44

So my question to you—first of all, Mr. Murphy, I appreciate—

and, Ambassador, Ms.—I am sorry, I am not even going to attempt 

it—what can be done right—or can sanctions have an effect right 

now? Can foreign assistance have an effect right now? What can 

have an effect right now? Right now. These people are dying today 

as we sit here. 

Mr. MURPHY. Congressman, I think we share your frustration 

and concern, absolutely. 

Mr. PERRY. I know you do. 

Mr. MURPHY. And——

Mr. PERRY. The U.N. 

Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. I will restate——

Mr. PERRY. Anything. 

Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. That we are fully seized with taking 

all measures to end human suffering now. We are working with the 

United Nations—U.N. Security Council, U.N. Human Rights Council—with ASEAN, with all of the stakeholders in Burma. I traveled 

there 2 weeks ago. Our Ambassador and his team are relentlessly 

pursuing all efforts. 

We have achieved some results. There is humanitarian assistance being delivered in Rakhine State. It is insufficient, but we 

have opened an aperture, and we are seeking to widen it to reach 

all people in need. 

We are looking for actors to take steps to stop the violence, including vigilante action undertaken by local civilians. There are responsibilities for the government, for the armed forces, for local 

ethnic leaders. We are communicating with all of them. We are 

consulting with our partners around the world. 

We are on this in every way possible——

Mr. PERRY. I don’t doubt you. I don’t doubt you for an instant. 

And I sense that you sense the urgency as well. But, with all due 

respect, it just doesn’t seem to me that any of the things that you 

are talking about are going to be effectual. 

We are going to get at the end of these next 30 days, and maybe 

we are going to have another hearing in this nice room and we are 

going to talk about all the things that happened, and we are going 

to do an investigation, and we are going to get after those who are 

responsible, and it is all going to be history. 

I am looking for some methodology, some vehicle today, right 

now, while we sit here, where you walk out of this room and go 

say, we are going to go do this and it is going to stop this from happening. Is there any potential for anything like that? Whether it 

is the U.S., whether it is our partners in the region, whether it is 

the United Nations? 

Because I feel like we are talking; that is great. We are making 

sure that we don’t make the matter worse, which is admirable and 

appropriate. But I have to tell you, I have to walk out of here and 

vote in a couple minutes. I have no confidence that the Rohingya 

aren’t going to continue to be slaughtered until we come back in 

this next room. And they are all in this man’s country, and none 

of them are in Burma. 

Is there any reason for me to believe otherwise as I walk out of 

here to go vote? 

45

Mr. MURPHY. I wish, Congressman, there was a simple solution. 

We really do. What we have to keep focused on are the efforts underway. This doesn’t get resolved without stakeholders inside the 

country taking action. 

The fact that there is humanitarian assistance, there is an agreement to implement the Kofi Annan recommendations, there are 

discussions with Bangladesh on repatriation of refugees. We have 

to support these efforts, we have to hold those accountable. And 

there are efforts underway to identify those who are responsible for 

violations and human rights——

Mr. PERRY. If these folks don’t let us in their country now to do 

an investigation, what makes us think that they are going to allow 

an investigation post facto where we can take them to The Hague 

for war crimes? Why would they do that? 

Mr. MURPHY. I don’t take the reluctance of any of these stakeholders in the country as a reason to stop our efforts. 

Mr. PERRY. I understand. I——

Mr. MURPHY. We are absolutely relentless on this, sir. 

Mr. PERRY. Thank you. Thank you. My time has expired. 

Mr. YOHO [presiding]. I appreciate your passion and your concern 

there, Mr. Perry. 

Ambassador, did you want to say something else? Go ahead. 

Ambassador STORELLA. I just want to say, and it doesn’t really 

answer Congressman Perry’s question altogether, but I do want to 

assure you, Congressman, that the generosity of this Congress has 

made it possible for the United States to provide lifesaving assistance now to hundreds of thousands—well, 100,000, I will say for 

sure, who have been fed thanks to the generosity of this Congress. 

Mr. YOHO. I appreciate you saying that. You know, and this is 

just something we have seen over and over again. As you saw the 

frustration here, I am like Mr. Perry, I want action now. We don’t 

need to study. We need action. 

And when you have a military government mixed with a civilian 

government, but the military has more clout and has veto power, 

I don’t see things changing, because there’s nobody holding the 

military people accountable. And that is where the U.N. needs to 

be more effective, the world community needs to be more effective. 

How effective would it be if we were to suspend foreign aid until 

Burma allowed the U.N. inspectors in the Rakhine State? Real 

quickly, and then I am going to close out. 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. So thank you for raising that. I think with the 

gravity of the situation, we obviously need to look at all the possible tools of leverage on the table. 

I would note, though, our foreign assistance right now, none of 

our foreign assistance is going directly to the Government of 

Burma, it is mostly in terms of——

Mr. YOHO. It looks under 5 percent. 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. So it is more in terms of supporting the people 

of Burma, civil society organizations, the democrat, the institutions 

that are necessary for the transition and peace process. So we 

would strongly encourage that we take a look at that issue as we 

consider that. 

46

Mr. YOHO. I want to thank you all for being here, the audience, 

for being here, being respectful and weighing in on this very important hearing. 

I want to thank the witnesses, members, for taking the time to 

be here. This is a human rights issue and a national security issue. 

We will remain attentive to this pressing matter. And as it gets imperative, that we will hold all perpetrators of this violence, including the Burmese Government and the military, accountable. 

The committee stands adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 10:59 a.m., the committee was adjourned.] 

(47)

A P P E N D I X 

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

48

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FULL COMMITTEE HEARING NOTICE 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATNES 

WASHINGTON. DC 20515-6128 

Edward R. Royce (R-CA), Chairman 

October 5. 2017 

TO: MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

You are respectfully requested to attend an OPEN hearing of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, to be held 

in Room 2172 of the Raybum House Office Building (and a;ailable li;e on the Committee website at 

httv //}!<Jnv.f_qr~igni\Jih~t:?JNlJSc_,gQ'J 

DATE: 

TIME: 

SUBJECT: 

WITNESSES: 

Thursday. October 5. 2017 

9:00a.m. 

The Rohingya Crisis: U.S. Response to the Tragedy in Bunna 

Mr. W. Patrick Murphy 

Deputy Assistant Secretary for Southeast Asia 

Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs 

U.S. Department of State 

The Honorable Mark C. Storella 

Deputy Assistant Secretary 

Bureau of Population, Refugees. and Migration 

U.S. Department of State 

Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri 

Acting Deputy Assist:111t Administrator 

Bureau for Democracy. Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance 

U.S. Agency for International Development 

By Direction of the Chairman 
49


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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

MINUTES OF FULL CO!v1MITTEE HEARf\!G 

Day_--=L-=1•-=u-=rs'-'d=a._v __ Date __ --=.lccO!I-'-0-"5!"'2-'-0-=-1-'-7---R'""m---2-1_7_2 __ _ 

Starting Time -~9'-':"'2"'0Al='lf"--_Ending Time I 0:59AM 

Recesses [~J L_to __ ) L_to_) (___to_) (___to_) (___to_) (___to_) 

Presiding Mernber(s) 

Chairman Edward R. Royce 

Representatil:e 'Ted Yoho 

Check all of the following that apply: 

Open Ses.ion r:zJ Executive (closed) Session D Televised [ZJ 

TITLE OF HEARING: 

Electronically Re. c. ord!:!!_[taped) [ZJ 

Stenogra phil~ Reo~..·ord LLJ 

The Rohingya Crisi.: U.S. Response to the Tragedy in Rurma 

CO'\IMITTEE MEMBERS PRESENT: 

See attached. 

NON-COMMITTK!<: ;\IEMBBllS l'llBSkN 1': 

Ill/A 

HEARING WITNESSES: Same as meeting notice attacbed? Yes tz:l NoQ 

(If ''tio 11, please list below and ir1clude title, agetu.-:y, depanment, or organi2ation) 

STATEMENTS FOR THE RECORD: (LiM any statements submilledfor the record) 

IFR -Ranking Member Engel and Representative Cicilline 

SFR -Representative Connolly 

QFR- Chairman Royce, Ranking Member Engel, am/ Repre.,wliadve Wt~gner 

TIME SCHEDULED TO UECO~VENE ___ _ 

or 

TIME .ADJOUR'!ED JIJ:S9AM 
50

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PRESE\T 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

FULL COMMITTEE HEARING 

MEMBER PRESBT ME\JBER 

Edward R Royce, CA. X Eliot L Engel, NY 

Christopher H. Smith, NJ X Brad Sherman, CA. 

Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, FL Gregory W. Meeks, NY 

Dana Rohrabacher, CA. Albio Sires, NJ 

Steve Chabot, OH X Gerald E. Connolly, VA 

Joe Wilson, SC X Theodore E. Deutch, FL 

Michael T. McCaul, TX Karen Bass, CA 

Ted Poe, TX X William Keating, MA 

Darrell Is sa, C A X David Cicilline, RT 

Tom Marino, P A AmiBera,CA 

Jeff Duncan, SC X Lois Frankel, FL 

Mo Brooks, AL X Tulsi Gabbard, Hl 

Paul Cook, CA. X Joaquin Castro, TX 

Scott Perry, PA Robin Kelly, lL 

Ron DeSantis, FL Brendan Boyle, P A 

Mark Meadows, NC Dina Titus, NV 

Ted Yoho, FL X Norma Torres, C A 

Adam Kinzinger,IL X Brad Schneider, lL 

Lee Zeldin, NY Tom Suozzi, NY 

Dan Donovan, NY Adriano Espaillat, NY 

James F. Sensenbrenner, Jr., Wl X Ted Lieu, CA. 

