VictorJuiz/thesis huggingface dataset:
Determination of strong coupling constant from multi-jet events in deep inelastic scattering at HERA

This thesis describes the determination of the strong coupling constant $\alpha\sb{s}$ from measurements of multi-jet rates in deep inelastic electron-proton scattering at HERA by the ZEUS collaboration for values of the squared four-momentum transfer $Q\sp2$ between 120 and 3600 GeV$\sp2.$ A total integrated luminosity of 3.2 pb$\sp{-1},$ collected during 1994, was used for the measurement. Jets are identified with the JADE algorithm. The jet rates were fitted to a next-to-leading order $O\ (\alpha\sbsp{s}{2})$ perturbative QCD calculation with $\alpha\sb{s}$ left as a free parameter. Using the fitted value for $\alpha\sb{s}$ the perturbative calculation describes well the measured rates and kinematic properties of multi-jet events. A cut on the angular distribution of parton emission in the $\gamma\sp{\*}$-parton center of mass is introduced to remove forward going jets. The value of $\alpha\sb{s}$ is measured in three $Q\sp2$ regions and finally combined over the full kinematic range. The $\alpha\sb{s}$ value decreases for increasing $Q\sp2,$ consistent with the running of the strong coupling constant, as expected by QCD. The determined value is $\alpha\sb{s}\ (M\sb{Z\sp0})=0.117\pm0.005\ (stat)\ \pm\ \sbsp{0.005}{0.004}(syst\sb{exp})\ \pm\ 0.007\ (syst\sb{theory}).$
Involuntariness, agency and the criminal law

How and where we ought to draw the distinction between voluntary and involuntary action is an old and enduring philosophical question. I consider the answers given to this question in the context of the common law. I approach the issue initially through a review of the development, from its first appearance in pre-Norman law to present day law, of the principle that only voluntary actions may be punished (the voluntariness requirement). The principal question on which I focus is how to make sense of the role of public standards of behaviour in the legal distinctions between voluntary and involuntary action without it turning out that "involuntary" just means "unworthy of punishment." The bulk of this study is taken up with a consideration of this and related conceptual problems through an examination of the recent development of the defence of automatism in Canadian and English law. Automatism is raised as a defence when the accused claims to have lost conscious control over the movements of her body. I investigate the models of human action and its explanation to which the defence is committed, and the relationship between these models and the goals of criminal law through an examination of certain formative periods of the two defences to which automatism is most closely related, insanity and provocation. Against the background of this investigation, I argue that, while any acceptable theory of punishment entail the voluntariness requirement, the norms on the basis of which we sort voluntary and involuntary actions are different from the norms on the basis of which we decide which sorts of actions and persons deserve punishment. I sketch a general account of involuntary action, according to which to say of someone that her actions were involuntary is to urge the acceptable of a description of her doings according to which they were the effect of some external cause. It follows that the distinction between voluntary and involuntary action depends upon the distinction between the agent and the circumstances in which she acts. I conclude by considering the principal issues raised by this more basic distinction.
Daniel Brevint and the eucharistic Calvinism of the Caroline Church of England, 1603-1674

The book The Christian Sacrament and Sacrifice written by Daniel Brevint and published in 1673 strongly influenced the eucharistic theology of John and Charles Wesley. Although there has been much attention paid to the Wesleys, Brevint remains largely neglected among the seventeenth-century English divines, and there has been very little study of him. There have been three brief biographical notices, (Wood's Athenae Oxoniensis, Dictionary of National Biography, and the Dictionary of Jersey Biography ), two studies of John Wesley's abridgement of the Christian Sacrament and Sacrifice, (Rattenbury 1948, McAdoo 1994) and a recent but very brief one on Brevint's book itself (Stevenson 1994). This essay presents a revised biography of Brevint from primary sources, and orients his writings within those of the so-called Caroline Divines. A survey of the eucharistic theology of the seventeenth century will conclude that despite serious divisions in the Church of England between “Puritans” and “Laudians” over issues such as episcopal polity, eternal election, sabbatarianism, and set liturgies, inter alia, there was remarkable unanimity between them regarding the eucharist, both groups drawing very much on the tradition of Calvin; most of the differences which did exist are attributable to the later divergence in the doctrine of election between “humanist Calvinism” and “scholastic Reformed Orthodoxy.” Analysis of the structure and theology of The Christian Sacrament and Sacrifice shall demonstrate that Brevint's theology of the eucharist is consistent with the Calvinist sacramental consensus of the Caroline church, and expressed it in a form taken from Theodore Beza. Brevint thus stands as a tangible theological connection between Calvin and Wesley. Brevint's other two books were vehemently anti-Papal, and although such polemics were not uncommon, they were rarely as nasty.
Neither sociology nor socialism, the evangelical social agenda of the Baptist Convention of Ontario and Quebec, 1900-1945

