Security Council resolution 581 (1986) [on South Africa's threats against States in southern Africa]
Symbol: S/RES/581(1986)
Date: 1986-02-13
Meeting record: S/PV.2662
Subjects: MILITARY ACTIVITY|SOUTHERN AFRICA|SOUTH AFRICA|MERCENARIES|EXILES|SOUTH AFRICA|FRONT-LINE STATES|BANTUSTANS|APARTHEID|SOUTH AFRICAN REFUGEES
Notes: Warns South Africa against committing acts of aggression against independent African States and demands the eradication of apartheid.
In: Resolutions and decisions of the Security Council, 1986. - S/INF/42. - 1987. - p. 9-10. - (SCOR, 41st year).
Summary: Strongly condemns racist South Africa for its recent threats to perpetrate acts of aggression against front-line States and other States in southern Africa; strongly warns the régime of South Africa against committing any acts of aggression, terrorism and destabilization against independent African states and its use of mercenaries; demands the immediate eradication of apartheid, the dismantling of the bantustan structures as well as the cessation of the uprooting, relocation and denationalization of the indigenous African people, the abrogation of the bans and restrictions on political organizations, parties, individuals and news media opposed to apartheid, the unimpeded return of all the exiles.

Resolution 581 (1986)
of 13 February 1986

The Security Council,

Having considered the request of the Permanent Representative of the Sudan to the United Nations contained in
document S/17770,

Bearing in mind that all Member States are obliged to
refrain in their international relations from the threat or
use of force against the sovereignty, territorial integrity o1
political independence of any State or from acting tn any
other manner inconsistent with the purposes and principles of the United Nations,

Gravely concerned at the tension and instability created
by the hostile policies and aggression of the apartheid
regime throughout southern Africa and the mounting
threat they pose to the security of the region and its wider
implications for international peace and security,

Gravely concerned that such acts of aggression can only
serve to aggravate the already volatile and dangerous
situation in the southern African region,

Reiterating its total opposition to the system of apartheid,

Reaffirming the right of all countries to give sanctuary
to refugees fleeing from the oppression caused by the
apartheid system,

Taking note of the communiqué of the Ministers of the
front-line States and of the European Economic Community 39 in which, inter alia, the Ministers condemned
South Africa’s policy of destabilization in all its manifestations, including the use of any direct or indirect armed
actions in neighbouring States, and agreed to deny perpetrators of such actions any assistance or support,

Recalling is resolutions 567 (1985), 568 (1985),
S71 (1985), 572 (1985) and 580 (1985), by which, inter
alia, it condemned South Africa’s aggression against
Angola, Botswana and Lesotho,

Convinced that the apartheid system of the racist régime
of South Africa and its continued illegal occupation o!
Namibia are the source of tensions and insecurity in
southern Africa,

Gravely concerned at the recent threats by South Africa
to continue to perpetrate acts of aggression against the
front-line States and other countries in southern Africa
vied al destabilizing them,

Conscious of the urgent need to take effective steps for
the prevention and removal of all threats to peace and
security in the region posed by South Africa’s recent
threats to use force against countries in southern Africa,

Convinced that only the elimination of apartheid can
lead to a just and lasting solution to the explosive situation
in South Africa in particular and in southern Africa in
general,

1. Strongly condemns racist South Africa for its recent
threats to perpetrate acts of aggression against the front-line States and other States in southern Africa;

2. Strongly warns the racist régime of South Africa
against committing any acts of aggression, terrorism and
destabilization against independent African States and its
use of mercenaries;

3. Deplores the escalation of violence in the region and
calls upon South Africa to respect fully the sanctity of international borders;

4. Deplores any form of assistance given by States
which could be used to destabilize independent States in
southern Africa;

5. Calls upon all States to exert pressure on South
Africa to desist from perpetrating acts of aggression
against neighbouring States;

6. Reaffirms the right of all States in the fulfilment of
their international obligations to give sanctuary to the victims of apartheid;

7. Demands the immediate eradication of apartheid as
the necessary step towards the establishment of a non-racial democratic society based on self-determination and
majority rule through the full and free exercise of universal adult suffrage by all the people in a united and nonfragmented South Africa, and to this end demands:

(a) The dismantling of the bantustan structures as well
as the cessation of uprooting, relocation and denationalization of the indigenous African people;

(b) The abrogation of the bans and restrictions on political organizations, parties, individuals and news media opposed to apartheid;

(c) The unimpeded return of all the exiles;

8. Demands that the racist régime of South Africa put
an end to the violence against and repression of the black
people and other opponents of apartheid, unconditionally
release all persons imprisoned, detained or restricted for
their opposition to apartheid and lift the state of emergency;

9. Deplores the racist regime of South Africa for its
disregard of the principles of international law and its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations;

10. Commends the front-line States and other States
neighbouring South Africa for their support of freedom
and justice in South Africa and requests Member States to
extend urgently all forms of assistance to these States in
order to strengthen their capacities to receive, maintain
and protect South African refugees in their respective
countries;

11. Requests the Secretary-General to monitor developments related to South Africa’s threats to escalate acts
of aggression against independent States in southern
Africa and to report to the Security Council as the situation demands:

12. Decides te remain seized of the matter.
Adopted at the 2662nd meeting
by 13 votes to none, with 2 abstentions (United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland,
United States of America).

Texto español (official Spanish version): LA SITUACION EN EL AFRICA MERIDIONAL

Decisiones

En su 2652a. sesión, celebrada el 5 de febrero de 1986. el
Consejo decidió invitar u los representantes de Etiopia,
Mazambique, la República Unida de Tanzanía, el Senegal.
Sudáfrica, el Sudán, el Togo y Zambia a participar, sin derecho de voto, en el debate del tema titulado “La situación
en el Africa meridional: carta, de fecha 29 de enero de
1986, dirigida al Presidente del Consejo de Seguridad por
el Representante Permanente del Sudán ante las Naciones Unidas (S/1777035y”.

En Ja misma sesión, el Consejo decidió también que se
cursara una invitación, de conformidad con el artículo 39
del reglamento provisional, a una delegación del Consejo
de las Naciones Unidas para Namibia encabezada por el
Presidente de ese órgano.

En la misma sesión, el Consejo decidió asimismo, a petición de los representantes del Congo, Ghana y Madagascard, que se cursara una invitación al Sr. Neo Mnumzana
de conformidad con el artículo 39 del reglamento provisional.

En su 2634a. sesión, celebrada el 6 de febrero de 1986, el
Consejo decidió invitar a los representantes de Angola.
Botswana, la India, la Jamahiriya Arabe Libia, Nicaragua
y Zimbabwe a participar, sin derecho de voto, en el debate
de la cuestión.

En la misma sesión, el Consejo decidió también que se
cursara una invitación al Presidente interino del Comite
Especial contra el Apartheid de conformidad con el artículo 39 del reglamento provisional.

En la misma sesión, el Consejo decidió asimismo, a petición de los representantes del Congo, Ghana y Madagascar37, que se cursara una invitación al Sr. Lesaoana Makhanda de conformidad con el artículo 39 del reglamento
provisional.

En su 2656a. sesión, celebrada el 7 de febrero de 1986, el
Consejo decidió invitar a los representantes de Argelia,
Egipto, la República Democratica Alemana y Yugoslavia

3 Véase Documentos Oficiales del Consejo de Seguridad. cuadragesimo
primer año, Suplemento de enero, febrero y marzo de 1986.

3 Documento S/17793, meorporado en el acta de la 26524. sesión

*7 Documenta $/17794, incorporado enel acta de la 2654. sesión

9

a participar, sin derecho de voto, en el debate de la cuestron.

En su 2657a. sesión, celebrada el 10 de febrero de 1986,
el Consejo decidio invitar a los representantes de Guyana
y la República Islámica del Iran a participar, sin derecho
de voto, en el debate de la cuestión.

En su 2658a. sesión, celebrada el 10 de febrero de 1986,
el Consejo decidió invitar a los representantes del Afganistán, Cuba, Panamá y la Republica Arabe Siria a partici
par, sin- derecho de voto, en el debate de la cuestión.

En su 2659a. sesión, celebrada el 11 de febrero de 1986,
el Consejo decidió invitar al representante de Nigeria u
participar. sin derecho de voto, en el debate de la cuestion.

En su 26060a. sesión, celebrada el 12 de febrero de 1986,
el Consejo decidió invitar a los representantes de Hungria,
Lesotho, el Pakistán y la República Socialista Soviética de
Ucrania a participar, sin derecho de voto, en el debate de
la cuestión.

En Ja misma sesión, el Consejo decidió también, a petición de los representantes del Congo, Ghana y Madagascar'8, que se cursara una invitación al Sr. Theo-Ben Gurirab de conformidad con el articulo 39 del reglamento
provisional.

En su 2061a. sesión, celebrada el 12 de febrero de 1986,
el Consejo decidió invitar al representante de Túnez a participar, sin derecho de voto. en el debate de la cuestión,

Resolución 581 (1986)

de 13 de febrero de 1986

El Consejo de Seguridad,

Habiendo examinado la solicitud del Representante
Permanente del Sudan ante las Naciones Unidas que tigura en el documento S/17770,

Teniendo presente que todos los Estados Miembros estan obhgados a abstenerse en sus relaciones internacionales de recurrir at la amenaza 0 al uso de la fuerza contra da

1 Documento S7815. incorporado enel acta de la J0602. sesion
soberanía, la integridad territorial o la independencia politica de cualquier Estado 0 de actuar en cualquier otra
forma incompatible con los propósitos y principios de las
Naciones Unidas,

Gravemente preocupado por la tensión e inestabilidad
creadas por las políticas hostiles y la agresión del régimen
de apartheid en toda el Africa meridional y la creciente
amenaza que plantean a la seguridad de la región y sus
consecuencias más amplias para la paz y la seguridad internacionales,

Gravemente preocupado porque tales actos de agresión
sólo pueden servir para agravar la ya explosiva y peligrosa
situación en la región del Africa meridional,

Reiterando su total oposición al sistema de apartheid.

Reafirmando el derecho de todos los países a dar asilo a
los refugiados que huyen de la opresión causada por el sistema de apartheid,

Tomando nota del comunicado*, de los Ministros de
los Estados de primera línea y de la Comunidad Economica Europea en que, entre otras cosas, los Ministros condenaron la política de desestabilización de Sudáfrica en todas sus manifestaciones, incluido el uso de toda acción
armada directa o indirecta en los Estados vecinos y convinieron en negar a los perpetradores de tales acciones toda
asistencia o apoyo.

Recordando sus resoluciones 567 (19853), 568 (1985),
571 (1985), 572 (1985) y 580 (1985) en que, entre otras cosas, condenó la agresión de Sudafrica contra Angola, Botswana y Lesotho,

Convencido de que el sistema de apartheid del régimen
racista de Sudáfrica y la continuación de su ocupación ilegal de Namibia constituyen la fuente de las tensiones e inseguridad en el Africa meridional,

Gravemente preocupado por las recientes amenazas de
Sudafrica de continuar perpetrando actos de agresión contra los Estados de primera línea y otros países del Africa
meridional con el objeto de desestabilizarlos,

Consciente de la urgente necesidad de adoptar medidas
eficaces para prevenir y eliminar todos los riesgos para la
paz y la seguridad en la región que plantean las recientes
amenazas de Sudáfrica de usar la fuerza contra países del
Africa meridional,

Convencido de que sólo la eliminación del apartheid
puede llevar a una solución justa y duradera de la situación explosiva de Sudáfrica en particular y del Africa meridional en general,

1. Condena energicamente a la Sudáfrica racista por
sus recientes amenazas de perpetrar actos de agresión contra los Estados de primera linea y otros Estados del Africa
meridional:

2. Hace una encrgica advertencia al régimen racista de
Sudafrica en cuanto a la perpetración de cualquier acto de

3 Documentos Oficiales del Consejo de Seguridad, cuadragesimo primer año, Suplemento de enero. febrero y marzo de 1986, documento
S/ 17809, ancíso,

agresión, terrorismo y desestabilización contra Estados
africanos independientes y la utilización de mercenarios;

3. Deplora el escalamiento de la violencia en la region
e insta a Sudafrica a que respete plenamente la inviolabilidad de las fronteras internacionales:

4. Deplora toda torma de asistencia prestada por Estados que pudiera utilizarse para desestabilizar Estados independientes del Africa meridional:

5. Exhorta a todos los Estados a que ejerzan presion
sobre Sudafrica para que desista de perpetrar actos de
agresión contra Estados vecinos:

6. Reafirma el derecho de todos los Estados, en cumplimiento de sus obligaciones internacionales, de dar astlo
alas victimas del apartheid:

7. Exige la mmediata erradicación del apartheid como
condición necesaria para el establecimiento de una sociedad democratica y no racial basada en la libre determinación y el gobierno de la mayoria mediante el ejercicio
pleno y libre del sufragio universal de los adultos por todas
las personas en una Sudafrica unida y no fragmentada, y
para ello exige:

a) El desmantelamiento de Jas estructuras de los bantustanes, asi como la cesación de las prácticas que entra-
ñan el desarraigo, la revbicación y la desnacionalización
del pueblo africano autóctono:

b) La abolición de las proscripeiones y restricciones
impuestas a las organizaciones políticas, partidos. persohas y medios de información que se oponen al apartheid;

c) El regreso sin restricciones de todos los extltados:

8. Exige que el régimen racista de Sudáfrica ponga fin
4 la violencia y la represión que ejerce contra el pueblo negro y otros opositores del apartheid, libere incondicionalmente a todas las personas presas, detenidas 0 sujetas a
restricciones por su oposición al apartheid y levante el estado de emergencia;

9. Deplora que el régimen racista de Sudafrica haga
caso omiso de los principios del derecho internacional y
las obligaciones impuestas por la Carta de las Naciones
Unidas:

10. Encomia a los Estados de primera línea y aotros
Estados vecinos de Sudáfrica por su apoyo a la libertad y
la justicia en Sudafrica y pide a los Estados Miembros que
presten con urgencia todo tipo de ayuda a estos Estados a
fin de aumentar sus posibilidades de recibir, mantener y
proteger refugiados sudafricanos en sus respectivos países:

11. Pideal Secretario General que vigile los acontecimientos relacionados con las amenazas de Sudáfrica de
multiplicar los actos de agresión contra Estados independientes del Africa meridional y que informe al Consejo de
Seguridad según la situación lo exija:

12. Decide seguir ocupándose de la cuestion.

Aprobada en la 26024. sestan por
13 votos contra nnigtuno y 2 «DS
tenciones (Estados Umidos de
America. Remo Unido de Gran
Bretana e Trianda del Norte)

Texte français (official French version): LA SITUATION EN AFRIQUE AUSTRALE

Décisions

A sa 2652° séance, le 5 février 1986, le Conseil a décidé
d'inviter les représentants de l’Afrique du Sud, de l’Ethiopie, du Mozambique, de la République-Unie de Tanzanie,
du Sénégal, du Soudan, du Togo et de la Zambie à participer, sans droit de vote, à la discussion de la question intitulée «La situation en Afrique australe: lettre, en date du
29 janvier 1986, adressée au Président du Conseil de sécurité par le représentant permanent du Soudan auprès de
l’Organisation des Nations Unies (S/1777025)».

