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Income and wealth inequality in the United States is high and has been growing since the 1970s, with an increasing concentration of fortunes in the top of the distribution ([@r1][@r2][@r3]--[@r4]). Upward intergenerational income mobility has become less likely over this period ([@r5]). While access to education has expanded, increasing population levels of college attainment have been met with a simultaneous intensification of differentiation within categories of educational attainment according to the quality of the educational degree ([@r6]). Alongside the rise in income inequality, increases in income segregation mean that the affluent are increasingly isolated in affluent communities, concentrating high-quality public goods, including schools, in restricted geographic locations ([@r7]). Income segregation combined with racial segregation results in black and Hispanic individuals living in more disadvantaged neighborhoods and attending lower-quality schools than whites with the same level of income and assets ([@r8][@r9]--[@r10]). Furthermore, there is evidence that the returns to housing and educational investments are lower for blacks and Hispanics than they are for whites ([@r11], [@r12]). This context of inequality has been reflected in socioeconomic gradients in health. The socioeconomic gradient in health and mortality in the United States is large, persistent, and increasing over time ([@r13][@r14][@r15]--[@r16]). While greater levels of socioeconomic resources broadly defined are associated with better health, education demonstrates the most consistently robust association ([@r17]). More-educated individuals live healthier and longer lives; individuals with a college degree can expect to outlive their less-educated counterparts by about a decade ([@r18]). However, higher socioeconomic status (SES) is not equally beneficial for all individuals; within SES categories, non-Hispanic whites enjoy better health outcomes than non-Hispanic blacks, and this gap is wider at higher levels of SES ([@r19], [@r20]). Weathering is a conceptual framework that has been proposed to explain this pattern ([@r21]). Minorities face greater exposure to stressors, including discrimination and institutionalized racism, that requires sustained coping ([@r22][@r23][@r24]--[@r25]). Another conceptual framework relevant to these patterns is John Henryism, which suggests that individual characteristics such as self-control, grit, and perseverance promote psychosocial well-being and achievement but can be physiologically taxing because they result in sustained activation of the stress-response system ([@r26][@r27]--[@r28]). This results in biological wear and tear, accelerated aging, and accumulated risk, also referred to as allostatic load ([@r29], [@r30]). Such stress-related deterioration is manifested in physiological risk across biological systems ([@r29]). Alongside this increasing emphasis on the importance of accumulated stressors has been the recognition of the role of early-life environments in shaping adult health outcomes ([@r31][@r32]--[@r33]). In a recent set of papers, Brody, Chen, Miller, and colleagues investigate the health consequences of the intersection of high-effort coping and early-life disadvantage among young adult African Americans living in the rural Southeast. They document a pattern of "skin-deep resilience" among African Americans from severely disadvantaged backgrounds wherein those who evince high levels of self-control prospectively demonstrate better school outcomes and mental health than those with lower levels of self-control, suggesting that they are psychologically resilient to disadvantage. However, these psychologically resilient individuals simultaneously display signs of compromised physical health, including higher