Baptists in Canada have sometimes been identified as fundamentalists who tended to withdraw from active social engagement, in contrast to Methodists, Presbyterians, and other denominations that have historically demonstrated well-developed social service agendas. While some Baptists were fundamentalists, most members of the Baptist Convention of Ontario and Quebec (BCOQ) were not; on the whole, the Convention manifested a balanced perspective which included positive elements from both conservative evangelicalism and the Social Gospel tradition of the aforementioned mainline denominations. The primary aim of this thesis is to outline the social programme of the BCOQ between 1900 and 1945 to demonstrate that these Baptists demonstrated a social service agenda which addressed a wide range of issues and concerns but which nevertheless sought to remain true to Baptist doctrinal distinctiveness. Baptists cooperated with other socially sensitive denominations to the limits of Baptist doctrinal convictions, unlike fundamentalists, who saw withdrawal as their only option. Baptist social work was wide-ranging and included activism as well as remedial work. Although Baptist social service was hampered by the inability to fully unite Canadian Baptists in order to develop a national Baptist social service agenda, the BCOQ did contribute as a regional denomination to larger social efforts, and individual Baptists served capably in social service leadership positions.
Shaping the missionary identity of the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, spirit baptism and eschatology in the writings of George A. Chambers and Robert E. McAlister

The Pentecostal movement is so vast and diverse that any attempt to address the whole movement is too ambitious and certainly fails in its effort. This thesis focuses on one institutional expression of Canadian Pentecostalism; namely, The Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada (hereafter the PAOC). The focus is further narrowed to two of the PAOC's earliest and most influential leaders, as representatives of the theology of this large body in its formative years. Robert E. McAlister was one of the seven original signatories of the charter of the PAOC in 1919, as well as the originator and first editor of the PAOC publication, The (Canadian) Pentecostal Testimony. He served as editor of the paper for fifteen years and as Missionary-Secretary and General-Secretary of the General Executive for thirteen years, all the while pastoring, and thus facilitated the shaping of the thinking of an entire generation of Canadian Pentecostals. George A. Chambers, another of the original seven, was the first General Superintendent of the PAOC, a position which, along with pastoring, he held for fifteen years, 1919-1934. His leadership set the direction for the overall growth and development of the PAOC. In these positions, their preaching, teaching and writing would influence the PAOC as a whole. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
Hegel's theological legacy, a descriptive reassessment of Hegel's philosophy of religion in the light of Karl Barth's critique

With a view to reassessing Hegel's theological legacy this thesis revisits the classic threefold critique that christian theologians have brought against Hegel. Taking up that critique as it is articulated with particular sharpness by Karl Barth the thesis demonstrates: (i) that Hegel honours the christian insistence on the difference between God and created reality; (ii) that Jesus Christ in his historical particularity is determinative for Hegel; (iii) that Hegel's insistence upon necessity with respect to God is consistent with the christian tradition's insistence on the freedom of God. The occasion for this reassessment of Hegel's theological legacy is the recent publication of significantly revised editions of Hegel's Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion (1983ff), Lectures on the History of Philosophy (1986), and The Letters (1984). These have served as the primary resources for this thesis.
Baptism as a sacrament in 20th-century British Baptist theology

Baptist churches arose in the first decade of the 17th century when some English Separatists came to a revised view of the church and baptism. Baptist theology departed from its Puritan- Calvinist heritage in its assertion that Christian baptism must be restricted to those who can personally confess faith in Christ for themselves. After some three decades of Baptist life, some Particular Baptists concluded that baptism must be done by immersion, and this rapidly became the viewpoint of the whole Baptist tradition. The demands of controversy over these two issues of subject and mode of baptism consumed most of the literary energy of the Baptists, so much so that the early Baptist literature devoted little space to developing a doctrine of baptism as a means of grace. However, some early Baptist literature did address this question, and the dominant view was very much like the Puritan-Calvinist understanding of baptism as both sign and seal of entrance into salvific union with Christ, the only difference being the Baptist application of the concept to confessing believers alone. At both verbal and conceptual levels, Reformed sacramentalism was the essence of the mainstream baptismal theology of 17th-century English Baptists. Although this Reformed sacramentalism was still evident in major Baptist writers at the end of the 17th century, it was either ignored or rejected by most Baptists in the following two centuries. Although there were some exceptions, the idea that baptism is a sacrament, a means of grace, came to be associated with high doctrines of baptismal regeneration or at least with paedobaptism. As a result, by the beginning of this century, British Baptists (indeed, Baptists everywhere) commonly thought of baptism as a purely symbolic ritual bearing witness to a previously confirmed union with Christ, and sacramentalism was rejected both verbally and conceptually. However, some Baptists were convinced that such a reduced theology of baptism did not adequately interpret either Scripture or experience. Starting with H. Wheeler Robinson in the years surrounding 1920 and culminating in the extensive work of G. R. Beasley-Murray in the 1960's, British Baptists formulated a Baptist-sacramental theology of baptism which (unconsciously) built upon and advanced the foundational Baptist thought of the 17th century and modified the one-sided view inherited from the 19th century. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
The Messianic concept within the context of the North American Jewish-Christian dialogue, the search for a methodological approach