A la même séance, le Conseil a également décidé
d’adresser des invitations, en vertu de l’article 39 du règlement intérieur provisoire, à une délégation du Conseil des
Nations Unies pour la Namibie dirigée par le Président de
cet organe.

A la même séance, le Conseil à en outre décidé, sur la
demande des représentants du Congo, du Ghana et de Madagascar36, d’adresser une invitation à M. Neo Mnumzana en vertu de l’article 39 du règlement intérieur provisoire.

A sa 2654° séance, le 6 février 1986, le Conseil a décidé
d'inviter les représentants de l’Angola, du Botswana, de
l’Inde, de la Jamahiriya arabe libyenne, du Nicaragua et
du Zimbabwe à participer, sans droit de vote, à la discussion de la question.

A la même séance, le Conseil a également décidé
d’adresser une invitation, en vertu de l’article 39 du règlement intérieur provisoire, au Président par intérim du Comité spécial contre l'apartheid.

A la même séance, le Conseil a en outre décidé, sur la
demande des représentants du Congo, du Ghana et de Madagascar°7, d’adresser une invitation à M. Lesaoana Makhanda en vertu de l’article 39 du règlement intérieur provisoire.

À sa 2656° séance, le 7 février 1986, le Conseil a décidé
d’inviter les représentants de l'Algérie, de l’Egypte, de la

35 Voir Documents officiels du Conseil de sécurité, quarante et unième
année, Supplément de janvier, février et mars 1986.

; 36 Document S/17793, incorporé dans le compte rendu de la 2652c
séance.

; 37 Document S/17794, incorporé dans le compte rendu de la 2654e
séance.

République démocratique allemande et de la Yougoslavie
à participer, sans droit de vote, à la discussion de la question.

A sa 2657° séance, le 10 février 1986, le Conseil a décide
d'inviter les représentants du Guyana et de la République
islamique d'Iran à participer, sans droit de vote, à la discussion de la question.

A sa 2658: séance, le 10 février 1986, le Conseil a décide
d’inviter les représentants de l’Afghanistan, de Cuba, du
Panama et de la République arabe syrienne à participer,
sans droit de vote. à la discussion de la question.

A sa 2659 séance, le 11 février 1986, le Conseil a décidé
d’inviter le représentant du Nigéria à participer, sans droit
de vote, à la discussion de la question.

A sa 2660 séance, le 12 février 1986, le Conseil a décidé
d'inviter les représentants de la Hongrie, du Lesotho, du
Pakistan et de la République socialiste soviétique
d'Ukraine à participer, sans droit de vote, à la discussion
de la question.

A la même séance, le Conseil a également décidé, sur la
demande des représentants du Congo, du Ghana et de Madagascar?8, d’adresser une invitation à M. Theo-Ben Gurirab en vertu de l’article 39 du règlement intérieur provisoire.

A sa 2661° séance, le 12 février 1986, le Conseil a décide
d'inviter le représentant de la Tunisie à participer, sans
droit de vote, à la discussion de la question.

Résolution 581 (1986)
du 13 février 1986

Le Conseil de securité,

Ayant examiné la demande formulée par le représentant
permanent du Soudan auprès de l'Organisation des Nations Unies dans le document S/17770,

38 Document S/1781$. incorporé dans le compte rendu de la 26605
séance.
Considérant que tous les Etats Membres ont l'obligation
de s'abstenir, dans leurs relations internationales, de recourir à la menace ou à l’emploi de la force contre la souveraineté, l’intégrité territoriale ou l'indépendance politique de tout Etat ou d’agir de toute autre manière
incompatible avec les buts et les principes des Nations Unies,

Gravement préoccupé par les tensions et l'instabilité
créées par la politique hostile et les actes d’agression du ré-
gime d’apartheid dans l’ensemble de l'Afrique australe
ainsi que par la menace croissante qu’elles représentent
pour la sécurité de la région et, au-delà, par leurs consé-
quences pour la paix et la sécurité internationales,

Vivement préoccupé par le fait que ces actes d’agression
ne peuvent qu ’aggraver la situation déjà instable et dangereuse qui règne dans la région de l’Afrique australe,

Rappelant son opposition totale au système d’apartheid,

Réaffirmant le droit qu’ont tous les pays de donner asile
aux réfugiés qui fuient l’oppression résultant du système
d'apartheid,

Prenant acte du communiqué des Ministres des Etats de
première ligne et des Ministres de la Communauté économique européenne=?, dans lequel ceux-ci ont notamment
condamné, dans toutes ses manifestations, la politique de
déstabilisation menée par l'Afrique du Sud, y compris le
recours à des interventions armées, directes ou indirectes,
dans des Etats voisins, et sont convenus de refuser toute
assistance ou tout soutien aux auteurs de tels actes,

Rappelant ses résolutions 567 (1985), 568 (1985),
571 (1985), 572 (1985) et 580 (1985) par lesquelles il a notamment condamné les actes d’agression de l'Afrique
du Sud contre l’Angola, le Botswana et le Lesotho,

Convaincu que le système d’apartheid du régime raciste
d’Afrique du Sud et le maintien de l’occupation illégale de
la Namibie par ce régime sont une source de tension et
d’insécurité en Afrique australe,

Gravement préoccupé par les récentes menaces de l’Afrique du Sud de continuer à commettre des actes d’agression
contre les Etats de première ligne et d’autres pays d’Afrique australe en vue de les déstabiliser,

Conscient qu’il faut prendre d’urgence des mesures efficaces pour prévenir et écarter tous les dangers contre la
paix et la sécurité dans la région que constituent les menaces faites récemment par l’Afrique du Sud d’employer la
force contre des pays d’Afrique australe,

Convaincu que seule l’élimination de l'apartheid peut
conduire à un règlement juste et durable de la situation explosive qui règne en Afrique du Sud en particulier, et en
Afrique australe en général,

1. Condamne vigoureusement le régime raciste d’Afrique du Sud pour avoir menacé récemment de commettre
des actes d'agression contre les Etats de première ligne et
d’autres Etats d’Afrique australe;

2. Met fermement en garde le régime raciste d’Afrique
du Sud contre le fait de commettre des actes d'agression,

39 Documents officiels du Conseil de sécurité, quarante et unième année,
Supplément de janvier, février et mars 1986, document S/17809, annexe.

10

de terrorisme et de déstabilisation à l'encontre d’Etats africains indépendants et de recourir à des mercenaires;

3. Déplore \'intensification de la violence dans la ré-
gion et demande à l'Afrique du Sud de respecter pleinement le caractère sacré des frontières internationales;

4. Déplore l’octroi de la part d’Etats de toute assistance pouvant servir à déstabiliser des Etats indépendants
d’Afrique australe;

S. Demande à tous les Etats de faire pression sur
l'Afrique du Sud pour la dissuader de commettre des actes
d'agression contre des Etats voisins;

6.  Réaffirme que tous les Etats ont le droit, pour s'acquitter de leurs obligations internationales, de donner asile
aux victimes de l'apartheid;

7.  Exige l'éradication immédiate de l’apartheid, préalable indispensable à l'instauration d’une société démocratique non raciale fondée sur l’autodétermination et le principe du gouvernement par la majorité, grâce au plein et
libre exercice du droit de vote par tous les adultes, dans
une Afrique du Sud unie et non fragmentée, et à cette fin
exige :

a) Que le système des bantoustans soit démantelé et
que les Africains autochtones ne soient plus déracinés, dé-
placés et privés de leur nationalité;

b) Que soient abrogées les mesures d'interdiction et de
restriction frappant les organisations politiques, les partis,
les particuliers et les organes d’information opposés à
l’apartheid;

c) Que tous les exilés puissent rentrer chez eux sans
entraves;

8. Exige que le régime raciste d'Afrique du Sud mette
un terme à la violence et à la répression exercées contre la
population noire et les autres adversaires de l’apartheid, libère sans condition toutes les personnes emprisonnées, dé-
tenues ou frappées d’interdiction en raison de leur opposition à l’apartheid et lève l’état d'urgence;

9. Déplore que le régime raciste d'Afrique du Sud
fasse fi des principes du droit international et des obligations qui lui incombent aux termes de la Charte des Nations Unies;

10. Félicite les Etats de première ligne et les autres
Etats voisins de l'Afrique du Sud qui soutiennent la cause
de la liberté et de la justice en Afrique du Sud et prie les
Etats Membres d'accorder d'urgence toute assistance à ces
Etats afin de renforcer leur capacité d'accueillir, d’entretenir et de protéger des réfugiés sud-africains sur leurs territoires respectifs;

11. Prie le Secrétaire général de suivre l'évolution de la
situation en ce qui concerne les menaces faites par l’Afrique du Sud d’intensifier ses actes d’agression contre des
États indépendants d'Afrique australe et de faire rapport
au Conseil de sécurité selon que de besoin;

12. Décide de rester saisi de la question.

Adoptée à la 2662° séance, par
13 voix contre zéro, avec 2 abstentions (Etats-Unis d'Amérique.
Royaume-Uni de — Grande-Bretagne et d'Irlande du Nord).

Русский текст (official Russian version): На том же заседании Совет далее постановил по
просьбе представителей Ганы, Конго и Мадагас-
кара” направить в соответствии с правилом 39
временных правил процедуры приглашение г-ну
Лесасоане Маханде.

На своем 2656-м заседании 7 февраля 1986 года
Совет постановил пригласить представителей Ал-
жира, Германской А емократической Республики,
Египта и Югославии принять участие без права го-
лоса в обсуждении этого вопроса.

На своем 2657-м заседании 10 февраля 1986 года
Совет постановил пригласить представителей Гайа-
ны и Исламской Республики Иран принять участие
без права голоса в обсуждении этого вопроса.

На своем 2658-м заседании 10 февраля 1986 года
Совет постановил пригласить представителей Аф-
ганистана, Кубы, Панамы и Сирийской Арабской
Республики принять участие без права голоса в
обсуждении этого вопроса.

На своем 2659-м заседании И февраля 1986 года
Совет постановил пригласить представителя Ниге-
рии принять участие без права голоса в обсуждении
этого вопроса.

На своем 2660-м заседании 12 февраля 1986 года
Совет постановил пригласить представителей Венг-
рии, Лесото, Пакистана и Украинской Советской
Социалистической Республики принять участие без
права голоса в обсуждении этого вопроса.

На том же заседании Совет также постановил по
просьбе представителей Ганы, Конго и’'Мадагас-
кара“ направить в соответствии с правилом 39 вре-
менных правил процедуры приглашение г-ну Тео-
Бен Гурирабу.

На своем 2661-м заседании 12 февраля 1986 года
Совет постановил пригласить представителя Туниса
принять участие без права голоса в обсуждении
этого вопроса.

® Документ $/17794, включенный в отчет о 2654-м заседании.
“ Документ $/17815, включенный в отчет о 2660-м заседании.

10

Резолюция 581 (1986)
от 13 февраля 1986 года

Совет Безопасности,

рассмотрев просьбу Постоянного представителя
Судана при Организации Объединенных Наций.
содержащуюся в документе $/17770,

учитывая, что все государства-члены обязаны
воздерживаться в международных отношениях от
угрозы силой или ее применения против сувере-
нитета, территориальной неприкосновенности или
политической независимости любого государства. а
также от любых других действий, несовместимых ©
целями и принципами Организации Объединенных
Наций,

будучи крайне обеспокоен напряженностью и не-
стабильностью, являющимися результатом враж-
дебной политики и агрессии режима апартеида во
всей южной части Африки, а также растущей
угрозой, которую они представляют для безопас-
ности этого региона, и её более широкими послед-
ствиями для международного мира и безопасности.

будучи серьезно обеспокоен по поводу того, что
такие акты агрессии могут лишь усугубить и без
того нестабильное и опасное положение в южно-
африканском регионе,

вновь заявляя о своей полной оппозиции системе
апартеида,

вновь подтверждая право всех государств предо-
ставлять убежище беженцам, спасающимся от гнета
со стороны системы апартеида,

принимая к сведению коммюнике министров при-
фронтовых государств и государств-членов Евро-
пейского экономического сообщества“, в котором
министры, в частности, осудили проводимую Юж-
ной Африкой политику дестабилизации во всех ее
проявлениях, в том числе осуществление любых
прямых или скрытых вооруженных акций в сосед-
них государствах, и согласились отказывать в лю-
бой помощи или поддержке виновным в соверше-
нии таких акций,

ссылаясь на свои резолюции 567 (1985), 568 (1985).
571 (1985), 572 (1985) и 580 (1985), в которых, в част-
ности, он осудил агрессию Южной Африки против
Анголы, Ботсваны и Лесото,

будучи убежден в том, что система апартеида
расистского режима Южной Африки и его продол-
жающаяся незаконная оккупация Намибии явля-
ются источником напряженности и нестабильности
в южной части Африки,

будучи крайне обеспокоен недавними угрозами
Южной Африки продолжать осуществлять акты
агрессии против прифронтовых государств и других
стран южной части Африки, направленные на их
дестабилизацию,

сознавая настоятельную необходимость предпри-
нять эффективные шаги с целью предотвратить и
устранить любую опасность для мира и безопас-
ности в регионе, которую представляют недавние

5 .
Официальные отчеты Совета Безопасности. сорок первый

год, Дополнение за январь, февраль и март 1986 года. документ

5/17809, приложение :
угрозы Южной Африки применить силу против
стран в южной части Африки.

