The following are given passages.
Passage 1:
Tommie Smith
Tommie C. Smith (born June 6, 1944) is an American former track and field athlete and former wide receiver in the American Football League. At the 1968 Summer Olympics, Smith, aged 24, won the 200-meter sprint finals and gold medal in 19.83 seconds – the first time the 20-second barrier was broken officially. His Black Power salute with John Carlos atop the medal podium to protest racism and injustice against African Americans in the United States caused controversy, as it was seen as politicizing the Olympic Games. It remains a symbolic moment in the history of the Black Power movement.

Early life and career
Tommie Smith was born on June 6, 1944, in Clarksville, Texas, the seventh of twelve children born to Richard and Dora Smith. He suffered from pneumonia as a child, but still grew to be an athletic youth. While attending Lemoore High School in Lemoore, California, Smith showed great potential, setting most of the school's track records, many of which remain. He won the 440-yard dash in the 1963 CIF California State Meet. He was voted Lemoore's "Most Valuable Athlete" in basketball, football, and track and field, and was also voted vice president of his senior class. His achievements earned him a scholarship to San José State University.On May 7, 1966, while he was at San Jose State, Smith set a world best of 19.5 seconds in the 200m straight, which he ran on a cinder track. That record for 200m was finally beaten by Tyson Gay on May 16, 2010, just over 44 years later, though Smith still holds the record for the slightly longer 220-yard event. Since the IAAF has abandoned ratifying records for the event, Smith still retains the official record for the straightaway 200m/220 yards in perpetuity.A few weeks later, on June 11, 1966, Smith set the record for 200 meters and 220 yards around a turn at 20.0, the first man to do that in 20 seconds. Six days later he won the NCAA Men's Outdoor Track and Field Championship. Smith also won the national collegiate 220-yard (201.17 m) title in 1967 before adding the AAU furlong (201.17m) crown as well. He traveled to Japan for the 1967 Summer Universiade and won the 200m gold medal. He repeated as U.S. 200m champion in 1968 and made the Olympic team.

1968 Summer Olympics
Leading up to the Olympics, at the U.S. Olympic Trials at Echo Summit, California, San Jose State teammate John Carlos beat Smith and his world record, running 19.92A. John Carlos' record was disallowed because of the brush spike shoes he was wearing, as was a similar record by Vince Matthews in the 400 meters.As a member of the Olympic Project for Human Rights (OPHR) Smith originally advocated a boycott of the 1968 Mexico City Olympic Games unless four conditions were met: South Africa and Rhodesia uninvited from the Olympics, the restoration of Muhammad Ali's world heavyweight boxing title, Avery Brundage to step down as president of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), and the hiring of more African-American assistant coaches. As the boycott failed to achieve support after the IOC withdrew invitations for South Africa and Rhodesia, he decided, together with Carlos, to not only wear their gloves but also go barefoot to protest poverty, wear beads to protest lynchings, and wear buttons that said OPHR.At the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico, Smith nursed an injured groin into the 200m final. In the race, teammate Carlos powered out to the lead through the turn, while Smith got a slow start. Coming off the turn, Smith charged past Carlos and sped to victory.  Knowing he had passed his training partner and closest opponent, his victory was so clear, he raised his arms to celebrate 10m before the finish line. Still, he improved upon his own world record that would last for 11 years until Pietro Mennea would surpass it on the same track. Smith's time of 19.83 was among the first automatically timed world records for the event as recorded by the IAAF.

Carlos and Smith made headlines around the world by raising their black-gloved fists at the medal award ceremony. Both athletes wore black socks and no shoes on the podium to represent African-American poverty in the United States. In support, Peter Norman, the silver medalist who was a white athlete from Australia, participated in the protest by wearing an OPHR badge.IOC president Avery Brundage deemed it to be a domestic political statement unfit for the apolitical, international forum the Olympic Games were intended to be. In response to their actions, he ordered Smith and Carlos suspended from the US team and banned from the Olympic Village. When the US Olympic Committee refused, Brundage threatened to ban the entire US track team. This threat led to the expulsion of the two athletes from the Games.A spokesman for the IOC said Smith and Carlos's actions were "a deliberate and violent breach of the fundamental principles of the Olympic spirit." Brundage, who was president of the United States Olympic Committee in 1936, had made no objections against Nazi salutes during the Berlin Olympics. He argued that the Nazi salute, being a national salute at the time, was acceptable in a competition of nations, while the athletes' salute was not of a nation and therefore unacceptable.Smith and Carlos faced consequences for challenging white authority in the U.S. Ralph Boston, a black U.S. long jumper at the 1968 games, stated: "The rest of the world didn't seem to find it such a derogatory thing. They thought it was very positive. Only America thought it was bad." The men's gesture had lingering effects for all three athletes, the most serious of which were death threats against Smith, Carlos and their families. Following their suspension by the IOC, they faced economic hardship.Smith stated in later years that "We were concerned about the lack of black assistant coaches. About how Muhammad Ali got stripped of his title. About the lack of access to good housing and our kids not being able to attend the top colleges."

Athletics and later career
During his career, Smith set seven individual world records and also was a member of several world-record relay teams at San Jose State, where he was coached by Lloyd (Bud) Winter. With personal records of 10.1 for 100 meters, 19.83 for 200 and 44.5 for the 400, Smith still ranks high on the world all-time lists.
Smith, who had been drafted by the National Football League's Los Angeles Rams in the ninth round of the 1967 NFL Draft, signed to play for the American Football League's Cincinnati Bengals and was part of the team's taxi squad for most of three seasons as a wide receiver. During the 1969 season, he played in two games, catching one pass for 41 yards.A year after his Olympic win, Smith finished his BA in Social Science at San Jose State University and went on to earn a master's in Social Change from Goddard College, whose program enabled Smith to integrate his teaching and writing practices into his coursework.After his track and football careers, he became a member of the United States National Track and Field Hall of Fame in 1978. In 1996, Smith was inducted into the California Black Sports Hall of Fame, and in 1999 he received that organization's Sportsman of the Millennium Award. In 2000 and 2001 the County of Los Angeles and the State of Texas presented Smith with commendation, recognition and proclamation awards.He later became a track coach at Oberlin College in Ohio, where he also taught sociology and until 2005 was a faculty member teaching physical education at Santa Monica College in Santa Monica, California.In August 2008, he gave 2008 Olympic triple gold winner Usain Bolt of Jamaica one of his shoes from the 1968 Olympics as a birthday gift.In 2010, Smith put his gold medal and spikes up for auction. Bids started at $250,000, and the sale was scheduled to close November 4, 2010. In 2013 Goddard College honored Smith as an alumnus by awarding him the Presidential Award for Activism in 2013.

Books
Smith's autobiography (co-written with David Steele), Silent Gesture was published in 2007 by Temple University Press. It was named a 2008 Adult Nonfiction Honor Book by the Black Caucus of the American Library Association and nominated for a 2008 NAACP Image Award.
Smith's second book Victory. Stand! Raising My Fist for Justice was published in 2022 by Norton Young Readers. The graphic memoir was co-written with Derrick Barnes and illustrated by Dawud Anyabwile. The book received literary acclaim. It won the 2023 YALSA Award for Excellence in Nonfiction and was recognized as a 2023 Corretta Scott King Award Author and Illustrator Honor Book as well as a finalist for the 2022 National Book Award for Young People's Literature.

Personal life
Smith first married Jimi Denise Paschal from 1967 to 1973, with whom he had one child. He then married Denise M. "Akiba" Kyle in 1977, with whom he had four children. The two divorced in 2000, and Smith married Delois Jordan in the same year.