Ann Wagner, MO 

Brian J. Mast, FL 

Brian K. Fitzpatrick, PA 

Francis Rooney, FL 

Thomas A Garrett, Jr., VA 
51

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY THE HONORABLE ELIOT L. ENGEL, A

REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK


27063c-1.eps
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lrurncrlmte h1amanitar.ian a!lllis:tml!:c io til.!:' 

IX'Ithour 

caU <m 1he Ad:ml:i:Llllllclll:ll~n 

Nation$ Md intemJ~tlomd ootlc£!lnv<'rT'I'n"'''"' or~~>zaJilQ11t3 

llr!J<l!;S OOrde:r hUmatlll'a!ill1t 11!1Sls!4ln~¢tet !L'SSt!ll tit(; '''"'""i~J<> 

~tile $a!ie and voktn!ary return oflhi:h'le dispill(;~:xlo 

!he !nt<m~ationill Ct1mmillre ofthe Roo 

hul:r:wlilalrian ass:lttl>ll.<:e in nlll:thetn Rakhine $!aieL Without othi!r 

tare: ~J!J!Xlxhnmelf I ZO;ooo peopil.' will continue 

rofe in d¢ttn01:rntlc tnmshionl()iVcr the 

do nN ,;.risill now. all of Chat 

S'l~IMl~J'eil, I! i!> lime lur !he Mmi1~im.rntiion !o wUh the inrematl1oml 

conoollllity to jnlt a 3~(1]:) i\0 !hes:c horri:lk :lltrooities, to !>U]lpi)rt where needei,l, and tG hold 

tile perpe!rJit<•rs .1\J!:.countable. 

j.J:>tC>rkaliy playl!d a cradal role to Burma poH"Y.· We !(IIJ!i; tbtv!•!ll'd to 

your th<:xuglll::i llll how we. CJII'l \11(11'~ logmil!er on lifulflTop.rime n.:d ae~:ilt!ativ<:: steps !o. 

illld policy. 
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Written Testimony of 

Most Reverend Joe S. Vasquez 

Bishop of Austin_ Texas 

Chair, U_S_ Conference of Catholic Bishops- Committee on Migration 

on 

"The Rohingya Crisis: U.S. Response to the Tragedy in Burma" 

House Foreign Affairs Committee 

2172 Rayburn 

9 a.m., Thursday, October 5, 2017 

U/"!YX~'R '('()AfTesfimmzJ'Io House Foreign A_f]Uirs ('ommilleejhr Heuring on Rurma Rejitgee Crisis I 0 5 17 
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Thank you Chaimmn Royce and Ranking Member Engel for this opportunity to provide this written 

testimony to the House Foreign Af!airs Committee regarding the forced migration crisis in Bunna. I 

submit it as the Chairman of the Committee on Migration of the United States Conference of Catholic 

Bishops (USCCB) so that we may join our voices with those of other Catholic leaders and others deeply 

concemed about the fate of these forgotten people. 

Our concen1 about these refugees fleeing from Bunna_ known as Rohingy~ is rooted in Catholic social 

teaching on migration. Catholics believe that all human beings are created in God's image, including 

migrants and refugees of all backgrmmds. Pope Pius XII reaffirmed the Catholic Church's commitment to 

care for pilgrims. aliens, exiles, rc±ugccs. and migrants of every kind, aflim1ing that all peoples have the 

right to conditions worthy of human lite and. if these conditions arc not present, the right to migratc 1 

Meanwhile. USCCB"s Migration and Refugee Services (USCCB/MRS) advocates to address the root 

causes for such poor conditions while also protecting those forced to migrate. In our joint pastoral letter, 

Strangers No Longer: Together on the Journey of Hope, A Pastoral Letter Concerning Migration.·· 

January 23, 2003. the U.S. and Mexican Catholic bishops call for nations to work toward a '·globalization 

of solidarity." In that document we affirm that "Refugees and asylum seekers should be afforded 

protection. Those who flee wars and persecution should be protected by the global community" No. 99. 

We also state that, "because of their heightened 'ulnerability. unaccompanied minors require special 

consideration and care" No. 82. 

As one of the U.S. resettlement agencies, USCCB/MRS has resettled thousands ofrefugees from Bunna, 

including many Christians fleeing religious and ethnic persecution and also many Muslims fleeing the 

same, such as these from Rakhine State. li1 Appendix 1 attached to this testimony, we provide profiles of 

two such tmaccompanicd refugee minors who were resettled by us this year. The level of vulnerability 

experienced by these two children is similar to many others who are resettled to the United States. 

Refugees who need resettlement are frequently the most vulnerable, who have a difficult time surviving in 

neighboring host countries. l11cy 111ustratc why· it is so important for the U.S. to have a robust 

resettlement progran1- it saves lives. It is tor the sake of children like these and other vulnerable refugees 

needing resettlement that we arc disturbed and deeply disappointed by tl1e recent setting ofthc 

Presidential Determination (PD) of refugee admissions for FY2018 at 45,000, the lowest PD in the history 

of the program. We urge this committee to advocate with a unified, bi-partisan voice to admit at least 

75,000 refitgees to the U.S. ne"1 year. We can and must do better. 

We have been in particularly close contact with Cathollc leaders and NGOs in Bunna for the last several 

years regarding the protracted refugee situation in the region. We have made two solidarity/assessment 

trips and have written a rej,l_9_f1 and lill.J!.m!atc about the complex dynamics in which there are the hopes of 

a new democracy after decades of military rule, but also where there are continued protection challenges 

facing several hundred thousand torcibly displaced people inside Bunna and also those from Bum1a who 

arc seeking refuge in neighboring countries. 

We turn now to the grim situation of those forced to flee from Rakhine State, Burma. Forced out by vYhat 

the Burmese military' reportedly have referred to as a "clearance campaign," an estimated 501.000 people 

1 Pope Pius Xll, .l!.,~'(sul Familia (On the Spiritual Care of .Migrants), September, 1952. 1 "'Top Myanmar General defends military's "clearance operations','. ,)'out!t China ,Horning Post, 9117!, 2017. 

available at http· //w\V\Y_scmp_com/nc\vs/asia/southcast-asia/articlc/211151tl/top-myanmar-gcncra1-dcfendsm111tarys-clearance-operations 

u:..,yx~'R '('()AfTesfimmlJ'IO House Foreign AfJUirs ('ommilleejhr Heuring on Rurmu Rejitgee Crisis I 0 5 17 
55


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have t1cd from Rakhinc State_ Bunna_ to Bangladesh since August 25, 2017_' Most arc women and 

children, and the most ;ulnerablc arc ncwboms, pregnant women_ and the elderly. Many have only 

makeshift shelters at best, are struggling to find the mere basics of life, and are trying to avoid debilitating 

and life-threatening water-bam and air-bam diseases. They are all in our thoughts and prayers as the 

Catholic Church joins with others to mobilize in response to the horrific situation. 

One frustration for many has been that Davv Aung San Suu Ky·i, the human rights icon and de facto 

democratic leader of Bumu has not been publicly ;cry vocal about the plight of these Muslims ±rom 

Rakhine State. Also. Christians and others have long been oppressed by the army of Burma in Kachin and 

Shan States. Despite these serious unresolved political and human rights situations. there continues to be 

strong etlorts at positive change by the recently elected democratic govemment. the first atler over 50 

years of military rule. \:Vhilc the Bunncsc military still maintains substantial political and economic 

control, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has managed to lead the c±fort on the so-called Panglong Process, 

whereby Burma· s ethnic groups have an ongoing process for seeking to build a federal, democratic 

system in which all ofBum1a's people have access to shared govemance and shared resources. As we 

shed light on the human rights tragedies in Burma, we urge continued U.S. support to resolve these 

critical situations and to support the democratically elected govcmmcnt in addressing these situations 

while also supporting their broader c±forts to build a new, democratic_ inclusive Bunna. 

Before turning to recommendations, we share three sets of statements from other Catholic leaders. The 

first two are from Pope Francis and Cardinal Patrick D'Rozario, the Archbishop of Dhaka. Bangladesh. 

and they are particularly tied to this recent exodus tram Rakhine State. The third. by Cardinal Charles 

Maung Bo, Archbishop of Yangon_ speaking in February 2017, concems other atrocities in Rakhine State, 

and concludes with remarks that continue to resonate with what we consider sound advice. 

