=========================== NOTE ===========================

  On page S3195, June 24, 2026, second column, the following
appears: The following named officer for appointment to serve as
Director of the Coast Guard Reserve in the grade indicated under
title 14, U.S.C., section 309(b): To be rear admiral (lower
half)Dorothy J. Hernaez

  The Record has been corrected to read: (Printer: delete entire
nominee.)

 ========================= END NOTE =========================

       The following named officer for appointment in the United
     States Coast Guard Reserve to the grade indicated under title
     14, U.S.C., section 2121(e):

                       To be lieutenant commander

     Tevin A. White

               Nominations Placed on the Secretary's Desk

                           in the coast guard

       * PN791 - 1 COAST GUARD nominations (407) beginning EDWARD
     J. ABMA, and ending DEVON D. ZYCH, which nominations were
     received by the Senate and appeared in the Congressional
     Record of January 29, 2026.
       * PN845 COAST GUARD nomination of Jon M. Kreischer, which
     was received by the Senate and appeared in the Congressional
     Record of February 11, 2026.
       * PN1077 COAST GUARD nominations (8) beginning CHRISTOPHER
     P. RABALAIS, and ending TODD A. RAY, which nominations were
     received by the Senate and appeared in the Congressional
     Record of June 4, 2026.

                  UNANIMOUS CONSENT AGREEMENT--S. 4784

  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that
notwithstanding rule XXII, the cloture motion with respect to Calendar
No. 436, S. 4784, ripen following disposition of the Schwartz
nomination on July 14.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

                            MORNING BUSINESS

                                 ______

                                  IRAN

  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I want to take a moment to reflect on the
costs of war. The heaviest burden is always paid by those who serve. In
the President's war of choice against Iran, 13 American servicemembers
have lost their lives, their families forever affected.
  The damage to the global economy and the American economy also has
been staggering. Energy prices and commodity prices worldwide have
skyrocketed, worsening global poverty and food insecurity rates. At
home, gas prices rose to an average of $4.56 a gallon, the highest we
have seen in 4 years. Mortgage rates jumped, and operating expenses
surged for American farmers.
  Moody's Analytics put the total U.S. cost at $132 billion when
factoring in military spending, rising prices, and interest rates.
Every dollar spent on war is 1 less dollar to improve healthcare or
repair our roads.
  Here is another cost associated with the Iran war: $29 billion. That
is the estimate that Pentagon officials shared during a Senate
Appropriations Defense Subcommittee hearing last month. That figure
includes only short-term operational expenses and the costs associated
with replenishing some munitions. However, it does not include the
heavy cost required to repair or rebuild U.S. military bases and
facilities in the Middle East that sustained damage from Iranian
retaliatory strikes. And every service Secretary has come to Congress
to tell us they are running out of money and will need to delay
critical training for troops, defer maintenance on military bases, and
pause duty station changes.
  Yet, while Pentagon officials testified before Congress that the war
apparently only cost $29 billion, they were reportedly putting together
a supplemental request for upwards of $80 billion. That is on top of
the $1.5 trillion that the President has requested for the national
defense budget for fiscal year 2027, at least $350 billion of which the
President hopes will come from yet another partisan reconciliation
bill.
  Can you imagine? $1.5 trillion, with a t, for the national defense
budget--a 50-percent increase over current funding levels. Has the
Pentagon provided Congress with a detailed accounting of its expenses
and needs associated with the cost of the Iran war? No. Do we know what
will be in the Pentagon's supplemental request? No. Do we know when we
will see a supplemental request? No. Will a reconciliation bill include
strict financial guardrails for the Department of Defense? If it is
anything like the $150 billion that DOD received from the majority last
year, probably not. I, for one, am not interested in giving the
President a blank check, especially when he threatens further strikes
against Iran one day, then touts a supposed peace deal the next.
  Here is one more dollar figure I would like to point out: $300
billion. That is the figure tied to a reconstruction fund that
President Trump has apparently promised to Iran under the terms of the
preliminary agreement he signed last week. This funding is apparently
what is needed to help Iran rebuild its economy after the war--but the
details are murky.
  Who will provide this funding? Will it be the American taxpayers left
holding the bag after the President's failed war? Unclear.
  Will there be any constraints on how Iran can use this funding? Can
they use it to reconstitute their military? Unclear.
  What mechanism will there be for oversight of the fund? Also unclear.
  Can you imagine the howls of outrage if President Obama, while
negotiating the JCPOA, promised Iran $300 billion in reconstruction
funds? Under the JCPOA, economic relief for Iran was provided through
certain sanctions waivers and access to its own previously frozen
foreign assets. President Obama faced significant scrutiny from

my colleagues on the other side of the aisle on the release of those
Iranian funds.
  I recall many distortions about a $1.7 billion payment at the time,
including bogus claims that the United States was paying out for
prisoner releases when, in reality, we were clearing up a decades-old
legal settlement that had nothing to do with the JCPOA. Less than $2
billion seems like pennies relative to the $300 billion promise made by
President Trump to the Iranians today.
  Already this week, the Trump administration issued sweeping oil
sanctions waivers, unlocking billions in new revenue for Tehran. And
apparently, the U.S. is working with Qatar to free up billions of
dollars in frozen assets available for Iran. These financial incentives
for an adversary before we have compliance are remarkable.
  Ultimately, I hope my colleagues reassert Congress' constitutional
responsibilities when it comes to the war against Iran.
  I am glad that the Senate adopted a resolution instructing the
President to end the war yesterday, and I hope when it comes to the
national budget or any supplemental request, we will uphold our power
of the purse.
  I also look forward to reviewing any final nuclear agreement with
Iran as required under the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act.
  Anything less is an abdication of our duties as Members of Congress.

                        ARMS SALES NOTIFICATION

  Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control
Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain
proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification,
the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be
reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the
notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
  In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant
information is still available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous
consent to have printed in the Record the notifications that have been
received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such
an annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign
Relations Committee, room SD-423.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:

                                     U.S. Department of State,