Recognition
Tommie Smith is featured in the 1999 HBO documentary Fists of Freedom: The Story of the '68 Summer Games. The documentary looks at events leading up to, during and after the 1968 Olympics. It features interviews with Smith, Carlos and sociologist Harry Edwards. There is archival footage of the Games and the fallout after the raised fist salutes by Carlos and Smith. Smith says in the programme:
We were not Antichrists.  We were just human beings who saw a need to bring attention to the inequality in our country.  I don't like the idea of people looking at it as negative.  There was nothing but a raised fist in the air and a bowed head, acknowledging the American flag – not symbolizing a hatred for it.
For his lifelong commitment to athletics, education, and human rights, Smith received the Courage of Conscience Award from The Peace Abbey in Sherborn, Massachusetts. In 2004, a sports hall bearing his name was inaugurated in his presence at Saint-Ouen, France.In 2005, a statue showing Smith and Carlos on the medal stand was constructed by political artist Rigo 23 and dedicated on the campus of San Jose State University. Norman's silver medal position was left vacant at his request, so visitors could pose for photos in solidarity with Smith and Carlos, as Norman had stood.A mural of the photo taken with Smith on the podium at the 1968 Olympics with Carlos and Norman was painted on the brick wall of a residence in Newtown, New South Wales, Australia, titled "Three Proud People Mexico 68". The house's owner, Silvio Offria, allowed an artist known only as "Donald" to paint the mural, and said that Norman came to Newtown to see the mural and have his photo taken with it before he died in 2006. The mural faces the train tracks linking Sydney city to the Western and Southern Suburbs. In 2012, the Sydney City Council heritage listed the mural to safeguard it, after it had faced possible demolition in 2010 to make way for a railway tunnel. Smith and Carlos were pallbearers at Norman's funeral in Melbourne in 2006.On July 16, 2008, Smith and Carlos accepted the Arthur Ashe Award for Courage for the salute at the 2008 ESPY Awards. In 2018, Smith received the Dresden Peace Prize.The Tommie Smith Youth Track Meet is held annually in his honor. It has been both an AAU and USATF-sponsored event, held at the University of California, Berkeley at Edwards Stadium. 
San Jose State University has secured funding to rebuild the  track and field complex. The centerpiece is Speed City Legacy Center, which pays tribute to SJSU alumni track stars and civil rights advocates.

See also
Timeline of the civil rights movement
Bay Area Sports Hall of Fame
Other American Football League players
Men's 200 metres world record progression

Further reading
Bates, Karen Grigsby (October 16, 2018). "50 Years Later, Raised Fists During National Anthem Still Resonate". Morning Edition. NPR.
Brown, DeNeen (October 16, 2018). "'A cry for freedom': The Black Power salute that rocked the world 50 years ago". Washington Post.
Barra, Allan. "Fists Raised, but Not in Anger" The New York Times, August 22, 2008
Thomas, Katie. "For Australian Athletes, a Voice From the Grave" The New York Times May 23, 2008
"In-flight film will urge Olympians to protest", The Daily Telegraph, May 24, 2008
"Norman loses his spot in history", Sporting Life, October 17, 2005
"Norman dies after heart attack", Fox Sports, October 3, 2006
"Peter Norman, man on podium for Black Power salute, dies", USA Today, October 3, 2006
Reed, Ron. "Norman to receive a final salute", The Herald Sun, October 6, 2006
Hoy, Greg. "Fellow athletes pay tribute to Peter Norman", Australian Broadcasting Corporation, October 10, 2006
Blackistone, Kevin B., The Dallas Morning News, August 23, 2008 (Archived original "'68 protest more than a memory" at the Wayback Machine (archived July 1, 2001))
"Peter Norman dies after heart attack", The Age, October 3, 2006
"Bitter price of Olympics' iconic image", Sydney Morning Herald, October 17, 2003
Wise, Mike. "Clenched Fists, Helping Hand", The Washington Post, October 5, 2006
"Norman Remembered as an Unflinching Champion", The Australian, October 9, 2006
"Carlos, Smith act as pallbearers at funeral of podium mate from 1968 Olympics" at the Wayback Machine (archived March 11, 2007), MSNBC, October 9, 2006 (Archived original)
Rees, Margaret "Australian athlete supported American civil rights struggle", World Socialist Web Site, October 23, 2006
Passage 2:
Black Power: The Politics of Liberation
Black Power: The Politics of Liberation is a 1967 book co-authored by Kwame Ture (then known as Stokely Carmichael) and political scientist Charles V. Hamilton. The work defines Black Power, presents insights into the roots of racism in the United States and suggests a means of reforming the traditional political process for the future.  Published originally as Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America, the book has become a staple work produced during the Civil Rights Movement and Black Power movement.One of the main focuses of the book is describing the struggles that black communities faced in trying to get involved in politics.  Black people had faced severe and violent discrimination since the Civil War, as well as segregation since the late nineteenth century. Consequently, the community faced problems with political participation as the community faced material consequences of systemic racism when attempting to vote or engaging with the political world.  Carmichael and Hamilton cite white supremacy, colonialism, and the systemic continuation of these dynamics as drivers of disenfranchisement and racism.These issues led to the creation of certain groups and organizations.  For instance, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) attempted to build organizational capacity within the Southern black community, offering a progressive alternative to the Democratic Party in Mississippi that would adopt the national party's platform (see Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party).  By creating regional campaigns and running black candidates, SNCC saw success within their own community.  However, with the limited power that this and other organizations held, their efforts to engage in the political arena for the black community were often not fully realized. This led the authors to reconceptualize Black Power as a tool for confronting the totality of oppression, not exclusively that of political representation.
Carmichael and Hamilton continue to write about the ways that black communities' attempts to be active in politics have been thwarted by self-serving groups who offer shallow allyship.  Criticizing labor movements, liberals, and the middle class for being complacent in systemic racism, Black Power challenges coalitions to genuinely serve the anti-racism and the needs of the black community. Carmichael and Hamilton state, "We do not believe it is possible to form meaningful coalitions unless both or all parties are not only willing but believe it absolutely necessary to challenge [white supremacy] and other prevailing norms and institutions".Carmichael and Hamilton write that Black Power meant more than simply changing the physical, material conditions of inequality faced by black Americans; it also meant changing perspectives of race relations in a historical context, both inside and outside the community. The authors believe Black Power not only rests in dismantling white supremacy, but also in establishing camaraderie within the black community. In this way, Black Power disavows the legitimacy of liberal, conformist politics, and instead seeks a degree of sovereignty for black community.
Ohio prison library included Black Power in its list of books in 1975.

See also
Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community
Passage 3:
African-American bookstores
African-American bookstores, also known as black bookstores, are bookstores owned and operated by African Americans.  These stores often, although not always, specialize in works by and about African Americans and their target customers are often African Americans.  Although they are a variety of African-American business, African-American bookstores have often been closely tied to radical political movements including Marxism, Black Power, and pan-Africanism. The first documented African-American bookstore was established by the abolitionist David Ruggles in 1834. The first African-American bookstore to open in Harlem was Young's Book Exchange. One of the earliest African-American bookstores to achieve national prominence was Lewis Michaux's African National Memorial Bookstore, which operated in Harlem from the early 1930s to the middle of the 1970s.  Michaux's store doubled as a meeting place for black activists, including most famously Malcolm X.  The Black Power movement embraced black-owned bookstores in the 1960s and 70s as vehicles for promoting their ideology and creating radical political spaces in black communities across the United States.  By the 1990s, African-American bookstores earned significant attention from more politically moderate and business oriented media outlets such as the magazine Black Enterprise.  In the 2000s and 2010s, however, as independent bookstores of all kinds declined and bookstores chains and Amazon increasingly sold black-authored books, the number of African-American bookstores declined rapidly, dropping from more than 250 to just over 70.Prominent black-owned booksellers currently in business include Marcus Books in Oakland, the oldest black bookseller in the country, Everyone's Place in Baltimore, Hakim's Bookstore in Philadelphia, Eso Won Books in Los Angeles (noted as "a Leimert Park institution of black literature and culture"), and Sankofa in Washington, D.C.Prominent online black booksellers include AALBC.com (founded in 1998), Mahogany Books and Hue-Man Bookstore, which formerly had brick-and-mortar storefronts in Denver, Colorado, and in Harlem.