Pope Francis Statement. "Sad news has reached us of the persecution of our Rohingya brothers and 

sisters, a religious minority. I would like to express my fbll closeness to them- and let all of us ask the 

Lord to save them, and to raise up men and women of good will to help them, who shall give them their 

full rights''" 

Cardinal Patrick D' Rozario, Archbishop of Dhaka, Bangladesh. "It is very good that Bangladesh has 

opened its doors for the Rohingva, who have suffered all kinds of atrocities. " 5 

"Bangladesh has not only opened the borders but also opened their hearts with love and compassion to the 

children, \vomen_ old, the sick, the vvounded and even the thousands vvho are unbon1 .. Bangladesh out of 

her poverty is sharing her richness ofhuman values .. ''6 

3 UNHCR, ·'Rohlnga Emergency,·· 9/2S/2017, avallnble at http:I/\Y\vvv.unhcr.org/en-us/rohlngya-emergency.html 

1

·'Pope Fmncls: Appeal for End to Vlolcnce Agalnst Rohlngya," Valican Radio, August 27. 2017. avallablc at 

http·//en.radiovaticalk1. va/ne\lr s/20 17/08/27/pope _francis_ appeal_ for_ end_ to_ violence_ against_ roh:ingy· a/13 3 3091 5 Ninnala Can'alho, ''Catholic Church ln Asia Responds to Rohlngya Refugee Ctisis," Crux, September 15, 2017, 

available at https:l/cruxno\v .com/ global-church/20 17/09/15/catholic-church-asia-responds-rohingy a-refugee-crisis/ 0 '·Cardinal D'Rozario· The Church can be a Field HospitaL·· Vatican J?adio_ September 28, 2017, available at 

http:! /en.radiovaticana.Ya/ne\vs/20 17 /09/28/card _ d 'rozatio _'the_ church_ can_ be_ a _fleld _hospltal '_/1339551 

U/"!YX.'R '('()AfTesfimmzJ'Io House Foreign A_f]Uirs ('ommilleejhr Hearing on Rurma Rejitgee Crisis I 0 5 17 
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October 3, 2017 

Representative Ed Royce 

Chairman 

Committee on Foreign Affairs 

2170 Rayburn House Otlice Building 

Washington, DC 20515 

Representative Eliot Engel 

Ranking Member 

Committee on Foreign Affairs 

2170 Rayburn House Otlice Building 

Washington DC 20515 

Re: Hearing on the Rohingya Crisis: The U.S. Response to the Tragedy in Burma 

Dear Chainnan Royce, Ranking Member Engel, and Members of the Committee: 

On behalf of Amnesty International ("Af') 1 and our more than seven million members and 

supporters worldwide, we hereby submit this statement for the record. This hearing comes about 

five weeks after the Myanmar military launched a brutal operation targeting Rohingya Muslims 

living in Rakhine State. 

This statement captures AI' s research and documentation of the August/September Rohingya 

crisis which is based on: (1) refugee interviews conducted by AT crisis response researchers on 

the ground in Bangladesh throughout September 20 17; (2) high-resolution satellite imagery, fire 

detention data, photographs, and videos; and (3) photographs of antipersonnellandmines and 

rocket launchers. 

Since August 25, 2017, over half a million Rohingya, almost one half of the 1.2 million 

Rohingya living in Rakhine State, have fled Myanmar and crossed into Bangladesh. Fleeing a 

scorched-earth campaign waged by the Myanmar military, the Rohingya are part of the swiftest 

Jb:c:a_n!ial1_£en(Jcige i_ni G9cj, according to the Washington 

have escaped lll3SS bumings, extrajudicial kil!ingc;, group mpes. lorlure, and 

committed Myanmar militmy and secnrity forces. According to the 

Press .. children make up about liO percent of the Rohinuva who have poured inco 

1 Amnesty Tntemational \Vas awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1977. 
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Bangladesh since August Thousands ofRL•hingya continue to arrive each day, turning this 

area llnc of the largest and dem,est ret[, gee concentralions in the world. 

Amnesty International's response Shortly after Rohingya refugees started to pour into 

Bangladesh, AI quickly dispatched a in Bangladesh along the Myanmar 

border AI has interviewed refugees, and active tire-detection data, satellite imagery, 

photographs and videos from the ground to document, and analyze the destruction of Rohingya 

villages in northern Rakhine state. 

AT has documented how Myanmar security forces have c_r;~_Q w~>l~Jls:oh.i.t!gy;l_vill~ inside 

Rakhine state and have fired on people trying to flee. These attacks constitute crimes against 

humanity. Despite the Myanmar government's claims that the military operations stopped as of 

September 5, AI has continued to confirm new burnings of villages. 

Al has also documented the planting of land mines along the paths used by the fleeing Rohingya. 

Eyewitnesses have described how in recent weeks Myanmar soldiers have laid antinersonoel 

iandmine~ cro~sing puints on the T\:fyanmar-Bangladesh 

Taken together, the totality of evidence gathered by Al points to two conclusions: 

• Since August 25, 2017, Myanmar security forces have carried out a deliberate and 

systematic campaign of etlmi<.: cleans~!'_g against Rohingya Muslims in northern 

Rakhine State. 

• The violence is the worst that Amnesty International has documented in this 

troubled region over the past five years. 

T. The Myanmar military has waged a scorched-earth campaign to expel the Rohingya 

from northern Rakhine State. 

Al has documented a mass-scale, scorched-earth campaian across northern Rakhine State of 

security forces and vigilante mobs burning down entire Rohingya villages and shooting people as 

they try to flee. 

A. Over half a million Rohingya on the run 

The United Nations ("U.N.") estimates that violence and burning of villages have forced over 

half a million Rohinga to flee from northern Rakhine State into Bangladesh since August 25. 

Tens of thousands more are likely displaced and on the run inside Myanmar. This is on top of 

some 87,000 Rohingya estimated to have fled in late 2016 and early 2017 during a large-scale 

military operation in Myanmar. 

B. Eyewitness teslimonyfrom Rohingya r~ji1gees 

2 
58

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Refugees have described harrowing accounts of security forces setting ablaze Rohingya villages 

and shooting people trying to tlee. Rohingya describe a chilling modus operandi by the security 

forces Soldiers, police and vigilante groups encircle a Rohingya village and fire into the air 

before entering, then storm in, and start firing in all directions. As surviving villagers 

desperately try to leave the area, security forces torch houses using petrol or shoulder-fired 

rocket launchers. 

In late September 2017 AT interviewed three sexual violence survivors who fled Rakhine State 

and crossed into Bangladesh. They described how Myanmar security forces had shoved groups 

of women into homes, raped them, and then set the homes ablaze, killing many of the women. 

Three women managed to break through a bamboo section of the dwelling and escaped. 

In late September 2017 AI interviewed a Rohingya mother who had tled Myanmar with her 

newborn. She presented the dead child to the Al team with a portion of the baby's head blown 

off 

In late September 2017 AT interviewed many Rohingya children with gunshot wounds, who had 

managed to tlee Myanmar after running, hiding, and walking for many days. Many have been 

orphaned and have no surviving family member. 

Below is a portion of the eyewitness accounts compiled by AT in September 2017: 

One 27-year-old man from Inn Din described how on August 25 the army, accompanied 

by a small group of vigilantes, surrounded the village and fired into the air, before 

entering and firing at random on Rohingya residents as they were fleeing. He said he hid 

in a nearby forest and watched as the military stayed for three days in the village, looting 

and burning homes. 

• One 48-year-old man said that he witnessed army and police storm into his village of Yae 

Twin Kyun in northern Maungdaw township on 8 September "When the military came, 

they started shooting at people who got very scared and started running. I saw the 

military shoot many people and kill two young boys. They used weapons to burn our 

houses. There used to be 900 houses in our village, now only 80 are left. There is no one 

left to even bury the bodies." 

• One Rohingya man who tled his home in Myo Thu Gyi in Maungdaw township on 26 

August said: "The military attacked at II am. They started shooting at houses and at 

people, it went on for around an hour. After it stopped I saw my friend dead on the road. 

Later at 4pm the military started shooting again. When people tled, they burned the 

houses with bottles of petrol and rocket launchers. The burning continued for three days. 

Now there are no homes in our area- all are burned completely." 

3 
59

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY THE HONORABLE DAVID CICILLINE, A

REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF RHODE ISLAND


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National Security Waivers to the JADE Act 

Submitted to House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

1-26-15 State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

3-3-15 State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

4-14-15. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

5-21-15. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban for World Bank Health 

Conference 

6-30-15. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban for leader of Burmese 

athletes to sporting events 

7-21-15. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

8-6-15. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban to attend an American 

university 

9-10-15. State Dept Certification related to Waiver ofJADE Act Visa Ban 

2-19-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

2-23-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

3-10-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban for Travel to San 

Francisco 

4-13-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban Travel to US to Visit 

Father 

7-13-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

7-22-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban Travel to attend an 

American college 

8-18-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban to attend a program at an 

American university 

8-22-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban to Travel to attend a 

symposium 

8-25-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

9-2-16. State. Certification related toW aiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

9-6-16. State. Certification related toW aiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 
61

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National Security Waivers to the JADE Act 

Submitted to House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

9-20-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

9-20-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

10-28-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

11-3-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

11-3-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

11-23-16. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

1-6-17. State. Certification related to Waiver ofJADE Act Visa Ban 

2-17-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

3-8-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban to attend a conference 

4-11-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban to Participate in an 

exchange program 

4-14-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban to participate in USG 

Meetings 

5-8-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban to Attend a training course 

5-24-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban for a high-level otlicial in 

the Burmese Navy 

6-14-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

7-21-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

8-23-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban for a high-level otlicial in 

the Burmese Air Force 

8-23-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban to attend training and a 

workshop 

9-1-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban 

9-7-17. State. Certification related to Waiver of JADE Act Visa Ban for Burma Embassy official 
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Statement for the Record 

Submitted by Mr. Connofly of Virginiu 

On Aut,'l!st 25, Rohingya militants attacked around 30 police and army outposts, leaving 12 Burmese 

officers dead. Following these attacks, the Burmese military has embarked on a violent retaliation 

campaign, including razing Rohint,>ya villages, placing landmines along the border, killing civilians, 

and committing sexual violence. While the Burmese military claims that this campaign is a "clearance 

operation'' against an insurgent terrorist group, their actions targeting civilians tell a different and 

abhorrent story. The l'nited Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein has 

called these atrocities a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing." 