будучи убежден в том, что лишь ликвидация
апартеида может привести к справедливому и проч-
ному урегулированию взрывоопасной ситуации в
Южной Африке в частности и в южной части
Африки в целом,

1. решительно осуждает расистскую Южную
Африку за ее недавние угрозы осуществить акты
агрессии против прифронтовых государств и других
государств в южной части Африки;

2. недвусмысленно предостерегает расистский
режим Южной Африки от совершения каких-либо
актов агрессии, терроризма и дестабилизации, на-
правленных против независимых африканских госу-
дарств, и от использования им наемников;

3. выражает сожаление в связи с эскалацией
насилия в этом регионе и призывает Южную Аф-
рику полностью уважать неприкосновенность меж-
дународных границ;

4. осуждает любую форму оказываемого госу-
дарствами содействия, которое может быть исполь-
зовано в целях дестабилизации независимых госу-
дарств в южной части Африки:

5. призывает все государства оказать давление
на Южную Африку, с тем чтобы вынудить ее отка-
заться от совершения актов агрессии против сосед-
них государств;

6. вновь подтверждает право всех государств
во исполнение своих международных обязательств
предоставлять убежище жертвам апартеида;

7. требует немедленной ликвидации апартеида
в качестве необходимого шага на пути к созданию
нерасистского демократического общества, осно-
ванного на самоопределении, и установлению прав-
ления большинства путем полного и свободного
осуществления всеобщего избирательного права
всем населением в единой и нерасчлененной Южной
Африке и с этой целью требует:

а) ликвидации бантустанов, а также прекраще-
ния изгнания из родных мест. переселения и лише-
ния национальной самобытности коренного афри-
канского населения;

Ь) отмены всех запретов и ограничений в от-
ношении политических организаций, партий, от-
дельных лиц и средств массовой информации, нахо-
дящихся в оппозиции к апартеиду;

с) беспрепятственного возвращения всех лиц,
находящихся в изгнании;

8. требует, чтобы расистский режим Южной
Африки положил конец насилию и репрессиям в
отношении чернокожего населения и других про-
тивников апартеида, безоговорочно освободил всех
находящихся в заключении и задержанных лиц или
лиц, в отношении которых действуют ограничения
11 (Ф) причине их оппозиции апартеиду, и отменил
чрезвычайное положение;

9. осуждает расистский режим Южной Африки
за игнорирование им принципов международного
права и его обязательств по Уставу Организации
Объединенных Наций:

1Ю. — выражает признательность прифронтовым
государствам и другим соседним с Южной Африкой

государствам за их поддержку дела свободы и спра-
ведливости в Южной Африке и просит государства-
члены в срочном порядке оказать этим государ-
ствам помощь в любой форме, с тем чтобы расши

рить их возможности по приему. содержанию и За

щите южноафриканских беженцев в их соствет

ствующих странах;

И. просит Генерального секретаря следить За
ходом событий, связанных с угрозами Южной Аф-
рики расширить акты агрессии против независимых
государств в южной части Африки. и информ!
ровать Совет Безопасности с учетом требовании
ситуации:

2. постановляет держать этот вопрос в поле
зрения.

Принята на 2662 м заседи
нии 13 голосами при 2 воздер
жавшихся (Соединенное Ко
ролевство Великобритании
и Северной Ирландии. ©©
единенные Штаты Амери
ки). при этом никто пе её!
лосовал против.

Решения

На своем 2684-м заседании 22 мая 1986 года Сове'
постановил пригласить представителей Замбии.
Индии, Кубы, Объединенной Республики Танзании.
Сенегала и Южной Африки принять участие бсз
права голоса в обсуждении пункта, озаглавленного
«Положение в южной части Африки: письмо По
стоянного представителя Сенегала при Органи
зации Объединенных Наций от 21 мая 1986 года на
имя Председателя Совета Безопасности с просьбой
«в срочном порядке созвать Совет Безопасности
для рассмотрения агрессии Южной Африки проти
Ботсваны, Замбии и Зимбабве» ($18072 )»"*.

На том же заседании Совет также постановил
направить в соответствии с правилом 39 временных
правил процедуры приглашение Председателк›
Специального комитета против апартеида.

На своем 2685-м заседании 23 мая 1986 года Совст
постановил пригласить представителей Аргентины.
Ботсваны, Германской Демократической Реснуб
лики, Ливийской Арабской Джамахирии и Чехосло
вакии принять участие без права голоса в обсужде
нии этого вопроса.

На том же заседании Совет также постановил по
просьбе представителя Марокко" направить в соот

“См. Официальные отчеты Совета Безопасности. сорок
первый год. Дополнение за апрель, май и иютпь 1986 года.
"Документ $18088 включенный в отчет о 2685-м заседании

中文文本 (official Chinese version): 邀请 阿富汗、 古巴 、 巴 拿 马 和 阿拉 伯 氢 利 亚 共 和 国 的
代表 参加 讨论 这 个 问题 ， 但 无 表决 权 。

1986 年 2 月 11 日 ， 安 理会 第 2659 次 会 议决 定 ，
邀请 尼日利亚 代表 参加 讨论 这 个 问题 ， 但 无 表决 权 。

1986 年 2 月 12 日 ， 安 理会 第 2660 次 会 议决 定 ，
邀请 匈牙利 、 莱 索 托 、 巴 基 斯 坦 和 乌克兰 苏维埃 社会
主义 共和 国 的 代表 参加 讨论 这 个 问题 ， 但 无 表决 权 。

在 同一 次 会 议 上 ， 安 理会 还 决定 ， 应 刚果 、 加 纳
和 马达 加 斯 加 代表 的 请 求 , @ 按照 暂行 议事 规则 第 39
条 向 西 奥 ' 本 ， 吉 里 拉 布 先生 发 出 邀请 。

1986 年 2 月 12 日 ， 安 理会 第 2661 次 会 议决 定 ，
邀请 突尼斯 代表 参加 讨论 这 个 问题 ， 但 无 表决 权 。

1986 年 2 月 13 日
第 581(1986) 号 决议

安全 理事 会 ，

审议 了 S/17770 号 文件 所 载 苏丹 常 驻 联合 国 代表
的 要 求 ，

铭记 着 所 有 会 员 国 在 其 国际 关系 上 都 有 义务 不 进
行 武力 威胁 或 使 用 武力 ， 侵 害 任何 国家 的 主权 、 领 土
完整 或 政治 独立 ， 或 作出 与 联合 国 宗 骨 和 原则 不 符 的
任何 其 他 行为 ，

严重 关切 种 族 隔离 政权 的 敌对 政策 和 侵略 在 整个
南部 非洲 造成 紧张 和 不 安定 局 势 和 对 该 区 域 的 安全 构
成 日 益 重 大 的 威胁 ， 以 及 扩大 到 对 国际 和 平 与 安全 产
生 影响 ，

严重 关切 这 种 侵略 行为 只 会 使 南部 非洲 区 域 本 已
动荡 危险 的 局 势 更 加 恶化 ，

重申 彻底 反对 种 族 隔 离 制度 ，

重申 所 有 国家 都 有 权 庇护 逃避 种 族 隔 离 造成 的 压
迫 的 难民 ，

注意 到 前 线 国家 和 欧洲 经 济 共同 体 各 国 部 长 的 公
报 , 蚁 其 中 除 其 他 外 ， 谴 责 南 非 破坏 稳定 的 政策 的 一
贸 S/17815 号 文件 ， 已 朝 入 第 2660 次 会 议 记录 。

全 《安全 理事 会 正式 记录 ， 第 四 十 一 年 ，1986 年 1 月 、2
几 和 3 月 份 补 编 》，SZ17809 号 文件 ， 附 件 。

10

切 表现 方式 ， 包 括 在 邻 国 采取 直接 或 间接 的 任何 武装
行动 ， 并 同意 不 向 从 事 这 种 行动 的 人 提供 任何 援助 或
支持 ，

回 硕 其 第 567(1985)、568(1985)、571(1985)、
572(1985) 和 580(1985) 号 决议 ， 其 中 除 其 他 外 ， 遗 责
南非 侵略 安哥拉 、 博 茨 瓦 纳 和 莱索托 ，

深信 南非 种 族 主义 政权 的 种 族 隔 离 制度 及 其 继续
对 纳米 比 亚 的 非法 占领 是 南部 非洲 紧张 与 不 安全 的 根
源 ，

严重 关切 南非 最 近 威 胁 要 对 前 线 国 家 和 南部 非洲
其 他 国家 继续 进行 侵略 ， 企 图 破坏 这 些 国家 的 稳定 ，

意识 到 人 迫切 需要 采取 有 效 步 又 ， 以 防止 和 消除 南
非 最 近 扬 言 要 使 用 武力 对 付 南 部 非洲 国家 从 而 对 该 区
域 的 和 平 与 安全 构成 的 一 切 威胁 ，

深信 只 有 消灭 种 族 隔离 ， 才 能 导致 南非 以 及 整个
南部 非洲 的 爆炸 性 局 势 得 到 公正 持久 的 解决 ，

1. 强烈 谴责 种 族 主 义 南非 最 近 威 胁 要 对 前 线 国
家 和 南部 非洲 其 他 国家 进行 侵略 ;

2 严正 警告 南非 种 族 主 义 政权 不 得 对 非洲 独立
国家 作出 任何 侵略 、 丽 怖 主义 和 破坏 稳定 的 行动 ， 也
不 得 使 用 雇佣 军 ;

3， 对 于 该 区 域 的 暴力 事件 升级 表示 遗 钼 ， 并 要
求 南非 充分 尊重 国际 边界 的 神圣 性 ;

4. 对 于 有 些 国家 提供 了 可 能 被 用 来 破坏 南部 非
洲 独立 国家 稳定 的 援助 ， 不 论 任何 形式 ， 表 示 进 憾 ，

5. 呼吁 所 有 国家 对 南非 施加 压力 ， 迫 使 它 停 目
对 邻 国 进行 侵略 ;

6. 重申 所 有 国家 都 有 权 履 行 其 国际 义务 ， 庇 护
种 族 隔离 的 受害 者 ;

7. 要 求 立即 铲除 种 族 隔离 ， 认 为 是 根据 在 统一
而 非 分 敢 的 南非 境内 由 全 国人 民 充 分 、 自 由 地 行使 成
人 普选 权 实 现 的 自决 和 多 数 统治 ， 建 立 一 个 不 分 种 族
的 民主 社会 的 必要 步 又 ， 并 为 此 目的 ， 要 求 ，

〈a) 废除 班 图 斯 坦 体 制 ， 并 停止 对 非洲 土著 人
民 实 行 驱赶 、 迁 徒 和 剥夺 国 夭 ，
(b) 废除 加 之 于 反对 种 族 隔 离 的 政治 组 织 、 党
派 、 个 人 和 新 闻 媒 介 的 禁令 ;

(Cc) 让 所 有 流亡 人 士 不 受阻 碍 地 回国 ;

8 要 求 南 非 种 族 主义 政权 停止 对 黑人 和 其 他 反
对 种 族 隔离 人 士 施 加 暴力 和 镇 压 ， 无 条 件 释 放 所 有 央
反对 种 族 隔 离 而 遭 监 禁 、 拘 留 或 禁制 的 人 士 ， 并 解除
紧急 状态

9. 痛惜 南非 种 族 主义 政权 项 视 国 际 法 的 原则 和
《联合 国 宪章 ?规定 的 义务 ;

10.， 赞扬 前 线 国 家 和 南非 其 他 邻 国 支持 南非 境
内 的 自由 和 正义 ， 并 要 求 各 会 员 国 对 这 些 国家 紧急 提
供 各 种 形式 的 援助 ， 以 增强 它们 收容 、 供 应 和 保护 在
其 各 自 境内 的 南非 难民 的 能 力 ;

11,， 请 求 秘书 长 监测 有 关 南 非 威胁 加 紧 侵 略 南
部 非洲 独立 国家 的 发 展 情况 ， 并 于 局 势 需要 时 向 安全
理事 会 提出 报告 ;

12. 决定 继续 处 理 此 案 。

第 2662 次 会 议 以 13 票 对 0 票 .2
票 弃权 (大 不 列 凑 及 北 爱 尔 兰 联
含 王国 、 美 利 坚 合众国 ) 通 过 。

2

决 是

1986 年 5 月 22 日 ， 安 理会 第 2684 次 会 议决 定 ，
道 请 古巴 、 印 度 、 塞 肉 加尔、 南非、 坦桑尼亚 联合 共
和 国 和 赞比亚 的 代表 参加 讨论 题 为 “南部 非洲 局 势 :
1986 年 5 月 21 日 塞内加尔 常 驻 联合 国 代表 给 安全 理
事 会 主席 的 信 ， 要 求 “紧急 召 开 安 全 理事 会 会 议 ， 以
审议 南非 对 博茨瓦纳 、 玩 比 亚 和 津巴布韦 的 侵略 ”3S/
18072) "@@ 的 项 目 ， 但 无 表决 权 。

在 同一 次 会 议 上 ， 安 理会 还 决定 ， 按 照 暂 行 议 事
规则 第 39 条 ， 向 反对 种 族 隔 离 特别 委员 会 主席 发 出
邀请 。

1986 年 5 月 23 日 ， 安 理会 第 2685 次 会 议决 定 ，
邀请 阿 根 延 、 博 茨 瓦 纳 、 捷 克 斯 洛 伐 克 、 德 意志 民 士
共和 国 和 阿拉 伯 利 比 亚 民 众 国 的 代表 参加 讨论 这 个 问
题 ， 但 无 表决 权 。

