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Chapter 15 : “Ninety Percent Community, 10 Percent Radio”

Introduction:
In this chapter, Sanjay Jolly from the Prometheus Radio Project recounts the organization’s endeavors to pass the Local Community Radio Act and expand low-power FM (LPFM) radio stations across the United States. The act paved the way for a significant increase in community radio, which played a critical role in giving various communities a voice in local media.

Media Reform Strategy:
The Prometheus Radio Project aimed to enable local community organizations to apply for LPFM licenses, supporting the largest potential expansion of community radio in U.S. history. The chapter outlines how Prometheus worked to facilitate applications from diverse social justice groups through outreach, support, guide publications, legal and technical assistance, and handling inquiries.

Context for Community Radio:
Community radio is distinct from commercial radio, defined by its local, participatory nature. In the U.S., corporate ownership dominates the radio sector, marginalizing diverse voices and undermining democratic expressions. The consolidation of media ownership, particularly after the 1996 Telecommunications Act, pushed non-corporate entities and minority voices out of the airwaves, creating a homogenized media landscape.

Prometheus’s Role in Media Reform:
Prometheus Radio Project emerged from the free radio movement, with microradio stations acting as instruments for grassroots activism. The chapter charts the organization’s journey from combatting legislative restrictions on LPFM services to pushing for the Local Community Radio Act, which Removal of existing restrictions on LPFM stations opened up the bandwidth for community radios in urban areas.

2013 LPFM Application Window:
Following the Act’s passage, Prometheus crafted a strategic outreach to encourage applications for LPFM licenses with an emphasis on social justice-oriented organizations. They provided extensive support, including creating tools for technical and legal application aspects. The application window saw over 2,800 organizations apply for their own LPFM radio stations, with Prometheus aiding about one-third of those applicants.

Continued Role of LPFM Stations:
Looking forward, as LPFM stations begin operation, there is the challenge to ensure they stay true to their community-service orientation and don’t become commercialized. These stations will join other media avenues in shaping a democratic media landscape with local voices.

Conclusion:
The success of the LPFM service expansion represents a substantial victory for media activists. However, the chapter concludes with a cautionary outlook, stressing that to maintain LPFM’s role as a tool for social change, there must be ongoing political engagement and creativity from community radio stations and supporting entities like the Prometheus Radio Project.

The chapter presents a narrative of how policy, strategy, and community mobilization have intersected to create a meaningful shift in media dynamics. It stresses the importance of building radio as a participatory platform for underserved communities, serving as a case study for media activism that blends policy reform with on-the-ground action to widen access to the media landscape.
 



Chapter 16   : Media Reform Initiatives in West Africa Media Reform Initiatives in West Africa
by Kwame Karikari, centers on the efforts of the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) to instigate media reforms in the region.

MEDIA REFORM STRATEGY
The MFWA approaches media reform with comprehensive strategies that include research, setting clear objectives, recognizing beneficiaries, and pinpointing target authorities. This involves engaging with stakeholders such as journalists and media groups, forming coalitions, and creating detailed action plans for advocacy. Activities span issuing statements, organizing conferences, drafting legal documents, and evaluations. Significant public support in Guinea showcases their successful advocacy for the freedom to establish broadcasting services.

THE MEDIA FOUNDATION FOR WEST AFRICA
MFWA emerged alongside other advocacy groups pushing for democratization and human rights in the late 1980s and 1990s. Even though it’s a regional organization, it operates solely from Accra without a membership structure.

MISSION
The mission of MFWA includes promoting media rights, law reforms, legal defense, reinforcing media for democracy, and supporting conflict resolution media initiatives.

GUIDING STRATEGIC APPROACHES
MFWA’s work is governed by strategies that involve explicit objective setting, action-centered research, involving local entities, in-depth consultations, finding government allies, and fostering the capacities of national players.

HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT
Founded during times of democratic demand and civil conflict, MFWA witnessed a surge in media presence post-establishment. Despite new constitutions promising democratic governance, actual reforms remained limited, with only a few countries like Ghana abolishing old repressive laws.

SOME KEY MFWA ADVOCACY STRATEGIES
The MFWA initiates coalitions to advocate for media rights and has pioneered the monitoring of media rights violations in West Africa. It has also provided legal defense for journalists and highlighted the role of the ECOWAS Court of Justice.

OUTCOMES OF THE MFWA’S ADVOCACY WORK
The outcomes include a decrease in violent state attacks, increased collaboration among media entities, heightened awareness of media rights issues, and greater utilization of regional instruments for rights promotion.

SUCCESSFUL MFWA REFORM STRATEGIES
MFWA’s notable successes are the liberalization of Guinea’s airwaves and shaping post-conflict media strategy in Liberia. These include research, community engagement, organizing national conferences, and international collaboration.