Tragically, state-sponsored persecution and violence against the Rohingya in Bumoa is nothing new Tn 

2014, T joined several of my colleagues in writing to the Administration to outline a few disturbing 

trends in Bunna's democratic transition, including continued discrimination and violence against the 

Rohingya. The latest violent crackdown has only compounded such concems. Last year, T visited 

Bunna with the House Democracy Partnership to meet with members of the legislature and the new 

democratically elected govemment of Aung San Suu Kyi The United States needs to strike a balance 

between supporting Burma's democratic transition, while urging an end to violence and discrimination 

against Rohingya. The outsized power of the military within Burma's civilian government is an 

obstacle to Burma's democratic progress and hinders the government's attempts to prevent an 

explosion of sectarian violence in Rakhine State. Burma's government must cease its policy of keeping 

rhe minority Rohinb'Ya population stateless, displaced, and in a constant state of humanitarian crisis. 

The recent wave of violence in Burma's northern Rakhine State has sparked the region's largest 

refugee crisis ever, and the world's fastest growing humanitarian crisis. An estimated 507,000 refugees 

and counting have tled to Bangladesh. The sheer volume has quickly overwhelmed Bangladesh's two 

formal refugee camps, and the vast majority of refugees are now living in fragile and unsanitary 

conditions in infonnal camps, roadside settlements, and even in uninhabited forest Bangladesh has 

shown incredible generosity in welcoming these refugees, especially given that 350,000 Rohint,>ya 

refugees were already in the country prior to this latest crisis. 

Lack of clean water, poor hygiene conditions, and acute shortages of food and medicine could lead to a 

full-blown health crisis. The Bangladesh authorities have already reported thousands of cases of 

diarrhea, respiratory problems, and skin diseases, and the World Health Organization has warned of a 

growing risk of a cholera epidemic. I urge the Bangladesh Government to lift existing restrictions on 

international non-governmental organizations so that a coordinated global effort can stave off a health 

emergency. 

During the 72nd Session of the United Nations General Assembly, the United States announced an 

additional $32 million in humanitarian assistance for Rohingya internally displaced in Raldoine State 

and the refugees and host communities in Bangladesh. According to the State Department, this 

supplemental provision brings total U.S. humanitarian assistance for Rohingya to nearly $95 million in 

FY 2017. Nonetheless, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees has called for a redoubling of the 

1 
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international humanitarian response in Bangladesh, citing the pace and extreme vulnerability of 

refugees. The Trump Administration also recently announced a cap of 45,000 refugees for FY 2018, 

the lowest ceiling since the enactment of the Refugee Act of 1980 (P.L. 96-212). Amidst the largest 

refugee crisis in history, such a meager response from the Trump Administration undermines U.S. 

global leadership and threatens our national security interests. 

The Rohinb>ya are one of the most persecuted communities around the world. They have endured 

horrific abuses at the hand ofthe Burmese Government for far too long. As Bangladesh prepares to 

host more than one million Rohingya refugees, the United States must address both the urgent 

humanitarian needs and the long-term societal needs of the Rohingya people. I look forward to hearing 

from our witnesses on how Congress can continue to assist in both of these respects. 

2 
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Question: 

Questions for the Record Submitted to 

Acting Deputy Assistant Administrator V. Kate Somvongsiri and 

Deputy Assistant Secretary W. Patrick Murphy by 

Chairman Edward Royce 

House Foreign Affairs Committee 

October 5, 2017 

Ms. Somvongsiri, the administration has pledged $4 million to help those Rohingya who 

remain inside Burma. That's a positive step and unfortunately there is no shortage of those in 

need but access issues remain. How is the administration planning to use these funds to help 

those inside Burma, given the constraints? How will this assistance be distributed if NGOs 

cannot operate freely? 

Insecurity and government restrictions limited humanitarian access to Rakhine State in 

August and September 2017. In FY 2017, the U.S. government provided nearly $40 million in 

humanitarian assistance in Burma and Bangladesh after August 2017 in response to the Rakhine 

State Crisis. This included nearly $4 million provided by the Department of State's Bureau of 

Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM), to the International Committee of the Red Cross 

(ICRC) appeal for northern Rakhine State; at that time, the Red Cross Movement agencies, 

including ICRC, were the only humanitarian actors granted access to northern Rakhine State. 

This funding is part of the nearly $104 million in humanitarian assistance the U.S. government 

provided for Burmese in Burma and the region in FY 2017, including ti.mding tram State!PRM 

and USAID. 

Since then, the UN World Food Program (WFP) has been granted access to northern 

Rakhine State, but access to northern Rakhine continues to be restricted for all other USAID 

partners. Our partners have maintained a presence in Rakhine and have adequate resources on 

hand to resume activities in northern Rakhine as soon as access is possible; in Fiscal Year 2017, 

USAID provided $28 million in humanitarian assistance to Burma and Bangladesh. While the 

Government of Burma has stated that it intends to increase its own assistance in northern 

Ral<hine, broad access by a wider range of humanitarian actors with the technical capacity to 

conduct assessments and deliver etJective services is urgently needed. The WFP is coordinating 

with the Red Cross agency and local authorities on a distribution plan and rapid assessments in 

northern Rakhine. 

Access to central Rakhine is also limited. The Government of Burma has granted some 

INGOs travel authorizations for central Ralilline, but other regulations and procedures are 

hindering international NGOs from accessing affected communities. Despite challenges, WFP's 

October distributions in central Rakhine State have reached approximately 118,000 people, 

including 24,000 pregnant and lactating women, adolescent girls, and malnourished children 

under the age of 5. 
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In Rakhine State, USAID's Office of Food for Peace (USAID/FFP) support to UNICEF 

provides ready-to-use therapeutic foods (RUTF) to children under 5 suffering from severe acute 

malnutrition (SAM). On October 22, 200 metric tons ofUSAID/FFP funded RUTF arrived at a 

lJNICEF warehouse. The RUTF will be used to treat children aged 6 to 59 months experiencing 

severe acute malnutrition in Burma-including Rakhine State. 

Question: 

Mr. Murphy, you were recently in Burma. Did you raise the need for unfettered 

humanitarian access with military authorities? What was their response? Where you able to 

travel around Rakhine state? 

When I was in Burma, I met with Armed Forces Chief of Staff Lt Gen Mya Tun Oo. In 

this meeting, as in my other meetings with central and local government officials, I urged an 

immediate expansion of humanitarian access to affected areas of Rakhine State and a 

commitment to allowing refugees to return to their homes. I also raised allegations of human 

rights abuses and violations and called upon the Burmese security forces to end all violence and 

protect all communities. Following my trip, we are continuing to engage with the government to 

allow humanitarian access, end violence, and address allegations of human rights abuses and 

violations. 

I traveled to the capital of Rakhine State, Sittwe, and met with key ot1icials and 

stakeholders, including civil society representatives and displaced persons from the different 

communities. 

Question: 

The government of Bangladesh has earned well-deserved praise for its generosity in 

taking in over 800,000 fleeing Rohingya. But this massive refugee presence will strain 

Bangladesh, which has significant humanitarian and security challenges of its own. How is the 

United States working with the government of Bangladesh to mitigate the destabilizing efl'ects of 

the refugee crisis? Are the State Department and USAID pivoting foreign assistance activities in 

response? 

We welcome the government of Bangladesh's generosity in responding to this 

humanitarian crisis. The US. government responded quickly to the urgency of the humanitarian 

crisis in Bangladesh and the needs of the displaced populations. In FY 2017, we provided nearly 

$104 million in humanitarian assistance for displaced people in and from Bunna, including those 

in Bangladesh. This funding includes nearly $40 million in life-saving emergency assistance in 

direct response to the post-August 25 Ral<hine State cns1s. 
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We are also continuing our support in the wide array of bilateral and regional assistance 

for a stable, secure, and democratic Bangladesh. This includes continued economic 

development, work with Bangladesh's civilian law enforcement, and support for the Global 

Community Engagement and Resilience Fund, of which Bangladesh is a pilot country. This 

funding supports grassroots projects to strengthen communities' resilience to violent extremism. 

Other State Department programs administered in Bangladesh focus on labor rights, youth 

empowerment and civic education, women's rights, media independence, legal aid for diverse 

communities, and religious freedom. 

Question: 

Our current priorities must be to end the violence and help those in need. But to stop 

these cycles of violence we must also think about the future. What role can the US play in 

building understanding and trust between the Rohingya, the Rakhine, and Burma's other ethnic 

groups? 

The US will continue to play an important role in building understanding and communal 

harmony throughout Rakhine State as well as the rest of Burma. Our programs seek to address 

the fundamental challenges that ultimately foster an environment where these kinds of crises can 

occur. The work the US Government is doing targets three critical issues: 1. a poor 

understanding of cont1ict mitigation and peace building at the local level, 2. limited capacity of 

civil society and local government, and 3. the pervasive nature of rumors, false news, and other 

narratives that can incite violence. Access is key to impacting in these three areas, and it is 

imperative that our partners are granted access to all contlict-atiected populations as soon as 

possible so that we can continue to work with themin these critical areas. 

It is important to understand that even within ethnic and religious minority communities 

there is often a limited understanding of cont1ict prevention and dialog, and this is further 

exacerbated when communities live in isolation tram one another. After decades of military rule 

and interethnic fighting in many of Burma's states, trust between majority and minority 

communities in many parts of Burma is tenuous at best. USAID programs work directly with 

local communities to build up their knowledge base on these issues, to develop early warning 

networks about cont1ict, and, when appropriate, to sit with other ethnic groups to begin the 

dialog process. 

