Security Council resolution 239 (1967) [on the recruitment and training of mercenaries in the Democratic Republic of the Congo]
Symbol: S/RES/239(1967)
Date: 1967-07-10
Meeting record: S/PV.1367
Subjects: MILITARY ACTIVITY|DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO|MERCENARIES
Notes: Concerns the recruitment and training of mercenaries in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
In: Resolutions and decisions of the Security Council, 1968. - S/INF/22/Rev.2. - 1968. - p. 13. - (SCOR, 22nd year).

Resolution 239 (1967)
of 10 July 1967

The Security Council,

Having taken cognizance of the message of the Congolese Government contained in document S/8031, 29

Having discussed the serious developments in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo,

Concerned by the threat posed by foreign interference to the independence and territorial integrity
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo,

1. Reaffirms in particular paragraph 2 of Security
Council resolution 226 (1966) of 14 October 1966;

2. Condemns any State which persists in permitting
or tolerating the recruitment of mercenaries, and the
provision of facilities to them, with the objective of
overthrowing the Governments of States Members
of the United Nations;

3. Calls upon Governments to ensure that their
territory and other territories under their control, as
well as their nationals, are not used for the planning
of subversion, and the recruitment, training and transit
of mercenaries designed to overthrow the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo;

4, Decides that the Security Council shall remain
seized of the question;

5, Requests the Secretary-General to follow closely
the implementation of the present resolution.

Adopted unanimously at the
1367th meeting.


29 Ibid., document S/8031.

Texto español (official Spanish version): 239 (1967). Resolución de 10 de julio de 1967
El Consejo de Seguridad,

Habiendo tomado conocimiento del mensaje del Gobierno del Congo contenido en el documento 5/8031**,

Habiendo discutido los graves acontecimientos en la
República Democrática del Congo,

Preocupado por la amenaza que representa la interferencia extranjera para la independencia y la integridad territorial de la República Democrática del
Congo,

1. Reafirma en especial el párrafo 2 de la resolución
226 (1966) del Consejo de Seguridad de 14 de octubre
de 1966;

2. Condena a cualquier Estado que persista en permitir o tolerar el reclutamiento de mercenarios y en
proporcionarles medios con el objeto de derrocar los
gobiernos de Estados Miembros de las Naciones
Unidas;

3. Insta alos gobiernos a que procuren que su territorio y otros territorios bajo su control, así como sus
nacionales, no sean empleados para la planificación de
la subversión, y el reclutamiento, adiestramiento y tránsito de mercenarios destinados a derrocar el Gobierno
de la República Democrática del Congo;

4. Decide que el Consejo de Seguridad permanecerá
al tanto del asunto;

5. Pide al Secretario General que siga atentamente
el cumplimiento de la presente resolución.

Aprobada por umanimidad
en la 1367a. sesión.

Decisión

En su 1372a. sesión, celebrada el 8 de noviembre
de 1967, el Consejo decidió invitar a los representantes
de la República Democrática del Congo, Portugal,
Burundi, Zambia y Argelia a participar, sin derecho
de voto, en el examen de ina denuncia presentada el

3 de noviembre de 1967 por la República Democrática
del Congo”.

29 Jbid., documento S/8031.
30 Ibid., Suplemento de octubre, noviembre y diciembre de
1967, documento S/8218.

241 (19607). Resolución de 15 de noviembre
de 1967

El Consejo de Seguridad,

Preocupado por la grave situación creada en la Repú-
blica Democrática del Congo como consecuencia de los
ataques armados desencadenados contra ese país por
fuerzas extranjeras de mercenarios,

Preocupado por que Portugal haya permitido a esos
mercenarios emplear el territorio de Angola bajo su
administración como base de los ataques armados contra
la República Democrática del Congo,

Teniendo presentes el apoyo y la ayuda que esos
mercenarios han continuado obteniendo de algunos
medios extranjeros para el reclutamiento y adiestramiento y el transporte y suministro de armas,

Preocupado por la amenaza que la organización de
estas fuerzas representa para la integridad territorial
y la independencia de los Estados,

Reafirmando las resoluciones 226 (1966), de 14 de
octubre de 1966 y 239 (1967), de 10 de julio de 1967,

1. Condena cualquier acto de injerencia en los asuntos internos de la República Democrática del Congo;

2. Condena especialmente a Portugal por no haber
impedido, violación de las -susodichas resoluciones del
Consejo de Seguridad, que los mercenarios emplearan
el territorio de Angola bajo administración portuguesa
como base de operaciones para ataques armados contra
la República Democrática del Congo;

3. Exhorta a Portugal a que ponga fin inmediatamente, de conformidad con las mencionadas resoluciones del Consejo de Seguridad, al suministro de ayuda
de cualquier clase a los mercenarios;

4. Exhorta a todos los países que reciban mercenarios que hayan participado en los ataques armados
contra la República Democrática del Congo, a adoptar
las medidas pertinentes para impedirles que renueven
sus actividades contra cualquier Estado;

5. Exhorta a todos los Estados Miembros a que
colaboren con el Consejo de Seguridad en la aplicación
de la presente resolución;

6. Decide que el Consejo de Seguridad continúe encargado del asunto, y pide al Secretario General que
siga atentamente el cumplimiento de la presente reso-Jución,

Aprobada por unanimidad
cn la 1378a. sesión.

PARTE II

Otras cuestiones examinadas por el Consejo de Seguridad

ADMISION DE NUEVOS MIEMBROS
EN LAS NACIONES UNIDAS:

243 (1967). Resolución de 12 de diciembre
de 1967

El Consejo de Seguridad,
Habiendo examinado la solicitud de admisión en las
31 El Consejo adoptó también resoluciones o decisiones sobre

esta cuestión en 1946, 1947, 1948, 1949, 1950, 1952, 1955,
1956, 1957, 1958, 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1965, 1966.

Naciones Unidas presentada por la República Popular
del Yemen Meridional.

Recomienda a la Asamblea General que se admita a
la República Popular del Yemen Meridional como
Miembro de las Naciones Unidas.

Aprobada por unanimidad
en la 1384a. sesión.

32 Actas Oficiales del Consejo de Seguridad, Vigésimo Seguido Año, Suplemento de octubre, noviembre y diciembre de
1967, documento S/8284.


Русский текст (official Russian version): предложил свои добрые услуги, и их ответы 8
на его предыдущие обращения,

отмечая на основании указанного доклада Ге-
нерального секретаря, что обстоятельства  по-
прежнему требуют присутствия Вооруженных
сил ООН на Кипре в течение дальнейшего пе-
риода,

отмечая, что правительство Кипра согласилось
с тем, что необходимо продлить пребывание этих
Вооруженных сил после 26 декабря 1967 года,

1. подтверждает свою резолюцию 186 (1964)
от 4 марта 1964 года и свои последующие резо-
люции, а также выражения согласованного мне-
ния по этому вопросу;

2. продлевает пребывание на Кипре Вооружен-
ных сил ООН по поддержанию мира, созданных
в соответствии с резолюцией Совета 186 (1964),
на период в три месяца, заканчивающийся
26 марта 1968 года;

3. приглашает стороны немедленно воспользо-
ваться добрыми услугами, предложенными Гене-
ральным секретарем, и просит Генерального се-
кретаря представить доклад о результатах Сове-
ту соответствующим образом;

4. призывает все заинтересованные стороны
продолжать проявлять крайнюю умеренность и
сдержанность и воздерживаться от Любых актов,
которые могли бы ухудшить положение;

5. настоятельно призывает заинтересованные
стороны приложить новые решительные усилия
для достижения целей Совета Безопасности, имея
в виду в соответствии с просьбой, содержащейся
в согласованном мнении Совета от 24 ноября
1967 года, поддержание мира и достижение по-
стоянного урегулирования в соответствии с резо-
люцией 186 (1964) Совета Безопасности от
4 марта 1964 года;

6. принимает решение продолжить рассмотре-
ние этого вопроса и собраться вновь для его
дальнейшего обсуждения, как только этого Ппо-
требуют обстоятельства и развитие событий»,

Принята единогласно
на 1386-м заседании.

ВОПРОС О ДЕМОКРАТИЧЕСКОЙ
РЕСПУБЛИКЕ КОНГО ?7

Решение

На 1363-м заседании 6 июля 1967 года Совет
постановил пригласить представителя Демокра-
тической Республики Конго принять участие без
права голоса в обсуждении жалобы, представ-
ленной 6 июля 1967 года Демократической Рес-
публикой Конго 28.

2% Там же, документ 5/8248/Л4.6, пункты Зи 4.

У Резолюции и решения по этому вопросу были также
приняты Советом в 1966 году.

2 Официальные отчеты Совета Безопасности, двадцать
второй год, Дополнение за июль, август и сентябрь 1967 го-

би, документ 5/8036.

