prompt_front: You are given two reports by the government agency.



Question: Write a one-page summary of the report 1.



Report 2: The Federal Reserve's (the Fed's) responsibilities as the nation's central bank fall into four main categories: monetary policy, provision of emergency liquidity through the lender of last resort function, supervision of certain types of banks and other financial firms for safety and soundness, and provision of payment system services to financial firms and the government  Congress has delegated responsibility for monetary policy to the Fed, but retains oversight responsibilities to ensure that the Fed is adhering to its statutory mandate of "maximum employment, stable prices, and moderate long-term interest rates " The Fed has defined stable prices as a longer-run goal of 2% inflation—the change in overall prices, as measured by the Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) price index  By contrast, the Fed states that "it would not be appropriate to specify a fixed goal for employment; rather, the Committee's policy decisions must be informed by assessments of the maximum level of employment, recognizing that such assessments are necessarily uncertain and subject to revision " Monetary policy can be used to stabilize business cycle fluctuations (alternating periods of economic expansions and recessions) in the short run, while it mainly affects inflation in the long run  The Fed's conventional tool for monetary policy is to target the federal funds rate —the overnight, interbank lending rate  This report provides an overview of how monetary policy works and recent developments, a summary of the Fed's actions following the financial crisis, and ends with a brief overview of the Fed's regulatory responsibilities  In December 2008, in the midst of the financial crisis and the "Great Recession," the Fed lowered the federal funds rate to a range of 0% to 0 25%  This was the first time rates were ever lowered to what is referred to as the zero lower bound   The recession ended in 2009, but as the economic recovery consistently proved weaker than expected in the years that followed, the Fed repeatedly pushed back its time frame for raising interest rates  As a result, the economic expansion was in its seventh year and the unemployment rate was already near the Fed's estimate of full employment when it began raising rates on December 16, 2015  This was a departure from past practice—in the previous two economic expansions, the Fed began raising rates within three years of the preceding recession ending  Since then, the Fed has continued to raise rates in a series of steps to incrementally tighten monetary policy  The Fed raised rates once in 2016, three times in 2017, and four times in 2018, by 0 25 percentage points each time  The Fed has stated that "some further gradual increases in     the federal funds rate" are necessary to fulfill its mandate  The Fed describes its plans as "data dependent," meaning they would be altered if actual employment or inflation deviate from its forecast  Although monetary policy is now less stimulative than it had been at the zero lower bound, the Fed is still adding stimulus to the economy as long as the federal funds rate is below what economists call the "neutral rate" (or the long-run equilibrium rate)  To illustrate, the federal funds rate is currently similar to the inflation rate, meaning that the real (i e , inflation-adjusted) federal funds rate is around zero  However, there is uncertainty as to what constitutes a neutral rate today  By historical standards, a zero real interest rate would be well below the neutral rate, but the neutral rate appears to have fallen following the financial crisis, so that current rates may be close to the neutral rate today  Typically, the Fed keeps interest rates below the neutral rate when the economy is operating below full employment, at neutral levels when the economy is near full employment, and above the neutral rate when the economy is at risk of overheating  Indeed, the Fed identifies this as one of its "three key principles of good monetary policy " Because of lags between changes in interest rates and their economic effects, in the past, the Fed has often preemptively changed its monetary policy stance before the economy reaches the state that the Fed is anticipating  In this business cycle, the Fed has maintained a (progressively less) stimulative monetary policy throughout the expansion, boosting economic activity  In one sense, this policy could be viewed as having successfully delivered on the Fed's mandated goals of full employment and stable prices  The unemployment rate has been below 5% since 2015 and is now lower than the rate believed to be consistent with full employment  Other labor market measures are also consistent with full employment, with the possible exception of the still-low labor force participation rate  Economic theory posits that lower unemployment will lead to higher inflation in the short run, but inflation has not proven responsive to lower unemployment in recent years  After remaining persistently below the Fed's 2% target from mid-2012 to early 2018 as measured by core PCE, inflation has remained around 2% in 2018 as measured by headline or core PCE  Economic growth has also picked up beginning in the second quarter of 2017, after being persistently low by historical standards throughout the expansion  Contributing to the 2018 growth acceleration, a more expansionary fiscal policy (larger structural budget deficit) added more stimulus to the economy in the short run  Two notable policy changes contributing to fiscal stimulus in 2018 were the 2017 tax cuts ( P L  115-97 ) and the boost to discretionary spending in FY2018 and FY2019 agreed to in P L  115-123   The Fed did little to offset this fiscal stimulus, as the pace of monetary tightening in 2018 was only slightly faster than in 2017  Despite strong economic data (which is only available with a lag), the Fed announced in January 2019 that it would be "patient" before raising rates again in light of increased economic uncertainty and financial volatility  The