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assistant: Sure! Here's a simple, layman-friendly summary of "The Societal Turn" in political psychology:

Around the mid-1990s, political psychology started focusing more on big social issues like how different groups in society interact, social change, beliefs, power between groups, and how people take part in politics. This shift happened because of major world events like the end of the Cold War, growing economic inequality, rising complaints from minority groups, political divisions in many countries, and terrorism.

Also, political psychology was mainly studied in North America until the mid-1990s. Since then, a lot more researchers from other parts of the world, especially Europe, have joined in. This global growth is clear from more European researchers sharing their work and the launch of new international journals that connect political psychologists worldwide.
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize: 
Methods in Political Psychology
The field relies on a variety of methodological approaches.
Survey research is privileged by political scientists to study
research questions requiring correlational and longitudinal
analyses, for example, dynamics of public opinion and voting
behavior, political values and ideological beliefs, and crosscultural differences in political attitudes. Experimental
approaches are more often used by psychologists to test causal
models, for example, concerning cognitive processes in rational
choice decision making. The recent shift toward research concerned with societal issues has brought qualitative approaches
to the forefront of political psychology, including discursive
and rhetorical approaches that enrich the traditionally positivist worldview of political psychology with a more constructivist epistemological orientation.
Institutionalization
While research in political psychology has existed since the
1940s, proper institutionalization of the discipline began in
1978 when the International Society of Political Psychology
was founded by Jeanne Knutson from the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). In 2013, the association had
about 800 members many of which attend the Annual Meetings that have been held every year since then, with rotating
locations between North America, Europe, and other locations
around the globe. A summer academy in political psychology
for young scholars is linked to the Annual Meetings. The society
publishes Political Psychology, the respected quarterly flagship
journal of the discipline, and, starting in 2014, the annual
series Advances in Political Psychology.
Moreover, a 3-week summer school in political psychology
is organized by Stanford University, and major associations
such as the American Political Science Association and the
European Consortium for Political Research have active political
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize: 
Methods in Political Psychology
The field relies on a variety of methodological approaches.
Survey research is privileged by political scientists to study
research questions requiring correlational and longitudinal
analyses, for example, dynamics of public opinion and voting
behavior, political values and ideological beliefs, and crosscultural differences in political attitudes. Experimental
approaches are more often used by psychologists to test causal
models, for example, concerning cognitive processes in rational
choice decision making. The recent shift toward research concerned with societal issues has brought qualitative approaches
to the forefront of political psychology, including discursive
and rhetorical approaches that enrich the traditionally positivist worldview of political psychology with a more constructivist epistemological orientation.
Institutionalization
While research in political psychology has existed since the
1940s, proper institutionalization of the discipline began in
1978 when the International Society of Political Psychology
was founded by Jeanne Knutson from the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). In 2013, the association had
about 800 members many of which attend the Annual Meetings that have been held every year since then, with rotating
locations between North America, Europe, and other locations
around the globe. A summer academy in political psychology
for young scholars is linked to the Annual Meetings. The society
publishes Political Psychology, the respected quarterly flagship
journal of the discipline, and, starting in 2014, the annual
series Advances in Political Psychology.
Moreover, a 3-week summer school in political psychology
is organized by Stanford University, and major associations
such as the American Political Science Association and the
European Consortium for Political Research have active political
assistant: Sure! Here's a simple, layman-friendly summary of the methods and institutionalization in political psychology:

**Methods in Political Psychology:**  
Political psychology uses different ways to study people and politics. Political scientists prefer surveys—like questionnaires—to track things like how public opinions or voting habits change over time, people's political beliefs, and differences between cultures. Psychologists often use experiments to understand how people think and make political decisions. Recently, because the field started looking more at social issues, researchers also use methods like analyzing conversations and speeches to get deeper insights beyond just numbers.