在 同一 次 会 议 上 ， 安 理会 还 决定 ， 应 摩洛哥 代表
的 请 求 , @ 按照 暂行 议事 规则 第 39 条 ， 向 赛 义 德 ， 谢
理 富 丁 皮尔 扎 达 先 生发 出 邀请 。

1986 年 5 月 23 日 ， 安 理会 第 2686 次 会 议决 定 ，
邀请 伊朗 伊斯兰 共和 国 、 阿 拉 伯 叙利亚 共和 国 和 津 巴
布 韦 的 代表 参加 讨论 这 个 问题 ， 但 无 表决 权 。

轿 见 《安全 理事 会 正式 记 冰 ， 第 四 十 一 年 ，1986 年 4 镍 、

5 月 和 6 月 份 补 编 ?》。
轩 3/18088 导 文件 ， 已 载 入 第 2685 次 会 议 记录 。

伊朗 和 伊拉克 间 局 势 ”

决 是

1986 年 2 月 18 日 ， 安 理会 第 2663 次 会 议决 定 ，
邀请 巴林 、 伊 拉克 、 约 旦 、 科 威 特 、 阿 曼 、 沙 特 阿 拉
伯 、 突 尼斯 和 也 门 的 代表 参加 讨论 题 为 “伊朗 和 伊 拉
区 间 局 势 ，1986 年 2 月 12 日 伊拉克 常 驻 联合 国 代表

侈 安理会 在 1980、1982、1983、1984 和 1985 各 年 也 曾 通
过 关 玉 这 个 问题 的 决议 或 决定 。

1

给 安全 理事 会 主席 的 信 (3/17821)”@@ 的 项 目 ， 但 无 表
决 权 ，

在 同一 次 会 议 上 ， 安 理会 还 决定 ， 应 阿拉 伯 联 合
酋长国 代 表 的 请 求 , @ 按照 暂行 议事 规则 第 39 条 ， 问
谢 德 利 ， 克利 比 先 生发 出 邀请 。

1986 年 2 月 19 日 ， 安 理会 第 2664 次 会 议 投票 决
定 ， 邀 请 巴 勤 斯 坦 解放 组 织 代表 参加 辩论 ， 这 项 邀请

四 见 《安全 理事 会 正式 记录 ， 第 四 十 一 后，1986 年 1 尹 、

2 月 和 3 万 份 补 编 ?。

加 3/17841 刁 文 作 ， 已 载 入 第 2663 次 会 议 记 录 ，

النص العربي (official Arabic version): ممخلي ل نفو لا وبوتسو انا و ‎١‏ لجما هشير بة

العربية الليبية وزمبابوي ونيكارانموا
والهند إلى الاشتراك في مناقشة المسالة
دون آن يكون لهم حق التصويت .

وفي الجلسة ذاتها ء قرر المجليىس
آيضا توجيه دعوة ؛, بموجب المادة *؟ من
النظام الداخلي الموّقت ء إلى الرئكيسيى
بالنيابة للجنة الخاصة لمناهضة الفصسل
العنمري .

وفي الجلسة ذاتها قرر المجلسيس

كذلك , بناء على طلب من ممثلي غانا
(77)

و ‎١‏ لكونفو ومدغشقر » توجيه دعوة 1 لسى

السيد ليساوانا ماخاندا بموجب المادة 89

من النظام الداخلي المؤّقت .

وفي الجلسة 77101 + المعقودة فيلا
شباط/فبراير ‎١981‏ ء قرر الهجلس دعوة
ممثلي الجزائئر والجمهورية الديمقراطية
الالمانية ومصر ويوغوملافيا إلى الاشهقتراك
في مناقشة المسآلة دون آن يكون لهم حق
التصويت .

وفي الجلسة 7707 , المعقودة في
‎٠‏ شباط/فبراير ‎١987‏ ,ء قرر المجلس دعوة
ممثلي جمهورية إيران الإسلامية وغيانا إلى
الاشتراك في مناقشة المسالة دون أن ب ن
لههما حق التصويت .

وفي الجلسة 7108 ,ء المعقودة في

‎٠‏ شباط/فبراير ‎٠987‏ ء قرر المجلس دعوة

‏(77) الوشثيقة 5/17794 ء الواردة في
محضر الجلسة ‎7١06‏ .

‏ب

‏ممهكخل

‏ِ ان وبنما والجمهورم
العربية السورية وكوبا إلى الاشتراك لهي

‏أفغفائنسة

‏مناقشة المسآلة دون أن ب ن لهم حق
التصويت .
وفي الجلسة 7109 ء المعقودة في

‎١١‏ هشباط/ا/فقبر اير تغخل ء قرر الهمجلس دعوة
ممثل نيجيريا إلى الاشتراك في مناقشة
المسآلة دون آن يكون له حق التصويت .

‏وفي الجلسة :713 , المعقودة فس
‎٠‏ شباط/فبراير ‎٠987‏ ء قرر المجلن دعوة
مهمثلي باكستان وجبهورية آوكر انيا
الاشتراكية السوفياتية وليسوتو وهتدغفاريا
إلى الاشتراك في مناقشة المسآلة دون آن
يكون لهم حق التصويت .

‏توجيه دعوة إلى
السيد شيو بن غوريراب بموجب المادة ‎١‏
‏من النظام الداخلي المؤّقت .

‏وفي الجلسة ‎717١‏ , المعقودة في
‎٠١‏ شباط/غبراير ‎٠987‏ ء قرر المجلس دعوة
ممثل تونس إلى الاشتراك في مناقمهقة
المسآلة دون آن يكون له حق التصويت .

‏القرار (8ه (181)
المؤرخ في ‎١١‏ شباط/قبر اير ‎١826‏

‏إن مجلى الآمن ؛

‏(/7) الوشيقة 58/17815 ء الواردة في
محضر الجلسة ‎7717١‏ .

ل

وقد نظر في طلب الممشثل
بلحسودان لنى الاهمم المتحدة
الوشيقة 8/70 نِْ

الداكقم

ل لو ا رف فلي

وإذ يضع في اعتباره آن جميع الدول
الاعضاء ملزمة بالامتناع في علاقاتهما
الدولية عن التهديد باستعمال القوة
او استخدامها ضد سيادة آية دولة آو
سلامتها الإقليمية أو استقلالها السيامسي
وعن التصرف بأية طريقة آخرى لا تتفق مع
'اهداف ومبادئئٌ الامم المتحدة ء

وإذ يساوره شديد القلق إزاء التوتر
وعدم الاستقرار التاهكين عن السياسات
العدائية وآأعمال العدوان التي يمارسها
نظام الفصل العنصري في جميع آنحاء
الجنوب الإفريقي وما تشكله من تهديد
متزايد لآمن المنطقة ء وآثار ذلك علي
السلم والآمن الدوليين ء

وإذ يساوره شديد القلق لآن هذه
الأعمال العدوانية لا يمكنها آن تؤدي إلا
إلى تفاقم الحالة في الجنوب الإفريقي ؛ء
التي هي بالفعل حالة غير مستقرة وخطيرة ء

الكاملة لنظام الفصل العنصري ء

وإذ يؤكد من جديد حق جميع البلدان
في إيواء اللاجكين اضطهاد
نظام الفصل العتصري ؛

الفارين من

١

أنه
وإذ يحيط علما بالبلاغ""' التي

آصدره وزراء دول خط المواجهبة والدول
الاعضاء في الاتحاد الاقتصادي الأوروبي
والذي آادانتوا فيه ء ضمن جملة أآموراء
سياسة جنوب افريقيا الرامية إلى إشاعة
عدم الاستقرار بجميع مظاهرهاء بمافي
ذلك اللجوء + بطريقة مباشرة أو غير
مباشرة ء إلى الأعمال المسلحة في الدول
المجاورة ء واتفقوا فيه على عدم تقديم
أي مساعدة أو دعم لمرتكبي هذه الأعمال ء

وإذ يشير إلى قراراته ااه (وخخل)
و 18ت ‎)٠١“80(‏ و لاه (وفخا) و آله (ذفخل)
و مه ‎)١١0(‏ التي ادان فيها + في جملة
آأمور ء اعتداء جنوب افريقيا على أاتفقولا

وبوتسوانا وليسوتو ء

واقتتناعاهنه بآن سيامة الفصسل
العنصري التي يتبعها النظام العنصري في
جنبوب افريقيها واصتمرار احتلاله نير
المشروع لنامهيبيا همها همصدر التوتشرات
وعدم الآمن في الجنوب الإفريقي ؛ء

وإذ يساوره هشديد القلق إرزاء تهديدات
جنوب افريقي' في الآونة الاخيرة , بمواصلة
اركاب الاعمال العدوانية ضد دول المواجهة
والبلدان الأاخرى في الجنتوب الإفريقي
والرامية إلى زعزعة الاستقرار في هذه
الدول والبلدان ء

رب الوشائق الرسمية لمجلس الآامن ء
السنة الحادية والأربعون , ملحق كانون
الثاني/يناير وشباط/قبر اير وآذار/امارسضس
7 ء الوثيقة 5/17809 ء المرفق .

اماس ا ا

وإذ يدرك الحاجة الملحّة لاتخاذ
خطوات فكّالة لمهنع وإزالة جميع المخاطر
التي تهدد السلم والآمن في المنطقة بسبب
تهديدات جنوب افريقها في الآونة الاخيرة
باستعمال القوة ضد بلدان الجنموب
الإفريقي ؛

واقتّناعا منه بان القضاء علي الفصل
العنصري هو السبيل الوحيد الذي يمكن آن
يؤدي إلى إيجاد حل عادل ودائم للحالة
المتفجرة في جنوب افريقيا بوجه خاص وفي
الجنوب الافريقي بوجه عام +

‎١‏ - يهدين بشدة جنوب افريقهيا
العنصرية لتهديداتها الأخيهرة بارتكاب
'عمال عدوائية ضد دول المهواجبهة والدول
الأخرى في الجنوب الإفريقي '

‏" - يحذر بشد#ة نظام جنوب افريقهيا
العنصري من ارتكاب اية اعمال عدوائيمة
وإرهابية ومزعزعة لاستقرار الدول الإفريقية
المستقلة ؛ء ومن استخدام المرتزقة ؛

‎١‏ - يآسف لتممهيد العف في
المنطقة , ويطلب إلى جنوب افريقيا آن
تحترم على نحو كامل حرمة الحدود
الدولية ؛

‏6 - يآصف لتقديم الدول لاي شكل من
أشكال المساعدة التي يمكن آن تستخدم
لزعزعة استقرار الدول المستقلة في
الجنوب الإفريقي +

‏© - يطلب الي جييع الدول أن تمارضس
ضغفطا على جنوي ل فريقيها لحكف عن ل رتكاب
الأعمال العدوائنية ضد الدول المجاور# ؛

‎١‏ - يؤكد من جديد حق جميع الدول في
توفير الملجاآ لضحايا الفصل العخنصسري؛ء؛
وفاء بالتزاماتها الدولمية +

‏/ا - يطالب بالقضاء الفوري على
الفصل العنصري كخطوة ضرورية نحو اقامة
مجتمع ديمقراطي لا عنصري يقوم على تقرير
المصيهر وحكم الاأغلبية من خلال ممارسة
الشعب كله الحر#ة والكاملة لحق التصويت

‏العام للراشدين في جنوب افريقها متحدة
وغير مجز الى ؛ء ولتحقيق هذه ‎١‏ لغايبة ْ
يطالب بما يلي :

‎+ ‏تدمهر هياكل البانتوستانات‎ )١(
‏وكذلك الكف عن إخراج السكان الإفريقهيمين‎
‏الأصليين من ديارهم وترحيلهم وحرمانئهم من‎
‏جنسيتهم ل‎

‏(ب) إلفاء قوانين الحظر والقهيود
المفروضة على المنظمات والاحزاب السياسية
والأفراد ووسائئط الإعلام المناهضين للفصل
العنصري ‎١‏

‏(ج) عودة جميع المنفيين دون آية

‏- يطالب بآن ينع نظام جنشوب
افريقيا العنصري حدا لممارسة العف

‏والاضطهاد ضد السكان السود وغيرهم من ا

‏مناهضي الفصل العنصري ء, وآن يطلق دون
قهد أو شرط سراح جميع الأشخاص المسجونين
أو المعتقلين آو المقهدة حريتهم بسبب
معارضتهم للفصل العنصري + وآن يرفع حالة
الطوارئ ؛

‏* - يآسف لعدم اكتراث نظام جنوب ى|

فر فيا العنصري بمبادئٌ القانون الدولي
وبالتز اماته بموجب ميشاق الأمم المتحدة#ة +

‎٠‏ - يكحي على دول خط المواجهمة
روالدول الأاخرى المجاورة لجنوب افريقهما
تابينها للحرية والعدالة في جنوب
الريقها , ويرجو من الدول الأعضاء أن
تقدم على نحو عاجل جميع اشكال المساعدة
إلس هذه الدول ؛, بهدف تعزينز قدراتها علي
ستقبال اللاجثين الوافدين من جنوب
افريقها إلى بلدانها ورعايتهم وحمايتهم ؛

‎١١‏ - يرجو من الآمين العام أن يراقب
التطورات فهها يتعلق بتهديدات جنوب
افريقها بتصعيد أعمال المدوان ضد الدول
المستقلة في الجنوب الإفريقي , وآن يقخدم
تقارير إلى مجلس الآمن كلما دعت الحالة
إلى ذلك ؛

‎١١‏ - يقرر أن يبقي هذه المسالة قهيد
نظر 2#

‏اعتمد في الجلسة 37
باغلبية ‎١١‏ صوتا مقابل
لا شيء وامتناع عضوين عن
التصويمت (المملكة
المتحدة لبريطانهيا
العظمي وايرليدا
الماليمة والولارميات
المتحدةا الامريكية) .

