* منبع: - * منبع: - Literature Honig, Emily (2002): Maoist Mappings of Gender: Reassessing the Red Guards. In: Brownwell, Su- san/Wasserstrom, Jeffrey N. (2002): Chinese Femininities, Chinese Masculinities: A Reader. Berkeley, Los Angeles/London Jaschok, Maria (1995): On the Construction of Desire and Anxiety: Contestations Over Female Na- ture and Identity in China's Modern Market Society. In: Einhorn, Barbara/Yeo, Eileen James: Women and Market Societies: Crisis and Opportunity. Cambridge Lipinsky, Astrid (2006): Der Frauenverband und die Arbeit im Privathaushalt. In: Lipinsky, Astrid, Der Chinesische Frauenverband. Eine kommunistische Massenorganisation unter marktwirtschaftlichen Bedingungen. Bonn, S. 215-254 Liu Jieyu (2007): Gender and Work in Urban China. Women workers of the unlucky generation. London/New York McLaren, Ann (2004): Women's Work and ritual space in China. In: McLaren, Ann (ed.): Chinese Women - Living and Working. London/New York Pun Ngai/Li Wanwei (2006): Shiyu de husheng. Zhongguo dagongmei koushu. Beijing (German: dagongmei - Arbeiterinnen aus Chinas Weltmarktfabriken erzählen. Berlin, 2008) Solinger, Dorothy J. (2002): Labour Market Reform and the Plight of the Laid-off Proletariat. In: China Quarterly, No. 170, 2002 Wang Zheng (2003): Gender, employment and women's resistance. In: Perry, Elizabeth J./ Selden, Mark: Chinese Society, 2nd Edition. Change, conflict and resistance. London/NY Xinran (2003): The Good Women of China: Hidden Voices. London (German edition: Xinran: Verborgene Stimmen. Chinesische Frauen erzählen ihr Schicksal. München 2005) Zuo Jiping (2006): Women's Liberation and Gender Obligation Equality in Urban China: Work/Family Experiences of Married Individuals in the 1950s. Relations Centre, RSPAS, The Australian National University and St. Cloud State University, Minnesota, USA. Online: http://rspas.anu.edu.au/grc/publications/pdfs/ZuoJ\_2006.pdf (called up on 25 June 2007) Footnotes 1 The correspondent term for "adults" is nanzun nübei, roughly: Women are inferior to men. These sexist slogans are part of the (neo-)Confucian pulp that still gums up many social discourses in China. 2 Until today many Chinese use this term. For instance, divorced women, in particular those with children, often have problems finding a new partner, because they are seen as "worn shoes". Getting a divorce in China today does not promise (new) independence but loneliness, economic insecurity and gossip (see Jaschok: 119). 3 It was not just the patriarchal feudalistic structures that were adopted (something that happened in other Asian countries, too). New versions of the imperial governmental units in China, from the mandarins down to the village heads, can also be found in the socialist structures. 4 Still, Wang points out that one reason for the acceptance of the gendered assignment of low-skilled jobs to women lies in the fact that the difference in wages and benefits in a danwei was rather small - in accordance with the egalitarianism of the Maoists. Another factor was that the situation of the urban women working in a danwei was far better than those of rural women. (Wang: 160). 5 On the Confucian and nationalist-socialist background of the notion of sacrifice (for the emperor, the state, the party, the family) see Zuo: 16. 6 China today has far more males than females because many parents make a sex test before birth - and if it is a girl they abort the fetus. The relation between men and women is around 117 males to 100 females. 7 Here Liu refers to Davies, K. (1990): Women, Time, and the Weaving of the Strands of Everyday Life. Aldershot: Avebury. 8 Lipinsky writes that in 2001, 85 per cent of all families the women were "responsible for cooking,