{ "paper_id": "Y13-1048", "header": { "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:32:30.699300Z" }, "title": "The Island Effect in Postverbal Constructions in Japanese", "authors": [ { "first": "Kohji", "middle": [], "last": "Kamada", "suffix": "", "affiliation": { "laboratory": "", "institution": "Chiba University", "location": { "addrLine": "1-33, Inage Ward, Chiba-shi", "postCode": "263-8522", "settlement": "Yayoicho, Chiba", "country": "Japan" } }, "email": "k-kamada@l.chiba-u.ac.jp" } ], "year": "", "venue": null, "identifiers": {}, "abstract": "It has been generally assumed that a violation of island constraints indicates that the relevant syntactic phenomena involves movement. That is, if what look like displacements violate island constraints but remain acceptable, this means that they should not be derived by movement. A careful examination of postverbal constructions in Japanese reveals that no movement is involved in the derivation of the construction despite the fact that in some cases island effects are observed. The effects, which have up to now been dealt with purely in syntax, can receive a better account in terms of language processing. This suggests that the human parser should undertake explanations of part of the output of the competence system. 3 I do not deal with the case in which clauses appear in postverbal position, as shown below. (i) Watashi-wa sitteiru yo, Taro-ga susi-o tabe-ta I-TOP know FP Taro-Nom sushi-ACC eat-PAST koto-o. that-ACC 'I know that Taro ate sushi.' PACLIC-27", "pdf_parse": { "paper_id": "Y13-1048", "_pdf_hash": "", "abstract": [ { "text": "It has been generally assumed that a violation of island constraints indicates that the relevant syntactic phenomena involves movement. That is, if what look like displacements violate island constraints but remain acceptable, this means that they should not be derived by movement. A careful examination of postverbal constructions in Japanese reveals that no movement is involved in the derivation of the construction despite the fact that in some cases island effects are observed. The effects, which have up to now been dealt with purely in syntax, can receive a better account in terms of language processing. This suggests that the human parser should undertake explanations of part of the output of the competence system. 3 I do not deal with the case in which clauses appear in postverbal position, as shown below. (i) Watashi-wa sitteiru yo, Taro-ga susi-o tabe-ta I-TOP know FP Taro-Nom sushi-ACC eat-PAST koto-o. that-ACC 'I know that Taro ate sushi.' PACLIC-27", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Abstract", "sec_num": null } ], "body_text": [ { "text": "Japanese is descriptively a verb-final language. In some cases, however, non-verbal elements come at the end of sentences, as shown in (1). 1, 2 (1) a. Taro-ga ano mise de tabe-ta yo, Taro-NOM that shop at eat-PAST FP susi-o. sushi-ACC 'Taro ate sushi at that shop.' b. Taro-ga susi-o tabe-ta yo, Taro-NOM sushi-ACC eat-PAST FP, ano mise de. that shop at In (1a), the object susi-o 'sushi-ACC' appears in postverbal position, and in (1b), the adverbial phrase ano mise de 'at that shop' does so. I refer t o t h e s e p h e n o m e n a a s t h e p o s t v e r b a l construction in Japanese (JPVC), and refer to elements in sentence-final position as postverbal elements (PVE). 3 Some researchers (e.g., Endo, 1989; Kaiser, 1999; Whitman, 2000; Tanaka, 2001; and Abe, 2004) claim that the PVE is derived by movement because of the obedience of the PVE to island constraints such as the so-called Complex NP Constraint (CNPC), as shown in (2). In 2, e is used to mark the position associated with the moved element, namely the PVE, and the identical subscript indicates that the PVE corresponds to e.