Резолюция 239 (1967)
от 10 июля 1967 года
Совет Безопасности,

приняв к сведению послание  конголезского.
правительства, содержащееся в — документе
5/8031 2,

обсудив серьезные события в Демократической
Республике Конго,

будучи обеспокоен угрозой, которую несет с
собой иностранное вмешательство, независимости
и территориальной целостности Демократической
Республики Конго,

|. вновь подтверждает, в частности, пункт 2
резолюции 226 (1966) Соета Безопасности от
14 октября 1966 года;

2. осуждает любое государство, которое про-
должает позволять или терлеть практику набора
наемников и предоставление для них условий с
целью свержения правительств государств — чле-
пов Организации;

3. призывает правительства принять меры по
обеспечению того, чтобы их территории или дру-
гие территории, находящиеся под их контролем,
а также их граждане не использовались для пла-
нирования подрывной деятельности, а также на-
бора, обучения и переброски наемников, призван-
ных свергнуть правительство Демократической
Республики Конго;

4. постановляет, что Совет Безопасности дол-
жен продолжать заниматься этим вопросом;

5. предлагает Генеральному секретарю внима-
тельно следить за осуществлением настоящей ре-
ЗОЛЮЦИИ.

Принята единогласно
на 1367-м заседании.

Решение

На 1372-м заседании 8 ноября 1967 года Совет
постановил пригласить представителей Демокра-
тической Республики Конго, Португалии, Бурун-
ди, Замбии и Алжира принять участие без права
голоса в обсуждении жалобы, представленной
3 ноября 1967 года Демократической Республи-
кой Конго 3°,

Резолюция 241 (1967)
от 15 ноября !967 года
Совет Безопасности,

будучи обеспокоен серьезным положением, соз-
давшимся в Демократической Республике Конго
в результате совершенных иностранными воору-
женными силами наемников вооруженных напа-
дений на эту страну,

* Там же, документ 5/8031.
30 Там же, Дополнение за октябрь,
1967 годи, документ 5/8218.

ноябрь и декабрь

中文文本 (official Chinese version): 大 . 决定 炎 炉 受理 此 项 问题 , 视 情 势 演变 之 需要 ，
隧 时 重 开 会 贰 ， 加 以 审 蔽 。
第 一 三 八 六 次 会 入 一致 通 过 。

关 太 区 果 民主 共和 国之 问题 ，

决 定
一 九 六 七 年 七 月 六 日 ， 理 事 会 第 一 三 六 三 次 会 蒿

决定 邀请 刚果 民主 共和 国 代 表 参 加 讨 花 一 九 六 七 年 七
月 六 日 刚果 民主 共和 国 提出 之 控诉 ,” 但 无 玫 决 权 。

一 九 六 七 年 七 月 十 日
决 访 案 二 三 九 ( 一 九 关 七 )
安全 理事 会 ，
业已 夏 悉 文件 S/80312? 所 载 副 果 政府 来 文 ，
业已 讨 花 刚果 民主 共和 国内 之 碌 重 情势 演 释 ，

关 愤 外 国 于 涉 蜀 果 民 主 共 和 国 独 立 及 领土 完整 一
事 所 引起 之 威 闭 ，

一 . 楷 重 申 一 九 六 太 年 十 月 十 四 日 安全 理事 会 决
导 案 二 二 六 (一 九 六 六 ) 第 二 段 ;

二 . 殴 责 坚持 准许 或 容 恕 以 推翻 联合 国会 员 国 政
府 需 目标 而 招募 仿 兵 站 予以 便利 之 任何 国家 ;

三 .请 各 国政 府 确保 其 颌 土 及 在 其 管制 下 之 其 他
领土 ， 以 及 其 国民 ， 不 致 希 人 所 利用 ， 以 从 事 旨 在 推
翻 刚果 民主 共和 国政 府 之 显 履 活动 之 敌 划 及 傅 兵 之 招
募 、 训 炼 与 运 适 遇 境 ;

四 .决定 安全 理事 会 赚 毯 所 有 本 问题 ;

五 ， 请 秘书 长 密切 注意 本 决 蒿 案 之 实施 情形 。

第 一 三 六 七 次 会 议 一 臻 通过。
决 定

一 九 六 七 年 十 一 月 八 日 ， 理 事 会 第 一 三 七 二 次 会

坑 决 定 邀 请 刚果 民主 共和 国 、 葡 萄 牙 , 布 隆 提 、 尚 比 亚

2 一 九 六 六 年 理事 会 亦 售 就 本 问题 通过 决 闹 案 及 决定 。

”安全 理事 会 正式 杞 杀 ， 第 二 十 二 年 ， 一 九 六 七 年 七 月 、
八 月 及 九 月 份 补 篇， 文件 S/8036。

同上 ， 文 件 S/8031。

及 阿 责 及 利 亚 代 表 参 加 计 葵 一 九 六 七 年 十 一 月 三 日 刚
果 民 主 共 和 国 提出 之 控诉 ,”" 但 无 表决 权 。

一 九 六 七 年 十 一 万 十 五 日
决 改 案 二 四 一 (一 九 关 七 )

安全 理事 会 ，

处 及 刚果 民主 共和 国境 内 因 受 外 国信 兵部 除 武装
副 击 而 发 生 之 臧 重 情势 ，

对 於 葡萄 牙 容 许 此 缆 傅 兵 利用 其 管理 下 之 安哥拉
领土 作 入 对 刚果 民主 共和 国武 装 慢 出 之 基地 ， 表 示 关
切 ，

鉴 认 此 缆 傅 兵 之 招 幕 与 训练 ， 以 至 有 运输 与 武器 之
供 输 ， 悉 炉 获 得 若干 外 国 方面 之 支持 与 援助 ，

处 及 此 种 部 除 之 组 织 对 各 国 领 士 完 整 与 独立 之 威
黎 ，

重申 一 九 六 大 年 十 月 十 四 日 决 导 案 二 二 六 (一 九
六 六 ) 及 一 九 六 七 年 七 月 十 日 决 凡 案 二 三 九 ( 一 九 六
七 ) 3

一 .区 责 于 涉 刚 果 民 主 共 和 国内 政之 任何 行 需 ;

二 . 特别 杂 责 葡萄 牙 估 反 上 述 安全 理事 会 决 凡 案
而 未 售 防 止 依 兵 利 用 其 管理 下 之 安哥拉 颌 土 作 坊 对 刚
果 民 主 共和 国武 装 赣 击 之 作战 基地 ;

三 . 要求 葡 移 牙 沸 照 上 述 安全 理事 会 决 凡 案 立即
停止 给 予 便 兵 任何 协助 ;

四 . 要求 凡 收容 鲁 参加 武装 刘 亢 刚果 民主 共和 国
之 傅 兵 之 所 有 国家 探 取 通 当 措 施 ， 以 防止 此 缆 傅 兵 对
任何 国家 从 新 活动 ;

五 .要 求人 体会 员 国 与 安全 理事 会 合作 实施 本 决
避 案 ;
六 . 决定 安全 理事 会 应 婴 粮 所 有 本 问题 ， 站 请 秘
书 长 微 秆 注意 本 决 坑 案 实施 情形 。
第 一 三 七 次 会 议 通 通 。

? 同上 ， 一 九 六 七 年 十 月 .十 一 月 及 十 二 月 份 定 衙 ， 文 件
S/8218 。


Draft resolution (S/8050):
UNITED NATIONS =

SECURITY GENERAL
| 5/8050

COUNCIL

10 July 1967

ORIGINAL: ENGLISH

Ethiopia, India, Mali snd Nigeria: draft resolution

The Security Council,

Having taken cognizance of the message of the Congolese Goverment contained
in document 5/8031,
‘Having discussed the serious developments in the Democratic Republic of the

Congo,

Concerned by the threat posed by foreign interference to the independence and
territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo,

1. Reaffirms in particular paragraph 2 of its resolution 226 (1966) of
14 October 1966;

©. Condemns any State which persists in permitting or tolerating the
recruitment of mercenaries, and the provision of facilities to them, with the
objective of overthrowing the Governments of Member States;

3. Calls upon Governments to ensure that their territory and other
territories under their control, as well as their nationals, are not used for the
planning of subversion, and the recruitment, training and transit of mercenaries
designed to overthrow the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo;

L. Decides that the Council shall remain seized of the question;

5. Bequests the Secretary-General to follow closely the implementation of

the present resolution.

ar arm an

67-16304

Meeting record:
UNITED NATIONS 3)
«&)

SECURITY COUNCIL
OFFICIAL RECORDS

TWENTY-SECOND YEAR

th
1367 MEETING: 10 JULY 1967

NEW YORK
CONTENTS
Page
Provisional agenda (S/Agenda/1367) . .... 1
Adoption of the agenda... ..... oo 1
Letter dated 6 July 1967 from the Permanent Representative of the Democratic
oe of the Congo addressed to the President of the Security Council :
(8/8036) «vv i

S/PV.1367
NOTE

Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with
figures. Mention of such a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document.

Documents of the Security Council (symbol S/. . .) are normally published in quarterly
Supplements of the Official Records of the Security Council. The date of the document
indicates the supplement in which it appears or in which information about it is given.

The resolutions of the Security Council, numbered in accordance with a system
adopted in 1964, are published in yearly volumes of Resolutions and Decisions of the
Security Council. The new system, which has been applied retroactively to resolutions
adopted before 1 January 1965, became fully operative on that date.
EE EE 5d =

THIRTEEN HUNDRED AND SIXTY-SEVENTH MEETING

Held in New York on Monday, 10 July 1967, at 3 p.m.

President: Mr. Endalkachew MAKONNEN (Ethiopia).