Fed's intended policy path poses risks  If the Fed waits too long to raise rates again, the economy could overheat, resulting in high inflation and posing risk to financial stability  As an example of how overly stimulative monetary policy can lead to the latter, critics contend that the Fed contributed to the precrisis housing bubble by keeping interest rates too low for too long during the economic recovery starting in 2001  Critics see these risks as outweighing any marginal benefit associated with monetary stimulus when the economy is already so close to full employment  Raising rates more quickly would also provide more "headroom" for the Fed to lower rates more aggressively during the next economic downturn  The potential percentage point reduction in rates before hitting the zero bound is currently smaller than the rate cuts that the Fed has undertaken in past recessions  Alternatively, there is uncertainty about whether strong growth, low unemployment, inflation around 2%, and the generally benign economic environment will continue  Economic expansions do not "die of old age"; nevertheless, the current expansion is already the second longest on record and cannot last forever  The flattening of the yield curve (i e , long-term Treasury yields are similar to short-term Treasury yields) is seen by some as a warning signal that rates are too high  Although there is a risk of stimulative monetary policy causing the economy to overheat, there is also a risk that tightening too quickly could be harmful if the economy slows  Some critics would prefer clear evidence that inflation is above the Fed's target or financial conditions are unstable before the Fed raises rates again  Monetary policy refers to the actions the Fed undertakes to influence the availability and cost of money and credit to promote the goals mandated by Congress, a stable price level and maximum sustainable employment  Because the expectations of households as consumers and businesses as purchasers of capital goods exert an important influence on the major portion of spending in the United States, and because these expectations are influenced in important ways by the Fed's actions, a broader definition of monetary policy would include the directives, policies, statements, economic forecasts, and other Fed actions, especially those made by or associated with the chairman of its Board of Governors, who is the nation's central banker  The Fed's Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) meets every six weeks to choose a federal funds target and sometimes meets on an ad hoc basis if it wants to change the target between regularly scheduled meetings  The FOMC is composed of the 7 Fed governors, the President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, and 4 of the other 11 regional Federal Reserve Bank presidents serving on a rotating basis  The Fed targets the federal funds rate to carry out monetary policy  The federal funds rate is determined in the private market for overnight reserves of depository institutions (called the federal funds market)  At the end of a given period, usually a day, depository institutions must calculate how many dollars of reserves they want or need to hold against their reservable liabilities (deposits)  Some institutions may discover a reserve shortage (too few reservable assets relative to those they want to hold), whereas others may have reservable assets in excess of their wants  These reserves can be borrowed and lent on an overnight basis in a private market called the federal funds market  The interest rate in this market is called the federal funds rate  If it wishes to expand money and credit, the Fed will lower the target, which encourages more lending activity and, thus, greater demand in the economy  Conversely, if it wishes to tighten money and credit, the Fed will raise the target  The federal funds rate is linked to the interest rates that banks and other financial institutions charge for loans  Thus, whereas the Fed may directly influence only a very short-term interest rate, this rate influences other longer-term rates  However, this relationship is far from being on a one-to-one basis because longer-term market rates are influenced not only by what the Fed is doing today, but also by what it is expected to do in the future and by what inflation is expected to be in the future  This fact highlights the importance of expectations in explaining market interest rates  For that reason, a growing body of literature urges the Fed to be very transparent in explaining what its policy is, will be, and in making a commitment to adhere to that policy  The Fed has responded to this literature and is increasingly transparent in explaining its policy measures and what these measures are expected to accomplish  The Federal Reserve uses two methods to maintain its target for the federal funds rate: The Fed can also change the federal funds rate by changing reserve requirements, which specify what portion of customer deposits (primarily checking accounts) banks must hold as vault cash or on deposit at the Fed  Thus, reserve requirements affect the liquidity available within the federal funds market  Statute sets the numerical levels of reserve requirements, although the Fed has some discretion to adjust them  Currently, banks are required to hold 0% to 10% of customer deposits that qualify as net transaction accounts in reserves, depending on the size of the bank's deposits  This tool is used rarely—the percentage was last changed in 1992  Each of these tools works by altering the overall liquidity available for use by the banking system, which influences the amount of assets these institutions can acquire  These assets are often called credit because they represent loans the institutions have made to businesses and households, among others  The Fed's control over monetary policy stems from its exclusive ability to alter the money supply and credit conditions more broadly  The Fed directly controls the monetary base , which is made up of currency (Federal Reserve notes) and bank reserves  The size of the monetary base, in turn, influences broader