See also
Bookselling in the US
Antiquarian book trade in the United States
Books in the United States
Lewis H. Micheaux
Young's Book Exchange
Martin Sostre
David Ruggles
Passage 4:
Black Power movement
The Black Power movement or Black Liberation movement was a branch or counterculture within the civil rights movement of the United States, reacting against its more moderate, mainstream, or incremental tendencies and motivated by a desire for safety and self-sufficiency that was not available inside redlined African American neighborhoods. Black Power activists founded black-owned bookstores, food cooperatives, farms, media, printing presses, schools, clinics and ambulance services. The international impact of the movement includes the Black Power Revolution in Trinidad and Tobago.By the late 1960s, Black Power came to represent the demand for more immediate violent action to counter American white supremacy. Most of these ideas were influenced by Malcolm X's criticism of Martin Luther King Jr.'s peaceful protest methods. The 1965 assassination of Malcolm X, coupled with the urban riots of 1964 and 1965, ignited the movement. New organizations that supported Black Power philosophies ranging from the adoption of socialism by certain sects of the movement to black nationalism, including the Black Panther Party (BPP), grew to prominence.While black American thinkers such as Robert F. Williams and Malcolm X influenced the early Black Power movement, the Black Panther Party and its views are widely seen as the cornerstone. It was influenced by philosophies such as pan-Africanism, black nationalism and socialism, as well as contemporary events including the Cuban Revolution and the decolonization of Africa.

History
Origins
The first popular use of the term "Black Power" as a social and racial slogan was by Stokely Carmichael (later known as Kwame Ture) and Willie Ricks (later known as Mukasa Dada), both organizers and spokespeople for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. On June 16, 1966, in a speech in Greenwood, Mississippi, during the March Against Fear, Carmichael led the marchers in a chant for Black power that was televised nationally.The organization Nation of Islam began as a Black nationalist movement in the 1930s, inspiring later groups. Malcolm X is largely credited with the group's dramatic increase in membership between the early 1950s and early 1960s (from 500 to 25,000 by one estimate; from 1,200 to 50,000 or 75,000 by another). In March 1964, Malcolm X left the Nation due to disagreements with Elijah Muhammad; among other things, he cited his interest in working with civil rights leaders, saying that Muhammad had prevented him from doing so. Later, Malcolm X also said Muhammad had engaged in extramarital affairs with young Nation secretaries‍—‌a serious violation of the group's teachings. On February 21, 1965, Malcolm X was shot and killed while speaking at the Audubon Ballroom in Washington Heights, New York City. Three Nation members were convicted of assassinating him. Despite this, there has long been speculation and suspicion of government involvement. The forty police officers at the scene were instructed to "stand down" by their commanding officers while the shooting took place.After the Watts riots in Los Angeles in 1965, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee decided to cut ties with the mainstream civil rights movement. They argued that blacks needed to build power of their own, rather than seek accommodations from the power structure in place. SNCC migrated from a philosophy of nonviolence to one of greater militancy after the mid-1960s. The organization established ties with radical groups such as the Students for a Democratic Society.
In late October 1966, Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale founded the Black Panther Party. In formulating a new politics, they drew on their experiences working with a variety of Black Power organizations.

Escalation in the late 1960s
The Black Panther Party initially utilized open-carry gun laws to protect party members and local black communities from law enforcement. Party members also recorded incidents of police brutality by distantly following police cars around neighborhoods. Numbers grew slightly starting in February 1967, when the party provided an armed escort at the San Francisco airport for Betty Shabazz, Malcolm X's widow and keynote speaker at a conference held in his honor. By 1967, the SNCC began to fall apart due to policy disputes in its leadership, and many members left for the Black Panthers. Throughout 1967, the Panthers staged rallies and disrupted the California State Assembly with armed marchers. In 1956 the FBI developed COINTELPRO to investigate black nationalist groups and others. By 1969, the Black Panthers and their allies had become primary COINTELPRO targets, singled out in 233 of the 295 authorized "black nationalist" COINTELPRO actions. In 1968, the Republic of New Afrika was founded, a separatist group seeking a black country in the southern United States, only to dissolve by the early 1970s.
By 1968, many Black Panther leaders had been arrested, including founder Huey Newton for the murder of a police officer (Newton's prosecution was eventually dismissed), yet membership surged. Black Panthers later engaged the police in a firefight in a Los Angeles gas station. In the same year, Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated, creating nationwide riots, the widest wave of social unrest since the American Civil War. In Cleveland, Ohio, the "Republic of New Libya" engaged the police in the Glenville shootout, which was followed by rioting. The year also marked the start of the White Panther Party, a group of whites dedicated to the cause of the Black Panthers. Founders Pun Plamondon and John Sinclair were arrested, but eventually freed, in connection to the bombing of a Central Intelligence Agency office in Ann Arbor, Michigan that September.By 1969, the Black Panthers began purging members due to fear of law enforcement infiltration, engaged in multiple gunfights with police and one with a black nationalist organization. The Panthers continued their "Free Huey" campaign internationally. In the spirit of rising militancy, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers was formed in Detroit, which supported labor rights and Black liberation. \

Peak in the early 1970s
In 1970 the Honorary Prime Minister of the Black Panther Party, Stokely Carmichael, traveled to various countries to discuss methods to resist "American imperialism". In Trinidad, the Black Power Movement had escalated into the Black Power Revolution in which many Afro-Trinidadians forced the government of Trinidad to give into reforms. Later many Panthers visited Algeria to discuss Pan-Africanism and anti-imperialism. In the same year former Black Panthers formed the Black Liberation Army to continue a violent revolution rather than the party's new reform movements. On October 22, 1970, the Black Liberation Army is believed to have planted a bomb in St. Brendan's Church in San Francisco while it was full of mourners attending the funeral of San Francisco police officer Harold Hamilton, who had been killed in the line of duty while responding to a bank robbery. The bomb was detonated, but no one in the church suffered serious injuries.In 1971, several Panther officials fled the U.S. due to police concerns. This was the only active year of the Black Revolutionary Assault Team, a group that bombed the New York South African consular office in protest of apartheid. On September 20 it placed bombs at the UN Missions of Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa) and the Republic of Malawi. In February 1971, ideological splits within the Black Panther Party between leaders Newton and Eldridge Cleaver led to two factions within the party; the conflict turned violent and four people were killed in a series of assassinations. On May 21, 1971, five Black Liberation Army members participated in the shootings of two New York City police officers, Joseph Piagentini and Waverly Jones. Those brought to trial for the shootings include Anthony Bottom (also known as Jalil Muntaqim), Albert Washington, Francisco Torres, Gabriel Torres, and Herman Bell.During the jail sentence of White Panther John Sinclair a "Free John" concert took place, including John Lennon and Stevie Wonder. Sinclair was released two days later. On August 29, three BLA members murdered San Francisco police sergeant John Victor Young at his police station. Two days later, the San Francisco Chronicle received a letter signed by the BLA claiming responsibility for the attack. Late in the year Huey Newton visited China for meetings on Maoist theory and anti-imperialism. Black Power icon George Jackson attempted to escape from prison in August, killing seven hostages only to be killed himself. Jackson's death triggered the Attica Prison uprising which was later ended in a bloody siege. On November 3, Officer James R. Greene of the Atlanta Police Department was shot and killed in his patrol van at a gas station by Black Liberation Army members.1972 was the year Newton shut down many Black Panther chapters and held a party meeting in Oakland, California. On January 27, the Black Liberation Army assassinated police officers Gregory Foster and Rocco Laurie in New York City. After the killings, a note sent to authorities portrayed the murders as a retaliation for the prisoner deaths during 1971 Attica prison riot. To date no arrests have been made.   On July 31, five armed BLA members hijacked Delta Air Lines Flight 841, eventually collecting a ransom of $1 million and diverting the plane, after passengers were released, to Algeria. The authorities there seized the ransom but allowed the group to flee. Four were eventually caught by French authorities in Paris, where they were convicted of various crimes, but one – George Wright – remained a fugitive until September 26, 2011, when he was captured in Portugal. After being accused of murdering a prostitute in 1974, Huey Newton fled to Cuba. Elaine Brown became party leader and embarked on an election campaign.