Present: The representatives of the following States:
Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Denmark,

Ethiopia, France, India, Japan, Mali, Nigeria, Union of"

Soviet Socialist Republics, United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America.

Provisional agenda (S/Agenda/1367)
1. Adoption of the agenda.

2. Letter dated 6 July 1967 from the Permanent Representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
addressed to the President of the Security Council
(8/8036).

Adoption of the agenda
The agenda was adopted.

Letter dated 6 July 1967 from the Permanent Representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
atldressed to the President of the Security Council
(8/8036)

1. The PRESIDENT: In accordance with the decision
previously taken by the Council, I propose now, with the
consent of the Council, to invite the representative of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo to take a place at the
Council table in order to participate without vote in the
discussion of the item before us.

At the invitation of the President, Mr. T. Idzumbuir
{Democratic Republic of the Congo) took a place at the
Council table.

2. The PRESIDENT: The first speaker on my list for this
afternoon is the representative of the Democratic Republic
of the Congo, ont whom I now call.

3. Mr. IDZUMBUIR (Democratic Republic of the Congo)
(translated from French): At this meeting I would like to
say a few more words about how certain countries have a
hand in the most recent events in the Congo. I do so for the
particular benefit of those who, following the line taken by
the extreme right-wing press, have started rumours that the
disturbances in Kisangani are merely an internal affair, a
mutiny within the army provoked by certain dissident
elements.

4. First of all I should like to say that when the Kisangani
plot was discovered last year, it was also said that these

events had no foreign ramifications. Nevertheless the
interrogation of the Katangese elements ‘among the
mutinous troops clearly showed that it was all part of a
plan originating outside the country.

5. Furthermore, reliable sources, particularly of the
Belgian reactionary press, had lost no time in spreading
reports throughout world public opinion that Tshimpola,
the leader of the mutinous Katangese units, had been
burned alive. The Belgian League for Human Rights went
right along with this reaction. But when the Government
invited the journalists to see Tshimpola in the flesh and
very much alive, the reactionary press, particularly in
Belgium, did not even feel it ought to accept this invitation,
which would force it co admit its mistake when confronted
by the evidence.

6. Some people today are trying to use the same
manoeuvre by laying stress on the munity at Bukavu in
order to cast doubt on the invasion of Kisangani by
mercenaries parachuted from two unidentified aircraft.

7. There has been no official statement about the landing
of foreign commandos in Bukavu. In all my statements I
have mentioned a munity at Bukavu of ex-Katangese
elements supported by mercenaries and foreign armed
civilians. The telegram from the Chief of State to the
President of the Security Council said the same. But it was
in Kisangani, formerly Stanleyville, that the landing of
mercenaries from two planes took place, and it is with this
landing that we are concerned,

8. Of course, today it is easy to challenge this. The
Congolese Government was informed of an invasion of the
Congo, aimed particularly at Katanga and carried out by
mercenaries at the beginning of July. Exceptionally strict
security measures were taken to meet that emergency,

9, According to our sources of information, Stanleyville,
now Kisangani, which is in the very north of the country,
did not seem to be the particular target of the international
conspiracy and that is why it was given no special
protection. But the presence in military units at Kisangani
and Bukavu of foreign elements which the Government was
in process of clearing out, was a trump card for the success
of the second phase of the “Kerilis Plan”, since the
collaboration of those foreign elements was assured:

10. Again this will be denied, just as jit was denied in
October 1966 when our delegation here referred to the
recruitment of mercenaries, particularly in Belgium, who
were being trained to invade the Congo. And yet how true

that was!
11. In that connexion, I should like to read you a few
extracts from an investigation carried out by a Belgian
journalist and published in a weekly paper called Spécial.
The journalist had mingled with the candidates chosen in
Belgium for an attack on the Congo after Mr. Mobutu, the
President of the Republic, had decided to end the negotiations with the leaders of the former Union Miniére last
December. The anger of these gentlemen was a measure of
the determination of the Congolese Government not to
sacrifice the vital interests of the Congolese people. In
anticipation of a breakdown in the negotiations, the
recruiting centres of the Union Miniére, which were the
same as ever, accelerated the recruiting operation, and in
December, in the middle of winter, without even taking the
elementary precaution of discretion required in carrying
out criminal acts of this nature, the recruiters launched a
full-scale campaign, which enabled people who had no jobs
in a few days to obtain passports, visas, medical certificates
and holidays on the tourist beaches of Portugal and to open
accounts in certain Belgian banks. Just listen to the report
on this recruitment that was drawn up in anticipation of
the President’s decision of Thursday, 8 December, terminating the discussions with the agents of the Union Miniére.

12. During the night of Monday, 5 December, when it was
clear that the President would not yield in the talks,
forty-two clandestine soldiers were assembled at the Ilona
café at Bressoux, Belgium. “Be ready to leave”, they were
told in a mysterious telephone call. “Marching orders are
from 6 o’clock to midnight”. This is the boy-scout side of
the plot hatched in Belgium. It would have been much
simpler to say: “Take the 8.14 train for Brussels” —which is
in fact what happened. But what fun would there have been
in that?

13. The report continues. On Tuesday morning just before
8 a.m., some taxis arrived at the Guillemins railway station
and deposited forty-two rather conspicuous “gentlemen”
carrying silly little suitcases and huge revolvers. A man went
from one group to another, like a cashier on holiday: this
was Roger Leva, an employee of the Seraing branch of the
Nagelmackers Bank, a person known in that circle as an
“ex-colonel covered with glory”. To each of these gaolbirds, Roger Leva gave a cash voucher payable at Brussels.
“Operation K”~as in Kinshasa—was under way.

14. What were the criminal police in Liége doing during
that time?

15. The report of the investigation continues: at that
hour, the inspectors of the police judiciaire at Liége were
coming to work in their dusty offices in the Palais de
Justice. For several days they had had in their possession a
list of seventy-eight names of young men between
twenty-five and thirty-five years of age, who, curiously
enough, had suddenly discovered a common passion for
winter tourism, They had all applied for passports and had
been given vaccinations by the Public Health Service in
Brussels. Strangely enough, the usual formalities had been
considerably shortened. What generally takes three weeks
for most people had been arranged in three or four days for
these belated tourists. Was this a coincidence?

16. The police judiciaire—the report continues—had
known all about this for quite some time. They knew that

in the shady cafés of Seraing (Le Djinn), Bressoux and the
Rue du Pot-d’Or, people were discussing a new attack
somewhere in the Congo. “Customers” who had been out
of work for weeks no longer walked about without their
personal artillery. Recruitment papers were being passed
around more freely than loaves and fishes,

17. The seventy-eight people who had submitted applications for passports were interviewed by the police inspectors. Some of them “ate humble pie” and confessed: yes,
they were mercenaries and they had received orders to
stand by.

18. But while the documents were piling up in their police
dockets, the Liége police took no action; neither did their
colleagues in Brussels who also knew that the dens of
recruitment were swarming with activity: “Chez Betty”,
near the Grande Place, at the “Mercenaire”, Avenue de la
Reine, or at the “New Ginza”, Rue du Charbon.

19. Why was nothing done, when the recruitment of
mercenaries is forbidden by law? That was the question
asked by the Belgian police investigator. Was it for lack of
evidence? But one police raid would have been enough to
pick up the whole pack of them: café owners, blatantly
displaying recruitment contracts on their counters; customers bristling with revolvers, but unable to produce a
semblance of a permit to carry weapons, It would have
been enough to examine the books of the Nagelmackers
Bank to discover that a certain number of “tourists” had
just opened accounts there, which was rather strange,
because when leaving the country without a cent in pocket,
people do not usually make deposits in order to leave a
bank account behind. Unless, of course, that bank account
was suddenly fed by regular deposits of 18,000 Belgian
francs per month, coming from God knows where.

20. But the police judiciaire had no such curiosity. Neither
were they concerned about the comings and goings in
Brussels of a notorious gun-runner, the Portuguese José
Zogio of Norte Importadora, although they knew he was in
town. But sometimes the police are guilty of incom:
prehensible “negligence”, such as for example, letting the
“tourists” from the Ilona escape across the Belgian frontiers
to catch planes either at Amsterdam, Paris or Diisseldorf,
with Lisbon as the regrouping centre. The operation had
been carried out so “discreetly” that the Congolese
Government learned about it a few hours later, the
double-cross being the absolute rule in such circles.

21. However, this convoy was not the first, since recruitment had been going on since August, and a contingent of
forty men had arrived in Lisbon at the beginning of
September, and in Africa at the beginning of December.
That is what the investigation found.

22. The contingent of forty-two men which had left Liége
on Tuesday, 6 December, was far from being the first group
of “Tshombist” mercenaries to take off for Portugal. The
recruiters had been feverishly active in the country's
principal towns ever since August. Thus at the beginning of
September, a first contingent of forty men reached Lisbon,
there to lead a life of luxury, whilst waiting to be briefed
on their mission. Eight days later this gang was transported
to Africa,
23. As a result it emerges, merely from the report of this
investigation which I have been reading you, that close to a
hundred people were recruited and reached Africa by the
same Lisbon route.