The problem under consideration arose out of the dynamics of the Jewish-Christian encounter itself. Each theologian affected by this encounter has endeavoured to balance Christian claims about Jesus with respect for Jewish counter-claims. Has a framework arisen within which, or a method whereby, these claims can be mediated and beneficially discussed? I propose to survey the views of three noted North American Christian theologians who have struggled with this dilemma: Rosemary Ruether, Paul Van Buren, and John Pawlikowski. I shall examine their work in relation to the messianic issue, showing that each has failed to deal adequately with its ramifications, in spite of their creative insights. Less well-known is Bernard Lee, who brings into relief the historical and contextual elements in christology by employing the method of radical empiricism. Continental in origin, the empirical method was re-defined by William James as "radical empiricism", and then further refined by empirical theologians. This method assumes that the concrete, historical aspect of human experience is its most important element. Thus experience, not transcendental criteria, supplies the basic data for empirical theologians; for this reason, no one philosophy or theology should be regarded as more "truthful" or "absolute" than any other. From this starting point, Lee attempts to retrieve the historical context of Hebraic metaphors before the Christian shift to Hellenistic meanings. I shall attempt what Lee does not: to apply the method of radical empiricism to the concept of the messiah. The concept itself apparently emerged in the Jewish world after the end of the Babylonian exile. The notion of an anointed one to be sent by God evolved in diverse ways. One variation occurred among the Jews whom we now refer to as early Christians. If the Jewish assertion is valid, that Jesus was not the messiah envisioned by most first century Jews, then a shift in perception must have taken place among those early Christians that other Jews did not share. If the proposed method of radical empiricism is employed, the original concept, the shift and the repudiation of the shift can be regarded as valid. Adopting the premise that the Spirit of God is active in each faith community, and that each achieves in its own way some comprehension of the Creator, I hope to outline a new perspective on a vexing question. I shall argue that, in light of radical empiricism, Hebraic and Hellenistic developments of Jewish and Christian faith need not be seen as antithetical. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
Herman Bavinck's eschatological understanding of redemption

Each of the four theses I present owes a great deal to the theology of Herman Bavinck. Dutch neo-Calvinism continues to wrestle with issues that arise from the relation between creation and Jesus Christ, and Bavinck has articulated two fundamental claims which serve to orient this discussion: creation and redemption history are understood in terms of their eschatological goal, and the crucified and risen Lord Jesus Christ stands at the center of redemption history. These two claims are not in tension with each other but are complementary, for Christology is inseparable from eschatology. Within Bavinck's framework one can see that the issue does not involve choosing creation or Jesus Christ, but perceiving that in Jesus Christ the creation, redemption history, and its eschatological goal, the new creation, are held together. In these four theses I have spoken of the ontological foundation provided by the person and work of Jesus Christ and of linking notions which serve to describe the universal significance of Jesus Christ. Bavinck does not speak of such an “ontological foundation;” neither does he refer to “linking notions.” His theological approach does not include a careful, self-consciously descriptive defense of his methodology. Therefore this study sought to examine carefully the broad scope of his theological works to discern the shape of his methodology and its relation to his theology. This examination concluded that Bavinck's theology is centered on the crucified and risen Lord Jesus Christ, this center is inextricably intertwined with creation, redemption history, and the new creation, and this intertwining is described through the notions of progressive revelation, duality, the organic, and a triadic framework comprised of God, world, and humanity, all developed within the context of an eschatological understanding of redemption. These theses are presented here as a nascent contribution to a theology 'on the way.' The issues to which these theses point are relevant in the Dutch neo-Calvinist community as well as in other contemporary theological arenas of discourse. To affirm and describe the centrality of Jesus Christ in our Western context whose relativist creed has both denied this centrality and exposed the inadequacy of modernist construals of the universal significance of Jesus Christ are daunting tasks. Observing the role of Bavinck's eschatological understanding of redemption in his theology provides the beginnings of one helpful path towards such affirmation and description. The tasks of developing this observation further and consciously engaging contemporary discussions remain to be done.
The corruption and redemption of creation, an exegetical study of Romans 8:19-22 in light of Jewish apocalyptic literature