REPUBLIC OF GUINEA
Focusing on Guinea, the MFWA exploited a political crisis to promote broadcast pluralism. This led to public support and the establishment of privately owned FM radio stations.

LIBERIA
In Liberia, MFWA helped form a strategic media development plan during the ceasefire, which led to the creation of advocacy agencies, contribution to constitutional reforms, and implementation of a Right to Information law.

CONCLUSION
The chapter concludes that the advocacy for media reform in Africa has been strengthened by the growth of media rights organizations and their strategies. Yet, government resistance still challenges the protection of media freedoms, underscoring the need for continued advocacy.




PART FOUR: Media Reform as Democratic Reform
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN: Waves of Struggle - The History and Future of American Media Reform
Victor Pickard, Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania, United States

MEDIA REFORM STRATEGY
The 1940s were marked by a robust media reform period in the U.S., where activists, policymakers, and the media industry discussed the normative foundations of communication and regulation institutions. Three lessons from postwar media reform for contemporary activists include the need for a strong inside/outside strategy, no retreat on structural reform, and that media reform is tied to political struggles and social movements.

A GRAMSCIAN APPROACH TO POWER AND HISTORY
Historical analyses of media policy reveal the multiplicity of socio-political influences and expose the contours of power relationships. A Gramscian theoretical model, emphasizing contingencies and contradictions, delves into how power operates, explaining the dynamics between dominant and subordinate groups. During “conjunctural moments,” or crises, there are challenges to existing power structures, enabling potential policy reforms.

WAVES OF MEDIA REFORM
Historically, media reform closely aligns with social movements—activists have used media to advance their causes, from revolutionary pamphleteering to modern digital activism. Twentieth-century media reform often involved policy influence, advocating changes to broadcasting, publishing, and internet regulation. Examples include the establishment of public broadcasting and the Fairness Doctrine in the 1960s. Recent movements for net neutrality and against proposed internet censorship signify the progressive continuity of media reform struggles.
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THE RISE AND FALL OF THE POSTWAR MEDIA REFORM MOVEMENT
In the 1940s, various groups contested the principles of media regulation, leading to significant policy debates and reform efforts. Despite ambitions for structural changes in the commercial media system, the movement declined due to a corporate backlash and a conservative political climate. However, progressive policies like the Fairness Doctrine persisted and later helped establish public broadcasting.

LESSONS FROM THE 1940s MEDIA REFORM MOVEMENT
The historical analysis advises contemporary reformers to keep regulatory entities connected to grassroots efforts, maintain a structural critique of the commercial media system, and understand that media reform is interconnected with broader political and social movements. Building coalitions with diverse social movements and maintaining radical elements can ensure continued focus on long-term vision and structural critique.

CONCLUSION
Advocates for media reform should work towards a new popular front, merging policy-focused liberals in Washington, D.C. with radical grassroots activists and intellectuals, to foster bold policy ideas and challenge predominant ideologies for a more democratic media system.




Chapter 18: Policy Hacking – Engaging Citizens in Media Reform

Media Reform Strategy
Policy hacking involves citizen-led efforts to analyze and create policy alternatives, diverging from traditional advocacy by writing new laws and regulations. There are civil society-based initiatives and policy hackathons. It leverages public engagement, crowdsourced expertise, and democratically open political processes, often integrating with activism and taking advantage of policy windows.

Communication Policy, Advocacy, and Hacking
This strategy goes beyond traditional advocacy, tapping into civic engagement and networked governance, where advocates define agendas and exert public pressure. Policy hacking overlaps with hacking culture and its DIY approaches, assembling and upgrading policy elements as seen in tech development.

From Local to Transnational Policy
Case studies illustrate policy hacking’s reach:
- In Hamburg, a transparent data law was crowdsourced through a wiki.
- In Iceland, the financial crash led to the IMMI, creating protective policies for expression and journalism.
- Argentina developed a democratic broadcasting law, breaking with previous media structures.
- European coalitions crafted net neutrality policies, showing cross-jurisdiction cooperation.

Policy Hackathons
These events, like Mozilla’s privacy policy hackathons, are temporary collaborative efforts focusing on policy analysis and improvement in various sectors, including government transparency and education.

Characteristics and Implications
Policy hacking is prefigurative, repurposing existing laws for new initiatives, facilitated through crowdsourcing and online platforms. It demonstrates policy diffusion led by citizens rather than governments and harbors potential for enhanced democratic engagement, while also facing criticism for possibly being too problem-solving focused.
Conclusion
Policy hacking, as a part of media reform, empowers citizens to develop policy, harnessing strategic and tactical efforts for democratic change. However, it’s dependent on particular historical contexts and policy windows, and it requires blending with other advocacy strategies to be effective.




Chapter 19: Analyzing the Impact of Communication Studies on Swiss Media Policy

Media Reform Strategy
For decades, communication studies have influenced media policy-making in Switzerland. While these academic efforts have become institutionalized and offer unbiased insights for policymakers, they often align with the agendas of political and media elites rather than driving radical reforms toward diverse, participatory media systems.