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 140, "end": 142, "text": "1,", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 143, "end": 144, "text": "2", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 678, "end": 679, "text": "3", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 704, "end": 715, "text": "Endo, 1989;", "ref_id": "BIBREF4" }, { "start": 716, "end": 729, "text": "Kaiser, 1999;", "ref_id": "BIBREF6" }, { "start": 730, "end": 744, "text": "Whitman, 2000;", "ref_id": "BIBREF14" }, { "start": 745, "end": 758, "text": "Tanaka, 2001;", "ref_id": "BIBREF13" }, { "start": 759, "end": 773, "text": "and Abe, 2004)", "ref_id": "BIBREF0" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Introduction", "sec_num": "1" }, { "text": "(2) *? [NP [CP [ei Sonkeisiteiru] sensei]-ga respect teacher-NOM fueteimasu yo, gakuseitati-gai. increase FP students-NOM 'The number of the teachers who theyi respect is increasing, studentsi.'", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 7, "end": 33, "text": "[NP [CP [ei Sonkeisiteiru]", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Introduction", "sec_num": "1" }, { "text": "In (2), the PVE is extracted out of the NP that contains the relative clause, thereby violating the CNPC. The example in (3), however, is acceptable although it violates the CNPC.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Introduction", "sec_num": "1" }, { "text": "(3) [NP [CP ei Sonkeisiteiru] gakuseitati]-ga respect students -NOM fueteimasu yo, Tanaka sensei-oi. increase FP Tanaka teacher-ACC 'The number of the students who respect himi is increasing, Mr. Tanakai.'", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 8, "end": 29, "text": "[CP ei Sonkeisiteiru]", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Introduction", "sec_num": "1" }, { "text": "It has been generally assumed that a violation of island constraints indicates that the relevant syntactic phenomena involves movement. That is, if what look like displacements violate island constraints but are still acceptable, this means that they should not be derived by movement.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Introduction", "sec_num": "1" }, { "text": "The example in (3) is hence problematic for movement approaches. I therefore propose the statement given in (4) concerning the derivation of the JPVC:", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Introduction", "sec_num": "1" }, { "text": "(4) The PVE is adjoined to a CP via External Merge.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Introduction", "sec_num": "1" }, { "text": "The purpose of this paper is to argue, through analysis of the island effect in the JPVC, that the human parser should undertake explanations of part of the output of the competence system. 4 The outline of this paper is as follows. In section 2, I propose/adopt a licensing condition and interpretive rules for adjoined phrases, as well as two parsing strategies. In sections 3 and 4, I demonstrate that the presence or absence of the island effect observed in the JPVC can be accounted for in terms of the interaction of the licensing condition with the parsing strategies. Finally, in section 5, I deal with the case in which adjuncts appear in postverbal position.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 190, "end": 191, "text": "4", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Introduction", "sec_num": "1" }, { "text": "I propose the licensing condition for adjoined elements in (5).", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "(5) The licensing condition for adjoined phrases (where X= any syntactic category): A phrase \u03b1 adjoined to XP is licensed only if \u03b1 is associated with \u03b2 such that (i) \u03b1 c-commands \u03b2, 6 and (ii) \u03b1 is non-distinct from \u03b2 in terms of Case features.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "In light of the condition in (5), I propose interpretive rules concerning adjoined phrases as shown informally in (6):", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "(6) Interpretive rules about adjoined phrases Suppose that \u03b1 is adjoined to XP (where X= any syntactic category), then (i) \u03b1 is construed as an argument sharing properties with \u03b2, 7 only if 4 See also Ackema and Neeleman (2002) . 5 In Kamada (2009) , I demonstrate that the licensing condition in (5) is applicable to English Rightward Movement constructions (ERMC) as well and account for island effects in ERMCs in terms of language processing. 6 C-command is defined as (i) based on contain as defined in (ii) (see Chomsky, 2001: 116) : (i) X c-commands Y if X is a sister of K that contains Y, where K may or may not be Y, (ii) K contains Y if K immediately contains Y or immediately contains L that contains Y. a. \u03b1 is an NP or a CP, and b. \u03b1 is non-distinct from \u03b2 in terms of referentiality, 8 and c. \u03b2 is in A(rgument)-position (i.e., subject and object). (ii) \u03b1 is construed as a potential modifier of \u03b2 only if \u03b1 is not construed as an argument.