24. Whom did these contingents contact in Lisbon?
There, the commanding officers of the contingent received
their orders from a certain Mr. Thomas, who lived in
room 53 at the Ritz Hotel, situated on the Via Rodrigo de
Fonseca. It was he who settled the petty cash expenses of
the recruits through Major Croe, a liaison officer with the
other commanding officers, namely Gardier, Zoltan, Mazi
and Botu.

25. As for the mission of these mercenaries, let us hear
what the report has to say. Croe’s aim was to undertake a
number of sabotage operations in the Congo. Croe was one
of the few Belgian players in the Tshombe team who knew
some of the details of the undertaking. Did he let the cat
out of the bag in a relaxed moment? In any case, there
soon began to be open talk about the “mission”: to seize a
bridge on the highway leading from Kinshasa to the airport
of the Congolese capital and thus to allow the planes of the
airlift to land undisturbed and to unload troops and
materials. But this was only to be a diversionary attack, the
main target of the offensive being Katanga, which was
considered a base for the reconquest of the Congo.

26. These were the plans, when at the beginning of
December, the forty men from Portugal were hastily
pushed into planes which had arrived a week before. That
was the mission at that time.

27. Do you think that the investigation was followed up?
There were threats that it would be followed up, yes, but
they were scotched when it became apparent that still more
was known, and that statements might be made during the
trial which would be very embarrassing to some people.

28. To complete the picture, let it suffice to say that, after
the secession, a number of Belgian career officers joined
Tshombe and are helping him to hatch various plans
designed to return him to power. These officers were
Colonel Vande de Walle, whom I mentioned yesterday, and
Majors Lamerline and Protin. Regular officers cannot serve
any commander without the permission of the military
authorities.

29. Moreover, it is interesting to note that when our
troops were moving towards Bukavu after mutinous
Katangese units had besieged the town in a surprise attack,
our Security Services intercepted a message from the
Belgian Embassy at Bujumbura informing the Belgian
Consulate at Bukavu of our troop movements.

30. At the height of the crisis the Belgian Communications
Centre in Brussels, through which all our communications
with the Democratic Republic of the Congo had to go,
required that all communications with the Congo had to be
in French or in Swahili—and I have proof of this, because I
was personally instructed to use those languages—Swahili
being the vernacular of Kisangani and Bukavu. Putting two
and two together, one can easily understand why the
Belgian transmission services issued that instruction.

31. We have just heard that the routed Katangese units,
led by the Bukavu mercenaries, are trying to get to
Kisangani through the bush to rescue mercenaries besieged
in the out-buildings of Kisangani Airport together with
civilian hostages, women and children, including professors
of the Free University of the Congo at Kisangani and
perhaps journalists who came to the Congo for the
Independence Day celebrations. So far, in order to spare
civilian lives, we have delayed an assult on the airport
out-buildings and the mercenaries have been given a
deadline to surrender.

32. This was the result of the complacency of some
Governments, which have allowed such criminal activities
to take place on their territories, and which will probably
ask us tomorrow to guarantee the safety of their citizens.
Those Governments should know that they are responsible
for their present complicity in the disorders which they
provoke in our country, and consequently they are also
responsible for the measures which may be taken against
their nationals and other foreigners living in the Congo.

33. After this investigation, is it conceivable that a
country in which the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
has its headquarters, with all that entails in the way of a
security organization which can effectively preserve military secrets, can have a police force which was unaware of
events such as those revealed in the report I have just read
out?

34. You may make of this what you will. As far as
Belgium is concerned, the facts speak for themselves.
Portugal could not be unaware of the presence of these
Belgian tourists, of Mr. Thomas and of the mission entrusted to them. But why should they be against these
movements when it was a question of creating disorders in
the Congo, and returning to power someone whose sympathy with Portuguese colonialism needs no further proof.

35. We could hardly be expected to believe that the
Spanish Government was unaware of the nature of the visits
that Mr. Tshombe received or of the real reasons for his
numerous trips to Portugal. But perhaps Iberian solidarity is
more important than the sovereignty of an African State
with which one maintains diplomatic relations.

36. If there were any need for further proof of foreign
intervention in these latest events, Southern Rhodesia’s
boast that it had a sympathetic hand in these events is more
than sufficient. The Southern Rhodesian communiqué
which speaks of solidarity with the mercenaries who had
just landed in Kariba on board a DC-3 of the Congolese
Airlines leaves no doubt on the subject.

37. In this connexion I should like to say that my
Govegnment hopes that the United Kingdom Government,
which is responsible for the territory of Southern Rhodesia
will take the necessary measures to arrest these criminals
and will see to it that the stolen plane is returned to us.

38. I would like to say before concluding that while the
immediate danger may be eliminated, the continuing danger
remains—that of Portuguese colonialism on our frontiers.
Our determination to live in freedom and dignity is firm
and unwavering. We have suffered too much for that cause
since our independence.

39. This Council is in duty bound to ensure that this
freedom and this dignity are respected by all, for they are
the expression of our political independence and a basic
right accorded by the Charter to us as well as to every other
State. You should take the necessary measures to call upon
Governments which allow such acts to be perpetrated on
their Territory to ban these acts and never to authorize
their citizens to take part in such activities.

40. Mr. RUDA (Argentina) (translated from Spanish):
Once again the Security Council is called upon to consider
complaints of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
concerning the ‘activities of a group of mercenaries in that
country,

41. As my delegation has said on other occasions, the
situation prevailing in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo must be followed most attentively by the Security
Council, because of the lengths to which the United
Nations went to help that country during the early years of

its independence, to enable it to find its own political and.

economic way without foreign interference. There is
nothing new about the activities denounced by the Congolese representative, In July 1960, a few days after the
independence of that country, the Security Council made
an appeal to all States to abstain from acts which might
effect the political independence of the Congo [resolution
145 (1960)]. That appeal has been repeated on a number
of occasions, both by the General Assembly and by the
Security Council. Nevertheless, we find ourselves confronted once again with what appear to be similar situations.

42. The complaint made by General Mobutu [see S/8031]
mentions the arrival at Kisangani of mercenary commandos
who, together with others recruited and paid by the
Government of the Congo, rebelled and attacked the
National Army. Fortunately, the information appearing in
the press and that just presented to us by the representative
of the Congo shows that this serious incident either has
ended or is in its last stages.

43. Despite this heartening information, my delegation
deems it necessary that we should once again, in the
circumstances and as Members of the United Nations,
reaffirm the principle of non-ntervention in the internal
and external affairs of other States as one of the basic
principles of peace and international coexistence. This
principle was reaffirmed by the General Assembly in its
most comprehensive form in the historic resolution
2131 (XX) on the inadmissibility of intervention in the
domestic affairs of States and the protection of their
independence and sovereignty, as well as in the more recent
resolution 2225 (XXI). With regard to the last resolution, it
should be noted that in it the General Assembly calls on all
States “...to refrain from armed intervention or the
promotion or organization of subversion, terrorism or other
indirect forms of intervention for the purpose of changing
by violence the existing system in another State or
. interfering in civil strife in another State”.

44. The point is that the classic concept that only the
threat or the use of armed force constitutes intervention is
now too restrictive, since it does not take into account
other types of interference which have been scientifically
applied by some States in the last few years.

45. Every State has the right to establish its own political
identity without foreign interference. The activities of
mercenaries or foreign agents whose purpose is to undermine the political life of a nation for the benefit of foreign
interests, must be categorically rejected by the world
community.

46. Therefore, my delegation wishes to pay special atten
tion to the problem raised by the representative of the
Congo, and hopes that all States will desist from interfering
directly or indirectly in the affairs of that country, and
particularly that they will abstain from permitting their
countries to become bases of operations for such purposes.
True peace will not be achieved as long as certain countries
in various parts of the world continue to permit and, worse
still, encourage the recruitment, training and financing of
foreign agents or agents in the service of foreigners, or'of
mercenaries who go to other countries in order to intervene
in their domestic affairs or to force them to serve the
interests of great Powers or interests other than the genuine
national interest.

47. Before concluding, I wish to stress that my delegation
has learned with great satisfaction of the letter dated 7 July
from the representative of Spain, Mr. Manuel Aznar, to
you, Mr, President [S/8039/. In that letter the representative of Spain states that his Government does not
approve “any activity intended to disturb or impair
relations with the countries to which it is bound by
diplomatic ties and ties of friendship”.

48. Mr. FEDORENKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): The Security Council is
continuing its consideration of the question of imperialist
intervention in the internal affairs of an African
country—the Democratic Republic of the Congo—a State
Member of the United Nations.

49, The Security Council has studied the text of the cable’
from the President of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo [see S/8031], and has heard statements by the
representative of that country and by the representatives of
other States which are members of the Council. The cable"
from the President of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo states, inter alia, that the Congo “is at present the
victim of aggression on the part of Western colonialist
imperialists”.

50. We now have a fairly clear picture showing that the
forces of colonialism are once again using the Portuguese
colonies in Africa in their efforts to undermine the
independence and sovereignty of the newly-independent
countries of Africa which are struggling for complete
liberation from the colonial yoke.

51. It is self-evident that the aggressive acts now being
committed against the Congo, with the help of the hirelings
of international imperialism, constitute a premeditated
encroachment on the political independence of that
country and on its freedom.