‏مق“رر ات
في الجلسة 771882 المعقودة في ‎٠+‏

‏أيار/مايو ‎٠١987‏ ؛, قرر المجلس دعوة ممثكلي
جمهورية تحنزانيا المتحدة وجنوب افريقهيا

‏وزامبيها والستفال وكوبا والهند إلى
الاشتراك , دون آن يكون لهم حق التصويت ؛ء
في مناقشة البند المعنون "الحالة في
الجنوب الإفريقي : رسالة مؤرخة في ‎3-١‏
‏آايار/مايو ‎١9/7‏ وموجبة إلى رئيس مجلس
الأمن من الممكل الدادُّم للستفال لدى الامم
المتحدة يرجو فيها عقد جلسة عاجلة لمجلس
الأمن للنظر في عدوان جنوب افريقههيا
على بوتسوانا وزاميهيا وزمبانببوي
ر2جممورو) ‎١‏

‏وفي الجلسة نفسها قرر المجلى ايها
توجيه الدعوة + بموجب المادة ‎7١‏ من
النظام الداخلي الموؤّقت + إلى ركهيس
اللجنة الخاصة لمناهضة الفصل العنصري .

‏وفي الجلسة 7180 , المعقودة في ؟؟
آيار/مايو ‎١987‏ + قرر المجلس دعوة ممكلي
الارجنتين وبوتسوانا وتشيكوسلوفاكهيا
والجماهيرية العربية الليبية والجمهورية
الديمقراطمية الالمانية إلى الاششراك في
مناقشة المسالة دون آن يكون لهم حق
التصويت .

‏وفي الجلسة نفسها ء قرر المجلين آيضا

‏ز
‏بناء علي طلب من هممخل ‎١‏ لمغفرب” توجيه

‏(0) انظر : الوشثائق الرسمية لمجلس
الآمن , السنة الحادية والاربعمون ء ملحق
نيسان/ابريل وآيار/مايو وحزيران/يونيه
نكاد

‎)١(‏ الوشيقة 8/18088 ء الواردة في
محضر الجلسة 80ا؟ .

Draft resolution (S/17817/Rev.1):
UNITED
NATIONS S

7 LAN Security Council Distr,
Fy | y GENERAL
NT

S/17817/Rev,
12 February 1986

ORIGINAL: ENGLISH

Congo, Ghana, Madagascar, Trinidad and Tobago and United
Arab Emirates: revised draft resolution

The Security Council,

Having considered the request of the Permanent Representative of the Sudan to
the United Nations contained in document S/17770,

Bearing in mind that all Memher States are obliged to refrain in their
international relations from the threat or use of force against the sovereignty,
territorial integrity or political independence of any State and from acting in any
other manner inconsistent with the purposes and principles of the United Nations,

Gravely concerned at the tension and instability created by the hostile
policies and aggression of the apartheid régime throughout southern Africa and the
mounting threat they pose to the security of the region and its wider implications
for international peace and security,

Gravely concerned that such acts of aggression can only serve to aggravate the
already volatile and dangerous situation in the southern African region,

Reiterating its total opposition to the system of apartheid,

Reaffirming the right of all countries to give sanctuary to refugees fleeing
from the oppression caused by the apartheid system,

Taking note of the Communiqué of the Ministers of the front-line States and of
the European Fconomic Community in which, inter alia, the Ministers condemned South
Africa's policy of destabilization in all its manifestations, including the use of
any direct or indirect armed actions in neighhouring States, and agreed to deny
perpetrators of such actions any assistance or support,

Recalling its resolutions 567 (1985), 568 (1985), 571 (1985), 572 (1985) and

580 (1985), by which, inter alia, it condemned South Africa's aggression against
Angola, Botswana and Lesotho,

86-04311 60002 (E) ny
S/17817/Rev.
Fnglish
Page 2

Convinced that the apartheid system of the racist régime of South Africa and
its continued illegal occupation of Namihia is the source of tensions and
insecurity in southern Africa,

Gravely concerned at the recent threats hy South Africa to continue to
perpetrate acts of aqgress:n against the front-]line States and other countries in
southern Africa and aimed at destabilizing them,

Conscious of the urgent need to take effective steps for the prevention and
removal of all threats to peace and security in the region posed by South Africa's
recent threats to use force against countries in southern Africa,

Convinced that only the elimination of apartheid can lead to a just and
lasting solution to the explosive situation in South Africa in particular and
southern Africa in general,

1. Strongly condemns racist South Africa for its recent threats to
perpetrate acts of aggression against the front-line States and other States in
southern Africa;

2. Strongly warns the racist régime of South Africa against committing any
acts of aggression, terrorism and destabilization against independent African
States and ite use of mercenaries)

3. Deplores the escalation of violence in the region and calls upon South
Africa to respect fully the sanctity of international borders;

4, Deplores any form of assistance given hy States which could be used to
destabilize independent States in southern Africa;

5. Calls upon all States to exert pressure on South Africa to desist from
perpetrating acts of aggression against neighbouring States;

6. Reaffirms the right of all States in the fulfilment of their
international obligations to give sanctuary to the victims of apartheid;

7. Demands the immediate eradication of apartheid as the necessary step
towards the establishment of a ron-racial democratic society based on
self-determination and majority rule through the full and free exercise of
universal adult suffrage by all the people in a united and non-fragmented South
Africa, and to this end demands:

(a) The dismantling of the hantustan structures as well as the cessation of
uprooting, relocation and denationalization of the indigenous African people;

(bh) The abrogation of the hans and restrictions on political organizations,
parties, individuals and news media opposed to apartheid;

{c) The unimpeded return of all the exiles

Joos
S/17817/Rev.,
Fnglish
Page 3

8. Demands that the racist régime of South Africa put an end to the violence
against and repression of the hlack people and other opponents of apartheid,
unconditionally release all persons imprisoned, detained or restricted for their
opposition to apartheid and 1ift the state of emergency

9. Deplores the racist régime of South Africa for its disregard of the
principles of international law and its obligations under the Charter of the United
Nations)

10. Commends the front-line States and other States neighbouring South Africa
for their support of freedom and justice in South Africa and requests Member States
to extend urgently all forms of assistance to these States in order to strengthen
their capacities to receive, maintain and protect South African refugees in their
respective countries)

11. Requests the Secretary-General to monitor developments related to South
Africa's threats to escalate acts of aggression against independent States in

southern Africa and to report to the Security Council as the situation demands)

12. Decides to remain seized of the matter,

Meeting record:
UNITED S

NATIONS

ERY Security Council
Rs, 4
ES 4

PROVISIONAL

S/PV.2662
13 February 1988

ENGLISH

PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE TWO THOUSAND
SIX HUNDRED AND ‘SIXTY-SECOND MEETING

Held at Headquarters, New York,
on Thursday, 13 February 1986, at 10.30 a.m.

President: Mr. ADOUKI {Congo)

Members: Australia Mr. HOGUE
Bulgaria Mr. GARVALOV
China Mr. LI Luve
Denmark Mr. BIERRING
France Mr. BROCHAND
Ghana Mr. GBEHO
Madagascar Mr. RABETAFIKA
Thailand Mr. KASEMSRI
Trinidad and Tobago Mr. MOHAMMED
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Mr, SAFRONCHUK
United Arab Emirates Mr. AL-SHAALI
United Kingdom of Great Britain and

Northern Ireland Sir John THOMSON

United States of America Mr. OKUN
Venezuela Mr. AGUILAR

This record contains the original text of speeches delivered in English and
interpretations of speeches in the other languages. The final text will be printed
in the Official Records of the Security Council.

Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be
sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned, within one week,
to the Chief, Official Records Editing Section, Department of Conference Services,
room DC2-7506, 2 United Nations Plaza, and incorporated in a copv of the record.

86-60421/A 7841V (RE)
JP/bo S/PV.2662
2

The meeting was called to order at 11.35 a.m.

ADOPTION OF THE AGENDA

The agenda was adopted.

THE SITUATION IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

LETTER DATED 29 JANUARY 1986 FROM THE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF THE SUDAN TO
THE UNITED NATIONS ADDRESSED TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL (S/17770)

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): In accordance with the

decision taken at the 2652nd meeting, I invite the representative of Togo to take a

place at the Council table.

At the invitation of the President, Mr. Kouassi (Togo) took a place at the

Council table.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French}: In accordance with the

decision taken at the 2652nd meeting, I invite the President of the United Nations
Council for Namibia and the other members of the delegation of that Council to take
a place at the Council table,

At the invitation of the President, Mr. Lusaka (Zambia) and the other members

of the delegation of the United Nations Council for Namibia took a place at the

Council table,

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): In accordance with decisions

taken at previous meetings, I invite the representatives of Afghanistan, Algeria,
Angola, Botswana, Cuba, Egvpt, Ethiopia, the German Democratic Republic, Guyana,
Hungary, India, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Lesotho, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya,
Mozambique, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, Panama, Senegal, South Africa, Sudan, the
Syrian Arab Republic, Tunisia, the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, the United
Republic of Tanzania, Yugoslavia, Zambia and Zimbabwe to take the places reserved

for them at the side of the Council Chamber.
JP/bo S/PV,2662
3-5

At the invitation of the President, Mr. Zarif (Afghanistan), Mr. Djoudi

(Algeria), Mr, de Figueiredo (Angola), Mr. Legwaila (Botswana),

Mr. Velazco San José (Cuba), Mr. Badawi (Egypt), Mr. Dinka (Ethiopia), Mr. Hucke

(German Democratic Republic), Mr. Karran (Guyana), Mr. Endreffy (Hungary),

Mr. Verma (India), Mr. Rajaie-Khorassani {Islamic Republic of Iran), Mr. Van Tonder

(Lesotho), Mr, Azzarouk (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Mr. Dos Santos {Mozambique},

Mr. Icaza Gallard (Nicaragua), Mr. Garba (Nigeria), Mr. Shah Nawaz (Pakistan),

Mr. Samudio (Panama), Mr. Sarré (Senegal), Mr. von Schirnding (South Africa),

Mr. Birido (Sudan), Mr, El-Fattal (Syrian Arab Republic), Mr. KRaroui (Tunisia),

Mr. Skofenko (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic), Mr. Foum (United Republic of

Tanzania), Mr. Golob (Yugoslavia), Mr. Ngo (Zambia) and Mr. Mudenge (Zimbabwe) took

the places reserved for them at the side of the Council Chamber.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): The Security Council will

now resume its consideration of the item on its agenda,

The Council has before it the text of a revised draft resolution
(5/17817/Rev.1}, submitted by the Congo, Ghana, Madagascar, Trinidad and Tobago and
the United Arab Emirates.

The first speaker is the representative of Tunisia. I invite him to take a

place at the Council table and to make his statement.
EMS/8 S/PV.2662
6

Mr, RAROUI (Tunisia) (interpretation from French): Permit me first of
all, Sir, to offer you my sincere and warm congratuations and best wishes for
success on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for February.
Your fraternal country, Congo, is known for its dedication to the principles of the
Charter and to the strengthening of international peace and security. We therefore
have high hopes that the Council's deliberations will achieve positive results
under your wise guidance.

I wish also to congratulate the Permanent Representative of the People's
Republic of China for the effective and able manner in which he conducted the work
of the Council last month.

The current situation in southern Africa is the direct outcome of the policy
of aggression carried out by the South African régime. My country is gravely
concerned at the violence recently unleashed by the Pretoria régime against the
opponents of apartheid in South Africa, which has spread throughout the country,
even into the townships and villages. A campaign of terror and open violence is
. being unceasingly waged by the racist régime's security forces with a view to
crushing the heroic resistance of the South African people to the apartheid system.

While Pretoria carries out undaunted its campaign of repression against
internal opposition and forces for change, it has also intensified its acts of
aggression, subversion and destabilization against the front-line States. That
intervention by the apartheid régime in southern Africa, in the form of military
incursions, murder, destabilization, mass arrests and the imposition of a state of
emergency, is nothing more than a strategy employed by Pretoria to preserve and
perpetuate white domination by expanding its hegemony throughout the region.

Intensified repression against the oppressed populations of South Africa is
paralleled by consolidation of the illegal occupation of Namibia, blatant

aggression against neighbouring countries through direct military incursion or
EMS/8 S/PV.2662

(Mr. Karoui, Tunisia)

through the use of so-called dissident elements recruited, trained, equipped,
financed and commanded by the Pretoria régime.

Continuing its delaying tactics and its harmful policy of apartheid, the
racist régime of Pretoria announced a week ago alleged reforms. In fact, these
constitute nothing but an insidious attempt to mislead the international community
and distract its attention from the real problems. The odious apartheid régime can
be neither improved nor reformed: it must be abolished.

In his 31 January 1986 speech to his country's Parliament, President Botha
announced a series of measures he described as "historic". Although this results
from the pressure brought to bear by the international community upon Pretoria, it
is none the less regrettable that it is not in conformity with the legitimate

aspirations of the South African people. Indeed, it is confirmation - if
confirmation were needed - of the hypocritical nature of the apartheid régime.

while claiming that he wants to negotiate with the representatives of the
various racial groups in order to arrive at a new constitutional arrangement based
on a democratic system of government, Mr. Botha is actually ignoring the black
majority, which accounts for more than 72 per cent of the population. The South
African President has spoken of a single citizenship for all South Africans, while
in reality working to maintain the segregated system. He clings to the idea of a
unified South Africa without renouncing his policy of creating bantustans and
homelands.

Moreover, the national statutory council offered by President Botha as an
‘earnest of participation in central government, although open to all, cannot
replace universal suffrage and the exercise by the black majority of its
inalienable rights. A national statutory council, with a strictly advisory role,
cannot reflect the true will of the majority and would be a sham body designed to

lay a veneer of legitimacy on the shameful policy of apartheid.
EMS/8 ) S/PV.2662
: 8

(Mr. Karoui, Tunisia)

The South African President has also announced the elimination of the pass
laws, which his régime will replace with other identity documents in order, he
said, to ensure orderly urban planning. It goes without saying that this measure

will in no way improve the lot of South African blacks unless it is accompanied by
genuine recognition of their civil, political and other rights.