measures of the money supply, which include close substitutes to currency, such as demand deposits (e g , checking accounts) held at banks  The Fed's definition of monetary policy as the actions it undertakes to influence the availability and cost of money and credit suggests two ways to measure the stance of monetary policy  One is to look at the cost of money and credit as measured by the rate of interest relative to inflation (or inflation projections), and the other is to look at the growth of money and credit itself  Thus, it is possible to look at either interest rates or the growth in the supply of money and credit in coming to a conclusion about the current stance of monetary policy—that is, whether it is expansionary (adding stimulus to the economy), contractionary (slowing economic activity), or neutral  During the high inflation experience of the 1970s the Fed placed greater emphasis on money supply growth, but since then, most central banks including the Fed have preferred to formulate monetary policy in terms of the cost of money and credit rather than in terms of their supply  The Fed conducts monetary policy by focusing on the cost of money and credit as proxied by the federal funds rate  A simple comparison of market interest rates over time as an indicator of changes in the stance of monetary policy is potentially misleading, however  Economists call the interest rate that is essential to decisions made by households and businesses to buy capital goods the real interest rate  It is often proxied by subtracting from the market interest rate the actual or expected rate of inflation  If inflation rises and market interest rates remain the same, then real interest rates have fallen, with a similar economic effect as if market rates (called nominal rates) had fallen by the same amount with a constant inflation rate  The federal funds rate is only one of the many interest rates in the financial system that determines economic activity  For these other rates, the real rate is largely independent of the amount of money and credit over the longer run because it is determined by the interaction of saving and investment (or the demand for capital goods)  The internationalization of capital markets means that for most developed countries the relevant interaction between saving and investment that determines the real interest rate is on a global basis  Thus, real rates in the United States depend not only on U S  national saving and investment but also on the saving and investment of other countries  For that reason, national interest rates are influenced by international credit conditions and business cycles  How do changes in short-term interest rates affect the overall economy? In the short run, an expansionary monetary policy that reduces interest rates increases interest-sensitive spending, all else equal  Interest-sensitive spending includes physical investment (i e , plant and equipment) by firms, residential investment (housing construction), and consumer-durable spending (e g , automobiles and appliances) by households  As discussed in the next section, it also encourages exchange rate depreciation that causes exports to rise and imports to fall, all else equal  To reduce spending in the economy, the Fed raises interest rates and the process works in reverse  An examination of U S  economic history will show that money- and credit-induced demand expansions can have a positive effect on U S  GDP growth and total employment  The extent to which greater interest-sensitive spending results in an increase in overall spending in the economy in the short run will depend in part on how close the economy is to full employment  When the economy is near full employment, the increase in spending is likely to be dissipated through higher inflation more quickly  When the economy is far below full employment, inflationary pressures are more likely to be muted  This same history, however, also suggests that over the longer run, a more rapid rate of growth of money and credit is largely dissipated in a more rapid rate of inflation with little, if any, lasting effect on real GDP and employment  Economists have two explanations for this paradoxical behavior  First, they note that, in the short run, many economies have an elaborate system of contracts (both implicit and explicit) that makes it difficult in a short period for significant adjustments to take place in wages and prices in response to a more rapid growth of money and credit  Second, they note that expectations for one reason or another are slow to adjust to the longer-run consequences of major changes in monetary policy  This slow adjustment also adds rigidities to wages and prices  Because of these rigidities, changes in the growth of money and credit that change aggregate demand can have a large initial effect on output and employment, albeit with a policy lag of six to eight quarters before the broader economy fully responds to monetary policy measures  Over the longer run, as contracts are renegotiated and expectations adjust, wages and prices rise in response to the change in demand and much of the change in output and employment is undone  Thus, monetary policy can matter in the short run but be fairly neutral for GDP growth and employment in the longer run  In societies in which high rates of inflation are endemic, price adjustments are very rapid  During the final stages of very rapid inflations, called hyperinflation, the ability of more rapid rates of growth of money and credit to alter GDP growth and employment is virtually nonexistent, if not negative  Either fiscal policy (defined here as changes in the structural budget deficit, caused by policy changes to government spending or taxes) or monetary policy can be used to alter overall spending in the economy  However, there are several important differences to consider between the two  First, economic conditions change rapidly, and in practice monetary policy can be more nimble than fiscal policy  The Fed meets every six weeks to consider changes in interest rates and can call an unscheduled meeting any time  Large changes to fiscal policy typically