52. The Soviet delegation shares the view expressed in the
cable from the President of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo to the Secretary-General to the effect that the
situation created by the forces of imperialism around the
Democratic Republic of the Congo is likely to jeopardize
peace in Central Africa. It is absolutely clear that events in
and around the Congo, and the efforts now being made by
imperialist forces to undermine the freedom and independence of the Congo, are only one link in the long chain of
crimes committed by the colonial and imperialist Powers
against the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America.

53. This is not the first time that the Security Council is
considering the situation in the Congo. Now, again, the
question at issue is the continuation of a policy of brutal
intervention and aggression by the colonialists against this
long-suffering African country, a policy which has been
pursued for a great number of years.

54. Only recently, in October 1966, the Security Council
considered the question of the concentration in Portuguese
colonial Territories of bands of mercenaries for a subsequent invasion of the neighbouring country of the Congo.
As we know, on 14 October 1966, the Security Council
unanimously adopted a resolution [266 (1966)] in which it
urged “the Government of Portugal . . . not to allow foreign
mercenaries to use Angola as a base of operation for
interfering in the domestic affairs of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo”, The Council also called upon “all
States to refrain or desist from intervening in the domestic
affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo”.

55. We sce, however, that despite this appeal by the
Security Council and in violation of the resolution it
adopted, the Democratic Republic of the Congo is now
once again the victim of an aggression committed by the
imperialist colonial Powers. Thus, the colonialists are
continuing to challenge the Security Council, the United
Nations and the African and all freedom-loving peoples.

56. The just struggle of these African peoples for their
independence and for the ideals of freedom and independent development is being opposed by the colonialists with
attempts to apply in international relations the law of the
jungle, and the diplomacy of gun-boats and air-borne
landings—methods which have been rejected and condemned by the peoples.

57. It is no accident that the forces of colonialism have
decided to intensify their aggression against the Congo at
this precise moment. The organizers of the imperialist
conspiracy against the Congolese people are counting on
being able to carry out their plans more easily in the
atmosphere of general international tension caused by the
continued escalation of United States military operations in
Viet-Nam and by Israel’s aggression against Arab States in
the Near East,

58. The most recent aggressive provocation against the
Congo is taking place at a time when that country is striving
to move forward towards the achievement of a certain
degree of independence from foreign monopolies.

59. It is well known that, as a result of intrigues by the

colonialists, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its
capital at Kinshasa have for a number of years been
experiencing political and economic difficulties caused by
the policy of Moise Tshombe, the direct protegé and lackey
of the foreign monopolies.

60. In these circumstances, the Congolese Government has
been forced to take a number of unavoidable and energetic
measures to protect the country’s economy from foreign
monopolies.

61. But, though these legitimate and moderate demands
by the Government of the Congo were very modest, the
foreign monopolies which were bossing the country during
the period of colonial domination by Belgium, are not
disposed to forgo even a part of their income and are
prepared to go to any lengths and commit any crimes in
order to maintain their economic position in the Congo.

62. The colonialists do not hesitate to send armed bandits
to the territory of that country to sow discord, organize
acts of sabotage, terrorize the population, and stir up
discontent against the Government which is trying to
pursue an independent policy.

63. The events taking place around the Congo show how -
seriously the African peoples are threatened by the remaining colonial Territories on the African continent. It is well
known that the Portuguese possessions in Africa are used
by the imperialist Powers as springboards for intervention
in the affairs of newly-independent African countries and
for provocative acts against the national independence and
freedom of the countries of Africa.

64. The Soviet delegation considers that the Security
Council must state firmly that it supports the demands of
the African countries for an immediate cessation of
provocative acts by the forces of colonialism against the
peoples of Africa, and must take a decision designed to
protect the sovereignty of the newly-independent African
countries from intrigues by the imperialist countries,

65. The Soviet delegation strongly supports the request
that the Security Council should take energetic steps to put
an immediate end to the aggression against the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and should call upon the Western
countries concerned to fulfil their obligations under the
provisions of the United Nations Charter.

66. If the aggression against the Democratic Republic of
the Congo continues, the Security Council, guided by the
United Nations Charter, must urgently consider the question of further steps to halt the aggression and stop
interference in the internal affairs of that country.

67. Lord CARADON (United Kingdom): I merely wish to
restate and reaffirm the policy of my Government. On
14 October 1966 this Council, in resolution 226 (1966),
called upon all States “to refrain or desist from intervening
in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo”. I made it clear then that we attached great
importance to that purpose..We considered it vital, if the
Democratic Republic of the Congo was to be permitted to
develop peacefully, that there should be no external
interference whatsoever, from any source, in its internal
affairs, That was our concern in October of last year and it
remains the clear purpose of my Government today.

68. Certainly, we would most strongly condemn any
outside interference in the internal affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We would condemn any
activities, however stimulated and wherever organized,
designed to disrupt the Congo's peaceful development or to
challenge the authority of the Government of that country.
We fully support the efforts of the Government of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo to restore and maintain
legal authority and order.

69. It follows from what I have said that we are firmly
opposed to any activities directed against the Democratic
Republic of the Congo of the kind that have been described
by the Congolese representative. We supported the Council’s call on all States last year to refrain from intervening in
the Congo’s internal affairs, and we stand ready now to
support any renewed call by the Council to the same end.

70. Mr. PARTHASARATHI (India): My delegation is
deeply concerned over the serious situation which has
developed in certain parts of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo, as reported to the Council by the representative
‘of that country. The take-over of Kisangani, fortunately for

"a brief period, resulting in bitter fighting, the sabotage of
power stations in some other parts of the country, and the
blowing-up of a railway bridge and power lines are
subversive activities of grave import. The cable from the
President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo [see
8/8031] and the statements made by Mr, Idzumbuir before
this Council last week [I1363rd and 1364th meetings]
contain certain information about the causes of the
disturbances.

71. We cannot but take a serious view of any attempt to
intervene in the domestic affairs of States or to threaten or
infringe upon their independence, sovereignty or territorial
integrity. My delegation is gratified to note that the
Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is
making strenuous and successful efforts to reassert its
“authority in the areas in which it is sought to be challenged.

© 72. At this juncture, I would like to dwell briefly on the

poignant and sombre record of external intervention which
the Democratic Republic of the Congo has consistently
experienced since its very inception. As far back as July
1960, the Security Council adopted a resolution
[145 (1960)] calling on all States to refrain from any
action which might undermine the independence of the
“Congo. Since then, almost all resolutions adopted on the
Congo have included a clause appealing to all States to
desist from interfering in its affairs. The latest of these
rebolutions, resolution 226 (1966), adopted by the Security
“Council in October 1966, also contained a similar clause.

73. In the view of my delegation, the persistent attempts
to undermine the territorial integrity of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo are organically linked with the
forces of colonialism which continue to threaten the peace
and security of central and southern Africa. An enduring

peace can be established in this area only when all vestiges
of colonialism are eliminated from the territory of Africa.

74. My Government’s approach to the question of the
preservation of the territorial integrity of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo has been clear and consistent ever
since that country achieved independence. In 1960, the late
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, in a statement made in
the Indian Parliament, said:

“We look upon the Congo as a single entity, not to be
split up. Our approach to the question is that the
integrity and the sovereignty of the Congo should be
maintained. We shall adhere to this approach.”

75. My Government has maintained and developed the
closest relations with the Democratic Republic of the
Congo ever since 1960. During those early and difficult
days Indian troops and logistical units which were part of
the United Nations force in the Congo played a vital role in
maintaining the political independence and territorial sovereignty of the Congo. We in India take legitimate pride in
the fact that ours was the largest contingent serving with
the United Nations force in the Congo. Fourteen thousand
Indian soldiers strove valiantly over a long period of time to
help re-establish peace and order in that country in very
difficult circumstances. We are proud to have been able to
contribute to the international effort made at that time for
the establishment of conditions in which the people of the
Congo could progress and develop their country in orderly
and peaceful conditions and without any extemal inter
ference.

76. My Government continues to attach the preatest
importance to the preservation of the territorial integrity of
all States, and more particularly of the newly independent
States of Africa. At its twentieth session the General
Assembly adopted the historic Declaration on the Inadinissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States
and the protection of Their Independence and Sovereignty
[resolution 2131 (XX)]. The principle of non-intervention
in the domestic affairs of States is an article of faith for the
non-aligned countries and has been specifically endorsed by
the declaration adopted by the Second Conference of
Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Courtries
held at Cairo in 1964.

77. My Government maintains the most friendly relations
with the newly independent States of Africa and we share
with them their cherished aspiration to develop and
stabilize themselves in conditions of peace without any
external interference whatsoever. My colleague, Mr. Keita
of Mali, told the Council last week [1363rd meeting] in
moving terms that all that the newly independent African
States wanted was to be left alone and to be able to deal
with the many problems with which they are faced without
threats of intervention by outside Powers. The strict
observance of the basic principle of non-intervention is of
particular significance in so far as it applies to the newly
independent States of Africa. They are fully entitled to
receive every encouragement in their efforts to develop in
order and peace without having to fritter away their
energies in dealing with external threats. It is in the light of
these vital principles that the Council should determine the
course of action it should take to deal with the situation it
is now considering. In the view of my delegation the
Council has the solemn duty to call on all States to refrain
from any action which would threaten the territorial
integrity of any State and of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo in particular.