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 201, "end": 227, "text": "Ackema and Neeleman (2002)", "ref_id": "BIBREF1" }, { "start": 230, "end": 231, "text": "5", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 235, "end": 248, "text": "Kamada (2009)", "ref_id": "BIBREF7" }, { "start": 518, "end": 537, "text": "Chomsky, 2001: 116)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "With respect to parsing strategies, I first follow Pritchett (1992) in adopting the Generalized Theta Attachment formulated in (7):", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 51, "end": 67, "text": "Pritchett (1992)", "ref_id": "BIBREF11" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "(7) Generalized Theta Attachment: Every principle of the Syntax attempts to be maximally satisfied at every point during processing. (Pritchett, 1992: 138) Although the name of (7) contains theta attachment, Pritchett notes that this heuristic should be understood in the sense that the parser attempts to maximally satisfy all syntactic principles. Furthermore, I propose a condition applicable to reinterpretations in (8):", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 133, "end": 155, "text": "(Pritchett, 1992: 138)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "(8) Unconscious Reinterpretation Condition (UREC) It is impossible for the human parser to associate a syntactic object X with \u03b1, if there is \u03b2 such that \u03b1 is similar to \u03b2 and \u03b2 is closer to X than \u03b1 is. \"Similar\" and \"closer\" are defined in (9) and (10), respectively: (9) \u03b1 is similar to \u03b2 iff a. \u03b1, \u03b2, and X are non-distinct in terms of categorial features (i.e., syntactic categories) and Case features (e.g., nominative, accusative), or b. both \u03b1 and \u03b2 are potential modifiees of X. 9 (10) Suppose that X c-commands \u03b1 and \u03b2. Then, \u03b2 is closer to X than \u03b1 is iff a. \u03b2 contains \u03b1, or b. \u03b2 c-commands \u03b1 unless every phase (i.e., vP, CP) containing \u03b1 contains \u03b2, 10 or c. otherwise (i.e., if \u03b2 neither contains nor ccommands \u03b1), a path between \u03b2 and X is shorter than the one between \u03b1 and X.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "To put it in another way, the UREC states that attempts can be made to associate X with \u03b1 without conscious efforts (i.e., in a low-cost manner) until an appropriate interpretation is given to X unless there are competing elements such as \u03b2.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "To show how the assumptions proposed above apply, I analyze the JPVC in (11). 11, 12 (11) Taro-ga ei tabe-ta yo, susii-o", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 78, "end": 81, "text": "11,", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 82, "end": 84, "text": "12", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "Taro-NOM eat-PAST FP, sushi-ACC 'Taro ate iti, sushii.'", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "When encountering Taro-ga 'Taro-NOM,' the parser classifies it as a nominative Case marked NP to which no theta-role is assigned. 13 According to 7, to maximally satisfy syntactic principles (e.g., the theta-criterion), Taro-ga is kept in storage (i.e., left unattached to anything) until a theta-role assigner (i.e., a predicate) is encountered; otherwise, the theta criterion would not be locally satisfied. 14 When encountering the verb tabe-ta 'ate,' the parser identifies it as a verb that has two thetaroles. To maximally satisfy syntactic principles, the parser postulates a gap as a null argument (i.e., object) while at the same time integrating Taro-ga as an argument so that Taro-ga can receive a theta-role from the verb. 15 , 16 The relevant element. I will later give evidence for the necessity of this condition (see (24)). 11 It is assumed that in Japanese, nominative Case checking should be done in the specifier of vP without movement to the specifier of TP (see Fukui, 1995; Kuroda, 1992) . That is, a subject does not move to the specifier position of TP unless T has an EPP feature (cf. Miyagawa, 2001 ). 12 Here, I assume that T (=Tense) must be amalgamated with V at the Interfaces. 13 For convenience, I take only the theta-theory into consideration.