It is our view, therefore, that the measures recently proposed by Mr. Botha
are, in the final analysis, vet another manoeuvre intended to trick international
public opinion and to prolong indefinitely the suffering of the black majority.

The struggle of the oppressed majority in South Africa cannot be separated
from that of the heroic people of Namibia under the leadership of the South West
Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). The Pretoria régime, which doggedly persues
its inhuman practices against the black population, is not about to relax its grip,
despite the unanimous decisions of the Security Council and repeated appeals by the
international community.

We hardly need recall that the Security Council has already handed down its
verdict by adopting, in 1978, resolution 435 (1978), which defines the framework
and modalities for a just solution to the problem of Namibia. In our view, that
resolution remains the corner-stone of any solution intended to establish peace and
stability in the region.

It is no surprise that South Africa is proving reluctant to endorse Namibian
independence. We have long understood that reluctance to be a determined rejection
of any solution in keeping with justice and law - ideas which are alien to the
philosophy of the apartheid régime. What is surprising is the blind stubborness of
the apartheid régime, which, failing to grasp the true scope of today's events in
South Africa, could, unless something is done in time, put the country -~ indeed,

the whole of southern Africa - to fire and sword.
EMS/8 8/PV.2662
9-10

(Mr. Karoui, Tunisia)

We believe that the excesses of the apartheid system are now the most striking
proof of its panic. Whether we speak of its repeated aggression against its
neighbours or the outrageous conditions demanded by South Africa for the freeing of
all political prisoners, we see a clear determination by the South African régime
to ignore the real problem: the out-and-out abolition of the apartheid system.

Eight years after the adoption of resolution 435 (1978), South African forces
remain on Namibian soil. As long ago as 1983 the Security Council decided that if
South Africa continued to delay the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) the
Council would consider adopting appropriate measures under the United Nations
Charter,

In issuing that warning to the stubborn Pretoria régime, the Council was
acting within its competence under the Charter of the United Nations.
Unfortunately, we are obliged to note that that régime continues to turn a deaf ear

to the decisions of the Security Council and to flout them.
BCT /Cu S/PV., 2662
11

(Mr. Karoui, Tunisia)

" The spirit of solidarity that has characterized our debates should move the
members of the Council to have recourse to the provisions of the Charter - in
particular, comprehensive and mandatory sanctions, which in our view are the final
resort that can make South Africa take the right direction.

Tunisia believes that a firm and unanimous decision, a decision in keeping
with international legality, is the sole alternative to a conflagration in southern
Africa, with unforeseeable consequences, Therefore, it is in the international
community's interest to transcend narrow considerations of the moment by working
toge ther to eradicate the underlying causes of the serious situation afflicting
southern Africa.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): I thank the representative

of Tunisia for the kind words he addressed to me.
The next speaker is the representative of Mozambique, I invite him to take a
place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr, DOS SANTOS (Mozambique): Mr. President, it is appropr iate that I

should thank you and the other members of the Council for having acceded to my
request to be allowed to appear before this body at a time when it is discussing an
issue of vital importance to my coun try.

My delegation is pleased at seeing you, a son of Africa and a representative
of a prestigious country, Congo, presiding over the the affairs of the Council
during the month of February. We have full confidence in your wisdom and
diplomatic experience and, above all, in your sensitivity to the matter before us
today. We are in good hands indeed.

I take this opportunity also to pay a tribute to your predecessor,
Ambassador Li Luye of the People's Republic of China, for the able and intelligent

manner in which he handled the business of the Council last month.
BCT/CH S/PV.2662
12

(Mr. Dos Santos, Mozambique)

Through the delegation of the United States of America, I wish to extend our
condolences to the families of the seven astronauts who perished in the tragic
accident that befell the space shuttle "Challenger".

Here we are again bringing before the Security Council the plight of the sons
and daughters of Africa inhabiting the southern region of the continent, Here we
are presenting once more before this prestigious body the aspirations and dreams,
but above all the concerns, of more than 420 million people of different colours,
religions and beliefs congregated in the Organization of African Unity (OAU}.

We are the voice of reason, peace and justice. We represent one of the
members of the world family - the African continent. Our mandate is clear and
simple: we have come to warn the family of nations, of which we are a member, of
the dangers of war threatening southern Africa. We do not bring with us a new
diagnosis or another X-ray of the situation in southern Africa. The virus that is
scourging the subregion has already been identified. It is called "apartheid" and
its agent is the white minority régime of South Africa. This virus is respons ible
for the massacre of innocent and defenceless people. We have come here as one goes
to a physician with a demand for another prescription. We are here to say that the
prescriptions given in the past by the Council did not work, The simple fact that
we are gathered here today is the best testimony to that. It is therefore logical
that we should demand from the Council the adoption of measures which are stronger
in nature and of immediate effect.

The situation in southern Africa is at one and the same time complex and
clear. We the people of the region are being victimized by an undeclared war
imposed upon us by the neo-Nazist régime of South Africa, As we address this
Council, gangs of armed bandits conceived and supported by South Africa are
maiming, mutilating and sowing death in our countries. Our economic and social

infrastructures are being destroyed.
BCr /ow S/PV. 2662
13-15

(Mr. Dos Santos, Mozambique)

Yes, as we sit here today, at this very hour, South African forces still occupy
Parts of scuthern Angola. The people of Namibia are still denied their inalienable
right to self-determination, freedom and independence. In South Africa, the white
minority régime has declared a war against its own citizens. . Freedom, equality,
justice and the black majority are strangers who still have not met. The issue,
therefore, is as simple as this: we are facing a war situation, the source of
which can easily and clearly be pinpointed. The extinction of this source would
bring peace and stability to the region.

The history of our region, and indeed of the whole African continent, is a
history of a cycle of violence establ ished a long time ago. Many centuries ago,
the dignity and freedom of our ancestors were trampled upon by colonial aggression,
domination and exploitation. Our beloved continent was ravaged by the brutality of

slave wars and colonial conquest,

We are a continent of survivors. We have survived slavery and the wars of
colonial conquest. Our forefathers stood up, almost barehanded, and waged an
uncompromising struggle against foreign occupation and its destructive effects on
our ‘people. They brought hope where there was none. They gave a different future
to our sons and daughters. Above all, they refused to be humiliated, discriminated
against and exploited. Therefore, we are also a continent of heroes - the heroes
of liberation. We are the heroes of peace,

The defeat of the colonial empire in Mozambique and Angola, the victory of the
people of Zimbabwe brought a new situation not only to the region but to the world
at large.

The apartheid régime is on the verge of collapse. In its agony, that régime
is going to take with it to its death many of us - even some of those who are
trying to cushion it. As the situation gets worse inside the country, many

unimaginable fabrications will be invented to justify apartheid's desperate actions.
RM/10 8/PV.,2662
16

(Mr, Dos Santos, Mozambique)

If there is anything logical and predictable about colonial régimes, and such
is the case with South Africa, it is their ingenuity in misrepresenting reality.
Yes, they are very consistent in their attempts to divert the attention of the
international community from the truth. We know it from our own experience. The
tactic of using indiscriminate violence against neighbouring States under the
pretext of harassing and destroying the so-called bases of the African National
Congress (ANC) is as fallacious as it is ridiculous. The truth of the matter is
that apartheid has condemned the majority of the people of South Africa to the most
severe sentence man has ever conceived - death and massacre, to put it bluntly.
What could the apartheid régime do that would be worse than that?

| Each massacre strengthens the people's detestation of a apartheid and impels
them to more united and concerted actions to escalate their struggle for a new
South Africa. What a hopeless and desperate situation the apartheid régime finds
itself in.

It has already been demonstrated how disingenuous it was of South Africa to
attribute its unenviable situation to a supposed armed conspiracy among |
neighbouring countries. In the circumstances I shall limit myself to just a few
complementary remarks.

The ANC, whose bases are supposedly located in our countries, is the pioneer
of the liberation movement in Africa. It was founded in 1912, long before the
creation of FRELIMO, ZANU and the MPLA, and indeed any other liberation movement in
Africa - and, I must add, even before any of the leaders of the liberation movement
in Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe were born.

When the ANC decided to launch the armed struggle in 1961, after it had been
banned from South Africa, FRELIMO and ZANU were not yet in existence, and the MPLA
was still a baby of about four years of age. Naturally, it had not yet launched

the armed struggle.
RM/10 5/PV.2662
17

(Mr. Dos Santos, Mozambique)

Yes, when the office of the then Minister of Agriculture in Pretoria was
bombed, our countries were still under colonial rule. No South African refugee was
in colonial Mozambiague and Southern Rhodesia. We were not there when the offices

of Die Nataller, the official organ of the Nationalist Party in Natal, were bombed.

In 1963, Nelson Mandela was condemned to life in prison, accused of being
responsible for the liberation struggle, Rivonia is not located in Mozambique, nor
in Botswana or Zimbabwe. It is clear from these explanations that the countries fo
the region have nothing to do with the situation in South Africa.

What, then, is our crime? After all, South African refugees are to be found
all over the world, including in the capital cities of South Africa's allies. In
their diaspora the dispossessed people of South Africa have found a refuge in many
countries that honour the principles and objectives of the Charter of the United
Nations and those of other relevant instruments dealing with the question of
refugees.

The war of aggression waged by South Africa against our countries cannot be
explained by geographic contiguity between our countries and South Africa. Again,
that is something for which we cannot be held responsible. After all, we were not
there when the partition of Africa took place in Berlin. South Africa never
launched any act of aggression against the Portuguese in Mozambique or the rebel
and racist régime of Rhodesia. On the contrary, the racist régime sent its troops
into those territories to help the colonial régines fight the liberation movements
in those countries. The issue was the attempt to prevent us from acceding to
independence.

The constant war of which we are victims is directed against our political and
economic independence. It is a war against the free and just societies that we :
represent. Yes, our ideals, our aspirations and our dreams frighten the

anachronistic régime, because they shake the apartheid régime's very foundations.
RM/10 5/PV.2662
18

{Mr. Dos Santos, Mozambique)

We dream of peace; we dream of prosperity; we breathe words of equality and
freedom. It is very ironic that the representative of a Government that recruits,
trains, arms and infiltrates armed bandits into our countries should come here and
say that there can be

"no peace and no stability in our region as long as countries knowingly

harbour terrorists who plan and execute acts of terror against a neighbouring

State." (S/PV.2652, pp. 48, 49-50)

Of course there can be no peace, because South Africa. is sending bandits into
Mozambique, Angola and Lesotho. There can be no peace while South Africa occupies
parts of southern Angola and Namibia.

More ironic, however, is the fact that South Africa, a country that
manufactures a lot of conventional weapons, a country that possesses nuclear
weapons, should assert that neighbouring States have acquired military supremacy.
Yes, neighbouring countries have acquired supremacy over racist South Africa, but
that supremacy is neither military nor economic in nature. It is a moral
supremacy, and no military build-up or frantic amassing of weapons of war will tilt
that balance.

Speaking in this Council a few days ago, the representative of the Pretoria
régime, quoting the so-called State President, said that "the wheel of reform is
turning”. It has already crushed more than a thousand defenceless people to death
in the last year alone. It has brought about the moving processions of thousands
and thousands of people to cemeteries to bury their loved ones. It has crushed
pall-bearers on their way to cemeteries to death, It covered those pall-bearers
with a pall. That ugly, faceless wheel follows the dead, the victims of apartheid,
in hot pursuit, with its armoured carriers, and it crushes them to death. Not even
in death can the South African people be spared the wrath of apartheid. The dead

are supposed to rest in peace, but not in apartheid South Africa,
RM/10 S5/PV.2662
19-20

(Mr. bos Santos, Mozambique)

The apartheid régime is as afraid of the dead as it is of the refugees, for
the dead seem to be as dangerous to the system as the refugees. It reminds me of a
colonial administrator who used to spank the deceased for allegedly escaping paying
»taxes because of their death.
= We have long maintained that apartheid cannot be reformed. It should be
dismantled. No measure is likely to bring peace in South Africa unless it
addresses this crucial issue. There are simple solutions to the problems
confronting South Africa. There are either real, genuine, correct solutions, or
there are wrong, misconstrued solutions, and what the apartheid régime has done so
far is to opt for the latter.

I do not agree with the representative of that régime when he says that there
are no ready examples and models for them to reproduce. There definitely exist
ready, fresh examples and models for him not to reproduce ~ nazism, fascism. There
are many mistakes not to be repeated. Just think about the lessons of Angola,
Mozambique and Zimbabwe. After all, the person who said that no majority rule
would be established in Zimbabwe in a thousand years and later changed that to "not
in his lifetime" is now living in free and independent Zimbabwe.

At the beginning of my statement I said that we have come to this Council as

one goes to a physician to ask for a prescription. We bring to this Council some

suggestions as to what the contents of such a prescription should be.
JSM/jh S/PV.2662
21

{Mr. Dos Santos, Mozambique)

First, the Council should not allow the apartheid régime to continue
unchecked. The only way to prevent its doing so is to adopt strong measures as
prescribed in the relevant chapters of the United Nations Charter.

Secondly, the allies of apartheid should realize that the time has come for
them to deal with those in whose hands rests the future of South Africa, those who
have the final answers to the problems now affecting apartheid South Africa.

Thirdly, a peaceful solution to the problems in South Africa demands that the
minority régime be prepared to take the following steps: the abolition of
apartheid, and not reform; the unconditional release of Nelson Mandela and other
political prisoners and detainees; the lifting of the ban on political
organizations and other mass associations; the undertaking of negotiations with the
legitimate and authentic representatives of the majority of the people in South
Africa = any deal with the puppets will not works. it did not work in Zimbabwe, and
it is not going to work in South Africa; a strong and genuine commitment by the
South African régime to the establishment of a free and democratic society in South
Africa.

Steps other than those I have enumerated, such as the so-called reforms, will
be regarded as cosmetic and unacceptable. For this reason the answer to the
question raised by the representative of the minority régime as to whether the
announced changes are cosmetic or not is an emphatic ves.

We, the countries of the region, want to live in peace - that peace that our
ancestors taught us to cherish most, that peace swept away by the colonial conquest
and subjugation.