Communication Policy Research and Policy-Making
The changing Swiss media landscape, marked by declines in newspapers, shifts due to private broadcasting, and the recent digital transformation, has led policymakers to seek academic insights for regulatory reforms. Scholars theoretically have an opportunity to advocate for diversity and participation in media systems, but political feasibility often limits such advocacy.

Forty Years of Contributing to Media Policy-Making
A qualitative analysis of documents and interviews reveals the evolving role of communication studies in Swiss media policy, classified into five phases: involvement in federal commissions, evaluation of private broadcasting, commissioned research without immediate policy application, program quality assessment, and research with consultancy purposes.

Reasons for the Increasing Demand for Academic Involvement
Academic expertise is valued for its independent analysis and fresh perspective on media changes. Additionally, communication studies contribute to debates on media policy and have supported the discipline’s institutionalization within Swiss academia. Personal networks also play a role in researchers’ inclusion in policy-making discussions.

The Impact of Media Policy Research
Research has notably influenced Swiss media policy, with many academic recommendations implemented, especially regarding broadcasting. Yet, the most influential proposals did not challenge existing political or media structures. Research also shaped communication studies as a discipline, aiding its growth and development in Switzerland.
Conclusion
Although communication studies have significantly contributed to Swiss media policy, they mostly did not lead to substantial reform challenging elite interests. However, recent media crises and newly commissioned research offer potential for driving more impactful changes, promoting media diversity and democratic functions. Scholars are urged to seize these opportunities for meaningful media system reform.

Chapter 20 : Media Reform Efforts and Alternative Strategies in Israel

Media Reform Strategy
In Israel’s history, media reform has not been a priority for social movements, despite their reliance on media for advocacy. The three strategies of media reform identified by Hackett and Carroll (2006)—internal reform, alternative media, and structural change—have been attempted, but the most impactful has been the use of alternative media through unlicensed electronic media services. This is particularly evident in the evolution of radio and cable television policy, which underwent changes in response to such illegal broadcasting activities.

The transition from a social democracy to a neoliberal economy sparked the growth of civil society in the 1990s, particularly in the ICT sector. This led to a competitive media landscape with a proliferation of commercial operators. Civil society’s reaction varied, with single-issue NGOs tackling issues like freedom of information and minority representation, and others addressing broader political concerns.

Civil Society and Media Reform in Israel
Israel’s move towards neoliberalism affected state-civil society relations, shifting towards passive exclusion of “radical” groups. Media reform organizations emerged alongside this societal transformation, aligning with the three strategies of media reform.

Strategy 1: Internal Reform
Organizations of creative workers, such as filmmakers and actors’ unions, have influenced media policy debates, particularly concerning content quotas. However, the influence of journalists’ unions has declined, with newer unions forming to re-engage with policy influence but with limited documentation of their reform efforts.

Strategy 2: Alternative Media
Historically, alternative media in Israel have provided a voice for marginalized groups but focused little on media landscape reform. Notably, unlicensed or illegal alternative media had a significant impact on media policy, as seen in offshore radio broadcasts (Voice of Peace) and pirate radio stations by marginalized communities. These led to government responses and policy adjustments. The advent of digital media has reduced the need for unauthorized media, yet traditional power structures persist in the online media sphere.

Alternative Media During the Protest Movement of 2011
The 2011 social protests saw the rise of various Internet-based alternative media initiatives supporting the movement’s internal communication and public awareness. These ranged from websites and Facebook pages to live video channels and alternative news sites.

Strategy 3: Institutional Reform Organizations
Several organizations have focused on media representation and independence rather than structural reforms. Examples include Israel’s Media Watch on the right, Keshev promoting moderate discourse on the left, and others focused on Arab-Israeli media freedoms. Media reform has typically been proposed in light of other primary issues.

Revolution 101: An Institutional Reform Strategy That (Almost) Worked
The near-success of the reform led by filmmaker Doron Tsabari demonstrates the potential influence of strategic mobilization combining industry insiderness with political advocacy. Tsabari’s efforts highlighted the challenges and complexities in effecting long-lasting public media reforms.

The Social Protest of 2011: A Reform Strategy That Never Really Was
The 2011 protests, while leading to the formation of an alternative committee, resulted in a report (Spivak-Yonah) that only sparsely addressed media and telecommunications reforms. Recommendations were mostly economic in nature, lacking a comprehensive plan for equitable communications policy.

Conclusion
The use of unlicensed media emerges as an unintentionally successful reform strategy in Israel due to its substantial impact on policy changes. However, alternative media’s effectiveness as a reform strategy in the digital age appears limited due to the overshadowing of voices online. It is uncertain whether such strategies will remain viable for future media reform in Israel.