your role is tunisian arabic dailctic derja transltor Translate the following text into the Tunisian dialect. Ensure the output is structured as 'Question: ... Answer: ...'. Please capture the nuances of the Tunisian dialectic Arabic. make sure type and write in arabic tunisian lettre Here is an example to guide you:

Example:
Question: What is your name?
Answer: My name is John.
Translation:
Question: شنو اسمك؟
Answer: اسمي جون.

Now, translate the following:

Question: News article: Gordon Brown must apologise, and quickly

On Thursday, I paid a visit to Number 10 to interview the Prime Minister for a forthcoming Radio 4 series on Britain. For a man who had just returned from an exhausting trip to the United States, he was animated and intellectually fizzing. No surprise, perhaps. America has played a formative role in the development of Brown the politician, and only hours before our interview he had been delivering a speech to both houses of Congress. For this particular PM, that is a bit like playing at Wembley.

The most striking thing about Mr Brown's oratory to the Senate and the House of Representatives on Wednesday was the extent to which he looked utterly at home. When Tony Blair made his own speech there in July 2003, he lapped up the adulation like a rock star on tour. But Brown, more lyrical than usual, less wooden, even raising his hands like a pastor from the Deep South, performed like a prodigal son rather than a guest. Blair loved Europe long before he learnt to love the US. But Brown has always been besotted by the idea of America, by the dream of John Winthrop and Ronald Reagan of "a shining city upon the hill": a dream to which the PM referred directly in his speech.

To my ears, the most striking and sonorous passage was the following: "For me this global recession is not to be measured just in statistics, or in graphs, or on a balance sheet. Instead I see one individual with one set of dreams and fears, and then another, and then another, each with their own stars to reach for, each part of a family, each at the heart of a community now in need of help and hope."

Just so. If only the Prime Minister would heed his own advice. During this recession, Mr Brown's greatest political problem has been his conspicuous failure to bridge the gap between the grand economic argument of summit and seminar room and the suffering of individuals and their families. In most of his pronouncements on the subject, the PM sounds more concerned to prove that he is right, and that his economic analysis is irreproachable, than to draw breath, descend from Mount Olympus for a minute, and address calmly and empathetically the anxieties and exasperation of the voters.

Mr Brown is doubtless right that no strategic response to this downturn will achieve very much if it is not "global". But the word "global" and all the technocratic phrases the PM deploys mean precisely nothing to the housewife who is trying to make ends meet, to the homeowner worried that he will lose his home, or to the pensioner fretful about the future. Gordon treats the voters as if they were at a Cabinet Office away-day: it is all too forensic, too dry, too bloodless.

This is why it matters that Mr Brown apologises in some shape or form for what has happened to the UK economy. There are other reasons, too. As long as he refuses to do so, the apology – or absence thereof – will be the story. In this context, George Osborne's speech in Birmingham on Friday was a crafty intervention, setting out in detail why, precisely, Gordon should say "sorry" for the failures of the financial regulation system he established and for Britain's addiction to debt.

Secondly, the issue has become yet another emblem of the various rifts within the Cabinet. On Tuesday, Alistair Darling told The Daily Telegraph that "all of us have to have the humility to accept that over the last few years, things got out of alignment". Then another notional ally of the PM, Ed Balls, stormed in with his own nostra culpa: "We underestimated the risks, we weren't tough enough."

This public prodding from senior colleagues could scarcely be clearer. They want their boss to go further, faster and – above all – this time with feeling. The best Gordon could manage when interviewed by Nick Robinson on the Today programme last week was to offer a platitudinous observation about apologies as a genre. "I think it's very important," said Brown, "to recognise that where mistakes have been made you've got to say, 'You know, this is a mistake'." Yes, Prime Minister.

There was a truly toe-curling moment in his speech to the Scottish Labour conference on Friday. "And I'm sorry I couldn't bring Barack Obama back with me to Dundee," said Brown, in appallingly kittenish mood, "though he will be with me and the other G20 leaders in London next month." The idea of the President of the United States as a sort of travelling good-luck charm – I always assumed that Gordon had a lucky vest, or something similar – is too embarrassing to dwell upon. But the remark was not entirely frivolous: Brown really has invested extraordinary hopes in the G20 summit in April as one of the defining geopolitical gatherings of our time, and one that will significantly boost his own chances of electoral revival.

Here's how much difference the G20 will have on Gordon's prospects at the next general election: nada. Nichts. Nul Points. Zip. Bugger all. Whatever its intrinsic merits, its potential triumphs of negotiation and its success as an exercise in the spectacle and choreography of collaborative power, the G20 is – almost by definition – an event that cannot speak to those whose financial pain will be the true backdrop to all its deliberations.

Political pageantry can be immensely moving, but timing and context are all. And pageantry doesn't count for much at a time when the voters' horizons are shrinking, their field of vision narrowing bleakly to the here and now, to making ends meet, to cancelling family holidays this year, to fearing that their homes will be repossessed. Precisely at the moment that Gordon's vistas are broadening as never before, to the point that he can address Congress itself with poise and confidence, the very opposite is happening to the voters who will decide his fate.

Now more than ever, their political vista begins and ends at the kitchen table and the bills spread across it. They don't want to hear jokes about bringing Obama back home like a souvenir. They don't care much, if at all, whether London is hosting a big summit. They are suffering financially and they want to know who is going to do something about it. That's all.

This is the real reason that Brown must say sorry: not in order to subject himself to some abject humiliation or for profoundly moral and theological reasons. The apology that is required is not penitence on bended knee, but an outstretched hand: "Most of these things happened on my watch in my 10 years as Chancellor. I am sorry that you are suffering financially and I am sorry for my part in that. I wish I could have done more to prevent it. Now I seek your trust so I can repair the damage and prevent it ever happening again." Not so awful, is it, Gordon?

Since American history has such a persuasive power over this Prime Minister, let me remind him of what Truman's vice-president, Alben W Barkley, said of political apologies: "If you have to eat crow, eat it while it's hot." Sage words from Kentucky. And I'd get chewing if I were you, Gordon. This particular crow is getting cold mighty fast.

Matthew d'Ancona is Editor of 'The Spectator'
What are the most important parts of this news article?
Answer: This news article stresses the necessity for former UK Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, to apologize for the condition of the UK economy during the global recession, and to demonstrate empathy for the people who have suffered because of it. Key points from the article include:

1. Brown was known for his admiration of America and was praised for his oratory skills while addressing both houses of Congress during a visit to the United States.
2. The author believes Brown failed to bridge the gap between grand economic arguments and the suffering of individuals, often appearing more concerned with his economic analysis than connecting with the anxieties of the voters.
3. Brown's reluctance to apologize for the economy became a point of tension within the Cabinet.
4. The G20 summit, which Brown invested hopes in, is considered to have little impact on his electoral revival prospects.
5. The article calls for Brown to apologize for his part in the UK's economic struggles — not as an abject humiliation, but as a sincere acknowledgment of his role and as a gesture of seeking trust for fixing the situation.

Ultimately, the article highlights the need for empathetic leadership in times of crisis and the importance of personal connections with the people affected.