**Institutionalization:**  
Although political psychology research started in the 1940s, it officially became a recognized field in 1978 when the International Society of Political Psychology was created. This group has grown a lot and by 2013 had around 800 members worldwide. They hold yearly meetings in different parts of the world and run programs like summer schools to train new researchers. The society also publishes important journals and books to share new research and ideas in political psychology. Major universities and organizations support these efforts, helping the field grow and connect globally.
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize:
Individual-Level Processes
Personality Profiles of Citizens and Political Leaders
Personality is understood as being composed of traits, needs,
motives, and self-conceptions that predispose individuals to
relatively stable and consistent patterns of political thought
and behavior. Hitherto referred to as ‘temperament’ or ‘character,’ personality profiles have been amply used to explain the
behavior of both political leaders and followers. Psychodynamic approaches were dominant in the early days of research
on personality, referring to unconscious drives and mechanisms. The Authoritarian personality syndrome (Adorno et al.,
1950) was developed in the aftermath of WWII to explain
mass submission to political authorities, aggressive behavior
against minority groups, and uncritical endorsement of totalitarian ideologies. This pioneering study was further developed with research on dogmatic personalities that leads
individuals to be more receptive to rigid, closed-minded belief
systems (Rokeach, 1960). But it was not until the 1990s that
the ‘Big five’ became an almost consensually accepted general
system to describe personality traits through five dimensions
(extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism,
and openness to experience). Much research since then has
examined the relationship between personality traits and
political orientation, showing, for example, that openness to
experience is generally associated with left-wing support,
whereas conscientiousness is more likely to lead to support for
right-wing parties. Other studies have shown persistent links
between extraversion and openness to experience and various
forms of political participation, including voting, attending
meetings, campaigning, and signing petitions. Another
personality dimension concerns general needs and desires,
differentiated by McClelland (1985) into the three basic
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize:
Individual-Level Processes
Personality Profiles of Citizens and Political Leaders
Personality is understood as being composed of traits, needs,
motives, and self-conceptions that predispose individuals to
relatively stable and consistent patterns of political thought
and behavior. Hitherto referred to as ‘temperament’ or ‘character,’ personality profiles have been amply used to explain the
behavior of both political leaders and followers. Psychodynamic approaches were dominant in the early days of research
on personality, referring to unconscious drives and mechanisms. The Authoritarian personality syndrome (Adorno et al.,
1950) was developed in the aftermath of WWII to explain
mass submission to political authorities, aggressive behavior
against minority groups, and uncritical endorsement of totalitarian ideologies. This pioneering study was further developed with research on dogmatic personalities that leads
individuals to be more receptive to rigid, closed-minded belief
systems (Rokeach, 1960). But it was not until the 1990s that
the ‘Big five’ became an almost consensually accepted general
system to describe personality traits through five dimensions
(extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism,
and openness to experience). Much research since then has
examined the relationship between personality traits and
political orientation, showing, for example, that openness to
experience is generally associated with left-wing support,
whereas conscientiousness is more likely to lead to support for
right-wing parties. Other studies have shown persistent links
between extraversion and openness to experience and various
forms of political participation, including voting, attending
meetings, campaigning, and signing petitions. Another
personality dimension concerns general needs and desires,
differentiated by McClelland (1985) into the three basic
assistant: Sure! Here's a simple, layman-friendly summary of **Individual-Level Processes: Personality Profiles of Citizens and Political Leaders**:

Personality is made up of traits, needs, motives, and how people see themselves, which together shape the way they think and act politically in fairly consistent ways. In the past, researchers used terms like temperament or character to talk about this.

Early studies focused on unconscious influences on personality. One important idea developed after World War II was the "Authoritarian personality," which helped explain why some people blindly follow strong leaders, show aggression toward minority groups, or support strict, controlling governments.

Later research looked at "dogmatic" personalities—people who prefer strict and closed-minded beliefs.

Since the 1990s, most researchers agree on a model called the "Big Five," which breaks personality down into five traits: extraversion (outgoing vs. shy), agreeableness (friendly vs. tough), conscientiousness (organized vs. careless), neuroticism (emotional stability), and openness to experience (open-minded vs. narrow-minded).

Studies found that people who are open to new experiences tend to support left-leaning politics, while more conscientious people often lean right politically. Also, personality traits like extraversion and openness are linked to being more actively involved in politics, such as voting, attending meetings, campaigning, or signing petitions.