In addition, USAID has created strong relationships with civil society and developed 

their technical capacity in addressing contlict sensitive issues, as well as their ability to advocate 

to the government for the needs of the community. This programming is intentionally combined 

with outreach and cont1ict mitigation training to local government at the village level. This 

approach is critical, as many communities view the government as the main actor in preventing 

the spread of violence. This was seen clearly after the insurgent attacks on August 25th, when 
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village tract administrators in Mrauk-U, Central Rakhine, immediately began engaging directly 

with both Rakhine and Rohingya communities in their towns in order to counter rumors that the 

violence was moving to Mrauk-U. These administrators were taking part in a USAID/OTI 

training on conflict mitigation at the time and were able to immediately put their training to use 

and help prevent violence from spreading in central Rakhine. 

The US Department of State's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL) 

also seeks to address the root causes of distrust between the Rohingya, the Rakhine, and Burma's 

other ethnic groups and religious minorities. For example, one DRL program addresses social, 

political, and economic factors that contribute to ethnic and religious intolerance and cycles of 

violence across Burma, including in Rakhine, by increasing production of high quality media 

content and by enhancing the flow of trusted, non-inflammatory information within and between 

communities. 

Finally, in order to counter rumors, hate speech, and false news, we work directly with 

new and traditional media to support their accurate reporting and strengthen their journalistic 

capacity. These programs are developed in close coordination with local conflict prevention 

committees at the state and regional levels to ensure their communities have access to the right 

information and a better understanding of the issues. These activities are woven together in a 

holistic approach that combines with traditional humanitarian and development activities that 

also contain conflict sensitive approaches. There are no quick nor easy solutions to this problem; 

it will take long-term and consistent efforts to efl'ect lasting change. 

Question: 

Bangladesh and Burma have agreed to discuss plans for the Rohingya to return to Burma. 

They must be allowed to do so freely, without coercion. But how can the Rohingya have the 

confidence to return to their homes in Burma when they denied citizenship" 

Bunna' s government has committed to implement the recommendations of the Rakhine 

Advisory Commission, led by Kofi Annan. We have ofTered our support to the government as it 

works to address the long-tenn challenges addressed in the Commission's report, including a 

credible, transparent citizenship process for all people in Rakhine and lifting restrictions on 

freedom of movement. Ensuring the Rohingya feel secure enough to return to their homes will 

not happen overnight, but we are encouraging the Bunnese and Bangladeshi governments to 

work together to facilitate the conditions for their safe, voluntary return. The Government of 

Bunna has granted citizenship to a handful of Rohingya who have participated in the National 

Verification Card process and the citizenship verification process. However, these Rohingya 

have not enjoyed concomitant improvements in their freedom as a result, and for this reason, as 

well as the fact that participants in the process have reportedly sometimes been required to selfidentify as "Bengali," most Rohingya refuse to participate in the government's citizenship 
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process. This was an issue addressed in the Rakhine Advisory Commission's tina! report and 

government efforts to follow through on the Commission's recommendations would help ensure 

improved treed oms for the Rohint,>ya. 

Question: 

How State and USAID are currently organized to respond to this retugee crisis, and do 

you foresee changes to this organization? Specifically, are State and USAID working out of the 

existing Regional Development Mission in Asia (RDMA), or are there plans to detail tull-time 

resident refugee coordinators to Burma and Bangladesh? Are there plans to close or consolidate 

the Regional Development Mission in Asia? If so, how would such a closure or consolidation 

impact the refugee response? 

State!PRM is the lead agency for response to refugee crises. USAID's Oftice of US. 

Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) and Food for Peace (FFP) are providing humanitarian 

assistance through lJN and INGO humanitarian agencies in areas of Rakhine State, as access 

allows, and FFP is providing food assistance to refugees in Bangladesh. USAID's Humanitarian 

Advisor in Burma is coordinating closely with State and USAID statl' in Bangkok and 

Washington, D.C. USAID has personnel on the ground who statl'the current mission in Burma. 

An OFDA Regional Advisor and a State!PRM regional Retugee Coordinator are currently based 

in Bangkok. 

In Bangladesh, State!PRM and USAID are working with UN and international 

organization partners to coordinate the overall response and support host communities. 

State!PRM and USAID have dedicated significant statl' time to donor coordination around the 

response etl'orts and needs; USAID designated two, tull-time statl' to provide oversight to the 

food and nutrition program, in close coordination with FFP in Washington, which is providing 

TDY assistance at ret,>ular intervals to review progress and provide additional Mission support. 

State!PRM is also responding with additional TDY support to monitor and evaluate the 

emergency humanitarian response, identify gaps and needs of the refugee community, and ensure 

that humanitarian operations are well-coordinated. 

USAID is not closing RDMA. However, we are developing reform options to improve 

the efficiency and etl'ectiveness of Mission operations and are planning consultations with all 

relevant stal<eholders before final decisions are made. No refonns envisioned would atTect 

USAID's response to the Rakhine State crisis as supported by RDMA. 
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Question: 

Questions for the Record submitted to 

Deputy Assistant Secretary W. Patrick Murphy by 

Representative Eliott Engel 

House Foreign Affairs Committee 

October 5, 2017 

State and USATD recently announced $38 million in humanitarian assistance for this 

crisis, which is included in the top line $104 million in assistance that was already allocated for 

Burma, Bangladesh and surrounding countries. In your written testimony, Mr. Murphy, you note 

the United Nations estimates $200 million in assistance is needed between now and February 

2018. However, humanitarian organizations working with Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh 

have said that they need over twice that-- over $434 million over the next six months to provide 

food, shelter and life-saving assistance for the refugees there. 

Please explain in detail what funding is needed - by the international community and 

with to address this crisis over the next six months. What more will the U.S. government be 

doing to respond" 

Answer: 

While the $200 million figure in the written testimony represented an earlier estimate of 

the needs, humanitarian organizations have since developed a fuller picture of needs, 

encapsulated in their estimate that $434 million in funding will be required for the refugee 

response through February 2018. This higher figure reflects the immense needs generated by 

this crisis, which may increase as refugees continue to cross into Bangladesh. PRM and USAID 

are in the process of allocating additional funding for the refugee response to the International 

Organization for Migration (IOM), the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), and the UN High 

Commissioner for Refugees. USAID/FFP, already supporting the World Food Program, is also 

planning a contribution to UNICEF in the nutrition sector. Other countries have pledged funds 

toward the response. However, it often takes time for pledged funds to arrive and pledges may 

not translate into actual funding, as sometimes donors do not follow through on their pledges. 

Question: 

Bunna and Bangladesh have already begun discussions on repatriation and UNHCR is 

not a party to those discussions, nor is UNHCR allowed much access to the retugee population 

on the border. This raises concerns about refugee protection, both in the camps and regarding 

repatriation. Does Bangladesh want to see a greater role for UNCHR in this crisis? What is the 

Bunnese government's position on UNHCR in the context of this crisis? What actions will State 

and USAID take to ensure that UNHCR has adequate access to the refugee populations, both 

before and during resettlement? In the absence of UNHCR, how will the USG seek to address 

refugee protection? 
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Bangladesh has been working with UNHCR to undertake a registration of those arriving 

from Burma. We are working with international partners to urge that Burma enables unhindered 

access to relevant areas for international humanitarian organizations, including UNHCR and we 

continue to push for a role for credible outside observers in the repatriation process to ensure the 

conditions are right for all refugees and internally displaced people to return to their homes and 

land, safely, and voluntarily. 

Onestion: 

Several countries and human rights organizations have called for humanitarian groups to 

receive complete access to the Rohine,>ya who still live in Burma. Although the government has 

announced that it will work with the International Red Cross, most international aid 

organizations fear that there may be hundreds of thousands that still lack access to potentially 

life-saving aid. What is the US. government doing to ensure that the Burmese government is 

allowing for access into Rakhine state? Is there any sense of how many Rohingya people remain 

in Burma and need medical access? Do international NGOs have sut1icient capacity and funding 

to expand operations effectively if access were to be increased? 

Our top humanitarian priority is gaining access to those in need in Rakhine State. Relief 

agencies' access to many of the affected areas remains severely limited. Although the 

Government of Burma has granted some international NGOs travel authorizations to work in 

central Rakhine State, no international NGO staff have been issued travel authorizations for 

northern Rakhine, and other government regulations and procedures are also hindering UN 

agencies and INGOs from accessing all IDP camps and a±Iected communities. In addition, safety 

concerns, a local climate of intimidation, and restrictions on movements prevent many local 

Burmese sta±I of these organizations from accessing those in need. We take every opportunity to 

emphasize to Bunnese ot1icials at all levels of government the need to allow humanitarian 

assistance to those in need. The White House, State Department, and the US. Mission to the 

United Nations have issued statements calling for immediate unhindered humanitarian access to 

all afl'ected populations, including in northern Rakhine State. We note that the civilian 

government's commitment to do so is encouraging, but we seek further implementation on the 

ground. 

It is difficult to know for certain how many Rohine,>ya are internally displaced within 

Rakhine State due to lack of access, ongoing population movements, and the security situation. 

Our partners in Rakhine State report that they have capacity and resources available to 

carry out activities in northern Rakhine if access is granted. If full and unhindered access is 

granted, the United States stands ready to provide support to ensure that international NGOs 

have sut1icient capacity and funding to expand their humanitarian operations to meet the needs 

of the affected populations. 
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Question: 

Does the Department of State believe that human rights violations against Rohingya in 

Rakhine State are part of a Tatmadaw plan for "ethnic cleansing" or constitute "crimes against 

humanity"? What in your view is the best way for the United States and international 

community to investigate the alleged human rights violations in Rakhine State? 