occur once a year at most  Once a decision to alter fiscal policy has been made, the proposal must travel through a long and arduous legislative process that can last months before it can become law, whereas monetary policy changes are made instantly  Both monetary and fiscal policy measures are thought to take more than a year to achieve their full impact on the economy due to pipeline effects  In the case of monetary policy, interest rates throughout the economy may change rapidly, but it takes longer for economic actors to change their spending patterns in response  For example, in response to a lower interest rate, a business must put together a loan proposal, apply for a loan, receive approval for the loan, and then put the funds to use  In the case of fiscal policy, once legislation has been enacted, it may take some time for authorized spending to be outlayed  An agency must approve projects and select and negotiate with contractors before funds can be released  In the case of transfers or tax cuts, recipients must receive the funds and then alter their private spending patterns before the economy-wide effects are felt  For both monetary and fiscal policy, further rounds of private and public decisionmaking must occur before multiplier or ripple effects are fully felt  Second, monetary policy is determined based only on the Fed's mandate, whereas fiscal policy is determined based on competing political goals  Fiscal policy changes have macroeconomic implications regardless of whether that was policymakers' primary intent  Political constraints have prevented increases in budget deficits from being fully reversed during expansions  Over the course of the business cycle, aggregate spending in the economy can be expected to be too high as often as it is too low  This means that stabilization policy should be tightened as often as it is loosened, yet increasing the budget deficit has proven to be much more popular than implementing the spending cuts or tax increases necessary to reduce it  As a result, the budget has been in deficit in all but five years since 1961, which has led to an accumulation of federal debt that gives policymakers less leeway to potentially undertake a robust expansionary fiscal policy, if needed, in the future  By contrast, the Fed is more insulated from political pressures, as discussed in the previous section, and experience shows that it is willing to raise or lower interest rates  Third, the long-run consequences of fiscal and monetary policy differ  Expansionary fiscal policy creates federal debt that must be serviced by future generations  Some of this debt will be "owed to ourselves," but some (presently, about half) will be owed to foreigners  To the extent that expansionary fiscal policy crowds out private investment, it leaves future national income lower than it otherwise would have been  Monetary policy does not have this effect on generational equity, although different levels of interest rates will affect borrowers and lenders differently  Furthermore, the government faces a budget constraint that limits the scope of expansionary fiscal policy—it can only issue debt as long as investors believe the debt will be honored, even if economic conditions require larger deficits to restore equilibrium  Fourth, openness of an economy to highly mobile capital flows changes the relative effectiveness of fiscal and monetary policy  Expansionary fiscal policy would be expected to lead to higher interest rates, all else equal, which would attract foreign capital looking for a higher rate of return, causing the value of the dollar to rise  Foreign capital can only enter the United States on net through a trade deficit  Thus, higher foreign capital inflows lead to higher imports, which reduce spending on domestically produced substitutes and lower spending on exports  The increase in the trade deficit would cancel out the expansionary effects of the increase in the budget deficit to some extent (in theory, entirely if capital is perfectly mobile)  Expansionary monetary policy would have the opposite effect—lower interest rates would cause capital to flow abroad in search of higher rates of return elsewhere, causing the value of the dollar to fall  Foreign capital outflows would reduce the trade deficit through an increase in spending on exports and domestically produced import substitutes  Thus, foreign capital flows would (tend to) magnify the expansionary effects of monetary policy
Report 2: C  §718d)  The MBCF is supported by multiple sources of funding, including three major sources: the sale of hunting and conservation stamps (commonly known as duck stamps); import duties on arms and ammunition; and a portion of certain refuge entrance fees  MBCF funds are permanently appropriated to the extent of receipts and, after paying certain administrative costs, may be used for the "location, ascertainment, and acquisition of suitable areas for migratory bird refuges    " (16 U S C  §718d(b))  The predictability of funding and permanent authority for use makes the MBCF, and thus the MBCA, particularly important for FWS land acquisition and unique among the four agencies  Other laws provide general authority to expand the NWRS, including the Fish and Wildlife Coordination Act of 1934 (16 U S C  §§661-667a), the Fish and Wildlife Act of 1956 (16 U S C  §§742a et seq ), and the Endangered Species Act of 1973 (16 U S C  §§1531-1544)  The National Wildlife Refuge System Administration Act of 1966 (16 U S C  §§668dd-668ee) authorizes the Secretary of the Interior to acquire land or interests therein through donated funds or exchange (16 U S C  §668dd(b))  Further, FLPMA authorizes the Secretary of the Interior to withdraw lands from the public domain for creating or adding to refuges (which would be an interagency transfer), although withdrawals exceeding 5,000 acres are subject to congressional approval (43 U S C  §1714(c))  In contrast to NPS and FS land acquisition, where the lands generally must be within the boundaries of established units, the FWS can acquire new lands to create a new refuge or to expand an existing one under the general FWS