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 130, "end": 132, "text": "13", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 734, "end": 741, "text": "15 , 16", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 982, "end": 994, "text": "Fukui, 1995;", "ref_id": "BIBREF5" }, { "start": 995, "end": 1008, "text": "Kuroda, 1992)", "ref_id": "BIBREF8" }, { "start": 1109, "end": 1123, "text": "Miyagawa, 2001", "ref_id": "BIBREF9" }, { "start": 1127, "end": 1129, "text": "12", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 1207, "end": 1209, "text": "13", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "14 In accordance with a head-driven parsing strategy, T in Japanese should not appear in the parse tree until a predicate is encountered. 15 The theta-theoretic principle: External Merge in thetaposition is required of (and restricted to) arguments.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 138, "end": 140, "text": "15", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "Adapted from Chomsky (2000: 103) 16 It is not appropriate to assume that null arguments are pro. One of the reasons is that non-referential NPs such as idiom chunks can appear in postverbal position: postulated null object is also assigned a theta-role such as an overt counterpart. Then, yo 'COMP' is encountered, and C and TP are merged. 17 The parser thus contains a structure like (12). 12CP", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 33, "end": 35, "text": "16", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 340, "end": 342, "text": "17", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "TP C yo vP T NP\u03b8 v' tabe-ta Taro-ga VP v NP\u03b8 V e", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "When susi-o 'sushi-ACC' is encountered, it is identified as an NP that has no theta-role assigned. However, it is impossible to make a structural reanalysis such that the PVE can receive a theta-role. Otherwise, word order would be rearranged. Thus, the NP is adjoined to a root CP, and the licensing condition in (5) subsequently attempts to apply in order to assure that the PVE can be licensed. The final parse tree is given in (13).", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "The idiom chunk saji cannot be the antecedent of an overt pronoun sore 'it,' as shown below:", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "(ii) *Taro-wa saji-o nage-ta kedo Hanako wa Taro-TOP spoon-ACC throw-PAST but Hanako-TOP sore-o nage-nakat-ta. it-ACC throw-NEG-PAST 'Taro gave up but Hanako did not give up.' Example (i) would hence be unacceptable in the idiomatic reading if the null argument e were pro. The idiomatic interpretation, however, is available in (i). Accordingly, pro in (i) is inappropriate (pace Tanaka, 2001; Soshi & Hagiwara, 2004) . Here, I assume that e is an underspecified null argument in the sense that it has no inherently specified features such as [+pronominal] .", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 381, "end": 394, "text": "Tanaka, 2001;", "ref_id": "BIBREF13" }, { "start": 395, "end": 418, "text": "Soshi & Hagiwara, 2004)", "ref_id": "BIBREF12" }, { "start": 544, "end": 557, "text": "[+pronominal]", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "It may be worth mentioning, in passing, that as one of the reviewers claims, the displacement of idiom chunks of the sort in (i) is usually evidence for movement because idioms are often assumed to be treated as non-compositional. However, I follow Nunberg, Sag and Wasow (1994) in arguing that idioms should be treated as compositional, i.e., an idiomatic meaning is composed from idiomatic interpretations of the parts of an idiom. For a detailed discussion, see Kamada (2009, chapter 4) . 17 The parse tree in (12) is the same as that of a normal sentence which ends with the final particle, as shown in (i). ", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 249, "end": 278, "text": "Nunberg, Sag and Wasow (1994)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 465, "end": 489, "text": "Kamada (2009, chapter 4)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 492, "end": 494, "text": "17", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "CP susi-o CP TP C yo vP T NP\u03b8 v' tabe-ta Taro-ga VP v NP\u03b8 V e", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "In 13, susi-o c-commands e and it is nondistinct from e in terms of Case features. The PVE can hence be associated with e, and thus it is licensed, because in (13), there is no element corresponding to \u03b2 in (8). Furthermore, according to the interpretive rules in (6), the PVE may be construed as if it is an argument of the verb tabe-ta 'ate' because it is non-distinct from e in terms of referentiality. 18", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Hypotheses 5", "sec_num": "2" }, { "text": "In light of the UREC in (8), it is now possible to consider the island effect observed in the JPVC. For convenience, I will describe island effects according to the structural relation between \u03b1, the potential associate and \u03b2, a potential intervener, in (8) which is divided into three types in (10).", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "The Island Effect 19", "sec_num": "3." }, { "text": "18 There is no way in my proposed analysis to exclude examples such as (i): 19 For more details and many more examples, see Kamada (2009) .", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 76, "end": 78, "text": "19", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 124, "end": 137, "text": "Kamada (2009)", "ref_id": "BIBREF7" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "The Island Effect 19", "sec_num": "3." }, { "text": "(i) *ei", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "The Island Effect 19", "sec_num": "3." }, { "text": "That is, Type I: \u03b2 contains \u03b1; Type II: \u03b2 ccommands \u03b1; and Type III: \u03b2 neither contains nor c-commands \u03b1.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "The Island Effect 19", "sec_num": "3." }, { "text": "I will begin with the type shown in (10a). Let us consider the example in 14where a phrase containing a null argument is non-distinct, in the sense of (9a), from the PVE which is expected to be associated with the null argument. 20 In 14, the matrix subject is the complex NP [NP [CP [e sonkeisiteiru] sensei]-ga, which has nominative Case as well as contains a null argument. The nominative Case marked postverbal NP gakuseitati-ga 'students-NOM' ccommands the null argument and they are nondistinct with respect to Case features (see (5)). According to the UREC in (8), however, the complex NP has priority over the null argument for association with the PVE, because the complex NP contains the null argument and they are non-distinct in terms of categorial features and Case features. That is, the parser cannot associate the PVE with the null argument. Example (14a) is thus unacceptable.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type I: \u03b2 containing \u03b1", "sec_num": "3.1" }, { "text": "I will now turn to the case of (10b) in which the association of a PVE with a null subject inside a complex NP is blocked by an element ccommanding the null subject. 21 15 In (15), when the verb sonkeisiteiru 'respect' is encountered, a null subject is postulated, and subsequently the null subject and Tanaka senseio 'Mr. Tanaka-ACC' have theta-roles assigned, respectively. On reaching toiu 'COMP', the parser reanalyzes the main clause as an embedded clause, and hence keeps it in storage until a thetarole assigner appears. When uwasa-o 'rumor-ACC' is encountered, it is merged to the embedded clause, creating a complex NP. The complex NP does not have a theta-role, and therefore it is kept in storage. As soon as the parser encounters the matrix verb sitteiru 'know,' it postulates a null argument as a matrix subject. Then, the null matrix subject and the stored complex NP are integrated and theta-roles are assigned. Afterwards, the final particle yo is merged with the matrix TP, and the postverbal NP is adjoined to the root CP. The final parse tree is informally represented in (16). 16CP", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type II: \u03b2 c-commanding \u03b1", "sec_num": "3.2" }, { "text": "CP Taro-ga TP C yo vP T (\u03b2=) e v' sit-teiru VP v NP-o V CP uwasa TP C toiu vP T (\u03b1=) e v' sonkeisi-teiru VP v Tanaka sensei-o V", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type II: \u03b2 c-commanding \u03b1", "sec_num": "3.2" }, { "text": "In (16), the null subject e (=\u03b2) in the main clause c-commands the null subject e (=\u03b1) in the embedded clause. They are non-distinct in terms of Case features. Thus, the matrix subject has priority over the embedded counterpart for association with the PVE. Therefore, (15) would have the reading that Taro knows the rumor that someone respects Mr. Tanaka, which is different from what is expected.