De-escalation in the late 1970s
In the late 1970s a rebel group named after the killed prisoner formed the George Jackson Brigade. From March 1975 to December 1977, the Brigade robbed at least seven banks and detonated about 20 pipe bombs – mainly targeting government buildings, electric power facilities, Safeway stores, and companies accused of racism. In 1977, Newton returned from exile in Cuba. Shortly afterward, Elaine Brown resigned from the party and fled to Los Angeles. The Party fell apart, leaving only a few members.MOVE developed in Philadelphia in 1972 as the "Christian Movement for Life", a communal living group based on Black Liberation principles. When police raided their house in 1978, a firefight broke out; during the shootout, one officer was killed, seven other police officers, five firefighters, three MOVE members, and three bystanders were also injured.In another high-profile incident of the Black Liberation Army, Assata Shakur, Zayd Shakur and Sundiata Acoli were said to have opened fire on state troopers in New Jersey after being pulled over for a broken taillight. Zayd Shakur and state trooper Werner Foerster were both killed during the exchange. Following her capture, Assata Shakur was tried in six different criminal trials. According to Shakur, she was beaten and tortured during her incarceration in a number of different federal and state prisons. The charges ranged from kidnapping to assault and battery to bank robbery. Assata Shakur was found guilty of the murder of both Foerster and her companion Zayd Shakur, but escaped prison in 1979 and eventually fled to Cuba and received political asylum. Acoli was convicted of killing Foerster and sentenced to life in prison.
In 1978 a group of Black Liberation Army and Weather Underground members formed the May 19th Communist Organization, or M19CO. It also included members of the Black Panthers and the Republic of New Africa. In 1979 three M19CO members walked into the visitor's center at the Clinton Correctional Facility for Women near Clinton, New Jersey. They took two guards hostage and freed Shakur. Several months later M19CO arranged for the escape of William Morales, a member of Puerto Rican separatist group Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación Nacional Puertorriqueña from Bellevue Hospital in New York City, where he was recovering after a bomb he was building exploded in his hands.

Decline in the 1980s
Over the 1980s the Black Power movement continued despite a decline in its popularity and organization memberships. The Black Liberation Army was active in the US until at least 1981 when a Brinks truck robbery, conducted with support from former Weather Underground members Kathy Boudin and David Gilbert, left a guard and two police officers dead. Boudin and Gilbert, along with several BLA members, were subsequently arrested. M19CO engaged in a bombing campaign in the 1980s. They targeted a series of government and commercial buildings, including the U.S. Senate. On November 3, 1984, two members of the M19CO, Susan Rosenberg and Timothy Blunk, were arrested at a mini-warehouse they had rented in Cherry Hill, New Jersey. Police recovered more than 100 blasting caps, nearly 200 sticks of dynamite, more than 100 cartridges of gel explosive, and 24 bags of blasting agent from the warehouse. The M19CO alliance's last bombing was on February 23, 1985, at the Policemen's Benevolent Association in New York City.
MOVE had relocated to West Philadelphia after the earlier shootout. On May 13, 1985, the police, along with city manager Leo Brooks, arrived with arrest warrants and attempted to clear the MOVE building and arrest the indicted MOVE members. This led to an armed standoff with police, who lobbed tear gas canisters at the building. MOVE members shot at the police, who returned fire with automatic weapons. The police then bombed the house, killing several adults and children, and causing a large fire that destroyed the better part of a city block.In 1989, well into the waning years of the movement, the New Black Panther Party formed. In the same year on August 22, Huey P. Newton was fatally shot outside by 24-year-old Black Guerilla Family member Tyrone Robinson.

Characteristics
Education
The fifth point of the Black Panther Party's Ten-Point Program called for "education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent American society. We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present day society." This sentiment was echoed in many of the other Black Power organizations; the inadequacy of black education had earlier been remarked on by W. E. B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, and Carter G. Woodson.
With this backdrop, Stokely Carmichael brought political education into his work with SNCC in the rural South. This included get-out-the-vote campaigns and political literacy. Bobby Seale and Huey Newton used education to address the lack of identity in the black community. Seale had worked with youth in an after-school program before starting the Panthers. Through this new education and identity building, they believed they could empower black Americans to claim their freedom.

Media
Just as Black Power activists focused on community control of schools and politics, the movement took a major interest in creating and controlling its own media institutions. Most famously, the Black Panther Party produced the Black Panther newspaper, which proved to be one of the BPP's most influential tools for disseminating its message and recruiting new members.
WAFR was launched in September 1971 as the first public, community-based black radio station. The Durham, North Carolina, station broadcast until 1976, but influenced later activist radio stations including WPFW in Washington, D.C. and WRFG in Atlanta.

Australian Black Power
The American Black Power movement influenced Aboriginal Australian activists from the late 1960s onwards, especially in Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne. The term became widely known after the Victorian Aborigines Advancement League (AAL), led by Bruce McGuinness and Bob Maza, invited Caribbean activist Roosevelt Brown to give a talk on Black Power in Melbourne in 1968, causing a media frenzy. The AAL was influenced by the ideas of Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael. The Australian "Black Power movement" had emerged in Redfern in Sydney, Fitzroy, Melbourne, and South Brisbane, following the "Freedom Ride" led by  Charles Perkins in 1965. There was a small group of people at the centre of the movement known as the Black Caucus.Bobbi Sykes defined Australian Black Power as "The power generated by people who seek to identify their own problems and those of the community as a whole, and who strive to take action in all possible forms to solve those problems", while Paul Coe saw it as the need for Aboriginal people to "take control both of the economical, the political and cultural resources of the people and of the land…so that they themselves have got the power to determine their own future". Activist and later academic Gary Foley later wrote that in Australia, Black Power "was essentially about the necessity for Black people to define the world in their own terms, and to seek self-determination and independence on their own terms, without white interference". The Aboriginal Legal Service in Redfern grew out of this activism.

Legacy
After the 1970s the Black Power movement saw a decline, but not an end. In 1998, the Black Radical Congress was founded, with debatable effects. The Black Riders Liberation Party was created by Bloods and Crips gang members as an attempt to recreate the Black Panther Party in 1996. The group has spread, creating chapters in cities across the United States, and frequently staging paramilitary marches. During the 2008 presidential election New Black Panther Party members were accused of voter intimidation at a polling station in a predominantly black, Democratic voting district of Philadelphia. After the killing of Trayvon Martin black power paramilitaries formed, including the Huey P. Newton Gun Club, African American Defense League, and the New Black Liberation Militia, all staging armed marches and military training.Some have compared the modern movement Black Lives Matter to the Black Power movement, noting its similarities. The Movement for Black Lives openly promotes Black Power.

See also
Black mecca
Black nationalism
Black Panther Party
Black supremacy
Black separatism
Chicano Movement
History of the socialist movement in the United States
New Left
Black Arts Movement
Protests of 1968
Red Power movement
Los Siete de la Raza
Passage 5:
Hakim Jamal
Hakim Abdullah Jamal (born Allen Donaldson; March 28, 1931 – May 1, 1973) was an American activist and writer. He was an associate of Michael X and wrote From the Dead Level, a memoir of his life and memories of Malcolm X. During his life, Jamal was romantically involved with several high-profile women, notably Jean Seberg, Diana Athill, and Gale Benson.