authorities cited above, as well as under certain other laws  Some national wildlife refuge (NWR) units have been created by specific acts of Congress, such as Protection Island NWR (WA) and Bayou Sauvage Urban NWR (LA) (16 U S C  §668dd note)  Units also can be created by executive order; for example, the Midway Atoll NWR was created by President Clinton in Executive Order 13022  The BLM has broad, general authority to acquire lands, principally under Section 205 of FLPMA  Specifically, the Secretary of the Interior is authorized to acquire, by purchase, exchange, donation, or use of eminent domain, lands or interests therein (43 U S C  §1715(a))  The BLM acquires land or interests in land, including inholdings, for a variety of reasons  These include to protect natural and cultural resources, to increase opportunities for public access and recreation, and to improve management of lands  As noted above, various laws directing the disposal of particular lands sometimes have been enacted  In addition, the four federal land management agencies have different standing authorities for disposing of lands  The specific disposal authorities are discussed below for each of the four agencies in the order of their apparent breadth, with the NPS (the narrowest authorities) first and the BLM (the broadest authorities) last  The NPS does not have general authority to dispose of National Park System lands  Units and lands of the Park System that were established by acts of Congress can be disposed of only by acts of Congress  Preservation of park units is a management goal and provisions of law limit the power of the Secretary of the Interior to dispose of land in changing park boundaries  Although the Secretary can, under specified conditions, make boundary changes that concurrently add and remove land within the boundary, minor boundary revisions solely to remove NPS acreage can be made only by Congress  Also, the Secretary can acquire by exchange lands that are adjacent to a boundary revision, but the Secretary cannot dispose of NPS land to do so (54 U S C  §100506(c))  Presidents have modified the boundaries of national monuments established by previous presidential proclamations, in some cases reducing the size of the monument  However, no president has terminated a monument established by proclamation  The FWS does not have general authority to dispose of its lands  With certain exceptions, wildlife refuge lands administered by the FWS can be disposed only by an act of Congress (16 U S C  §§668dd(a)(5) and (6))  For refuge lands reserved from the public domain, FLPMA prohibits the Secretary of the Interior from modifying or revoking any withdrawal which added lands to the NWRS (43 U S C  §1714(j))  For acquired lands, disposal is allowed only if: (1) the disposal is part of an authorized land exchange (16 U S C  §§668dd(a)(6) and (b)(3)); or (2) the Secretary determines the lands are no longer needed and the Migratory Bird Conservation Commission approves the disposal (16 U S C  §668dd(a)(5))  In the latter case, the disposal must recover the acquisition cost or be at the fair market value (whichever is higher), and the receipts must be deposited in the Migratory Bird Conservation Fund  The Secretary of Agriculture has numerous authorities to convey lands within proclaimed NFS boundaries out of federal ownership—through sale or exchange—although previous, broader authorities have been modified or revoked  Many of the authorities put constraints on land disposal, such as applying only to a specific geographical area or to the disposal of particular administrative properties or facilities  Many of the authorities are used in conjunction with FLPMA and other federal law and as such may place requirements on the sale or exchange of land  This includes obtaining at least fair market value for the sale of federal lands; requiring that nonfederal land exchanged for federal land be in the same state; and requiring exchanged lands to be of equal value, although value may be partially equalized with a cash payment (43 U S C  §1716)  The General Exchange Act of 1922 (16 U S C  §485) authorizes the exchange of NFS land or timber that was reserved from the public domain if the Secretary determines it will be in the public interest  The nonfederal land must be within the same state and within the exterior boundary of a national forest, and it must be chiefly valuable for national forest purposes, among other provisions  The Weeks Act of 1911 allows for similar exchanges for acquired NFS lands (16 U S C  §516)  The 1983 Small Tracts Act authorizes the Secretary to dispose of NFS land by sale or exchange, generally up to certain specified acreage limits  The disposal may be To improve management efficiencies where NFS lands are interspersed with nonfederal mineral rights owners, or if the Secretary determines the parcels to be inaccessible, physically isolated from other federal land, or to have lost national forest character (40 acres maximum); To relieve encroachments including due to erroneous surveys, or encroachments by a permanent habitable improvement if there is no evidence that the encroachment was intentional or due to negligence (10 acres maximum); To dispose of unneeded federal rights-of-way substantially surrounded by nonfederal lands (no specified acreage limitation); and If the parcel is used as a cemetery, landfill, or sewage plant pursuant to a special use authorization for the use and occupancy of NFS land (no specified acreage limitation) (16 U S C  §521e)  The conveyance must be determined to be in the public interest and the tracts may not be valued at more than $500,000  The land can be disposed of for cash, lands, interests in land (such as an easement), or any combination thereof for at least the value of the land being sold or exchanged (16 U S C  §521d) plus "all reasonable costs of administration, survey, and appraisal incidental to such conveyance" (16 U S C  §521f)  In some cases, the proceeds may be used for specified land acquisition purposes  The 1958 Townsites Act authorizes the Secretary to transfer up to 640 acres of NFS land adjacent to communities in