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type II: \u03b2 c-commanding \u03b1", "sec_num": "3.2" }, { "text": "Let us then consider the type shown in (10c) (i.e., the case where \u03b2 neither contains nor ccommands \u03b1). Observe 17, where the PVE has an accusative Case, the matrix subject is a complex NP containing a null object, and the matrix object appears in the initial position of a sentence by undergoing the operation of scrambling. In 17, when the embedded verb sonkeisiteiru 'respect' is encountered, the parser incorrectly analyzes minna-o 'everyone-ACC' and Taro-ga 'Taro-NOM' as arguments of the embedded clause verb. The parse tree at this point thus contains no null arguments. Minna-o should also be construed as a scrambled element. On reaching toiu 'COMP,' the parser amends the main clause analysis such that the clause can be assigned a theta-role, and thereby the clause is kept in storage until a theta-role assigner appears.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type III: \u03b2 neither containing nor ccommanding \u03b1", "sec_num": "3.3" }, { "text": "When encountered, the theta-role assigner uwasa-ga 'rumor-NOM' is merged to the stored clause, and assigns the clause a theta-role. Thus, the complex NP is created. However, the complex NP has no theta-role at this stage, and hence it is stored.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type III: \u03b2 neither containing nor ccommanding \u03b1", "sec_num": "3.3" }, { "text": "When reaching a matrix verb, the parser postulates a null object as an argument of the matrix verb, and subsequently integrates both the null object and the complex NP to the matrix verb, so that both of them can be assigned thetaroles.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type III: \u03b2 neither containing nor ccommanding \u03b1", "sec_num": "3.3" }, { "text": "As soon as the postverbal NP is attached to a root CP, the licensing condition attempts to apply in order to guarantee that the postverbal NP is licensed. The parse tree at this point is illustrated in (18). There, the PVE Tanaka sensei-o 'Mr. Tanaka-ACC' fails to be associated with the embedded object t1 (=\u03b1), which is incorrectly analyzed as the trace of the scrambled object minna-o 'everyone-ACC.' Furthermore, the null object e (=\u03b2) of the matrix verb is closer to the PVE than any other element non-distinct from it.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type III: \u03b2 neither containing nor ccommanding \u03b1", "sec_num": "3.3" }, { "text": "The matrix object hence takes precedence over such elements for association with the PVE. The alternative analysis would reattach minna-o to the matrix TP as a scrambled element. This reanalysis, however, is costly. The PVE in the above example is hence difficult to associate with the null object within the complex NP. 18CP", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type III: \u03b2 neither containing nor ccommanding \u03b1", "sec_num": "3.3" }, { "text": "CP Tanaka sensei-o TP C yo vP T NP-ga v' odorokase-ta CP uwasa VP v TP C (\u03b2=) e V Minna1-o T vP T Taro-ga v' sonkeisi-teiru VP v (\u03b1=) t1 V", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type III: \u03b2 neither containing nor ccommanding \u03b1", "sec_num": "3.3" }, { "text": "I will turn to another example in which an incorrect syntactic-analysis leads to the wrong association. Consider the sentence in (19 In (19), Hanako-ga 'Hanako-NOM' is incorrectly analyzed as an element in the embedded clause. In other words, Hanako-ga is construed as an argument of sonkeisiteiru 'respect.' Thus, there are no appropriate elements with which the PVE can be associated. That is, the PVE is difficult to associate with the null object in the embedded clause.