Personality also includes basic needs and desires that influence political behavior, which researchers like McClelland have explored further.
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize: 
Political Beliefs and Values
Political beliefs differentiate individuals and groups according
to their ideological orientations and political preferences.
Debates revolve around the question of the structure of beliefs
systems. In many studies, a single dimension (conservatism vs
liberalism or left- vs right-wing orientation) is used to differentiate individuals, but it becomes increasingly clear that onedimensional models are no longer adequate to account for the
heterogeneity and variation of political beliefs. There is today
a large consensus that at least two independent dimensions are
required, one organized around social and cultural issues
(traditional morality vs cultural freedom), and the other one
around economic positioning (egalitarianism vs meritocracy).
An important set of studies has, for example, analyzed the
complex and context-dependent relationships between Social
Dominance Orientation (assessing attitudes toward group-based
inequality) and Right-Wing-Authoritarianism (the ideological
equivalent to the authoritarian personality described above).
Values play also a central role as individual-level organizers
of political judgments and behavior. Schwartz’s (1992) theory
of the human values system paved the way for the systematic
analysis and comparison of the impact of values on political
behavior. Typically, left-wing political orientations are associated with values of universalism and benevolence, whereas
right-wing positions are related to the values of selfenhancement, power, achievement, and conformity
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize: 
Political Beliefs and Values
Political beliefs differentiate individuals and groups according
to their ideological orientations and political preferences.
Debates revolve around the question of the structure of beliefs
systems. In many studies, a single dimension (conservatism vs
liberalism or left- vs right-wing orientation) is used to differentiate individuals, but it becomes increasingly clear that onedimensional models are no longer adequate to account for the
heterogeneity and variation of political beliefs. There is today
a large consensus that at least two independent dimensions are
required, one organized around social and cultural issues
(traditional morality vs cultural freedom), and the other one
around economic positioning (egalitarianism vs meritocracy).
An important set of studies has, for example, analyzed the
complex and context-dependent relationships between Social
Dominance Orientation (assessing attitudes toward group-based
inequality) and Right-Wing-Authoritarianism (the ideological
equivalent to the authoritarian personality described above).
Values play also a central role as individual-level organizers
of political judgments and behavior. Schwartz’s (1992) theory
of the human values system paved the way for the systematic
analysis and comparison of the impact of values on political
behavior. Typically, left-wing political orientations are associated with values of universalism and benevolence, whereas
right-wing positions are related to the values of selfenhancement, power, achievement, and conformity
assistant: Sure! Here's a simple, layman-friendly summary of **Political Beliefs and Values**:

People’s political beliefs and values help explain their political choices and attitudes. While it used to be common to think of political beliefs as just one simple scale—like left versus right—research shows it’s more complicated than that.

Now, most agree that political beliefs involve at least two separate areas:  
1. Social and cultural issues (like traditional morals versus wanting more personal freedom)  
2. Economic views (like wanting equality versus rewarding people based on their effort or success)

Studies also look at attitudes about inequality and authority, like how some people accept or reject unequal power between groups, and how some support strict social rules, similar to the old idea of the "authoritarian personality."