78. Mr. MATSUI (Japan): Mr. President, allow me, first of
all, to extend my delegation’s warm congratulations on
your assumption of the Presidency of the Security Council
for this month. Your competence and integrity are well
known to all delegations at the United Nations, and my
delegation is quite confident that under your able guidance,
the Council will be able to perform its duties in this
particularly difficult time.

79. I should also like to take this opportunity of paying
my delegation’s highest tribute to Ambassador Tabor of
Denmark, who presided so ably over the Council meetings
in June and won the admiration and respect of all the
members.

80. The situation brought to our attention in the letter
dated 5 July 1967 [S/8031] presented to the Council three
days ago and again today by the representative of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, must be taken very
seriously by the international community.

81. We are called upon to deal here with a grave charge of
intervention in the domestic affairs of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. Such intervention, of course, would
clearly contravene the principle of non-interference in the
domestic affairs of sovereign States, which, as we know, is
firmly established in international law and in the Charter. It
would also contravene, more specifically, paragraph 2 of
Security Council resolution 226 (1966), adopted by the
Counci on 14 October 1966, which

“Calls upon all States to refrain or desist from
intervening in the domestic affairs of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo.”

Furthermore, not only the internal tranquillity of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo but also the maintenance of international peace and security in the area would
be involved.

82, It is clear to my delegation that all States have the
inescapable and solemn duty to refrain or desist from any
intervention of any kind in the domestic affairs of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. I would interpret this
duty as including the taking by States of such measures as
might be necessary to prevent, on their territories or
territories under their jurisdiction, any activities that might
lead to such interventior.. If a resolution more or less on the
lines 1 have tried to present to the Council is submitted, my
delegation will be prepared to support it.

83. Finally, I should like to express the deep sympathy
that my delegation feels for the Government and people of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo as they move
forward in their important and urgent tasks of nationbuilding. We earnestly hope that it will be possible for them
to pursue those tasks in an atmosphere of peace, tranquillity and security.

84. Mr. LIU (China): Mr. President, may 1 first of all
associate myself with those who spoke before me in
welcoming you to the Presidency of the Security Council.
Confronted as it is with problems of momentous and
far-reaching ramifications, the Council is fortunate in
having a President whose statesmanlike qualities have been
amply demonstrated in the past few days.

85. The Congo has been the special concern of the United
Nations ever since it achieved independence seven years
ago. The Democratic Republic, almost from the very
moment of its birth, was beset with economic, political and
social problems of unparalleled complexity. Secession and
civil strife threatened political unity and territorial integrity. For a time the very existence of the Congo as an
independent sovereign State was in doubt.

86. It was at this critical juncture that the Government of
the Congo asked the United Nations for assistance. In the
next four years the United Nations rendered massive
economic and military aid to the Government of the
Congo. The Congo operations constitute a chapter of which
the United Nations may well be proud.

87. The Democratic Republic of the Congo has in the last
few years achieved notable progress, politically, economically and socially. This clearly shows that, left to themselves and free from outside interference, the Congolese
people are quite capable of solving their own problems. But
unfortunately, the Congolese people are not being left
alone. In the face of a dangerous situation such as the one
that has developed since 5 July, the Government of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo has quite rightly
brought the matter to the attention of the Security
Council.

88. In his statements before this Council, the representative of the Congo charged that forces from outside,
jointly with former Katangese gendarmes, have fomented
disturbances in the towns of Bukavu and Kisangani. Such
interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State, a
Member of the United Nations, cannot be looked upon
with indifference by the Council. What the Council can and
should do in the circumstances is to reaffirm its resolution
226 (1966) of 14 October 1966, urging all Member States
of the United Nations not to allow foreign mercenaries to
use their territory as a base of operation for interfering in
the domestic affairs of the Congo and calling upon them to
refrain or desist from any activity inimical to the security
of that area.

89. My delegation supports the efforts of the Government
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in its efforts to
preserve the political unity and territorial integrity of the
country. This potentially rich country in the heart of Africa
must be free from outside interference and must not again
be the battleground of rival ambitions. A stable and
prosperous Democratic Republic of the Congo will contribute much to the peace and development of the entire
African continent.

90. Mr. TABOR (Denmark): The Security Council is
continuing its discussion concerning the complaint from the
Democratic Republic of the Congo about the activities of
mercenaries and interference from abroad in the internal
affairs of the Congo. I should like very briefly to set out the
position of my Government.

91. We consider this interference and activity most
serious, since it is contrary to the provisions of the Charter
and to resolutions previously adopted by this Council. We
thus find it a challenge to the international community and
a violation of the principles for which this community
stands.

92. The Danish Government condemns any outside interference which might undermine the territorial integrity of
the Congo and which might endanger the peaceful development of the Congo or the full authority of the country’s
legal Government. It is my impression that all members are
in agreement on those principles.

93. We therefore hope that it will not be necessary to have
prolonged discussions, and that the Council can prove that
it is able to act efficiently and quickly, by promptly taking
the action asked for by the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

94. Mr. IYALLA (Nigeria): Mr. President, I believe it
would be right to say that it is the inteniion of all the
delegations around this table, and your own intention also,
that we should, if possible, conclude our work on this
matter today. That being the case, I was wondering,
Mr. President, if you would consider a suspension of the
meeting for about thirty minutes to enable us to agree
finally on certain points so as to facilitate discussion of this
matter.

95. I make this request formally under rule 33 (1) of the
provisional rules of procedure.

96. The PRESIDENT: Under rule 33, any motion for the
suspension of a meeting shall be decided without debate. I
therefore put this motion to the Council for its consideration. If I do not hear any objection, I shall take it that the
Council accents the proposal that we suspend the meeting
for thirty minutes, Since there is no objection, the meeting
is suspended for thirty minutes.

The meeting was suspended at 5.35 p.m. and resumed at
7.10 p.m,

97. Mr. IYALLA (Nigeria): The complaints which the
Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has
brought to the Council’s attention concerning the employment of foreign mercenaries by outside interests to threaten
the stability and peace of the Congo are extremely serious.
It is intolerable that any country should have its security
harassed by the adventures of external soldiers of fortune.

98. The situation becomes even more deplorable when
there is apparent evidence that these mercenaries are the
agents and instruments of more powerful foreign interests
and groups. My Government cannot condone the use of
mercenaries for this purpose in any condition or circumstance, and we have no hesitation whatsoever in condemning activities when such mercenaries are employed by
stronger and more affluent communities to harass and

terrorize a comparatively weaker country, especially in
Africa.

99. When last this Council's attention was engaged upon
the problems of external threats to the independence of the
Congo, in October 1966, equally serious complaints were
made by the Congolese Government about the aggressive
encroachments of foreign interests and administrations
from which that country had suffered.

100. The evidence available to the Council on that
occasion was such that the Council was able in its wisdom
to reach the authoritative decision recorded in its resolution
226 (1966). But what is perhaps more pertinent to recall on
this occasion is the deeply moving appeal which the Foreign
Minister of the Congo addressed to this Council on that
occasion. It will be recalled that at the 1302nd meeting in
1966, Mr. Bomboko pleaded eloquently here for the
independence of his country. He reminded us all that the
Congo had suffered too much interference and seen too
little peace since the day it had achieved its sovereignty. He
assured us, and especially those who would not leave that
young but sorely tried African country alene, that all the
Congo sought and desired was the peace and freedom to
pursue its progress and fulfil its national destinies. The
Congo has for too long been the persistent victim of

external pressure and intimidation. We therefore ask again

today that the Congolese appeal for freedom and a respite
from external harassment be heeded now by all Governments and all interests. This request has been made in the
past, and we hope that we are not asking too much in
emphasizing it again at this time.

101. We in Nigeria can, I hope, be permitted to claim a
certain uninterrupted record of close co-operation with the
Congo since our two countries achieved independence.
These happy relations have been marked by our determination that the complexion, composition, or policies of the
Congolese Government, or indeed of the Government of
any other independent country in the world, must remain,
and rightly remain, a matter for the people of that country.
We believe this policy to be right, and we therefore
unreservedly condemn any attempt to interfere in this
process by the employment of mercenaries or other
instruments of confusion for the purpose of disturbing the
peaceful progress of the Congo.

102. For those reasons, I beg to introduce the following
draft resolution [5/8050] on behalf of the delegations of
Ethiopia, India, Mali and Nigeria:

“The Security Council,

“Having taken cognizance of the message of the
Congolese Government contained in document S/8031,

“Having discussed the serious developments in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo,

“Concerned by the threat posed by foreign interference
to the independence and territorial integrity of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo,

“1. Reaffirms in particular paragraph 2 of Security
Council resolution 226 (1966) of 14 October 1966;

“2. Condemns any State which persists in permitting or
tolerating the recruitment of mercenaries, and the provision of facilities to them, with the objective of
overthrowing the Governments of States Members of the
United Nations;

“3, Calls upon Governments to ensure that their
territory and other territories under their control, as well
as their nationals, are not used for the planning of
subversion, and the recruitment, training and transit of
mercenaries designed to overthrow the Government of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo;

“4, Decides that the Security Council shall remain
seized of the question;

“S. Requests the Secretary-General to follow closely
the implementation of the present resolution.”