The facts indicate that since August 25, over 600,000 Rohingya have been forced across 

the border, tleeing for their lives from reported killings, torture, rape, and widespread burnings of 

their villages. Many have been displaced internally. These are terrible atrocities. In some cases, 

there is evidence that Burmese military and security forces have perpetrated these mass atrocities 

in concert with local militias. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley said on September 

28, "We cannot be afraid to call the actions of the Burmese authorities what they appear to be: a 

brutal, sustained campaign to cleanse the country of an ethnic minority." Secretary Tillerson has 

been clear in saying that violence and persecution "have been characterized by many as ethnic 

cleansing .. , We are working with international partuers to urge that Burma enables unhindered 

access to relevant areas for international humanitarian organizations, including UNHCR and we 

continue to push for a role for credible outside observers in the repatriation process to ensure the 

conditions are right for all refugees and internally displaced people to return to their homes and 

land, safely, and voluntarily. 

The Secretary also observed while in Burma on November 15 that what has occurred in 

Rakhine State that led to so many people tleeing has a number of characteristics of crimes 

against humanity. We are encouraging an independent investigation to understand the 

motivations for these crimes and hold accountable those responsible. We are working with 

international partners to urge that Burma enables unhindered access to relevant areas for the 

United Nations Fact-Finding Mission, international humanitarian organizations, and media. We 

are also consulting with allies and partners on accountability options at the UN, including the UN 

Human Rights Council and other appropriate venues. In addition, the administration has taken 

direct measures to hold the Burmese security forces accountable for their perpetration of 

atrocities. Since August 25, the State Department has ceased consideration of JADE Act travel 

waivers for current and former senior leaders of the Burmese military. We have found all 

military units involved in Ral<hine, and everyone in their chain of command, ineligible for U.S. 

training under the Leahy Law due to credible reports we have received on their commission of 

gross violations of human rights. We are also exploring targeted economic sanctions available 

under current U.S law to apply pressure to the Burmese military to stop abuses, prevent similar 

behavior in the future, and hold violators accountable, while limiting economic damage to the 

lives of ordinary Burmese. 

Question: 

State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi has indicated that her government intends to 

implement most of the recommendations made by the Advisory Commission on Ral<hine State 

which is the report issued by the commission led by Kot'i Annan when circumstances permit. 
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What is the United States government doing to see that those recommendations are 

implemented in a timely and effective manner? 

The Advisory Commission on Rakhine State's recommendations provide valuable ways 

forward in addressing underdevelopment, shortcomings in government services, access to 

justice, human rights violations, and ensuring a credible, transparent citizenship process for all 

people in Rakhine State. The government of Burma has committed to implementing the 

recommendations, and has established mechanisms to do so. We are supporting and encouraging 

these efforts, and in particular are pressing the Burmese armed forces to support the civilian 

elected government in implementing all of the recommendations. 

Question: 

In previous instances of humanitarian disaster, whether t1oods in Pakistan, or the disaster 

in Haiti, administrations have worked with USAID to promote private giving, including through 

mobile phones. What is this administration doing to facilitate private donations? 

USAID continues to encourage the public to assist disaster-atJected people through 

private giving to reputable relief organizations on the ground in Bunna and elsewhere. 

Question: 

Over the past few weeks we have seen troubling reports about sexual abuse committed by 

the Myanmar military. The most recent reports from UN medics on the ground state that there 

have been dozens of cases reported of women being sexually assaulted. Can you corroborate 

these reports? If so, what plans are being made to help those who have sutiered from genderbased violence (GBV)? 

We are deeply troubled by numerous reports of sexual violence against Rohingya by 

security forces We have made it clear to Burmese civilian and military officials at the highest 

levels, within the central government and in Rakhine State itself~ that all stakeholders must work 

to end the violence, respect the rule of law, and hold accountable those responsible for violations 

and abuses. 

The United States supports the UN and international organization partners in responding 

to violence against women and the broader protection needs of the Rohingya in Burma and 

Bangladesh. In FY 17, the U.S. government provided nearly $40 million in response to the UN's 

emergency appeals, which includes referral systems and safe spaces for survivors, enhancing 

efforts to identify boy and girl children at risk, and with support from the U.S. Safe from the 

Start initiative, deploying stati to provide technical assistance. Those most vulnerable to 
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trafllcking can access services through ongoing child protection and other prevention and 

protection programs that serve men and women. Limits on access to Rakhine imposed by the 

Burmese government since August 25 continue to hamper implementation of the response 

efforts, and the provision of essential services for survivors remains limited. 

Question: 

Given the more than 500,000 Rohingya t1eeing from Burma to Bangladesh, what has 

been the extent of onward maritime and other migration of Rohingya from Bangladesh to other 

nations in the region? How is the region responding to any onward migration? Have neighboring 

nations taken action to facilitate the mass migration of Rohingya? What are the numbers of 

Rohingyas in other countries? How many Rohingya refugees are in the countries of Burma's 

regional neighbors? 

In contrast to 2015, we have not yet observed onward maritime migration ofRohingya 

from Bangladesh to other nations in the region. The 2015 Migrants at Sea Crisis involved over 

5,000 Rohingya. There are more than 55,000 UNHCR-registered Rohingya refugees in 

Malaysia, 16,500 in India, over 700 in Indonesia, and 132 in Thailand. Humanitarian 

organizations and the international community have advocated with neighboring countries to 

develop and implement protocols for rescue at sea, disembarkation, registration, and temporary 

protection, should Rohingya refugees arrive at their shores. 

The U.S. government is also advocating for neighboring countries to use existing 

multilateral mechanisms, including ASEAN and the Bali Process, to coordinate on responses to a 

possible secondary migration of Rohingya by sea or land. In Thailand, there have been mixed 

messages from the military leadership and the prime minister as to how any potential arrivals 

would be treated. The Malaysian government has publicly condemned the Burmese government 

for its treatment ofRohingya and has disavowed the September 24 ASEAN Foreign Ministers' 

statement on the Rakhine State crisis. The Government of Malaysia has not made any public 

statements on how Rohingya arrivals by sea would be treated. UNHCR assesses that Indonesia 

plays a positive role in the region, particularly in the context of irregular migratory movements 

and the situation in Rakhine State. As co-chair of the Bali Process, Indonesia contributed to 

securing a regional agreement on temporary protection and local stay arrangements for migrants 

rescued at sea during the 2015 migrant crisis. The Indonesian government has been more 

circumspect than Malaysia in its public statements on the Rakhine State crisis, calling for an end 

to the violence without explicitly condemning the Burmese security forces' actions. The 

Indonesian government has sent humanitarian aid to both Burma and Bangladesh to respond to 

the current crisis. 

Question: 

One of the major problems for the Rohingya is that most of them are stateless. In 1982, 

the Rohingya were stripped of their citizenship by the Burmese government. Is there a viable 
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pathway for Rohint,>ya to gain citizenship such that they would have tull rights of a citizen like 

access to voting, education, protection under the law, medical care, and property ownership? 

Burma's civilian government has launched a "National Citizenship Verification" process in 

Rakhine State through which Rohingya can apply for verit!cation of their citizenship status. 

Very few Rohingya have entered into the process, although most of those who have done so have 

received some form of citizenship as a result The lack of participation is due largely to a lack of 

trust by Rohingya in the Burmese government; concern that they would be forced to self-identify 

in the paperwork as other than ''Rohingya;" the fact that many Rohingya who have received 

citizenship did not see any change to their fundamental freedoms, such as freedom of movement; 

and what has reportedly been a coercive approach to pursuing Rohint,>ya participation by some 

government actors. The Advisory Commission on Rakhine State recommendations call for the 

government to establish a clear strategy and timeline for a transparent, eflicient, simplified, and 

voluntary citizenship process; the government has accepted the Commission's recommendations 

and says it will implement them as quickly as possible. 

Question: 

How would you describe the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Anny in terms of strength, 

organization, leadership, international linkages, finances and other backing? Is it more nationalist 

or Islamist in nature? 

The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Anny (ARSA) claims to have no ties to transnational 

terrorist organizations We know that ARSA has claimed responsibility for roughly 30 

coordinated attacks on Bunnese security forces on August 25 that killed 12. Reports from 

Burmese government oflicials and sources inside the Rohingya community also suggest that 

ARSA is responsible for killing some members of the Rohingya community ARSA suspected of 

collaborating with the government The self-proclaimed head of ARSA, Ata Ullah, is a 

Rohingya. We understand he spent formative years in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. 

Question: 

The International Crisis Group has interpreted the events following the October 2016 

attack on Burmese Border Guards as signifying "the emergence of a new Muslim insurgency." 

Do you agree with this characterization? 

Even prior to August 25, State Department oflicials at all levels consistently 

communicated to the Government of Burma the risks of radicalization of the Rohingya 

population due to systematic discrimination and abject poverty. Our understanding of ARSA is 
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that it has limited capacity and limited support from the Rohint,>ya community, but the risks of 

radicalization exist, particularly with the displaced population in Bangladesh. 

Question: 

Will the Trump Administration remove or revise any of the existing waivers on sanctions 

on Burma? When will these decisions be made? Are there any downsides to imposing greater 

sanctions on Burma, in terms of US. diplomatic influence on Burma or US. foreign assistance 

objectives in Burma? 

The Administration has since the current Rakhine State crisis began in August ceased 

issuing waivers to the visa ban for current and former military leaders established by the 2008 

JADE Act. We are considering a range of other options to address accountability for abuses. 