Alaska or the 11 western states for townsites, if the "indigenous community objectives     outweigh the public objectives and values which would be served by maintaining such tract in Federal ownership" (16 U S C  §478a)  Public notice of the application for such transfer is required, and upon a "satisfactory showing of need," the Secretary may offer the land to a local governmental entity at "not less than the fair market value " The Education Land Grant Act, also known as the Sisk Act (16 U S C  §479a), authorizes the Secretary to transfer up to 80 acres of NFS land for a nominal cost upon written application of a public school district  It provides for reversion of the title to the federal government if the lands are not used for the educational purposes for which they were acquired  There are a few other specific authorities that allow for the disposal of NFS lands  For example, the 1911 Weeks Act authorizes the disposal of NFS lands that are "chiefly valuable for agriculture" but were acquired inadvertently or otherwise, if agricultural use will not injure the forests or streamflows and the lands are not needed for public purposes  The lands can be sold as homesteads in parcels of up to 80 acres (16 U S C  §519)  The Bankhead-Jones Farm Tenant Act of 1937 (7 U S C  §§1010-1012) also authorizes the disposal of lands acquired under its authority, although the FS has adopted regulations stating that the Bankhead-Jones lands comprising the national grasslands will be held permanently (36 C F R  §213 1(b))  The BLM can dispose of land under several authorities  They include (1) exchanges and sales under FLPMA, (2) sales or exchanges under the FLTFA, (3) transfers to other governmental units or nonprofit entities for public purposes, (4) patents under the General Mining Law of 1872, and (5) geographically limited sale authorities  With regard to exchanges under FLPMA, the exchanges must serve the public interest, and the federal and nonfederal lands in the exchange must be located in the same state and be of equal value (with cash equalization payments possible), among other requirements (43 U S C  §1716)  With regard to sales under FLPMA, the BLM is authorized to sell certain tracts of public land that are identified through the land-use planning process  Such tracts must meet specific criteria (43 U S C  §1713(a)): (1) such tract because of its location or other characteristics is difficult and uneconomic to manage as part of the public lands, and is not suitable for management by another Federal department or agency; or (2) such tract was acquired for a specific purpose and the tract is no longer required for that or any other Federal purpose; or (3) disposal of such tract will serve important public objectives, including but not limited to, expansion of communities and economic development, which cannot be achieved prudently or feasibly on land other than public land and which outweigh other public objectives and values, including, but not limited to, recreation and scenic values, which would be served by maintaining such tract in Federal ownership  The size of the tracts for sale is determined by "the land use capabilities and development requirements " Proposals to sell tracts of more than 2,500 acres first must be submitted to Congress and can be disapproved by Congress  Lands may not be sold at less than their fair market value  They generally must be sold through competitive bidding, although modified competition and noncompetitive sales are allowed  FLTFA provides for the sale or exchange of BLM lands identified for disposal under BLM land- use plans  The law create s a separate Treasury account for most of the proceeds (96%) from the sale or exchange, and it provide s for the use of those funds by the Secretary of the Interior and the Secretary of Agriculture  The Secretaries may acquire nonfederal lands, specifically inholdings , lands adjacent to federal lands that contain exceptional resources , and areas adjacent to inaccessible lands that are open to recreation  Up to 20% of the funds in the account may be used for administrative costs, and at least 80% of the funds for acquisition are to be in the state in which the funds are generated   The Recreation and Public Purposes Act (43 U S C  §869) authorizes the Secretary, upon application by a qualified applicant, to dispose of any public lands to a State, Territory, county, municipality, or other State, Territorial, or Federal instrumentality or political subdivision for any public purposes, or to a nonprofit corporation or nonprofit association for any recreational or any public purpose consistent with its articles of incorporation or other creating authority  The lands can be sold or leased, and the act specifies conditions, qualifications, and acreage limitations for transfer  The price of the land depends on the type of entity that will receive it, for instance, whether a state government or a nonprofit organization  The price also depends on the intended use of the land, with some sales and leases made at no cost  Although the BLM can dispose of lands through patents under the General Mining Law of 1872, since FY1995 a series of annual moratoria on issuing mineral patents has been enacted into law  These moratoria, contained in the annual Interior appropriations laws, have effectively prevented this means of federal land disposal  Specifically, the Mining Law allows access to and development of hardrock minerals on federal lands that have not been withdrawn from entry  With evidence of valuable minerals and sufficient developmental effort, the Mining Law allows mining claims to be patented, with full title (of surface and mineral rights) transferred to the claimant upon payment of the appropriate fee  Nonmineral lands used for associated milling or other processing operations can also be patented (30 U S C  §42)  Patented lands may be used for purposes other than mineral development  The BLM also has geographically limited land sale authorities  The program with the largest revenue stream has been the Southern Nevada Public Land Management Act of 1998, which allows the Secretary of the Interior to