103, The draft resolution which I have had the honour to
introduce merely embodies the basic principles which have
been stated so clearly, and to us Africans so encouragingly,
by practically all the representatives who have taken the
floor here today. It is the fervent hope of my delegation,
and I believe of all the co-sponsors, that the draft resolution
will commend itself to this Council and will receive the
Council's unanimous support.

104, The PRESIDENT: I understand that the Council
would be agreeable to taking a decision on the draft
resolution introduced by the representative of Nigeria.
Before I put the draft resolution to the vote, however, I
have on my list the names of a number of representatives
who have expressed a wish to speak before the vote is taken
and I now call on the first of these, the representative of
Brazil.

105. Mr. DE CARVALHO SILOS (Brazil): Mr. President,
first of all, allow me to associate my delegation with those
who have praised Mr. Tabor of Denmark for his remarkable
performance as President of the Security Council during
one of the most crucial series of meetings which it has held
in recent years, We are meeting now under your wise
guidance, and my delegation is sure that you, a skilled
diplomat and experienced negotiator, will live up to the
high standard set by your predecessor.

106. My delegation has studied with the utmost care the
letter dated 5 July 1967 addressed to you, Mr. President,
by the representative of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo [8/8031]. We have also examined the statements
made before this Council by the representative of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo concerning the matter
before us. The documents and statements, in the opinion of
my delegation, have supplied us with information and facts
which justify the convening of the Security Council and
which require prompt action by this organ. It has been
clearly demonstrated that foreign elements have been
engaged in subversive activities in the territory of the
Demacratic Republic of the Congo against the Government
and legal authorities of that country. This fact cannot be
overlooked by the Council and must be condemned as a
violation of the Charter of the United Nations, of the
general principles of international law and, in particular, of

resolution 2131 (XX) adopted by the General Assembly on
non-intervention in the domestic affairs of States.

107. T now come to the draft resolution before us
[8/8050]. In our view, this draft should go further and deal
with all the aspects of the problem instead of confining
itself to the recruitment, training and transit of mercenaries. The breach of the United Nations Charter and of
international law does not depend upon whether the
persons involved in such subversive activities are mercenaries or not. Even if these persons are not mercenaries,
even if they are, for instance, volunteers—and I mean by
that actual volunteers whose motivations are ideological—
their action could constitute a clear violation of the
principles of our Charter as an intervention by a foreign
Power or foreign Powers in the internal affairs of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.

108. At any rate, we all know that the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, ever since its emergence as a
sovereign State, has unfortunately been plagued and harassed by a continuous influx into its territory of mercenaries
of many nationalities; and this perhaps has been the main
instrument employed for intervention in the internal affairs
of that country.

109. I have another observation concerning the draft
resolution before us. In paragraph 3 it speaks of “recruitment, training and transit of mercenaries designed to
overthrow the Government of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo”. Here, too, the principle contained in the draft
should be much broader since, in our view, even if the
recruitment, training and transit of mercenaries are not
intended to overthrow the Congolese Government, but are
limited merely to subversion, terrorism, or sabotage to be
carried out in the territory of that State, these objectives
should be prohibited and condemned by the Security
Council in the same way.

110. In spite of those observations, and having in mind the
principles of the Charter and of the resolution on nonintervention, my delegation will vote in favour of the draft
resolution before us.

111. Mr. BEAULIEU (Canada) (translated from French):
Speaking for the first time in this Council, I should like first
of all to offer to the Danish representative, Mr. Tabor, our
most sincere congratulations for the admirable manner in
which, during a particularly arduous month, he has discharged his duties as President of the Security Council. His
tenacity and his impartiality have eamed him the admiration of all those who have been associated with his efforts
during our debates.

112. You, Mr. President, are assuming responsibilities of
paramount importance in circumstances still full of uncertainty as far as peace and the prestige of the United Nations
are concerned. I should like to assure you of our full
confidence and our desire to work under your wise
guidance in formulating constructive ideas with a view to
finding solutions to the distressing problems now facing us.

113. With regard to the allegation made by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in its letter
of 5 July 1967 addressed to the President of the Security
Council by the representative of that country /S/8031], I
should like to make the following comment. Taking into
account Canada’s association with the efforts of the United
Nations to ensure the independence, territorial integrity
and stability of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, my
delegation has no difficulty in reaffirming its continued
support for this policy. We deplore all intervention,
whether by recourse to violence or by other means, which
might tend to jeopardize the attainment of these objectives.

114. Since these objectives have been clearly restated in
the draft resolution submitted to the Council by the
delegations of Ethiopia, India, Mali and Nigeria [S/8050],
my delegation will support that text.

115. Mr. TARABANOV (Bulgaria) (translated from
French): 1 should like first of all to congratulate you on
behalf of my delegation, Mr. President, on the high position
which you are now occupying with becoming dignity. You
have undertaken the duties of President in difficult circumstances; you have already presided at a number of meetings
and have achieved a great deal, and up to now you have
discharged your duties like an accomplished diplomat. My
delegation wishes to take the opportunity of offering you
its sincere congratulations.

116. We have before us a draft resolution submitted
jointly by the delegations of Ethiopia, India, Mali and
Nigeria [8/8050]. It represents the outcome of persistent
effort on the part of the President of the Council, the
sponsors and all the other members of the Council and I am
sure that there will be no difficulty when it comes to the
vote. In fact, it is couched in terms too broad to cause any
problems when it is put to the vote. For example, in
paragraph 2 the Security Council condemns “any State”,
without saying which States are being condemned, and in
paragraph 3 calls upon “Governments”, without specifying
which are meant. My delegation naturally has no difficulty
in voting for a draft resolution worded in this general way.

117. However, 1 should like to say to the President and
the members of the Council that although we find no
difficulty in voting for this text because it is so broadly
worded, we are embarrassed because we find it too general
and because it makes no mention of those who are
responsible for the situation in Central Africa. In his
statements before the Council, the representative of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo cited a number of facts,
gave names and specific information. But these facts and
this information have not been mentioned in the text of the
draft resolution before us, No representative of any of the
countries implicated in the information given by the
representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has
taken the floor to deny his charges. We are shocked that
such a situation should arise in the Security Council. If we
continue to behave this way in future, the delegation of the
People’s Republic of Bulgaria considers that we shall run
the risk of seeing less and less attention paid to what is
done in the United Nations and in its principal organ, the
Security Council.

118. However we should like to draw particular attention
to the specific charges made by the Congolese repre-

10

sentative most recently. What is more, facts which are
equally self-evident but more general have been submitted
in letters sent to us by the representative of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo—and I am referring in particular toa
cable from the President of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo [see §/8031] which preceded the Congolese request
that the Security Council should consider the question. The
Council was informed that the Democratic Republic of the
Congo was the victim of aggression committed by Western
colonialist imperialists. The Congolese Chief of State
stressed that he was relying on vigorous intervention by the
Security Council to put an immediate end to those acts of
banditry.

119. Ever since July 1960, the year in which the independence of the Congo was proclaimed, the problem of
colonialist aggression in this country is brought before the
United Nations with frightening regularity in one guise or
another, and specifically before the Security Council. This
is not an accident, as the representative of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo has pointed out in his statements, It
happens because the Congo is situated in the heart of Africa
and offers the imperialist and capitalist circles of the world
tremendous opportunities for exploitation,

120. Before the Congo was liberated from colonial rule,
this immense territory was coveted by various imperialist
circles which at times fought over the booty, while at
others they joined forces the more effectively to subjugate
and exploit the Congolese people. Immediately following
the declaration of independence the situation changed and
the methods used to impose imperialist policies on the
Congo likewise changed. But the intentions and objectives
of international financial circles remained the same: the
continued colonialist exploitation of the Congolese people,
the plunder of its natural resources and the exploitation of
its territory.

121. Forced by the rise of the national liberation movement to abandon their position as out-and-out colonizers in
Africa, the international monopolies sought and found, as
they still do today, paid agents from among the local
leaders willing to help them achieve their aims. Through
these agents and their services, they are attempting to
continue colonial exploitation of the Congolese territory
and people, as they have done elsewhere in Africa and Asia.

122. The attempts on the part of imperialist and colonialist circles to preserve and restore their privileges in the
newly-independent former colonies are meeting increasing
resistance from the people of Africa and Asia, These
people, in spite of the enormous difficulties inherited from
the colonial régimes which they now have to face, are
struggling with all their might to rebuild their shattered
economies and consolidate the political and administrative
institutions essential to the political and economic life of
the new States.

123. However, whenever there is the slightest trend
towards economic recovery and political stability in these
States and whenever a popularly-based Government begins
to take root, international ‘monopolies and high finance
have sought and found means of interfering and under
mining the activities of those Governments. In speaking of

{Hose groups the Congolese representative expressed the
bo pe that the Security Council would never allow inter-

. pqutions of small States. The members of the Security
ouncil must have the impression that this is exactly what
pappened in the Congo where the mercenaries who have
ccupied two of its principal towns acted as the emissaries
this international Power which operates by the grace and
with the support of certain States.
4. The Security Council, the principal organ of the
United Nations on which the Member States have placed
the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, cannot and must not remain
assive. It can and must take action in this situation and, in
our opinion, it should go farther than the measures set
forth in the draft resolution before us /S/8050/ .