Early life
Donaldson was born in Roxbury, Boston, in 1931. His father was an alcoholic, and his mother abandoned him when he was 6. Donaldson started regularly drinking alcohol when he was aged 10 and became a heroin user at 14. In his early 20s he spent four years in prison.Donaldson's violent temper led to his committal to a mental asylum, after two attempted murders. He later underwent a conversion to the teachings of the Nation of Islam and renamed himself Hakim Jamal. He became a spokesman for the movement and contributed articles to various newspapers promoting Black Power. After Malcolm X left the Nation of Islam, Jamal supported his decision and was outspoken in his criticism of Elijah Muhammad.

Founding US Organization
After Malcolm X's death, Jamal joined with Maulana Karenga and others to found "US", an organization to promote African-American cultural unity. He had already circulated a self-produced magazine entitled "US", a pun on the phrase "us and them" and the accepted abbreviation of "United States". This promoted the idea of black cultural unity as a distinct national identity. Jamal and Karenga published a magazine Message to the Grassroot in 1966, in which Karenga was listed as chairman and Jamal as founder of the new group. Jamal argued that the ideas of Malcolm X should be the main ideological model for the group.However, Jamal's views increasingly differed from Karenga's. Jamal continued to emphasise his cousin's radical politics, while Karenga wished to root black Americans in African culture. Jamal saw no point in projects such as teaching Swahili and promoting traditional African rituals. He left "US" to establish the Malcolm X Foundation, based in Compton, California.

Relationships
Though married to fellow-activist Dorothy Jamal, Jamal had several significant affairs. He had a brief relationship with actress Jean Seberg. His wife phoned Seberg's father to try to bring an end to the affair.Jamal moved to London during the late 1960s where he met Gale Benson, daughter of the British MP Leonard Plugge.
The writer V. S. Naipaul described Benson as Jamal's "white-woman slave." Jamal and Benson traveled in America seeking funds for a project to create a Montessori school for black children. Following an unsuccessful attempt to establish a commune in Guyana with the young German radical Herbert Girardet, the couple later joined West Indian Black Power leader Michael X at his commune in Trinidad, where Jamal wrote articles in support of Michael's activities.

Gale Benson murder
Benson traveled once again to America to raise funds for the school, but was unsuccessful. Shortly after her return to Trinidad in 1972, she was murdered by Michael X and his associates. Jamal was not a suspect, but it was alleged that Michael X had ordered her death because she was causing "mental strain" to Jamal.In 1971, Jamal wrote his autobiography, From the Dead Level: Malcolm X and Me. It was published in the UK by André Deutsch and at this time Jamal became involved in a relationship with his London editor, Diana Athill. She later wrote about their romance in her memoir Make Believe, recording his increasing mental instability and alleged that he made repeated assertions that he was God.Jamal eventually returned to his wife and moved back to Boston, where he revived his role as director of the Malcolm X Foundation.

Death
On May 1, 1973, Jamal was killed when four men burst into his apartment in Boston and shot him repeatedly. Police attributed the crime to a factional dispute, linked to Jamal's attacks on Elijah Muhammad. It was blamed on a group known as De Mau Mau. Five members of the group were convicted of involvement in the murder.

In popular culture
Jamal is a character in the 2008 film The Bank Job, in which he is played by Colin Salmon.
In the Jean Seberg biopic Seberg from 2019, he is played by Anthony Mackie.

Notes
Further reading
Athill, Diana (2004) [1993]. Make Believe: A True Story. London: Granta. ISBN 978-1-86207-708-9.
Jamal, Hakim A. (1972). From The Dead Level: Malcolm X and Me. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-0-394-46234-9.

External links
"Hakim Jamal (centre), Portobello Road", 1971 photograph by Charlie Phillips. V&A collection.
FBI Docs Hakim Jamal FBI file as well as inventory of other FBI files on Jamal held by the National Archives II
Passage 6:
Etheridge Knight
Etheridge Knight (April 19, 1931 – March 10, 1991) was an African-American poet who made his name in 1968 with his debut volume, Poems from Prison.  The book recalls in verse his eight-year-long sentence after his arrest for robbery in 1960.  By the time he left prison, Knight had prepared a second volume featuring his own writings and works of his fellow inmates. This second book, first published in Italy under the title Voce negre dal carcere, appeared in English in 1970 as Black Voices from Prison. These works established Knight as one of the major poets of the Black Arts Movement, which flourished from the early 1960s through the mid-1970s. With roots in the Civil Rights Movement, Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam, and the Black Power Movement, Etheridge Knight and other American artists within the movement sought to create politically engaged work that explored the African-American cultural and historical experience.Knight is also considered an important poet in the mainstream American tradition. In his 2012 book Understanding Etheridge Knight, Michael S. Collins calls Knight "a mighty American poet....He and Wallace Stevens stand as 'two poles of American poetry,' according to his better-known fellow writer Robert Bly. Or, rather, Knight was, as he often said, a poet of the belly: a poet of the earth and of the body, a poet of the feelings from which cries and blood oaths and arias come, while Stevens was a poet, arguably, of the ache left in the intellect after it tears itself from God. 'Ideas are not the source of poetry,' Knight told one interviewer. 'For me it's passion, heart and soul....'"

Biography
Knight was born on April 19, 1931, as one of eight children to Belzora Cozart  Knight and Etheridge "Bushie" Knight in rural Corinth, Mississippi, but moved with his family to Paducah, Kentucky, where his father, a failed farmer, worked as a laborer on the Kentucky Dam. During this time, Knight frequently ran away from home, and so, was sent back to Corinth during the summer to stay with an uncle. Although he was an extremely bright student, Knight decided to drop out of school at the age of 16. His first job was as a shoe shiner in a small Kentucky town, where he first became more attuned to nuances of language as he absorbed the world and activity around him. In addition to his work, Knight spent much of his time at juke joints, pool halls, and underground poker games, which furthered his interest in language. It was during this time that Knight became exposed to "toasts," which are narrative-style oral poetry which relates a story. In 1947, Knight enlisted in the army and served as a medical technician in the Korean War until November 1950, during which time he sustained serious wound as well as psychological trauma, which led him to begin using morphine. By the time Knight was discharged from the army and returned to Indianapolis, Indiana, where his family had moved, he had become addicted to opiates. He spent much of the next several years dealing drugs and stealing to support his drug addiction.In 1960, after a few previous run-ins with the police, Knight and two of his associates were arrested for armed robbery. Knight was initially so furious about his sentence that he was later unable to recall much of what happened during his first few months of his sentence. But after realizing that such anger was counterproductive, he turned his attention to reading as much as he could and dedicated himself to poetry.During the following years, Knight became increasingly well known for his poetry writings. After working as a journalist for prison publications, he began submitting poetry to the Negro Digest in 1965.  He also started establishing contacts with significant figures in the African-American literary community, including well-known poets like Gwendolyn Brooks, Dudley Randall, Sonia Sanchez and Haki Madhubuti, many of whom came to visit him in prison. The poems he had written during his time in prison were so effective that Dudley Randall, a poet and owner of Broadside Press, published Knight’s first volume of verse, Poems from Prison, and hailed Knight as one of the major poets of the Black Arts Movement. The book’s publication coincided with his release from prison.
Upon his release from prison in 1968, Knight married poet Sonia Sanchez. Over the next few years, he held the position of writer-in-residence at several universities, including two years, 1968 and 1969, spent at the University of Pittsburgh. While living in Pittsburgh with his wife and their family, Knight spent time as poetry editor for Motive magazine. Because of his ongoing drug addiction, his marriage to Sanchez did not last long, and they were divorced in 1970 while still in Pittsburgh. He continued writing his third book, Belly Song and Other Poems, which was published in 1973. His third work incorporates new life experiences and attitudes about love and race, and Knight was praised for the work’s sincerity. Belly Song was nominated for the National Book Award and the Pulitzer Prize. Knight’s time in Pennsylvania was very important to his career: his work during this period won him both a National Endowment for the Arts grant in 1972 and a Guggenheim Fellowship in 1974.
He married Mary McAnally in 1972, and she adopted two children. They settled in Minneapolis, Minnesota, until they separated in 1977. He then resided in Memphis, Tennessee, where he received Methadone treatments. Knight rose from a life of poverty, crime, and drug addiction to become exactly what he expressed in his notebook in 1965: a voice that was heard and helped his people.
Knight continued to write throughout his post-prison life. Belly Song and Other Poems (1973) dealt with themes of racism and love. Knight believed the poet was a "meddler" or intermediary between the poem and the reader. He elaborated on this concept in his 1980 work Born of a Woman. The Essential Etheridge Knight (1986), which is a compilation of his work.
In 1990, he earned a bachelor's degree in American poetry and criminal justice from Martin Center University in Indianapolis. Knight taught at the University of Pittsburgh, the University of Hartford, and Lincoln University, before he was forced to stop working due to illness. He also continued to be known as a charismatic poetry reader. Knight died in Indianapolis, Indiana, of lung cancer on March 10, 1991.