That is what we have here come for. We do not want southern Africa to be a
stage for conflict with unforeseeable consequences, Indeed, we want to assure you,
Mr, president, and the other members of this Council that we will not be the ones

to trigger such a conflict.
JSM/5h 5/PV.2662
22

(Mr. Dos Santos, Mozambique)

However, we will not tolerate aggressions against our sovereignty,
independence and territorial integrity. we stand ready to co-operate with whomever
wantg to play a constructive role in the efforts aimed at restoring peace in the

region.

We therefore welcomed the meeting of the front-line Ministers and of the

- Buropean Economic Community (EEC) held recently in Lusaka, which followed the
meeting that took place in 1984 between the Foreign Ministers of the front-line
States and those of the Nordic countries.

' We hope that the atmosphere of cordiality and understanding in which the
meeting was held will inspire the countries represented in the EEC to play a much
more active and positive role in the efforts aimed at the eradication of the
apartheid system.

The notion of co-operation, as we see it, is very involving: it demands that
those who wish to co-operate disassociate themselves from the apartheid régime and
be on the side of those who uphold justice, freedom and equality. |

It is in thigp context that we have learned with profound dismay of the reports
that military aid will be made available to those on the pay-roll of apartheid
South Africa who continue to intensify their criminal acts against the sisterly
country of Angola, sowing misery, death and destruction.

Any foreign involvement in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of
Angola, directly or through third parties, is a hostile act against the
Organization of African Unity (0av) , an outrageous insult to Africa's dignity, and
a direct challenge to our continental organization. |

No wonder, then, that the new year saw the light of day in such an
inauspicious manner in southern Africa. Racist South Africa's economic pressures

against neighbouring countries have turned into open economic blockades.
JsM/3h | S/PV.2662
23

{Mr. Dos Santos, Mozambique)

Apartheid's recent gratuitous threats against its neighbours could not be more
defiant and arrogant. |

The international community cannot and should not be seen as an accomplice.
Time for a relatively peaceful abolition of apartheid is not in our favour. Let us
take urgent and positive strides towards a free South Africa as quickly as
possible. Let us take a solemn oath to do everything in our power, both
individually and collectively, to ensure that after the 1986 sun touches the
western horizon a bright new dawn shines, with the brilliance of a thousand suns,
over the lands of South Africa.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): I thank the representative

of Mozambique for his kind words addressed to me.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as representative of the Congo.

It is no exaggeration to state that the continuing and tragic hotbeds of
tension in Africa are not all of equal interest. Among the pieces of the puzzle,
some conflicts bear no comparison with others. That is clearly true of the
continuing acts of aggression that are the main expression of the South African
policy of apartheid and have been expanded into more sophisticated forms since the
legislative victory of May 1948 of the Afrikaner Nationalist Party of Dr. Malan.
Apartheid is a topic which greatly troubles and concerns the international
community. The existence of apartheid threatens peace and international security.

Under the apartheid system, equal opportunity and eaual rights for all South
Africans is inconceivable; this is particularly true in the case of non-white South
Africans.

The régime of apartheid, actively supported by international imperialism,
incites racial hatred against the majority, brings about destruction and brutalizes

and oppresses, Day-to-day reality is most instructive regarding its atrocities and
JsM/3h S/PV.2662
24-25

(The President)

increased acts of violence. Apartheid crushes individuals, enslaves them,
eliminates in order to survive, and totally denies the coloured communities and the
black majority of the South African population full exercise of citizenship. Wo
‘modern State has championed to such an extent as the racist régime of South Africa,
and with such contempt for man, the horrendous moral, political and human chaos
existing among the majority of its own population.

In such conditions, no campaign could be more just and vigorous, and none more
inspiring and popular, than that dictated by the most Fundamental of causes -
respect for the dignity of man, recognition of the legitimate rights of others and
equality of inalienable rights.

Not only foreign-policy doctrines are difficult to reform; the same is true of
the system of apartheid. Not reform, but the abolition of apartheid is demanded by
universal conscience and the international community.

Moreover, since South Africa was transformed into a huge bloody arena and its
captive people imprisoned in long and institutionalized violence, the attitude of
South African leaders in power, or in the corridors of power in Pretoria, factions
of both the right and the left of the party, has been one of active hostility

towards the black community, which is the majority.
JM/12 S/PV. 2662
26

{The President)

let there be no mistake. The facts show that, even on a purely legal basis,
in South Africa there has been no constitutional development, no serious reform, no
"far-reaching proposals of historic importance" - as stated by the Permanent
Representative of South Africa to the Security Council - no power-sharing on the
basis of the democratic principle of one man, one vote. |

Once again, the question is not one of reforming apartheid. This system,
which has been condemned as a crime against humanity, must be abolished. Apartheid
is a threat to peace and to international security. A new form of apartheid, the
policy of post-apartheid, is one that John Voster had ostensibly adopted, and
before Vor ster, Verwoerd too. Now Botha is doing the same thing - as if by mere
"coincidence just on the eve of a meeting considered as South Africa's last chance
with its international creditors.

Despite repressive legislation this new manoeuvre has failed. The racist
South African régime is left with nothing to propose other than a state of
emergency. It is no longer credible; its power has been discredited.

The necessary return to calm, the future of South Africa, is contingent upon
the abolition of apartheid; the freeing of all political prisoners, including
Nelson Mandela; recognition of anti-apartheid movements and leaders; the ending of |
the state of emergency; and the lifting of other repressive measures.

My delegation wished to express its Government's views against the apartheid
of the racist régime of Pretoria and to press for its total abolition.

Hence the delegation of the Congo can only condemn the major consequences
flowing from this kind of political thinking. First of all we condemn oppression
motivated by the systematic will to dominate and cause ruin, to persecute, to
humiliate, to destroy through the use of legislation proclaiming var ious kinds of

ambitious or ludicrous reforms.
JM/12 S/PV. 2662
27

(The President)

Then there is the treason of dissident groups transformed into terrorists and
manipulated by Pretoria. Finally, there is military aggression and the political
and economic destabilization of independent neighbouring States. Pretoria's
methods here are equally well known.

From threats to acts of aggression, from interference to acts of
destabilization, the racist régime has continued to expand its inhuman system. The
existence of apartheid is unquestionably a threat to international peace and
security in the southern region of Africa. There is a great risk of war. The
crime of independent States under threat is their love of peace and their respect
for international obligations. By giving asylum to South African re fugees fleeing
from the cruelty of the apartheid system, these States are exposing themselves to
military acts of aggression on the part of Pretoria.

The racist Government of South Africa is backed in its acts of madness by the
great understanding shown it by power ful Western allies that accord pride of place
to its strategic position, its major reserves of precious minerals and its loyalty
to the Western camp in the anti-communist crusade.

It is also a fact that the South African racists call on dissidents from
Governments of neighbouring States to carry out terrorist acts in the region. The
recent visit to the United States of America of one of the terrorist chiefs in the
pay of South Africa, Jonas Savimbi, aroused anger and indignation among States and
peoples of Africa.

In that respect my delegation would like to give the Council a brief comment
taken from the Congolese press:

| "The world is drowning in a flood of hypocritical and moralistic comments

on violence and terrorism.
JW /12 | S/PV. 2662
28

(The President)

"Every day Western Governments carry out a feverish campaign against
terrorism, its perpetrators and the countries that support them. Every day
leaders impose economic boycott measures directed against all those they
suspect of sympathy towards terrorists. Indeed, we should like to believe
that they are sincere and inspired by noble intentions.

"However, those same countries and those same leaders have done nothing:
and continue to do nothing to root out the causes of violence. What have they
done to assist the Palestinians in recovering a homeland, or the South African
blacks in secur ing their human rights, or the oppressed throughout the world
in breaking the chains that crush them?

"and now these 'apostles of non-violence' officially receive a rebel
leader, a man who did not hesitate to become the devil's ally to destabilize
an independent and sovereign State, a member of the Organization of African
Unity (OAU), of the non-aligned movement and of the United Nations. And
official circles are promising millions of dollars and military matériel to an
unscrupulous individual determined to destroy his country, which has barely
emerged from a long nightmare. Those circles have lost all credibility in
claiming to denounce and combat terrorism.”

There is international consensus on independence for Namibia. Mr. Botha's
South African power is opposed to that. We recall that John Vorster yielded both
on Arigola and as regards Ian Smith in Rhodesia. He was violently criticized within
his own Government and by the General Staff, Nationalist Party organs and the whole
South African establishment. He did not remain long in office, and Mr. Botha, who
- had been Defence Minister for many years, came to power in Pretoria. To be sure,
Mr. Botha has not gone back on giving up Rhodesia, a decision taken by his

predecessor in 1976. On the other hand, he is opposed to a solution of a foreign
JVM/12 ' 8/PV. 2662
: 29-30

{The President)

policy question involving South Africa, namely, independence for Namibia. However,
this is certainly not the case of a South African Province but of a former German
colony that is now under an international Mandate.

My delegation is speaking out in the Council because South Africa, which has
subscribed to the purposes and principles of the Uni ted Nations Charter, is
refusing to apply them. For Mr. Botha the only strategy that preserves both the
vital interests of apar theid and its 1inks with international imperialism, with the
West, is to play for time, to congolidate in Windhoek ‘his presence through the
régime now in place and to oppose Security Council resolution 435 (1978). As
numerous speakers have pointed out, as long as our ‘aspirations, which derive their
legitimacy from morality, from the obligations of the Charter and, in short, from
international law, are not met, my delegation will have no other recourse than to
come before the Security council. We have placed our trust in the unswerving
support for all Africa witnessed in the wor k last February at the meeting held in -
Lusaka of the Ministers of the front-line States and those of the European
Community. |

Only pressure aimed at a ser ies of comprehensive objectives, pressure in the
form of genuine sanctions, will lead ” a speedy elimination of apartheid and the
advent for all of a new South Africa without distinction as to race and with

equality of opportunity, mutual respect, peace and co-operation in southern Africa.
BG/13 S/PV.2662
31

(The President)

I now resume my functions as President of the Security Council,

It is my understanding that the Council is ready to proceed to vote on the
draft resolution before it. Unless I hear any objection, I shall put it to a vote,
There being no objection, it is so decided.

I shall first call on members of the Council who wish to make statements
before the vote.

Mr. BROCHAND (France) (interpretation from French): Many aspects of the

situation in southern Africa have been considered during this series of Security
Council meetings: first, the turmoil and repression in South Africa that continue
owing to the continuing policy of apartheid; secondly, ongoing threats to the
stability and security of the States in the region, particularly against countries
neighbouring South Africa that receive refugees fleeing from the apartheid régime;
and, thirdly, South Africa's refusal to end its illegal occupation of Namibia in
accordance with the conditions set forth in Security Council resolution 435 (1978).

Once again the debate has revealed the relations that exist between those
various elements and shed light on the fact that the situation in the area as a
whole has deteriorated. For its part, France is very concerned at that
deterioration.

My country's position on the various aspects of this overall question has been
set forth on a number of occasions, and again recently, very clearly: only the
dismantling of apartheid can be considered an appropriate solution to the problems
of the region.

My delegation shares Africa's concern. Generally speaking, we endorse the
analysis of the situation put forward in the Council by its representatives - most

notably the representative of Togo, speaking on behalf of the African Group, and
BG/13  §/PV.2662
32

(Mr. Brochand, France)

the representative of Senegal, on behalf of the presidency of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU).

The draft resolution which is before us reflects that analysis. My delegation
will vote in favour of it, notwithstanding the reservations on one particular point
therein that we have made known to its sponsors. My delegation welcomes the fact
that the debate can conclude with a clear warning to South Africa.

Once again the international community expresses its gravest concern, and
demands the immediate eradication of apartheid by South ‘Africa, that the front-line
States no longer be made to suffer from South Africa's policies, and that it accept
without delay the United Nations settlement plan for Namibia.

It is only thus that security, stability and harmony will be restored to

southern Africa.

Sir John THOMSON (United Kingdom): This has been an unusual debate. In
our many debates on southern Africa over the past two years, the Security Council
has focused on specific countries and specific problems and has on most occasions
been reacting to specific events. The request for the present debate, on the other
hand, has caused some puzzlement, including to my delegation. We were not sure
what had prompted the request, which was made before the statement on 31 January by
the South African President and only a month after the adoption of Security Council
resolution 580 (1985) on relations between South Africa and one of its neighbours.

We were given to understand that the debate was intended to be an exercise in
preventive diplomacy, with the objective of deterring any further breaches of
sovereignty and territorial integrity by South Africa - and that was an objective
we shared. My Government's belief that the Security Council should not merely
react to events but should seek to play a greater part in averting crises through

preventive diplomacy is well known. In so far as this debate provided an
BG/13 S/PV,2662
33

{Sir John Thomson, United Kingdom)

opportunity for the Security Council to examine the nexus of South African probems
in greater depth than is sometimes possible and to engage in preventive diplomacy
it was welcomed.

However, if preventive diplomacy is to be effective its timing and content
must both be tailored carefully to the objective. Unfortunately, the timing of
this debate appeared to be almost accidental and it has followed an uncharted
course.

It is at best gratuitous and at worst counter-productive to use a serious
debate on a subject of great concern to members of .the Security Council and of the
African Group for the purpose of attacking other Members on completely unrelated
questions. My delegation failed to see the relevance to southern Africa of many of
the points raised in some of the statements in the debate ~ for example, the
references to the Mediterranean, to Central America, and even to Afghanistan. The
Council has heard polemical statements nominally under this item from certain
speakers who have displayed a marked reluctance to have the Security Council give
proper consideration to large-scale conflicts in which their own countries are
involved.

To treat this Council as an off-season General Assembly does not enhance its
status and dignity or correspond to the purposes for which the Security Council was
established under the Charter. Rather than use the complex problems of southern
Africa as an ideological debating ground, we believe that over the past week and a
half the Council should have concentrated its efforts on a search for constructive
and peaceful solutions to those problems.