Any tools the United States uses to address the situation have to be caretully targeted to be 

etiective in the complex environment. We do not want to make the crisis worse for vulnerable 

populations, or inhibit the flow of aid and assistance, and we want to continue to support those in 

Burma who are working to improve the situation in Rakhine, as well as to advance peace and 

broader democratic reforms. 

Question: 

Have any of the individuals, or their family members, who have received a national 

security waiver under the JADE Act since 2012, been involved, directly or indirectly, with the 

recent violence in Rakhine state? 

We have no information indicating that any members of the security forces operating in 

Rakhine State or their family members have received a waiver since 2012. 

Question: 

Are the Departments of Defense or State considering the suspension of assistance, 

education, and training programs involving officers in Burma's security forces? What other 

measures is the Administration considering? 

Tn accordance with existing restrictions on engagement with Burmese security forces, 

assistance, education, and training programs are extremely limited. Pursuant to the Leahy Law, 

we find all units and officers involved in operations in northern Rakhine State to be ineligible to 

receive or participate in any US. assistance programs. We have also rescinded invitations for 

senior Burmese security forces to attend US.-sponsored events. We are considering all available 

options to ensure accountability for abuses in Rakhine State. 
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Question: 

What legislation, if any, would the Trump Administration like to see Congress pass 

regarding the crisis in Rakhine State? 

We believe the Administration currently has sufficient legislative authorities to address 

this crisis. 

Question: 

What is the goal we are seeking in a relationship with Bunna that has kept us from taking 

more concrete actions against the military? 

The United States supports Burma's transition to democracy. Less than two years ago, an 

elected, civilian-led government took office for the first time in over half a century. The crisis in 

Rakhine State reminds us that the democratic transition in Burma remains in process, however, 

and that progress is fragile. Bunna's civilian leadership has been trying to address five decades 

of authoritarian military misrule and inherited challenges, including long-standing inter-ethnic 

tensions in Rakhine State. We are well aware of the constitutional constraints on the 

democratically elected government In spite of this, the democratically elected civilian 

government has made some progress in addressing difficult inherited challenges, including by 

releasing many political prisoners, amending some old laws limiting freedom of expression, and 

carrying out long-overdue economic reforms. Perhaps most importantly, there has been a 

marked decrease in high-level corruption among senior civilian government oft'icials. None of 

this excuses inaction or failings by the civilian government on Rakhine or any other issue. 

Question: 

1n 2011 the military was driven to open to the outside world because it felt it was no 

longer in its interest to remain closed. What do you see as the military's calculation in terms of 

the outside world's response to its ethnic cleansing of Rohingya? What's changed? 

Discrimination and prejudice against the Rohingya are widespread in Burma and have been 

for decades. Domestically, most Bunnese support the military's actions as being in defense 

against the threat of ARSA; many in Burma continue to deny the allegations of abuses or scale of 

displacement The military rank and file likely share this view, and domestic support 

discourages criticism of the military from both the civilian government and local organizations. 

The armed forces remain interested in opening to the rest of the world and in greater military-tomilitary engagement, but both the military and most people in Burma see the international 
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response to the conflict in Rakhine State as based on misinformation and misunderstanding. 

Most Burmese people's personal unfamiliarity with the Rohingya community exacerbates and 

hardens these nationalist opinions and bolsters support for the military. 

Question: 

What has the United States done, in terms of diplomatic engagement or other tools, to try 

and stop this current round of violence against the Rohingya? 

This administration is undertaking all efforts to end the violence and suffering 

immediately. Our most pressing objectives are achieving protection for all local populations and 

meaningful, durable solutions for those who have been displaced, including the establishment of 

conditions that allow displaced individuals to go home voluntarily, in safety, and with dignity. 

We have made it clear to Burmese civilian and military officials at the highest levels, within the 

central government and in Rakhine State itself, that all stakeholders must end the violence, 

respect the rule of law, cease displacement, pave a path for Rohingya and others to return 

voluntarily to their homes, and hold accountable those responsible for violations and abuses. We 

have expressed alarm about continuing reports of intimidation perpetrated by security forces, as 

well as of civilian vigilantes operating outside the rule of law in committing arson attacks on 

Rohingya homes and blocking humanitarian assistance to many populations. We have also taken 

concrete actions to demonstrate our concerns to the Burmese military, including ceasing 

consideration of JADE Act travel waivers for current and former senior leaders of the Burmese 

military, and finding all military units involved in Rakhine, and everyone in their chain of 

command, ineligible for U.S training under the Leahy Law. We are also exploring options 

available under current U.S. law to apply pressure to the Burmese military to stop abuses, 

prevent similar behavior in the future, and hold violators accountable. 

Qnestion: 

Despite our "never again" response to atrocities around the world, why has the U.S. not 

taken stronger action to stop what the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Raad alHussein has called a ''textbook example of ethnic cleansing." What impact do you believe this 

has on our credibility when it comes to atrocity prevention" 

Secretary of State Tillerson has said that "the world can't stand idly by and be witness to 

the atrocities that are being reported" in Burma. This administration is undertaking all efTorts to 

end the violence and suffering immediately, in addition to pursuing accountability for 

perpetrators of human rights violations. Our most pressing objectives are achieving protection 

for all local populations and meaningful, durable solutions for those who have been displaced, 

including establishment of conditions that will allow displaced individuals to go home again 

voluntarily, in safety, and with dignity. 
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Question: 

Does the State Department believe that this is an act of ethnic cleansing? Why/why not? 

The facts indicate that since August 25, over 600,000 Rohingya have been forced across 

the border, fleeing for their lives from reported killings, torture, rape, and widespread burnings of 

their villages. Many others have been displaced internally. These are terrible atrocities. In some 

cases, there is evidence that Burmese military and security forces have perpetrated these mass 

atrocities in concert with local militias. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley said on 

September 28, "We cannot be afraid to call the actions of the Burmese authorities what they 

appear to be: a brutal, sustained campaign to cleanse the country of an ethnic minority." 

Secretary Tillerson has been clear in saying that violence and persecution ''have been 

characterized by many as ethnic cleansing." The Secretary also observed while in Burma on 

November 15 that what has occurred in Rakhine State that led to so many people fleeing has a 

number of characteristics of crimes against humanity. We are encouraging an independent 

investigation to understand the motivations for these crimes and hold accountable those 

responsible. 

Question: 

How would you characterize Bangladesh-Bunna relations? How has the refugee crisis 

atiected their bilateral relationship? Indian PM Modi was in Burma while the violence was 

going on. How would you characterize India's response? 

Bunna-Bangladesh have long sutiered from a lack of trust on both sides. However, both 

countries are seeking to resolve jointly their bilateral issues, including finding a path forward on 

repatriation ofRohingya refugees. We are encouraging this bilateral collaboration. 

India has sought to strengthen its relations with Burma's democratic government. In 

addressing the continued outflow of Rohingya from Rakhine State, Indian government 

statements have condemned attacks on Burmese security forces, called for the government to 

protect the civilian population, and atlirmed that Burma must allow refugees to return. A strong 

relationship with Burma is an important element of India's "Act East" policy of increasing ties in 

Asia. 

Question: 

How is the U.S. government attempting to continue supporting the democratically elected 

leaders within Burma while fighting against the Burma Military's excesses? How has the U.S. 

assisted Burma's democratically elected leaders like Suu Kyi while fighting against the Burmese 

military? 
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We will continue to support Burma's transition to democracy, as well as efforts to resolve 

the current crisis in Rakhine State. The United States has offered its support to the government 

as it works to address the long-term challenges identified in the Advisory Commission on 

Rakhine State's final report. US. officials at all levels continue communicating our commitment 

to the U.S.-Myanmar Partnership and to supporting civilian officials in all areas of our 

engagement. We maintain a robust portfolio of assistance activities to communicate strong 

support for the civilian government and the democratic transition, including support to the peace 

process, assistance to civil society organizations promoting human rights and democracy, and 

extensive programs through USAID to foster economic development and poverty reduction, 

address intercommunal conflict, and provide technical assistance to Parliament on legislation and 

other initiatives At the same time, there should be a place in Burma for a reformed military, 

one that is respected for its adherence to the rule of law, strict avoidance of human rights abuses, 

and full acceptance of civilian control. 

Question: 

There is concern that Suu Kyi's actions might be because of the upcoming election in 

Burma. What, if anything, can be done by the US to strengthen Burma's democracy as well as 

Suu Kyi's political position that can give her leverage to better support the Rohingya? 

The United States provides substantial assistance to Burma to support the development of 

democratic norms, including free and fair elections, as well as an appreciation for the value of 

diversity and a respect for minority rights. 

Question: 

Our understanding is that the recently, democratically elected Burma officials do not 

have control over the Burmese Military that ran the country for over five decades, and that the 

actions against the Rohingya are driven by the military, not by the democratically elected 

government. Is that accurate? Is it accurate to assume the view that Burma's relatively new 

democratic government has not been able to control the Burmese military forces that previously 

ruled the country? 

Our information indicates that Bunna's military, in conjunction with vigilante groups in 

many instances, is responsible for violence against the Rohingya community in northern Rakhine 

State. 

Under the Burmese constitution, drafted by the military in 2008, the armed forces are not 

subject to civilian control. The military also controls 25% of seats in Bunna's legislature, giving 

it an effective veto over constitutional refonn, and has authority over three key security-related 

Ministries of Defense, Border Affairs, and Home Affairs. 
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Questions: 

As you know, women face a heightened risk of sexual violence during crisis situations. 