Style and themes
Knight’s poetry uses Black vernacular and includes a number of haiku among its forms, including this poem titled ″Vigo County″: ″Beyond the brown hill / Above the silent cedars, / Blackbirds flee the April rains.″. This message aligns with the Black Arts Movement in that the artists were no longer going to be imprisoned by silence; they would use their voices and art to escape.
Joyce Ann Joyce places Knight "in the context of an African philosophical/aesthetic tradition." His "tribute to the ancestors," she writes, "emerges as a ritualistic drama in which the values of the poet's ancestors are reborn, redefined, reaffirmed and reinterpreted, at once giving them added viability and sacralizing their new form." This ethnophilosophical perspective, she finds, "differs significantly from the Eurocentric concept of intertextuality that confines itself to reading texts only within the context of other texts.” Joyce calls him “a truly African oral performer," whose subjects "grew out of his and his people's lives" so that "viewed in the context of an African philosophical/aesthetic tradition, his poetry places him among those at the vanguard of any discussion of the history of African-American poetic letters." In his poem, ″Cell Song″ Knight articulates his desire to create good from his time in prison. He speaks to himself:
Night Music Slanted
Light strike the cave of sleep. I alone
tread the red circle
and twist the space with speech
Come now, etheridge, don't
be a savior; take your words and scrape
the sky, shake rain
on the desert, sprinkle
salt on the tail
of a girl,
can there anything
good come out of
prisonKnight places the reader within the cell; he capitalizes the first three words to show emphasis – this is not actual music, but the quiet and intermittent noises expected to be heard at night in prison. In the dark and light of the "red circle," he paces and ruminates over the words and ideas in his head. He attempts to project to that life beyond the prison walls, to use his talents for good, to use his words to make an impact. The reader can imagine Knight walking in small circles within his cell, as the words of the poem wind tighter and tighter. He concludes rather than questions that ″good″ can ″come out of prison.″
His exploration of themes of freedom and imprisonment, including his tributes to Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X, are noted in a biographical study by Cassie Premo, who writes that his life and work dwell on "the theme of prisons imposed from without (slavery, racism, poverty, incarceration) and prisons from within (addiction, repetition of painful patterns) [which] are countered with the theme of freedom. His poems of suffering and survival, trial and tribute, loss and love testify to the fact that we are never completely imprisoned. Knight's poetry expresses our freedom of consciousness and attests to our capacity for connection to others.”In his prison-era poem, "The Warden Said to Me the Other Day," Knight "limns his feelings of emotional, imaginative, and perceptual confinement."The warden said to me the other day
(innocently, I think), "Say etheridge,
why come the black boys don't run off
like the white boys do?"
I lowered my jaw and scratched my head
And said (innocently, I think), "Well, suh,
I ain't for sure, but I reckon it's cause
We ain't got no wheres to run to."Written in a vernacular style reminiscent of a tale by Uncle Remus, Knight expresses the doubtfulness of black autonomy and white motives, for "Knight[sees] American as a prison where, no matter how benevolent a warden wishes to be, his gestures remain part of what locks his charges in." Knight's true prison, then, is the ways in which the Law, controlled by white America, imprisons black bodies and black voices, regardless of their presumed physical freedom.
Knight's poem, ″A WASP Woman Visits a Black Junkie in Prison″ shows how humans must only find a common interest to make a connection, in this case, both the black man and white woman have children. According to Premo, the "encounter leaves the man touched and softened by the woman, as are many of Knight's male speakers. In ″Belly Song,″ the speaker "sings of love: all the emotion, pain, memory, and passion of living.″  In ″The Stretching of the Belly," Knight contrasts the stretchmarks of his third wife, Charlene Blackburn with his own scars. His wife's representing ″growth and life″ while his are from ″war, violence, and slavery.″

Works
Poems from Prison. Detroit: Broadside Press, 1968.
2 Poems for Black Relocation Centers, 1968.
The Idea of Ancestry, 1968.
Black Voices from Prison (with others). New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970.
A Poem for Brother Man, 1972.
For Black Poets Who Think of Suicide, 1972.
Belly Song and Other Poems. Detroit: Broadside Press, 1973.
Born of a Woman: New and Selected Poems. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1980.
The Essential Etheridge Knight. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1986.
The Lost Etheridge. Athens: Kinchafoonee Creek Press, 2022.
Passage 7:
Rainbow Coalition (Fred Hampton)
The Rainbow Coalition was an antiracist, anticlass multicultural movement founded April 4, 1969 in Chicago, Illinois by Fred Hampton of the Black Panther Party, along with William "Preacherman" Fesperman of the Young Patriots Organization and José Cha Cha Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords. It was the first of several 20th century black-led organizations to use the "rainbow coalition" concept.Some members of the Young Patriots included Jack (Junebug) Boykin, Bobby Joe Mcginnis and Hy Thurman who worked with Field Marshall Bobby Lee of the Black Panthers. Hampton first met Jimenez in Chicago's Lincoln Park neighborhood the day after the Young Lords were in the news, having occupied the police community workshop meeting of the 18th District Police Station. Hampton was arrested twice in February 1969 with Jimenez at the Wicker Park Welfare Office. Both were charged with Mob Action during peaceful pickets of the welfare office protesting mistreatment of the patrons.
The Rainbow Coalition soon included various radical socialist community groups like the Lincoln Park Poor People's Coalition, later, the coalition was joined nationwide by the Students for a Democratic Society ("SDS"), the Brown Berets, the American Indian Movement and the Red Guard Party. In April 1969, Hampton called several press conferences to announce that this "Rainbow Coalition" had formed. Some of the things the coalition engaged in joint action against were poverty, corruption, racism, police brutality, and substandard housing. The participating groups supported each other at protests, strikes, and demonstrations where they had a common cause.The coalition later included many other local groups like Rising Up Angry, and Mothers and Others. The Coalition also brokered treaties to end crime and gang violence. Hampton, Jimenez and their colleagues believed that the Richard J. Daley Democratic Party machine in Chicago used gang wars to consolidate their own political positions by gaining funding for law enforcement and dramatizing crime rather than underlying social issues.The coalition eventually collapsed under duress from constant harassment by local and federal law enforcement, including the murder of Hampton.

History
Black nationalism changed around 1964-65 with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., began to radicalize his movement as he came to understand the importance of the ballot box, or electoral politics for social change. Malcolm X suggested that a mass convention could potentially help them decide between what he called a Black party and a Black army. While this specific convention never came to fruition, Malcolm X focused his energy on creating an intelligence for a Black political power. He came to understand it would be more difficult than he initially thought.Malcolm X spent the last year of his life strategizing how to increase voter participation and provide widespread political education. At the same time, Dr. King was getting more militant. He believed they should have addressed political power previously, that Black people needed to be in power to address Black issues. He thought organizations needed to stop fighting and unite because they have a responsibility to the movement. It was important to not just increase Black votes but also to put their voices in powerful places.