sell or exchange certain lands around Las Vegas  The BLM and the local government unit jointly decide on the lands to be offered for sale or exchange  In general, 85% of the proceeds are deposited into a special account, and are available to the Secretary of the Interior for land acquisition in Nevada and other purposes in the state, such as certain capital improvements and development of parks, trails, and natural areas  The other 15% of the proceeds are for state or local purposes, specifically the State of Nevada General Education Fund (5%) and the Southern Nevada Water Authority (10%)  Other provisions of law similarly provide for BLM land sales in particular areas (mostly in Nevada), with specific allocations of the proceeds  Further, the BLM continues to dispose of land in Alaska as required by law, such as through transfers to the state of Alaska and to Alaska native corporations  A total of about 150 million acres in Alaska will be transferred from federal to state and private ownership  

ground_truth: Senators and Representatives are frequently asked to support or sponsor proposals recognizing historic events and outstanding achievements by individuals or institutions. Among the various forms of recognition that Congress bestows, the Congressional Gold Medal is often considered the most distinguished. Through this venerable tradition—the occasional commissioning of individually struck gold medals in its name—Congress has expressed public gratitude on behalf of the nation for distinguished contributions for more than two centuries. Since 1776, this award, which initially was bestowed on military leaders, has also been given to such diverse individuals as Sir Winston Churchill and Bob Hope, George Washington and Robert Frost, Joe Louis and Mother Teresa of Calcutta. Congressional gold medal legislation generally has a specific format. Once a gold medal is authorized, it follows a specific process for design, minting, and awarding. This process includes consultation and recommendations by the Citizens Coinage Advisory Commission (CCAC) and the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts (CFA), pursuant to any statutory instructions, before the Secretary of the Treasury makes the final decision on a gold medal's design. Once the medal has been struck, a ceremony will often be scheduled to formally award the medal to the recipient. In recent years, the number of gold medals awarded has increased, and some have expressed interest in examining the gold medal awarding process. Should Congress want to make such changes, several individual and institutional options might be available. The individual options include decisions made by Members of Congress as to what individual or groups might be honored; potential specification of gold medal design elements; and where gold medals for groups might be housed once the award is made. The institutional options could include House, Senate, or committee rules for the consideration of gold medal legislation and whether statutory standards on the number of gold medals issued per year or per Congress might be established for gold medals.

prompt_front: You are given two reports by the government agency.



Question: Write a one-page summary of the report 2.

Report 1: Since the late 1700s, Congress has expressed public gratitude to individuals and groups by awarding medals and other similar decorations  The first Congressional Gold Medals were issued by the Continental Congress  Since that time, Congress has awarded gold medals to express public gratitude for distinguished contributions, dramatize the virtues of patriotism, and perpetuate the remembrance of great events  This tradition of authorizing individually struck gold medals bearing the portraits or actions of honorees is rich with history  Although Congress has approved legislation stipulating specific requirements for numerous other awards and decorations, there are no permanent statutory provisions specifically relating to the creation of Congressional Gold Medals  When such an award has been deemed appropriate, Congress has, by special action, provided for the creation of a personalized medal to be given in its name  The first Congressional Gold Medals were issued by the Continental Congress  As initially conceived, Congressional Gold Medals were awards "imbued with the conviction that only the very highest achievements [were] entitled to such a distinction, and that the value of a reward is enhanced by its rarity!" At that time, the Continental Congress concluded there was no better way to honor "and preserve the memory of illustrious characters and splendid events than medals—whether we take into consideration the imperishable nature of the substance whence they are formed, the facility of multiplying copies, or the practice of depositing them in the cabinets of the curious " The first gold medals were struck in Paris under the direction of Colonel David Humphrey  Following a long-standing historical practice, Congress commissioned gold medals as tributes for what were considered to be the most distinguished achievements  Silver and bronze medals, and ceremonial swords, were awarded for less eminent, but still notable, accomplishments  However, only the gold medal has been continuously awarded to the present day  The first Congressional Gold Medal was authorized on March 25, 1776, for George Washington, then commander of the Continental Army, for his "wise and spirited conduct" in bringing about British evacuation of Boston  During the next 12 years, the Continental Congress authorized an additional six gold medals for Revolutionary military leaders  Table 1 lists the Congressional Gold Medals issued by the Continental Congress, the year, the awardee, and the reason the medal was authorized  The gold medal conferred upon Major Henry "Light Horse Harry" Lee for his "remarkable prudence" and "bravery" during the surprise raid of Paulus Hook, NJ, was the first to be struck in the United States  Following the ratification of the Constitution, the first two Congressional Gold Medals were given in 1800 to Captain Thomas Truxtun for his gallant effort during the