Values are important because they shape how people judge politics and decide what they support. For example, those with left-leaning views often value kindness, fairness, and caring for everyone. Those on the right usually value things like personal success, power, achieving goals, and following rules.
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize:
Cognitive Approaches to Political Decision Making
Political decision making is one of the most important research
domains in political psychology, and rational choice theory is
the most commonly used theoretical framework to explain
decision-making processes. Basic assumptions of (normative)
rational choice theory are that individuals have a coherent set
of preferences, gather the necessary information to reach an
informed decision, evaluate alternative actions, and choose
actions that are optimally related to their beliefs and values.
Such decisions are expected to further individuals’ self-interest
and are therefore deemed rational. However, the rational
choice approach is confronted to a paradox, since research has
amply shown that in practice political decision-making virtually never follows these principles. People lack consistency in
their opinions, use information incorrectly, are overconfident
in their own choices, fail to adapt existing evaluations in light
of new information, draw unwarranted conclusions from
insufficient data, and express prejudiced opinions. Moreover,
political decision making, in particular voting, is only weakly
related to actual self-interest.
Following the implausibility of a ‘full’ rational choice
model, researchers have developed models of ‘bounded’
rationality that are based on similar assumptions as rational
choice theories, but that recognize individual and contextual
variation in decision-making processes and outcomes
(Kahneman, 2011). To compensate limited information,
cognitive biases and lack of motivation, bounded rationality
models such as behavioral decision-making theory describe
a number of cognitive strategies that help individuals to make
‘good enough’ decisions: simplifying the decision task, selectively filtering new information, interpreting information as
a function of preexisting
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize:
Cognitive Approaches to Political Decision Making
Political decision making is one of the most important research
domains in political psychology, and rational choice theory is
the most commonly used theoretical framework to explain
decision-making processes. Basic assumptions of (normative)
rational choice theory are that individuals have a coherent set
of preferences, gather the necessary information to reach an
informed decision, evaluate alternative actions, and choose
actions that are optimally related to their beliefs and values.
Such decisions are expected to further individuals’ self-interest
and are therefore deemed rational. However, the rational
choice approach is confronted to a paradox, since research has
amply shown that in practice political decision-making virtually never follows these principles. People lack consistency in
their opinions, use information incorrectly, are overconfident
in their own choices, fail to adapt existing evaluations in light
of new information, draw unwarranted conclusions from
insufficient data, and express prejudiced opinions. Moreover,
political decision making, in particular voting, is only weakly
related to actual self-interest.
Following the implausibility of a ‘full’ rational choice
model, researchers have developed models of ‘bounded’
rationality that are based on similar assumptions as rational
choice theories, but that recognize individual and contextual
variation in decision-making processes and outcomes
(Kahneman, 2011). To compensate limited information,
cognitive biases and lack of motivation, bounded rationality
models such as behavioral decision-making theory describe
a number of cognitive strategies that help individuals to make
‘good enough’ decisions: simplifying the decision task, selectively filtering new information, interpreting information as
a function of preexisting
assistant: Sure! Here's a simple, layman-friendly summary of **Cognitive Approaches to Political Decision Making**:

Political decision making is a key topic in studying how people think about politics. The usual way to explain it is called "rational choice theory." This theory assumes that people know what they want, gather the right information, think through their options carefully, and pick the choice that best matches their beliefs and benefits them the most.

But in reality, people don’t usually make decisions like this. Their opinions can be all over the place, they often misunderstand information, are too confident in their choices, ignore new facts that don’t fit what they already believe, make guesses based on little evidence, and sometimes have biased or unfair views. Also, when they vote, it’s often not really about what’s best for their own interests.

Because full rational decision-making rarely happens, experts came up with the idea of "bounded rationality." This means people try to make good enough decisions without having all the information or perfect thinking. They do this by using shortcuts like simplifying the decision, paying attention only to certain information, and interpreting facts based on what they already believe.

In short, people make political decisions using shortcuts and rules-of-thumb that work well enough, even if they’re not perfectly logical.
user: in a human term and lay man's words summarize:
Political Communication
Media Communication
Communication between citizens and between citizens and
political leaders is another key topic for political psychology.
Research on mass media has analyzed how media shape
political outcomes by directing the public’s attention to major
issues (agenda setting) and by describing those issues as
a function of the communicator’s interests (framing effects).
Agenda setting shows how successful the media are in determining what citizens ‘think about,’ based, for example, on
research showing nearly perfect correspondence between the
issue priorities of the public and news organizations. Research
on framing in turn has shown that individuals are highly
sensitive to the way policies are described and survey questions
worded, and that even minor changes in the labeling of political alternatives can produce strong effects on public opinion.
For some, such findings challenge the validity of democratic
opinions, since opinions appear to be highly volatile as
a function of irrelevant pieces of information. Antidotes to
framing effects are deliberation, expertise, and exposure to competing frames (Druckman, 2004). Nevertheless, framing
effects can also be viewed as part and parcel of everyday
political reasoning, since people necessarily rely on peripheral
cues to form an opinion. Framing has also a strong strategic
dimension, since messages are deliberately framed by political
elites (parties, interest groups) to move opinions in the direction of their interests. Extremist groups, for example, may be
portrayed as exercising their right to freedom of expression, or
they may be described as a risk for public safety. Similarly,
poverty may be explained with individual behaviors or with
political choices, thereby altering attributions of responsibility
and ultimately affecting political decisions.
user: in a human term and lay man's words summarize:
Political Communication
Media Communication
Communication between citizens and between citizens and
political leaders is another key topic for political psychology.
Research on mass media has analyzed how media shape
political outcomes by directing the public’s attention to major
issues (agenda setting) and by describing those issues as
a function of the communicator’s interests (framing effects).
Agenda setting shows how successful the media are in determining what citizens ‘think about,’ based, for example, on
research showing nearly perfect correspondence between the
issue priorities of the public and news organizations. Research
on framing in turn has shown that individuals are highly
sensitive to the way policies are described and survey questions
worded, and that even minor changes in the labeling of political alternatives can produce strong effects on public opinion.
For some, such findings challenge the validity of democratic
opinions, since opinions appear to be highly volatile as
a function of irrelevant pieces of information. Antidotes to
framing effects are deliberation, expertise, and exposure to competing frames (Druckman, 2004). Nevertheless, framing
effects can also be viewed as part and parcel of everyday
political reasoning, since people necessarily rely on peripheral
cues to form an opinion. Framing has also a strong strategic
dimension, since messages are deliberately framed by political
elites (parties, interest groups) to move opinions in the direction of their interests. Extremist groups, for example, may be
portrayed as exercising their right to freedom of expression, or
they may be described as a risk for public safety. Similarly,
poverty may be explained with individual behaviors or with
political choices, thereby altering attributions of responsibility
and ultimately affecting political decisions.
assistant: Sure! Here's a simple, layman-friendly summary of **Political Communication – Media Communication**:

Political communication studies how people talk about politics with each other and with leaders. One big part of this is the role of the media—like TV, newspapers, and social media—in shaping politics.

Media can influence what people pay attention to by focusing on certain issues more than others. This is called "agenda setting"—the media basically decides what topics the public thinks are important.

Another way media influences us is through "framing," which means the way an issue or story is presented. Even small changes in how something is described or the words used can change how people feel about it. For example, how a question is asked in a survey or how a political idea is labeled can make a big difference in public opinion.

Because of this, some worry that people's opinions might be easily swayed by things that don’t really matter, which raises questions about how genuine democratic choices really are. But people who are more informed, think carefully, or hear different viewpoints are less affected by these framing tricks.

Framing is also used on purpose by politicians and groups who want to shape opinions to their advantage. For example, extremist groups might be described as defenders of free speech or as threats to safety, depending on how they are framed. Similarly, poverty might be blamed on people’s personal choices or on government policies, which affects who people think is responsible and what solutions they support.

In short, media and communication play a powerful role in shaping what people think about politics and how they form their opinions.
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize:
Constructivist, Critical, and Rhetorical Approaches
The growing number of constructivist and critical approaches
to political psychology can be seen as one of the most important theoretical developments in the recent history of the
discipline. These approaches offer a conceptual alternative to
the causal models characterizing a majority of studies in
political psychology (Tileaga, 2013). In a constructivist
perspective, political thought and behavior is contextualized
within the social and cultural environment.
This constructivist perspective can be exemplified with the
social representations approach that has recently entered
political psychology. This approach explores the processes by
which citizens come to a shared understanding of political
issues and how this shared understanding relates to their
possibilities for political action (Elcheroth et al., 2011).
Communicating knowledge creates communities of belief that
transform individual opinions into social representations, that
is, into knowledge shared and debated by members of the
group. Such shared knowledge (e.g., awareness of excessive
social inequalities) then becomes the basis for political action,
both individual (e.g., voting) and collective action (e.g., mass
demonstrations). In line with constructivist principles, social
representations do not just reflect social reality but they
constitute that social reality, and sometimes change the nature
of that reality. Hence, political thought and behavior is as to
large extent shaped by what people think others are thinking
(meta-representations). Given its focus on the social context that produces representations, a social representations approach highlights the role
of power relations in the communication and dissemination of
representations between individuals and between groups.
Political participation, for example, can be conceptualized as
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize:
Constructivist, Critical, and Rhetorical Approaches
The growing number of constructivist and critical approaches
to political psychology can be seen as one of the most important theoretical developments in the recent history of the
discipline. These approaches offer a conceptual alternative to
the causal models characterizing a majority of studies in
political psychology (Tileaga, 2013). In a constructivist
perspective, political thought and behavior is contextualized
within the social and cultural environment.
This constructivist perspective can be exemplified with the
social representations approach that has recently entered
political psychology. This approach explores the processes by
which citizens come to a shared understanding of political
issues and how this shared understanding relates to their
possibilities for political action (Elcheroth et al., 2011).
Communicating knowledge creates communities of belief that
transform individual opinions into social representations, that
is, into knowledge shared and debated by members of the
group. Such shared knowledge (e.g., awareness of excessive
social inequalities) then becomes the basis for political action,
both individual (e.g., voting) and collective action (e.g., mass
demonstrations). In line with constructivist principles, social
representations do not just reflect social reality but they
constitute that social reality, and sometimes change the nature
of that reality. Hence, political thought and behavior is as to
large extent shaped by what people think others are thinking
(meta-representations). Given its focus on the social context that produces representations, a social representations approach highlights the role
of power relations in the communication and dissemination of
representations between individuals and between groups.
Political participation, for example, can be conceptualized as
assistant: Sure! Here's a simple, layman-friendly summary of **Constructivist, Critical, and Rhetorical Approaches** in political psychology:

These new ways of thinking about political psychology focus less on straightforward cause-and-effect and more on how people's thoughts and actions about politics are shaped by their social and cultural surroundings.

One important idea here is the "social representations" approach. This means that people don’t just have their own private political opinions—they share ideas with others in their community, creating common understandings about political issues. These shared ideas—a group’s collective beliefs—can then inspire people to act, whether by voting or joining protests.

Importantly, these shared beliefs don’t just describe the world; they actually help build and change social reality itself. What people think others are thinking (called "meta-representations") plays a big role in shaping political attitudes and behavior.

This approach also points out that power matters a lot—who controls the conversation and how ideas spread between groups influences what people believe and do politically.

So, political participation isn’t just about individual choices; it’s deeply connected to the social environment and the shared meanings people create together.
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize:
Group-Level Processes
International Conflict
Research on international relations and international conflict is
a traditionally important aspect of political psychology. Rooted
in a social psychological perspective, this strand of research
offers a complementary view on structural, strategic, and realist
analyses of international conflict. It assumes that subjective
perceptions of the conflict determine actions and responses by
the conflicting parties, that these perceptions develop in the
context of dynamic and changing intergroup relations, and that
ongoing interaction between conflicting parties determines the
development and outcome of the conflict (Fisher et al., 2013).
International conflict is thus a process driven by collective
needs and fears rather than by objective national interests, in
particular concerning identity, recognition, and autonomy of
ethnonational groups.

Racism and Politics
Negative attitudes toward groups – prejudice – is another
central group-level topic addressed by political psychologists.
This research has its roots in U.S. American race relations that
have shaped American political debate since the nineteenth
century. The current state of research on the role of prejudice in
politics can be traced back to the 1960s, a period during which
a number of crucial changes in American race relations have
occurred, most notably the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that outlawed any institutionalized discrimination based on racial
criteria. Up to this period, overt and blatant racism against
Blacks was largely seen as legitimate, but with the deep changes
of the racial relations following the civil rights era, beliefs about
biological inferiority of Blacks became more and more unacceptable. Instead, new, more subtle forms of racism emerged,
user: In a human term and lay man's words summarize:
Group-Level Processes
International Conflict
Research on international relations and international conflict is
a traditionally important aspect of political psychology. Rooted
in a social psychological perspective, this strand of research
offers a complementary view on structural, strategic, and realist
analyses of international conflict. It assumes that subjective
perceptions of the conflict determine actions and responses by
the conflicting parties, that these perceptions develop in the
context of dynamic and changing intergroup relations, and that
ongoing interaction between conflicting parties determines the
development and outcome of the conflict (Fisher et al., 2013).
International conflict is thus a process driven by collective
needs and fears rather than by objective national interests, in
particular concerning identity, recognition, and autonomy of
ethnonational groups.

Racism and Politics
Negative attitudes toward groups – prejudice – is another
central group-level topic addressed by political psychologists.
This research has its roots in U.S. American race relations that
have shaped American political debate since the nineteenth
century. The current state of research on the role of prejudice in
politics can be traced back to the 1960s, a period during which
a number of crucial changes in American race relations have
occurred, most notably the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that outlawed any institutionalized discrimination based on racial
criteria. Up to this period, overt and blatant racism against
Blacks was largely seen as legitimate, but with the deep changes
of the racial relations following the civil rights era, beliefs about
biological inferiority of Blacks became more and more unacceptable. Instead, new, more subtle forms of racism emerged,