Romans 8:19-22 says that the natural world was corrupted and suffers because of the Fall of humanity. The natural world also longs for the eschatological glorification of believers, when creation itself will be perfected in freedom and glory. It has become a commonplace for New Testament scholars to claim that Paul's ideas in this passage were strongly influenced by Jewish apocalyptic thought. Although the genre of this passage is not an apocalypse, the worldview, theology and many expressions are very similar to those found in Second Temple Jewish apocalyptic writings. This thesis examines the corruption and redemption of creation in Romans 8:19-22 compared to several major Jewish apocalyptic works (1) Enoch, Jubilees, 2 Enoch, 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch and the Apocalypse of Moses/Life of Adam and Eve). It is not sufficient simply to label the theology of Romans 8:19-22 as "apocalyptic," since the Jewish apocalyptic materials represent several streams of thought that can be distinguished by their treatment of three key issues: (1) the corruption of the material creation; (2) the cause of this corruption; and (3) the future redemption of the natural world. (1) In many Jewish apocalyptic writings, there is a tension between the creation as under God's control and as damaged by sin. Although a few writings stress the perfection and consistent operation of the natural world, the majority describe creation as corrupted due to sin. Romans 8:19-22 follows that majority stream of Jewish apocalyptic writings that stresses that creation has been corrupted by sin. (2) In Jewish apocalyptic writings, creation may be corrupted due to the sins of the fallen Watchers, human sins, or both. When human sins are in view, the corruption is either due to the Fall, ongoing human sins, or eschatological human sins. Romans 8:19-22 focuses on the damage that the Fall brought to the created order. (3) Most Jewish apocalyptic writings look forward to the eschatological redemption of creation. Some anticipate a new creation, while others expect the transformation of the present creation--either to its pre-Fall condition or a more perfect state. Romans 8:19-22 follows that stream of Jewish apocalyptic thought that expects the permanent transformation of the existing creation, although Paul does not include vivid descriptions of the eschatological changes to the natural world.
Primitive Methodists, Paulists, and Pentecostals, toward a historical typology of declines and decline of movement of revival

This dissertation is an attempt to articulate a historical typology relating to the historical phenomena often called revivals. The specific focus of this study is the processes of such movements that could be characterised by the language of decline. Since the study of such movements is complicated by virtue of the metaphorical nature of the terms used to describe them, attention is paid first to identifying and explaining the nomenclature that has been used in the study of these movements. In order to root the search for a typology in historical reality, this study discusses three documented revival movements. These movements were separated by time, geography, culture, theology, and spirituality. From these movements, three local congregations were selected for analysis. The aim was not to do local history per se but to use local history as a trajectory by which to understand historical process. Through an examination of the histories of the representative expressions of the three movements, this study affirms the notion that the nature of historical process is characterised by profound complexity. At the same time, this study asserts that recognisable themes or patterns in history are present and identifiable, and that explanation of these patterns is best begun through examination of a group's most basic subsystems. Among the patterns that are recognisable is that of decline. Not only is this pattern recognisable, the sources of declines are also distinguishable. Most importantly, enough commonalty can be found in the identity, nature, strength, and conjuncture of the sources of declines to postulate a tentative typology both of periodic declines in a group's history and of final decline, the termination of its history.
Thomas Merton's contribution to the theology of hope, a contextual, diachronic and analytical-synthetic study

The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the contribution of Thomas Merton (1915–1968) to the theology of hope. At the beginning of his monastic career (1941–1951), Merton had already discovered and engaged the many facets of hope. From 1952 to 1959 his writings embody an explicit concern with hope in the context of social and political issues. In the final period of his life (1960–1968), hope became axial to his thought. While Merton never wrote a full and formal treatise on the subject, his works invite a construction of a broad-based theology of hope. Only a few scholars have taken note of this important factor. A primary contention of this dissertation then is that Merton's reflections on hope are a key facet, if not the ground, of his theological legacy dating to the third quarter of the twentieth century. The dissertation is divided into five chapters. Chapter I provides a summary of the theology of hope from 1959 to the present by its three major academic exponents, Wolfhart Pannenberg, Jürgen Moltmann, and Johann Baptist Metz. Although Merton's theology of hope does not impact or reflect the concerns of these academics, a survey of these works provides a basis for comparing Merton's approach to and gestalt of hope, especially since his writings on hope for the most part precede theirs. This comparative perspective provides a basic setting for the Merton contribution. Chapter II offers a diachronic investigation of Merton's views on hope, carefully following the publication sequence of his works. Chapter III studies the Merton correlations of hope with spirituality, the Messianic kingdom, historical disengagement, and pessimism and evil. Chapter IV constructs a synthesis of the Trappist's hope from a theological, philosophical, psychological, and socio-political standpoint. Chapter V, in conclusion, evaluates Merton's overall understanding of hope. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)