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 129, "end": 132, "text": "(19", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type III: \u03b2 neither containing nor ccommanding \u03b1", "sec_num": "3.3" }, { "text": "In this section, I will discuss acceptable examples where PVEs can be associated with null arguments that are contained embedded clauses such as complement clauses and relative clauses. These examples are grouped into three types as listed below: These three types will be presented in turn. which contains a null argument. That is, the clause is not similar to the null argument in the sense of (9). Thus, the clause does not prevent the PVE from being associated with the null argument, and hence (20) is acceptable. the association between the object and the PVE because the subject is contained in every phase (i.e., vP) that contains the object (note that kyooju-ga occupies the specifier position of vP).", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "The Absence of the Island Effect", "sec_num": "4." }, { "text": "Hence, yuumei-na may be associated with both arguments without conscious efforts. This account is further supported by the following unambiguous example in (25).", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type", "sec_num": "4.1" }, { "text": "(25) Kurumai-o kyooju-ga ti kat-ta yo, car-ACC Professor-Nom bought FP, yuumei-na well-known 'A cari, a professor bought ti, well-known.'", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type", "sec_num": "4.1" }, { "text": "In 25, the object kuruma-o 'car-ACC' is moved to the specifier position of TP by scrambling. The scrambled NP c-commands kyooju-ga 'professor-NOM,' and is not contained in every phase that contains kyooju-ga. Hence, kuruma-o has priority over kyooju-ga for association with the PVE yuumei-na, resulting in the absence of ambiguity.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type", "sec_num": "4.1" }, { "text": "In this paper, I first proposed that the PVE is adjoined to a CP via External Merge given the assumption that the derivation of the JPVC involves no movement. Then, I demonstrated that the presence or absence of the island effect observed in the JPVC can be accounted for in terms of the interaction of the licensing condition with the parsing strategies I have proposed/adopted here. This analysis suggested that the human parser should undertake explanations of part of the output of the competence system.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Conclusion", "sec_num": "6." }, { "text": "The relevant elements are in boldface.2 The abbreviations used in glossing the data are as follows: ACC = accusative, DAT =dative, FP = sentence-final particle, NEG = negative, NOM = nominative, TOP = topic.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "\u03b1 and \u03b2 share properties including theta-roles and semantic features unless semantic conflicts occur. 8 \u03b1 is non-distinct from \u03b2 as long as they do not refer to different persons, things, or events. Hence, \u03b1 can be construed as an argument even if it is non-referential (see footnote 15).9 The problem of giving a precise formulation of potential modifiees will be left to future research.10 The conditional clause in (10b) makes it difficult to unify the three relations in terms of a path between a PVE and the PACLIC-27", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "*? indicates relatively unacceptable examples. 21 & indicates that a PVE is associated with a wrong element, resulting in a different interpretation from what is intended. PACLIC-27", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null } ], "back_matter": [ { "text": "An earlier version of this paper was read at the 27 th meeting of the Sophia University Linguistic Society held at Sophia University, Tokyo on July 21, 2012. I would like to thank the participants in the meeting as well as the three PACLIC 27 reviewers for their comments.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Acknowledgments", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "Next, I will consider Type B: phrases containing null arguments that are different from PVEs with respect to Case features.Let us look at the examples in (21). The reason that (i) is unacceptable may be that an NP marked with a dative particle ni is likely to be analyzed as a locative PP, and that Bill-ni 'Bill-DAT' is interpreted as a potential modifier of the matrix predicate.[Taro-ga sonkeisiteiru koto]-ga '[Taro respects e]-NOM' which contains a null argument with respect to not only categorial features but also Case features. Hence, the clause is not similar to the null argument in the sense of (9), resulting in failure to block the association of the PVE with the null argument. Thus, (22) is acceptable.