Formation
Chicago was very segregated, separated by whites, Puerto Ricans, and blacks. Following the release of West Side Story, Puerto Ricans started dying their clothes purple, and that became their “colors." It was very difficult to get a job in Chicago, some would donate blood because that was the only way they could bring in a profit. Students for a Democratic Society came in and formed a JOIN Jobs or Income Now, and introduced the civil rights movement, which started the progress for change. When the west and south side of Chicago combined it was the largest contiguous area of 90 or more percent black population in the world outside of Africa. Mayor Daley used virtually every instrument of government he could to keep Chicago segregated. He served as mayor from 1955 to 1976. At his peak, he was the “most powerful and most influential urban figure in America.” Martin Luther King Jr. believed that southwest Chicago was a closed society in terms of race. The “white flight” went to the suburbs to flee the minorities coming into the communities, and Mayor Daley wanted to bring them back into the city. “Urban renewal was a racist plan, and was supported by the federal government with funds.”. Some of the activists in the Puerto Rican community came across a Community Conservation Council meeting in their community, and inside there were models of the city with the Puerto Rican areas of the city being vacant, and the meeting was run by about 12 white men. So the activists said they had to hold these meetings with some representatives from different minorities if they wanted to continue to hold meetings in that venue. When the representatives refused, the Puerto Ricans picked up chairs and started throwing them around, and ended up shutting down the Department of Urban Renewal for about three months.
Police brutality really started to take off during this point. The police had a bench with the handcuffs on the side so they could cuff you, and beat you with whatever they wanted to hit you with as long as they didn’t leave any marks. Many minorities would get beat up before they ever even got into jail, and there was nothing they could do about it. Following Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination, Daley showed his power through the force of his police during the Democratic Convention in 1968. Daley stated on broadcast, “Shoot to kill any arsonists, or anyone with a molotov cocktail in their hand in Chicago”. This caused the Young Lords to transform from a gang into a human rights movement. “The mission was self-determination for Puerto Rico. That meant that we were powerful as a people, and as a nation, to promote a sense of pride for being Puerto Rican.” The mission also included being patriotic to the community, not to the system. The demands of the people included, freedom, the power to determine individual destiny, true education, decent housing, fair trials with a jury of their peers, and an end to police brutality.
Fred Hampton was someone everyone in the community respected. The Black Panthers attended a community meeting with the JOIN organization in Uptown and asked where they could help in the community. At this point however, there were still many suspicions about the Panthers and their gun-carrying terrorist reputation. However, by showing they were dedicated to the community, the Panthers gained the trust of the JOIN organization, and the coalition started to take shape. In March, 1969, the community went to the 18th District police station and performed a non-violent takeover of a police workshop meeting. The next day, the Panthers met Fred Hampton. Shortly after, the first official Rainbow Coalition meeting was held. “The Rainbow Coalition was about uniting communities so we could make revolutionary change.” The Coalition also started a free health clinic, which ran from 1969 to 1975 (Pien). The police department’s Gang Intelligence Unit formed a Panther squad, which would perform raids on the party, and often end up with Panther members and associates being incarcerated. Reverend Bruce Johnson was the pastor of Armitage Avenue United Methodist Church, which became the headquarters of the Young Lords. Following this partnership, the city of Chicago began to attack Reverend Johnson, and fined him $200 for every day the Young Lords were in the church. In Oakland, California, in July 1969, a three day conference was held called the Conference for a United Front Against Fascism. Shortly after this conference, Reverend Johnson and his wife were brutally murdered. Because of this, the Black Panther party started to defend themselves from the police raids, and there were shootings that followed.The original rainbow coalition was the idea of Fred Hampton and other Black Panther Party leaders. They saw the Young Lords and Young Patriots as established groups in their designated communities. The people that lived in Lawndale, Lincoln Park, and Uptown were treated and governed as crippling to the city as a whole. It was also difficult for these people to find jobs in the post World War II era as they were looked at as an unwanted part of the population by employers. As these groups came together in the rainbow coalition it gave them more of a voice to fight with. Each of these groups wanted to help their people and work to get rid of the discrimination against them. Coming together helped these groups have more of an effect on local government and policies. It also gave their people the feeling of having a larger community that knew what each other were fighting.

Legacy
The phrase "rainbow coalition" was co-opted over the years by Reverend Jesse Jackson, who eventually appropriated the name in forming his own, more moderate coalition, Rainbow/PUSH. Some scholars, including Peniel Joseph, assert that the original rainbow coalition concept was a prerequisite for the multicultural coalition that Barack Obama built his political career upon.Jeffrey Haas, a lawyer who represented the BPP after Hampton's assassination, praised some of Hampton's politics, stating that his work in unifying movements are things one can learn from him. However, Haas was critical towards the way Hampton ran the BPP hierarchical organization. Haas praised the horizontal structure of Black Lives Matter stating: "They may also have picked up on the vulnerability of a hierarchal movement where you have one leader, which makes the movement very vulnerable if that leader is imprisoned, killed, or otherwise compromised. I think the fact that Black Lives Matter says, 'We're leader-full, not leaderless,' perhaps makes them less vulnerable to this kind of government assault."

See also
Political history of Chicago
Passage 8:
Maulana Karenga
Maulana Ndabezitha Karenga (born Ronald McKinley Everett, July 14, 1941), previously known as Ron Karenga, is an American activist, author, convicted felon and professor of Africana studies, best known as the creator of the pan-African and African-American holiday of Kwanzaa.
Born in Parsonsburg, Maryland, to an African-American family, Karenga studied at Los Angeles City College and the University of California, Los Angeles. He was active in the Black Power movement of the 1960s, joining the Congress of Racial Equality and Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. In 1965, Karenga and Hakim Jamal co-founded the black nationalist group US Organization, which became involved in violent clashes with the Black Panther Party by 1969. In 1971, he was convicted of felony assault, torture, and false imprisonment of women. He denied involvement and claimed the prosecution was political in nature. Karenga was imprisoned in California Men's Colony until he received parole in 1975.In 1966, Karenga notably created Kwanzaa, modeling the holiday after the African "first fruit" traditions. The rituals of the holiday promote African traditions, including the "seven principles of African heritage". During the early years of Kwanzaa, Karenga said it was meant to be a black alternative to Christmas. Karenga, a secular humanist, challenged the sanity of Jesus and declared Christianity a "White religion" that black people should shun. However, Karenga later changed his opinion, stating that Kwanzaa was not meant to provide people with an alternative to "their own religion or religious holiday."Karenga has been awarded two doctorates, one in Political Science in 1976 and one in Social Ethics in 1994. He currently chairs the Africana Studies Department at California State University, Long Beach and has authored several books.

Early life
Karenga was born in Parsonsburg, Maryland, the 14th child and seventh son in the family. His father was a tenant farmer and Baptist minister who employed the family to work fields under an effective sharecropping arrangement. Karenga moved to Los Angeles in 1959, joining his older brother who was a teacher there, and attended Los Angeles City College. He became active with civil rights organizations Congress of Racial Equality and Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, took an interest in African studies, and was elected as LACC's first African-American student president.After earning his associate degree, he matriculated from the University of California, Los Angeles and earned BA and MA degrees in political science. He studied Swahili, Arabic, and other African-related subjects. Among his influences at UCLA were Jamaican anthropologist and Negritudist Councill Taylor, who contested the Eurocentric view of alien cultures as primitive. During this period, he took the name Karenga (Swahili for "keeper of tradition") and the title Maulana (Swahili-Arabic for "master teacher").

