on external funding for major urban development and infrastructure projects and capacity- building efforts. Aid dependency is of course familiar terrain across several Sub-Saharan African countries like Mozambique. However, its articulation at the urban level has signficantly diversified over the past three decades. Sidaway and Power (1995) reported that not only was the World Bank's investments in Mozambique greater than the sum of private foreign capital at the end of the twentieth century, but it was also the largest single property investor at the time. Today, the World Bank remains active - but it is no longer a unique player in the field. For example, the World Bank's ProMaputo- a USD 44.45 million municipal assistance program - comprised loans and embedded technical support staff in Maputo's city administration to devise and implement administrative and fiscal reforms as well as build capacity to improve municipal functions and basic service provision in areas like roadways, water, and sanitation (World Bank 2013). Traditional donors and international organizations like the German and French development cooperation agencies also have historically provided aid for solid waste management and street mapping, respectively, while UN HABITAT has long provided technical assistance for slum upgrading in the city. However, other major external funding sources have been tapped into to help finance basic urban services as well, bolstered in particular by the rise of South-South cooperation across the continent (Mawdsley 2012; Taylor 2014). Recent major projects have been financed with relative newcomers on the Maputo scene, including the China Export- Import Bank's loans for the construction of Maputo's new international airport, roadways, and what is now the longest suspension bridge on the continent. In addition, other new donors like South Korea have used their own Export-Import Bank to finance a landfill serving both Maputo and neighboring city Matola, now the country's second largest city (Vásconez and Ilal, 2008; Bismarque, 2013; Chambisso, 2016). These bilateral aid arrangements are typically accompanied by the arrival of private sector for- profit constituents from bilateral partners' countries. For example, just as the former Brazilian president Lula da Silva was celebrated for opening new embassies and avenues for Brazilian technical assistance across the continent, one of Brazil's major mining corporations, Vale, was similarly spreading its engagement - particularly in Lusophone countries like Mozambique (White, Sutherland and Nupen, 2015). Indeed, combined diplomatic and business delegation visits have long been the norm when new embassies have been established. The critical aspect of this phenomenon, however, is the growing density of such ventures in bilateral partnerships across African countries and their capitals in the past decade. Turkey, Argentina, and South Korea all opened new embassies in Maputo after 2010, and all also supported business delegation visits along with the opening of their physical diplomatic posts in the country - encouraging new investment opportunities and partnerships with agents in Maputo (Avril Consulting, 2015; Redacção, 2017). In short, where donors go first, private capital from donor countries follows. The volume of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Mozambique overall is striking testament to this trend away from the World Bank-dominated reality that Sidaway and Power reported in 1995 - with FDI growing eight times since 2010, as shown in Figure 2 below. Official development assistance volumes overall from donor countries has remained relatively stagnant in this same period, but the volumes obscure that as traditional aid from Development Assistance Countries (DAC) - comprised largely by high-income countries in Europe and North