and housing - what Watson (2014) and others have termed 'fantasy plans' (Watson, 2009; Watson and Agbola, 2013; Cain, 2014, 2017).

## For whom the city booms

Historically, Maputo's urban center, or 'cement city', has been demarcated by the singularity of hosting the majority of the city's high -rise apartment buildings, hotels, and office spaces, a physical legacy of Portuguese regulations segregating neighborhoods (and people) by the use of building materials. It was only in this core of the colonial capital of Lourenço Marques (now Maputo), where Europeans settled, that the use of cement as a building material was legal. During the post-civil war period in the 1990s, Maputo began to see the re-emergence of capital investments across the city, but these were very much linked to the dictates of the aid industry, as Hanlon (1991) described. Two decades later, Paasche and Sidaway (2010, p. 1573) reflected on the city's emergence as a fragmented space of micro-secure enclaves, describing what began as 'a fortification of the individual and the household and the purchase of security in multiple private and semiprivate microspaces. ' Today, what Bertelsen et al (2013) described as the hegemonic discourses of 'formal' and 'informal' bear little reference to the more dynamic variations therein across Maputo's neighborhoods. H owever, the demarcation of 'secure' and 'modern' spaces is expanding and aggregating, driven by real estate speculation and the growth and redevelopment of high-end buildings at greater scales - both vertical and horizontal. In Maputo city 's south, f or example, a new landmark suspension bridge which promised to bring water, energy, and economic development to the rural and relatively poorer district of KaTembe in the city, instead is serving to accelerate displacement and leverage new real estate investments to help pay for construction debts (Carolini, 2017; Otsuki 2019). Social media accounts from onlookers show how local street vendors who have attempted to utilize the new bridge and accompanying roads to sell their wares have been harassed by local police, citing mandates from the city prohibiting commercial activities on these sites which instead serve a vehicle-owning population that drives by and over the bridge to a 'new' frontier for urban real estate in the KaTembe district. While the vision plan for KaTembe signals the development of housing as the major target of construction on the majority of the district's land area, the plan's images reference golf courses and nautical clubs, giving an indication of whom the new housing developments will and will likely not accommodate (Betar, n.d.) Stretching from the city center toward the city's north is another, longer -standing build-up of housing enclaves - one amplifying and extending the micro-security enclaves Paasche and Sidaway (2010) spotlighted a decade ago. While some of this expansion reflects the demand from the Mozambican middle-class and political elites (Sumich, 2018; Sumich and Nielsen, 2020), the advertisements for new well-appointed residences across the 'cement' city center line into northern 'suburbios' and peri -urban neighborhoods, like Triunfo in the Costa do Sol area, 5 are often in English and prices quoted in US Dollars and Euros. These same neighborhoods