125. We realize however that no draft resolution will be
accepted by the Council unless it is couched in very general
terms, and since we recognize that this draft resolution may
be of some help to the Democratic Republic of the Congo
in combating the activities of certain gangs of mercenaries
and their leaders, the delegation of the People’s Republic of
Bulgaria has decided to vote for it in order to co-operate in
the most effective manner now possible in the eradication
of this type of activity in the Congo and in Africa as a
whole.

126. Mr, BUFFUM (United States of America): Although
the draft resolution which has just been introduced by the
representative of Nigeria /5/8050/ does not coincide with
our preferences in every respect, the United States will vote
affirmatively, We will do so because we fully support the
efforts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to
exercise its legitimate authority throughout the country
and to restore order wherever order is disrupted.

127. In our view, if any foreign Government aids or abets
any elements in the Congo, whether these be mercenaries or
irregular forces seeking to overthrow the Government or to
gain control of any part of the country, such action would
be in clear violation of the United Nations Charter and
deserving of our condemnation.

128, This was our policy three years ago, when secessionist elements in the eastern Congo were engaged in
large-scale conflict, with substantial support from the
Chinese Communists, to wrest control from the Central
Govemment, and this remains our policy today.

p29. We will vote for the draft resolution this evening
, cause we support the principle of non-interference in the
com affairs of the Congo. In doing so, we do not
on, er that by this draft resolution the Council is making
mop Tete finding with regard to any specific Govern-

hy The United States has not been content to give
dra ey moral support to the principles endorsed in this
oug resolution this evening. On the contrary, we have
N it to provide the Government of the Democratic
Public of the Congo with some of the tools which it

ne ;
Cdy to do the job of protecting its integrity and its

tional imperialist circles to make and unmake the

11

political independence. It was in this connexion that over
the past week-end the United States, in response to a
request from President Mobutu and consistent with previous United Nations resolutions dealing with the Congo
problem and calling for assistance in helping that Government to maintain its independence and territorial integrity,
dispatched three C-130 aircraft and crews to Kinshasa.

‘These aircraft, I should like to make it clear to the Council,

are designed to provide long-range logistic support for the
Congolese Government in meeting the mercenary-led rebellion, and they will be there in a non-combatant status.

131. This action reflects our long-standing policy of
supporting the Central Government and the unity of the
Congo, and it is in this spirit that we will support the draft
resolution sponsored by Ethiopia, India, Mali and Nigeria.

132. Mr. SEYDOUX (France) (translated from French}:
Even if the most recent news indicates that the Government
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has just about
regained control of the situation, my delegation still
attaches great importance to this debate. The conclusions
we reach should be fully consonant with the task of the
Security Council, which is the United Nations organ
responsible under the Charter for the maintenance of
international peace and security.

133. The problem for which the Council has been convened concerns the French delegation for two reasons.
First, the Congo more than most other countries has for
seven years been the victim of foreign intervention and I
have only to recall the events of last autumn to show that
unfortunately, those interferences have not diminished with
the passage of time. Secondly, the principle of nonintervention in the internal affairs of States, to which
France attaches great value, is at stake,

134, At the last session of the General Assembly my
delegation pointed out the various ways and means which
could be used to frustrate such interference. I would merely
like to emphasize that all foreign intervention should be
condemned, not only, of course, when it is aimed at
changing the system of government, but also when its
purpose is to jeopardize public order and the prosperity of
the country in a more insidious but no less dangerous way.

135. The independence of a State is indivisible and we
believe that the United Nations should be vigilant with
regard to all outside interference, whatever form it may
take,

136. In this spirit the French delegation will vote for the
draft resolution submitted by the Nigerian representative
[5/8050]. 1t has the basic merit of calling upon States to
prevent the recruitment of foreign mercenaries on their
territory for the purpose of supporting subversive activities
directed against another State.

137. In conclusion, I should like to say how concerned we
are to hear the statement of the Congolese representative
describing the recent activities of mercenaries who held as
hostages a number of professors and journalists visiting or
living in his country. This is an odious procedure which the
international community should not tolerate and which the
Security Council must condemn. We want ‘this Council to
support the action of the Kinshasa Government so that
everything will be done to spare the lives of those innocent
civilians.

138, The PRESIDENT: I am sure that we all share the
preoccupations which have been reiterated by the representative of France, and which have already been brought
to the attention of the Council by the representative of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. I should like to join my
voice to those who have appealed for the safety of those
held as hostages and for their speedy release from conditions which must be very difficult for them and which
indeed must be unbearable, when we consider that these
people, owing to circumstances beyond their control, now
find themselves in a cruel position.

139. With the agreement of the Council, I shall now put to
the vote the draft resolution which was introduced earlier
this afternoon by the representative of Nigeria, and which is
co-sponsored by the delegations of Ethiopia, India and Mali
[8/8050].

A vote was taken by show of hands.
The draft resolution was adopted unanimously.

140. The PRESIDENT: Since no one wishes to speak after
the vote, I now give the floor to the representative of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, who has asked to
speak. J
141, Mr. IDZUMBUIR (Democratic Republic of the
Congo) (translated from French): I wish to apologize to the
members of the Council for taking the floor at a time when
everyone probably wants to go home, but I can assure the
Council that I shall be extremely brief.

142. First of all, for the record, I should like to say with
respect to the mercenaries still in the National Army, that
the Government inherited 1,800 mercenaries when
Tshombe was booted out, reduced this number to 600 in
January 1967 and to 200 at present, and is determined to
reduce the number to zero by the date of the African
summit meeting next September. As a result of this
decision affécting them, the few hundred remaining mercenaries decided to make a deal with the only camp which
was capable of offering permanent jobs as mercenaries in
the Congo. This is the origin 6f the collaboration between
these elements and other outside elements which were

12

responsible for the disturbances in Kisangani and the
disorders in Bukavu.

143. The Council has just adopted a resolution submitted
by the Nigerian representative and co-sponsored by the
representatives of Ethiopia, India and Mali, I should like to
say that while it is not entirely satisfactory to our
delegation in that it does not mention by name certain
countries whose complicity is obvious to us, this resolution
is, in our opinion, a sharp warning to all those who allow
such activities to take place on their territory, and if it is
respected by those countries, it may form a basis for more
permanently peaceful relations between those States and
the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

144. But I should like to stress the need for the Security
Council, when it takes up the questions of Angola and
Rhodesia, to bear in mind that the existence of this
anachronistic situation on the very borders of our country
will continue to be a threat to the Congo. Since all the
members have shown today that they favour peace in the
Congo and uphold its territorial integrity, they will no
doubt find a practical way to put an end to the colonial
situation that exists in southern Africa.

145. The PRESIDENT: I feel sure that I am stating the
views of all members of the Council when I express
gratification that in the course of two successive days of
meetings the Security Council has acted promptly and with
united purpose to deal with two urgent problems brought
before it by Member States. By acting in this effective
manner we have, I believe, lived up to the expectation of
the entire international community which naturally looks
to the Security Council for the primary responsibility of
preserving international peace and security now and at all
times.

146. The achievements, albeit modest, of the last twa days
encourage me to express the confidence that the Councit
will keep up its vigilant effort to tackle and resolve the
challenging problem that the United Nations faces in the
Middle East. I base my confidence on the sure and proven
experience that where there is the will, there is the way,

147. I wish to thank my colleagues, members of the

Council, for their tireless efforts and for all the co:
operation they have given me.

The meeting rose at 8 p.m.

HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS

United Nations publications, may be obtained from bookstores and distributors throughout
the world, Consult your bookstore or write to: United Nations, Sales Section, New York
or Geneva.

COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS DES NATIONS UNIES

Les publications des Nations Unies sont en vente dans les librairies et les agences
dépositaires du monde entier, Informez-vous auprés de votre librairie ou adressez-vous a:
Nations Unies, Section des ventes, New York ou Genéve.

KAR NOAYYUTb U3LAHUA OPFAHUSALMUN OBBEAUHEHHBIX HALLMM

1szanua Oprannsannn Ofseannenunx Hauni Moko KYIHTh B KUIGKIBIX MAra3uuax n
arenTeTRAX Bo Beex paitonax yupa, Hasogure cuparky of H3faumAax B BAUICH KUMKHOM
varasmhe IIR nmumire mo axpecy: Opranmsauus Odwepmuenumx Hauuii, Cexuma no
upogame nagammnii, Huo-lopx ram Kenesa.

COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES DE LAS NACIONES UNIDAS

Las publicaciones de las Naciones Unidas estén en venta en librerias y casas distribuidoras
en todas partes del mundo. Consulte a su librero o dirfjase a: Naciones Unidas, Seccién de
Yentas, Nueva Yerk o Ginebra.

Litho in U.N. Price: $U.S. 0.50 (or equivalent in other currencies) 08363--January 1971~2,100

Voting Summary
Yes: 015 | No: | Abstentions: | Non-Voting: | Total voting membership:
Y ARGENTINA
Y BRAZIL
Y BULGARIA
Y CANADA
Y CHINA
Y DENMARK
Y ETHIOPIA
Y FRANCE
Y INDIA
Y JAPAN
Y MALI
Y NIGERIA
Y USSR
Y UNITED KINGDOM
Y UNITED STATES