Harrowing stories have been reported regarding the rape ofRohingya women. How is the United 

States supporting survivors of sexual violence? What is being done to ensure women and girls 

receive comprehensive, confidential counseling and medical care? What steps are being taken to 

mitigate the risk of sexual violence? 

The United States supports the UN and international organization partners to respond to 

violence against women and the broader protection needs of the Rohingya in Burma and 

Bangladesh. In FY 2017, the US. government provided nearly $40 million in humanitarian 

assistance in Burma and Bangladesh following the crisis in Rakhine State. This includes funding 

for partners implementing the US.-led initiative Safe ji·um the Start, which prioritizes improved 

GBV services and the mitigation of GBV risks. In Rakhine State, USAID partners support 

activities focused on responding to and preventing gender-based violence, including Women's 

and Girls Centers at camps for internally displaced persons, case management and counseling for 

survivors, group-based activities for those vulnerable to gender-based violence (GBV), referrals 

to other sector services, and integration of clinical management of rape into health programming. 

USAID also requires all partners to design their programs so that delivery of services is safe and 

minimizes any risks, particularly those faced by women and girls. These efforts are further 

reinforced by protection monitoring activities implemented by other key protection partners, 

such as UNHCR in Rakhine state to monitor critical risks and trends. However, since August 25, 

limits on access in Rakhine have hampered implementation of both GBV response programming 

and critical prevention etl'orts. 

In light of historical data and more recent reports of rape and other fonns of sexual 

violence, it is critical that the humanitarian community is able to provide life-saving protection 

and GBV services. The provision of services such as clinical management of rape, individual 

counseling or case-work, or safety planning for Rohinyga continues to be particularly restricted 

in Rakhine State. We are pursuing unhindered access to vulnerable populations for humanitarian 

actors and ensuring that life-saving protection and GBV-related interventions are sutliciently 

resourced and can be safely accessed. 

In Bangladesh, State/PRM is providing humanitarian assistance to Rohingya refugees 

through UN and international organizations. This funding provides multi-sector life-saving 

assistance to meet critical humanitarian needs, including GBV prevention and response services, 

through trusted humanitarian partners including the UN High Commissioner for Refugees 

(UNHCR), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the UN Children's Fund 

(UNICEF), and international non-governmental organizations, among others. GBV prevention 

and response services underway by PRM-funded partners include delivery of psychosocial 

support services, establishment of safe spaces for women and children in the refugee camps and 

communities, provision of child- and youth-focused activities, direct case management and 

referral, and linkages to emergency health services for GBV and child abuse survivors. 
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Question: 

The current crisis has taken a devastating physical and psychological toll on Rohingya 

minors. Many have lost parents and caretakers. How do you plan on supplying aid to Rohingya 

youth? Particularly those left without a family. 

Prior to the current crisis, USAID partners carried out a range of child protection 

activities in Rakhine State, including safe spaces for children at IDP sites, psychosocial support 

for children affected by conflict, and case management services for survivors of protection 

violations. It is imperative that protection actors are granted access to all contlict-atTected 

populations as soon as possible so that delivery of these services can resume. 

In Bangladesh, State/PRM is providing humanitarian assistance to Rohingya retugees 

through UN and international organizations. This funding provides life-saving assistance to 

meet critical humanitarian needs, including child protection services, through trusted 

humanitarian partners including the UN High Commissioner for Re±ugees (UNHCR), the 

International Organization for Migration (IOM), the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), and 

international non-governmental organizations, among others. Child protection activities 

underway by US.-tunded partners include family tracing services, interim family-based care for 

unaccompanied and separated children, mental health and psychosocial support services, 

establishment of child friendly spaces to otTer recreation, psychosocial support, and informal 

education, and prevention and response to gender-based violence. 

Question: 

How are US. o±llcials working with other partners to track and assess health conditions 

in the densely populated camps? What steps is the US prepared to take to address issues, like 

malaria or tuberculosis, and ensure a rapid response in the event of an outbreak? 

Answer: 

US officials are engaging with the Government of Bangladesh and humanitarian 

partners regularly to track and assess health conditions. US. funding is supporting key health, 

nutrition, and water, hygiene, and sanitation interventions to prevent an outbreak of disease. For 

example, UNICEF and WHO are leading the vaccination campaign against cholera, polio, and 

measles-rubella with tunding from various donors, including the US WHO plans to administer 

700,000 of its donated 900,000 cholera vaccinations between October 10 and 18. The remaining 

200,000 vaccinations will be administered to newly-arrived children under the age of five during 

the second week of November. US. o±llcials based in Bangladesh work closely with the InterSector Coordination Group (ISCG), the coordination body for the refugee response, on 

preparedness for possible disease outbreal<s. As a part of the Acute Watery Diarrhea (AWD) 

preparedness and response plan, humanitarian partners are in the process of prepositioning 

contingency supplies including water purification tablets and chlorine powder and a Non-FoodItem (NFI) kit. UNICEF and other partners are conducting an assessment of the re±ugees' 
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nutritional status to inform next steps. UNHCR is conducting an assessment of water, sanitation, 

and hygiene (WASH) activities in the camps and is working to establish community-based 

mortality surveillance in the camps and a health information system for managing data. At the 

request of partners, subject matter experts from CDC have provided on-the-ground technical 

support to the nutrition and WASH assessments and the establishment of the UNHCR mortality 

surveillance and health information systems. Humanitarian partners are also distributing hygiene 

kits and plan to assess ditl'erent sites to set up diarrhea treatment centers. 

Question: 

Malaria, Zika, and other mosquito-borne infections are a health threat in 

Burma/Myanmar. What, if anything, have you heard regarding reported cases and the possible 

spread of mosquito-borne infections among IDPs and refugees? 

Populations in IDP camps and isolated communities of Rakhine face a similar risk of 

malaria as other populations in Rakhine State. As of 2015, Rakhine State has remained the 

highest-burden area of Burma and accounted for 19 percent of all malaria cases within the 

country reported. Transmission varies within the state, but is estimated to be higher in northern 

Rakhine and thus presents a health risk for Rohingya populations on both sides of the border. 

This includes refugees who have fled to Bangladesh. It is not possible at this time to assess 

whether cases have increased in northern Rakhine. In IDP camps in central Rakhine, while there 

have been cases of dengue and malaria reported, no major spikes have been reported during the 

current crisis. Among IDP camps in Sittwe, for instance, malaria incidence is reported to be low, 

corresponding with lower incidence across Sittwe townships as a result of malaria control efforts. 

Dengue is also endemic, though Rakhine is not among Burma's most at-risk areas. Zika 

prevalence is not well-documented, but is not presently considered a significant public health 

threat. 

In Bangladesh, WHO reported that during the period of August 25 to October 21, 2017, 

out of a total of 174,731 consultations reported through the Early Warning and Response System 

(EWARS), there were 25,192 cases of fever of unexplained origin, and 1,737 confirmed cases of 

malaria. The International Center for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh (ICCDRB) is 

conducting malaria surveillance in the camps. Dengue, Chikungunya and Zika are highly 

prevalent in Bangladesh, but have not yet been reported as atl'ecting significant numbers of 

Rohingya are refugees. 
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Question for the Record Submitted to 

Acting Deputy Assistant Administrator; Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and 

Humanitarian Assistance, V. Kate Somvongsiri by 

Representative Ann Wagner 

House Foreign Affairs Committee Hearing 

October 5, 2017 Hearing 

Question: 

Ms. Somovongsiri, we hear so many stories of rape and sexual abuse coming out of 

Burma. The Bangladesh Embassy has reported that many of the Rohingya t1owing into 

Bangladesh are women and children. 

Can you talk about the risks facing women and girls in Rakhine State and help us understand 

how the international humanitarian response can better confront sexual violence and the needs of 

female survivors? 

Answer: 

Women and girls face compounding security risks in both Rakhine State and in 

Bangladesh, where many have t1ed violence as refugees. During humanitarian crises, when law 

enforcement and social protection structures are strained, women, adolescents and children are 

especially susceptible to many forms of violence, including sexual violence, rape, human 

trafficking, survival sex, as well as child, early and forced marriage. Violence against women is 

a feature of the current Rohingya humanitarian context, and has likely amplified in scope and 

scale. During the latest clearance operation by Burmese security forces and vigilante groups, 

reports of rape and sexual assault have been widespread. Women and adolescent girls in 

Rohingya communities are particularly vulnerable due to limited resources, restrictions on their 

freedom of movement, and some inadequate access to water and sanitation facilities (which often 

must be done at night) due to congested camp living conditions surrounded by large numbers of 

armed men. Additionally, the common practice of smuggling via boat across the river dividing 

Burma and Bangladsh, which was a feature of the 2013/2014 Rakhine crisis, has elevated the 

risk oftraftick:ing in persons of women and girls since the onset of the 2017 violence. 

The United States supports the UN and international organization partners to respond to 

violence against women and the broader protection needs of the Rohingya in Burma and 

Bangladesh. In FY17, the U.S. government provided nearly $40M in response to the UN's 

emergency appeals, which includes referral systems and safe spaces for survivors, enhancing 

efiorts to identify boy and girl children at risk, and with support from the U.S. Scife from the 

Start initiative, deploying stafi to provide technical assistance. Those most vulnerable to 

tratlicking can access services through ongoing child protection and other prevention and 

protection programs that serve men and women. Limits on access to Rakhine imposed by the 

Burmese government since August 25 continue to severely hamper implementation of the 

response efforts, and therefore, the provision of essential services for survivors is extremely 

limited. Humanitarian actors need unhindered access to vulnerable populations, and 

programming addressing the ramifications of violence against women should be prioritized as 

lifesaving.