1960s activism
US Organization
The Watts riots broke out when Karenga was a year into his doctoral studies. The Black Congress ("BC") was formed as a community-rebuilding organization in the aftermath. Within the BC, a discussion group centered on black nationalist ideas, called the Circle of Seven, was formed, which included Hakim Jamal (a cousin of Malcolm X) and Karenga. The group published US Magazine (meaning "Us black people") and in 1966 formed an organization called US. The organization joined in several community revival programs and was featured in press reports. Karenga cited Malcolm X's Afro-American Unity program as an influence on US Organization's work:

Malcolm was the major African American thinker that influenced me in terms of nationalism and Pan-Africanism. As you know, towards the end, when Malcolm is expanding his concept of Islam, and of nationalism, he stresses Pan-Africanism in a particular way. And he argues that, and this is where we have the whole idea that cultural revolution and the need for revolution, he argues that we need a cultural revolution, he argues that we must return to Africa culturally and spiritually, even if we can't go physically. And so that's a tremendous impact on US.
Karenga soon diverged from Malcolm X's ideas on Black nationalism and took US in a direction more focused on promoting African culture. Jamal and other adherents to Malcolm X's ideas left the group.As racial disturbances spread across the country, Karenga appeared at a series of Black power conferences, joining other groups in urging the establishment of a separate political structure for African Americans. US developed a youth component with paramilitary aspects called the Simba Wachanga, which advocated and practiced community self-defense and service to the masses.In 1966, Karenga founded the newspaper Harambee, which started as a newsletter for US and eventually became the newspaper for the Los Angeles Black Congress, an umbrella organization for several groups.During the late 1960s, US Organization became bitter rivals with the Black Panther Party over their differing views on Black nationalism. The Federal Bureau of Investigation intensified this antipathy as part of its COINTELPRO operations, sending forged letters to each group which purported to be from the other group, so that each would believe that the other was publicly humiliating them. The rivalry came to a climax during 1969, with a series of armed confrontations and retaliatory shootings that left four Panthers dead, and more injured on both sides. A memorandum of the Los Angeles field office of the FBI dated May 26, 1970, confirmed that the surge of conflict suited their objectives and more would be encouraged:

"It is intended that US, Inc. will be discreetly and appropriately advised of the time and locations of BPP activities in order that the two organizations might be brought together and thus grant nature the opportunity to take her due course."
According to Louis Tackwood, a former informant with the Los Angeles Police Department's Criminal Conspiracies Section and author of The Glass House Tapes, Ronald Karenga was knowingly provided financial, arms, and other support by LAPD, with Tackwood as liaison, for US operations against the Black Panthers. Karenga enjoyed a level of trust among figures in government, including LAPD Chief Thomas Reddin and California Governor Ronald Reagan.

Kwanzaa
Karenga created Kwanzaa in 1966 to be the first pan-African holiday. Karenga said his goal was to "give Blacks an alternative to the existing holiday and give Blacks an opportunity to celebrate themselves and their history, rather than simply imitate the practice of the dominant society."Kwanzaa is inspired by African "first fruit" traditions, and the name chosen is from Swahili, "matunda ya kwanza." The rituals of the holiday promote African traditions and Nguzo Saba, the "seven principles of African Heritage" that Karenga described as "a communitarian African philosophy":

Umoja (unity)—To strive for and maintain unity in the family, community, nation, and race.
Kujichagulia (self-determination)—To define ourselves, name ourselves, create for ourselves, and speak for ourselves.
Ujima (collective work and responsibility)—To build and maintain our community together and make our brother's and sister's problems our problems and to solve them together.
Ujamaa (cooperative economics)—To build and maintain our own stores, shops, and other businesses and to profit from them together.
Nia (purpose)—To make our collective vocation the building and development of our community in order to restore our people to their traditional greatness.
Kuumba (creativity)—To do always as much as we can, in the way we can, in order to leave our community more beautiful and beneficial than we inherited it.
Imani (faith)—To believe with all our heart in our people, our parents, our teachers, our leaders, and the righteousness and victory of our struggle.

Criminal conviction and imprisonment
In 1971, Karenga was sentenced to one to ten years in prison on counts of felony assault and false imprisonment. One of the victims gave testimony of how Karenga and other men tortured her and another woman. The woman described having been stripped naked and beaten with an electrical cord. Karenga's estranged wife, Brenda Lorraine Karenga, testified that she sat on the other woman's stomach while another man forced water into her mouth through a hose.
A May 14, 1971, article in the Los Angeles Times described the testimony of one of the women:

Deborah Jones, who once was given the Swahili title of an African queen, said she and Gail Davis were whipped with an electrical cord and beaten with a karate baton after being ordered to remove their clothes. She testified that a hot soldering iron was placed in Miss Davis' mouth and placed against Miss Davis' face and that one of her own big toes was tightened in a vise. Karenga, head of US, also put detergent and running hoses in their mouths, she said. They also were hit on the heads with toasters.
Jones and Brenda Karenga testified that Karenga believed the women were conspiring to poison him, which Davis has attributed to a combination of ongoing police pressure and his own drug abuse.Karenga denied any involvement in the torture, and argued that the prosecution was political in nature. He was imprisoned at the California Men's Colony, where he studied and wrote on feminism, Pan-Africanism, and other subjects. The US Organization fell into disarray during his absence and was disbanded in 1974. After he petitioned several black state officials to support his parole on fair sentencing grounds, it was granted in 1975.Karenga has declined to discuss the convictions with reporters and does not mention them in biographical materials. During a 2007 appearance at Wabash College, he again denied the charges and described himself as a former political prisoner.

Later career
After his parole, Karenga re-established the US Organization under a new structure.He was awarded his first Ph.D. in 1976 from United States International University (now known as Alliant International University) for a 170-page dissertation titled "Afro-American Nationalism: Social Strategy and Struggle for Community". In 1977, he formulated a set of principles called Kawaida, a Swahili term for normal. Karenga called on African-Americans to adopt his secular humanism and reject other practices as mythical.He was also the director of the Kawaida Institute for Pan African Studies and the author of several books, including his Introduction to Black Studies, a comprehensive Black/African Studies textbook now in its fourth edition (2010), originally published in 1982. He is also known for having co-hosted, in 1984, a conference that gave rise to the Association for the Study of Classical African Civilizations. 
In 1994, he was awarded a second Ph.D. in social ethics from the University of Southern California for an 803-page dissertation titled "Maat, the moral ideal in ancient Egypt: A study in classical African ethics." In 1995, he sat on the organizing committee and authored the mission statement of the Million Man March.Karenga delivered a eulogy at the 2001 funeral service of New Black Panther Party leader Khalid Abdul Muhammad, praising him for his organizing activities and commitment to black empowerment. In 2002, scholar Molefi Kete Asante listed Maulana Karenga on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans.As of 2021, Karenga chairs the Africana Studies Department at California State University, Long Beach.

Films
Owen Alik Shahadah's documentary 500 Years Later (2005) and its sequel Motherland (2010)
M.K. Asante's documentary The Black Candle (2012)

Published works
Introduction to Black Studies. 2010, 4th edition, University of Sankore Press. ISBN 0943412307 (Editions: 1982,1993,2002,2010)
Kwanzaa: A Celebration of Family, Community and Culture. 1998. ISBN 0943412218
Maat, The Moral Ideal in Ancient Egypt. ISBN 0415947537
Odu Ifa: The Ethical Teachings. ISBN 0943412226
Kawaida and Questions of Life and Struggle. ISBN 0943412293
Selections from the Husia. ISBN 0943412064
Book of Coming Forth By Day. ISBN 0943412145
Handbook of Black Studies, co-edited with Molefi Kete Asante. ISBN 0761928405
The Million Man March/Day of Absence: A Commemorative Anthology, co-edited with Haki Madhubuti. ISBN 0883781883
Maulana Karenga: An Intellectual Portrait, Polity. ISBN 0745648282

Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Which name adopted by African-American activist Allen Donaldson co-found Black Power movement of the 1960s and 1970s



Answer: Hakim Abdullah Jamal