The United Kingdom's policies on southern Africa have been elaborated in
partnership with other States Members of the United Nations at meetings of States

members of the European Community, the Commonwealth Heads of Government, the
BG/13 : S/PV.2662
34-35

{Sir John Thomson, United Kingdom)

Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference and, most recently, at the
first ministerial meeting between the members of the European Community and the
front-line States. The communiaués of those meetings have been distributed as
United Nations documents, and colleagues from those groups speaking in this debate
have expressed positions which we share.

It has not been necessary, therefore, for us to reiterate our stance in broad
terms. But I associate my delegation closely with the statement by the
representative of Australia and with the emphasis he gave to the Commonwealth
Eminent Persons Group, We wholeheartedly support his appeal to all Governments,
organizations and individuals concerned to assist the Group to carry out work which
could have a significant impact. |

Likewise, we agree with the emphasis given by the representative of Botswana
and the Permanent Representative of Zambia to the meeting of the Economic
Commission and the front-line States in Lusaka, in which the President and the
Government of Zambia played such an important part as hosts. The meeting gave
18 countries directly involved in different ways in the region a chance not merely
to exchange views but to review the many problems in the light of shared objectives
and close partnership, It was an historic and successful event for which great

credit is due to the front-line States.
JB/bo S8/PV.2662
36

{Sir John Thomson, United Kingdom)

Also highly relevant to this debate and the draft resolution, as almost all
speakers have pointed out, are the speech of 31 January by the South African State
President and the policies his Government is introducing. Members of the Council |
have been gravely disappointed in the past by the actions of the South African |
Government, They are understandably wary. They have repeatedly emphasized that
the South African Government will be judged by its actions, not its words, and that
it is urgently necessary not merely to tinker with the present system but to remove
apartheid in its entirety and provide for a democratic, non-racial and just society
within South Africa. Those are points that we hold in common with other members of
the Council.

We have paid careful attention to the statements by the South African
President, especially that of 31 January, and by his Permanent Representative.

Like the representative of Australia, we earnestly hope that those statements will
be interpreted satisfactorily and translated into action, and that dialogue for
change will be opened with genuine representatives of the black community. In
particular, we hope to see the release of Nelson Mandela and other political
prisoners, the removal of bans on political organizations and restrictions on the
media and the termination of the state of emergency. As was stated in the
Commonwealth Accord, that can best take place in the context of a suspension of
violence on all sides.

Over the past year the eyes of the world have been turned on South Africa as
never before, A heavy responsibility rests on those who at present hold power
there to develop further the measures announced in President Botha's speech and in
other official statements, and to take account forthwith of the legitimate .

. aspirations of all the people of South Africa - in short, to dismantle apartheid

and establish South Africa irrevocably in the new era of which the South African

Permanent Representative spoke.
Jp/bo S/PV.2662
37

(Sir John Thomson, United Kingdom)

It was my delegation's wish to vote in favour of a draft resolution which took
proper account of those serious considerations. I must say frankly, though, that
the regret I expressed earlier with regard to the conduct of the debate applies in
© equal measure to the way in which the draft resolution has been handled. Two days
ago members of the Council were given a working paper which reiterated the right of
all states to give sanctuary to the victims of apartheid, demanded the immediate
eradication of apartheid and expressed fundamental principles governing relations
between States in a helpful and appropriate manner. On the morning of 11 February,
you, Mr, President, sought the views of my delegation on that working paper. We
made it clear that we saw it as providing the basis for the sort of unanimous
resolution we hoped the Council would adopt, and we offered our suggestions on
certain ways in which the text might be improved.

I do not believe any delegation had fundamental problems with the working
paper, We consider a draft resolution based on that paper would have served the
Council's objective of preventive diplomacy. We were therefore greatly
disappointed that later the same day, with no further intervening discussion, a
draft resolution of a substantially different character should have been tabled.
We have continued to make every effort to secure a draft resolution for which all
members could vote, We stated absolutely the view expressed in the Council
yesterday by the Permanent Observer of the South West Africa People's organization
{SWAPO}, that it would be desirable for a resolution to be adopted unanimously in
order to send

"a serious and categorical message to Pretoria." (5/PV.2661, pp. 18-20)

That is why we regret that, despite your own long and patient efforts, Sir, our
mutual wish for a unanimous resolution has been frustrated and that unnecessary

division has been snatched from the jaws of consensus.
JP/bo S/PV.2662
: 38

(Sir John Thomson, United Kingdom)

My delegation will abstain on the draft resolution, above all because we do
not consider that preventive diplomacy is achieved by couching a draft resolution
in terms that do not accurately address the evolving situation in southern Africa
and that invite rejection by those to whom it is directed. We of course concur
with the general principles reflected in the draft resolution, but believe it errs
in the way in which it purports to prejudge future events, Its purpose should have
been to prevent, not to provoke, and that could so easily have been achieved. An
opportunity has been missed. The Council's inability to reach agreement stands in
stark contrast with, for example, the successful outcome of the European
Community-Front-Line States meeting that immediately preceded this debate. My
delegation hopes that future efforts to achieve unanimity in the Council in the
search for peaceful solutions will be more successful.

Mr. OKUN (United States of America): My delegation has approached this
debate on the situation in South Africa and the draft resolution with the utmost
seriousness. My Government shares with many other members of this body the view
that the Security Council should work to bring about peaceful transition in South
Africa to a just and humane relationship between people of different races. It
also shares the view that the escalation of violence within and between the nations
of southern Africa is deplorable because it endangers the peace and security of the
region. Therefore, my delegation regrets that during the debate some speakers have
made misleading and even untrue allegations about the policies of my Government
towards the region. |

My delegation is also surprised that a few speakers should continue to deliver
tirades against the evil acts of "the West" in Africa. Those attacks serve only to
diminish the significance of the problem at hand. We are assembled here not to

exchange insults but rather to promote the principal task of the Security Council -

the peaceful resolution of serious regional disputes,
JP/bo §/PV.2662
39

re } . : (Mr. Okun, United States)

My delegation is encouraged that many speakers have highlighted what should be
our main concern - the systematic humiliation of Africans because of race. As one
speaker put it,

"ro the millions of black Africans whose very humanity is denied under
the apartheid system, the ‘great debate' on the respective virtues of free

enterprise and centrally planned economies is one which is hardly a

preoccupation at this moment in history.” (S/PV.2654, p. 31)

Those are heart-felt words, uttered with dignity. In one respect they address the
core of the tragedy under discussion today. The heart of the struggle in Africa is
the competition between freedom and tyranny, between open societies and closed
ones. As Becretary of State Shultz recently remarked to the Poets, Essayists and
Novelists (PEN) International Congress in New York,

“one of the most powerful trends in the world favors freedom".

Africa is no exception,

The real battle in southern Africa is being waged over representational
government. Anyone who Knows. the history of my country cannot believe for a moment
that the United States sees its interests as being served by the perpetuation of
apartheid. I would go further and say that a significantly increasing number of
white South Africans are also coming to realize that apartheid is doomed. They are
beginning to recognize that the dismantling of the apartheid system must take place
as rapidly as possible if their strife-torn country is to avoid a wider
conflagration, greater intimidation and a more controlled and repressive society.
We hope that South Africa can be transformed peacefully into a nation of justice

and equality and of rule based on the consent of all its people.
JP/bo 8/PV,2662
: 40

{Mr. Okun, United States)

My Government is working to avoid violence. That is why we oppose renouncing
dialogue with any of South Africa's leaders, either those in the Government or
those who speak for black opinion. That is why we call for the withdrawal of all
foreign forces from areas where they contribute directly to the insecurity of the

region. That is why we support fully the independence of Namibia, under Security

Council resolution 435 (1978), and are working to achieve that goal.
Ms /15 S/PV. 2662
41

(Mr. Okun, United States)

There is mach in the draft resolution before us with which we agree. Indeed,
it would not have reguired much of the sponsors to have attained a consensus text,
They initially put forward informally a text which could have heen the basis of a
consensus. Unfortunately that draft text was replaced by another one which marked
a significant step away from areas of agreement. It contained several new
Paragraphs which created additional, and more serious, problems for us, and no
effort was forthcoming to narrow the gaps by formulating the text in a manner which
avoided unnecessary disagreement. For example, it is neither necessary nor helpful
to denominate uses of force by a State as terrorism. It is sufficient to say that
the use of force by a State is contrary to the Charter.

Moreover, the draft resolution does not advance matters when it calls only on
South Africa to respect international borders. Respect for territorial integrity
is an important principle in no small measure because it is a universal principle,
one applicable to all and not just to some.

The draft resolution incorrectly implies that outside assistance is the main
cause of destabilization of some States in the region. It is my delegation's view
that Governments which rely on foreign troops to maintain themselves in power
against the opposi tion of a significant portion of their own people are inherently
unstable. Their stability would be enhanced if they entered into a dialogue with
opposition groups in their own nations.

In spite of those negative aspects of the draft resolution, which prevent us
from casting an affirmative vote, we share many of the views contained in it. We
agree that peace will come to southern Africa only when apartheid ends and there is
no illegal occupation of territory, and we join in urging all States in southern
Africa to respect the rights of their citizens and not intervene in the internal

affairs of their neighbours.
MMS /15 S/PV. 2662
42

Mr. Okun, United States)

We therefore appeal to all concerned Governments: Let us end the futile
debate that characterizes these meetings and sit down to work with one another. We
all seek the same goal. There are no hidden agendas on our part. We want
apartheid to disappear from the face of the earth, peacefully but quickly - and I
repeat, quickly. The front-line States and South Africans of all races know this
is the American view.

Before closing, I wish to address briefly the recent visit of Jonas Savimbi to
the United States. Many representatives present have criticized Mr. Savimbi's
visit to my country. In the resolution of disputes, however, it is necessary that
all parties be approached. There must be an end to violence in Angola, put that
cannot be achieved unilaterally. Legitimate nationalist organizations with
legitimate aspirations must be factored into the Angolan equation. We have
repeatedly stated the obvious: Angolans must sit down and reconcile their
differences. Such an approach heralds absolutely no change in our policy of
seeking negotiated solutions that incorporate, as I said before, both the
withdrawal of all foreign forces and independence for Namibia under Security
Council resolution 435 (1978).

We shall maintain contact with all sides to the disputes in southern Africa.
We believe that failure to do so makes it harder, if not impossible, to resolve
those disputes, and opens the door to monolithic totalitarian solutions based on
violence and repression. An end to all forms of apartheid; peace and stability in
Angola; independence for Namibia under Secur ity Council resolution 435 (1978); the
withdrawal of all foreign forces: that is an ambitious list. We have made
progress, however slow and painful. The United States will not turn away from its

responsibilities, and we ask the help of all.
EMS/15 S/PV. 2662
43

(Mr. Okun, United States)

My Government would have preferred to vote in favour of the draft resolution
under consideration to demonstrate the resolve of this Council and of my Government
to eradicate the bankrupt system of apartheid. In past days, however, as I
mentioned, the draft resolution became increasingly unbalanced. Since my
delegation's efforts to restore that balance did not succeed, we shall abstain,

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): I shall now put to the vote

draft resolution S/17817/Rev.l.

A vote was taken by show of hands,

In favour: Australia, Bulgaria, China, Congo, Denmark, France, Ghana,
Madagascar, Thailand, Trinidad and Tobago, Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics, United Arab Emirates, Venezuela

Against: None

Abstaining: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Nor thern Ireland, United

States of America

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): The result of the voting is
as follows: 13 votes in favour, none against and 2 abstentions. The draft
resolution is therefore adopted as resolution 581 {1988) .

The representative of Togo has asked to speak. I invite him to make a
statement.

Mr. KOUASSI (Togo) (interpretation from French): This debate, in both
its qualitative and quanti tative dimensions, has shown the extent to which the
international community is rightly concerned about the explosive situation
developing in scuthern Africa, which seriously affects and dangerously threatens
world peace. That alone justifies Africa's having asked that the Security Council

be convened,
EMS /15 S/PV. 2662
44-45

(Mr. Kouassi, Togo)

After 10 days of debate, the Security Council has just concluded its
consideration of the situation in southern Africa with the adoption of resolution
581 (1986). On behalf of the Group of African States, and on behalf of Africa, I
wish whole-heartedly to thank the numerous speakers who participated in the
Council's debate. I wish in particular to thank all Council members who spoke in
support of Africa and, particularly, of the oppressed peoples of South Africa and
Namibia.

We are grateful to Denmark for the measures it has adopted and for those it
plans to adopt this year to put an end to all economic relations with South
Africa. We also thank the member States of the European Economic Community for
their latest positive contribution to the establishment of peace in southern Africa
dur ing the meeting between Foreign Ministers of the front-line States and European
Community countries, held at Lusaka on 3 and 4 February.

It will be no surprise that we would have preferred a stronger, firmer
resolution directed at the Pretoria régime. However, the resolution the Council
has just adopted by a impressive majority, sends a clear message to the apartheid
régime. South Africa must immediately dismantle its abominable apartheid system.
South Africa must abandon its illegal occupation of Namibia, its policy of
aggression and destabilization against neighbouring countries, and its threats to

those countries.
BCT/CW S/PV.2662

(Mr. Kouassi, Togo}

We are disappointed at the abstentions by certain States members of the
Council on a resolution which is, in fact, very moderate, We are disappointed
because we feel that it is not fair to proclaim opposition to apar theid and, at the
same time, deny the Security Council the means to put an end to it.

None the less, Africa continues to place its trust in the Security Council.

It hopes that at a future stage all the members of the Council, in par ticular the

permanent members, will be prepared to adopt concrete enforcement measures against

the racist Pretoria régime.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): There are no further

speakers. The Security Council has therefore concluded consideration of the item

on its agenda.

The meeting rose at 1 p.m.

Voting Summary
Yes: 013 | No: 000 | Abstentions: 002 | Non-Voting: 000 | Total voting membership: 015
Y AUSTRALIA
Y BULGARIA
Y CHINA
Y CONGO
Y DENMARK
Y FRANCE
Y GHANA
Y MADAGASCAR
Y THAILAND
Y TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
Y USSR
Y UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
A UNITED KINGDOM
A UNITED STATES
Y VENEZUELA