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Type B: Different Case Features", "sec_num": "4.2" }, { "text": "In this section, I will deal with the case where adjuncts appear in postverbal position. Let us consider the example in (23) that displays island effects. (Soshi and Hagiwara (2004: 423)) In 23, after encountering the postverbal PP, the parser realizes that there are no following elements, and it then starts to associate the PVE with a modifiee. The matrix verb mita 'saw' can be modified by the locative PP, and it also contains the complex NP that includes the other verb atta 'met with;' hence, the matrix verb is chosen as a modifiee over the embedded one. In other words, the postverbal locative PP is difficult to associate with the verb at-ta 'met with' within the relative clause.Finally, I discuss the case where evidence is given for the necessity of the conditional clause in (10b). Let us consider the example in (24) where, although a subject asymmetrically ccommands an object, the former has no priority over the latter for association (see footnote 10):(24) Kyooju-ga kuruma-o kat-ta yo, Professor-NOM car -ACC bought FP, yuumei-na well-known 'A professor bought a car, well-known.' Example (24) has two readings: the postverbal adjective yuumei-na 'well-known' may modify kyooju-ga 'professor-NOM' or kuruma-o 'car-ACC'. This ambiguity can be derived from the UREC in (8). That is, the subject does not block ", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 155, "end": 187, "text": "(Soshi and Hagiwara (2004: 423))", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Postverbal Adjuncts", "sec_num": "5." } ], "bib_entries": { "BIBREF0": { "ref_id": "b0", "title": "On Directionality of Movement: A Case of Japanese Right Dislocation", "authors": [ { "first": "Abe", "middle": [], "last": "", "suffix": "" } ], "year": 2004, "venue": "Proceedings of the 58 th Conference", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "54--61", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "Abe, Jun. 2004. On Directionality of Movement: A Case of Japanese Right Dislocation. 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Tokyo: Kurosio Publishers. pp. 445-470.", "links": null } }, "ref_entries": { "FIGREF0": { "uris": null, "text": "(i) Taro-wa e nage-ta yo, saji-o Taro-TOP throw-PAST FP spoon-ACC 'Taro gave up.' [Lit. 'Taro threw a spoon.']", "num": null, "type_str": "figure" }, "FIGREF1": { "uris": null, "text": "14) *?[NP [CP [ei sonkeisiteiru] sensei]-ga respect teacher-NOM fueteimasu yo, gakuseitati-gai. (=(2)) increase FP students-NOM 'The number of the teachers who theyi respect is increasing, studentsi.'", "num": null, "type_str": "figure" }, "FIGREF2": { "uris": null, "text": "& [NP[CP ei Tanaka sensei-o sonkeisiteiru Tanaka teacher-ACC respect toiu] uwasa]-o sitteiru yo, Taroi-ga. COMP rumor-ACC (I) know FP Taro-NOM '(I) know the rumor that hei respects Mr. Tanaka, Taroi.'", "num": null, "type_str": "figure" }, "TABREF1": { "text": "Taro would share properties with the null argument, and hence the example would have the reading that Taro came. This, however, is contrary to fact. This problem seems to come from the assumption that the Case features of null arguments should be", "html": null, "type_str": "table", "content": "
Kokoni ki-ta yo, Taroi-o.
herecame FP Taro-ACC
'Taro came here.'
Cf. ei Kokoni ki-ta yo, Taroi-ga.
herecame FP Taro-NOM
In (i), the verb kita 'came' is an intransitive verb and an
accusative Case marked NP Taro-o ''Taro-ACC'' appears in
postverbal position. The licensing condition would allow
Taro-o to be associated with a null argument e in subject
position because they are non-distinct in terms of Case
features, and Taro-o would thus be licensed. Then,
following the interpretive rules,
", "num": null }, "TABREF5": { "text": "NOM' appears in postverbal position. It is different in terms of categorial features from the clause [CP Tanaka sensei-o sonkeisiteiru koto]-ga '[that e respect Mr. Tanaka]-NOM,'", "html": null, "type_str": "table", "content": "
A: Different Categorial Features
I will first consider Type A: phrases containing
null arguments that are different from PVEs with
respect to categorial features.
(20) [CP ei Tanaka sensei-osonkeisiteiru
Tanaka teacher-ACC respect
koto]-gahontoo dat-ta yo, Taroi-ga.
COMP -NOM true was FP Taroi-NOM
'That hei respect Mr. Tanaka was true,
Taroi.'
In (20), a nominative Case marked NP Taro-ga
'Taro-
", "num": null } } } }