action between the U S  frigate Constellation and the French ship La Vengeance and in 1805 to Commodore Edward Preble for gallantry and good conduct during the War with Tripoli  After those medals were awarded, Congress issued gold medals primarily for military achievements in the War of 1812 and the Mexican War  All told, 27 gold medals were awarded for the War of 1812, and a series of medals were awarded for expeditions led by Major General Zachary Taylor and Major General Winfield Scott in the Mexican War  General Taylor received three Congressional Gold Medals, while General Scott received one  In 1854, Congress began to broaden the scope of activities that merited a Congressional Gold Medal  This change was prompted by Commander Duncan N  Ingraham of the USS St  Louis 's rescue of Martin Koszta from illegal seizure and imprisonment about the Austrian war-brig Hussar   Subsequently, gold medals were issued to several individuals recognized for nonmilitary heroic activities or their work in specific fields  For example, in 1864 Cornelius Vanderbilt was honored for donating a steamship to the United States; in 1867 Cyrus W  Field was praised for his work in the laying of the transatlantic cable; and Private George F  Robinson was awarded for saving Secretary of State William H  Seward from an assassination attempt  At this time, Congress also established the Medal of Honor as a military award and increasingly focused the Congressional Gold Medal as an award for individuals and events  In the 20 th and 21 st centuries, Congress continued to broaden the scope of Congressional Gold Medals to include recognition of excellence in such varied fields as the arts, athletics, aviation, diplomacy, entertainment, exploration, medicine, politics, religion, and science  Several of the following individuals were the first in their specialties to be awarded gold medals: Composer George M  Cohan (1936) was the first entertainer to receive a gold medal, for his patriotic songs "Over There" and "A Grand Old Flag " Wilbur and Orville Wright (1909) were the first aeronautical or space pioneers to receive a gold medal, for their achievements in demonstrating to the world the potential of aerial navigation  Lincoln Ellsworth (1926) was the first explorer honored, for his polar flight in 1925 and transpolar flight in 1926  Major Walter Reed and his associates (1928) were the first scientists honored, for discovering the cause and means of transmission of yellow fever in 1921  Vice President Alben W  Barkley (1949) was the first political honoree  In the late 20 th and early 21 st centuries, numerous other individuals have been honored for a variety of contributions including civil rights activism and humanitarian contributions  For a complete list of Congressional Gold Medal recipients since 1776, see the Appendix   Once a Congressional Gold Medal bill is introduced, it is typically referred to the House Committee on Financial Services or the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs  The process for considering legislation varies between the House and Senate  In the House, there are currently no chamber or committee rules regarding the procedures for gold medal bills  In some past Congresses, the House Financial Services Committee had adopted a committee rule that prohibited its Domestic Monetary Policy and Technology Subcommittee from holding a hearing on commemorative medal legislation—including Congressional Gold Medals—"unless the legislation is cosponsored by at least two-thirds of the members of the House " Informal practices regarding cosponosrship requirements, however, may still exist  In the Senate, the Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee in the 116 th Congress requires that at least 67 Senators cosponsor any Congressional Gold Medal bill before being considered by the committee  This committee rule presumably does not formally preclude committee consideration of a House bill referred to it  The committee rule also does not prevent the Senate from considering or passing gold medal legislation  Referred bills may be brought to the floor without committee consideration; in other cases, a bill may avoid being referred to committee at all  In current practice, many enacted gold medal bills receive no formal committee consideration  Rather, the Senate often discharges the committee of the bill by unanimous consent; however, it appears that this discharge practice only occurs after the requisite number of cosponsors sign on to a Senate bill  Although Congress has approved legislation stipulating requirements for numerous other awards and decorations, there are no permanent statutory provisions specifically relating to the creation of Congressional Gold Medals  When a Congressional Gold Medal has been deemed appropriate, Congress has, by legislative action, provided for the creation of a medal on an ad hoc basis  Additionally, there is no statutory limit on the number of Congressional Gold Medals that may be struck in a given year  Congressional Gold Medal legislation generally has certain features, including findings that summarize the subject's history and importance; specifications for awarding the medal; instructions, if any, for the medal's design and striking; permission to mint and sell duplicates; and certification that medals are minted pursuant to existing requirements for national medals (5 U S C  §5111)  Congressional Gold Medal legislation typically includes a section of findings  These often include historical facts about the people or groups being awarded the medal  For example, the legislation to authorize the Congressional Gold Medal to the World War II members of the "Doolittle Tokyo Raiders" stated the following: Congressional Gold Medal legislation typically includes a section that provides details on the presentation, design, and striking of the medal  For example, the legislation to authorize the Congressional Gold Medal to the Foot Soldiers who participated in Bloody Sunday, Turnaround Tuesday, or the final Selma to Montgomery Voting Rights March in March of 1965 stated the following: Additionally, this section can contain specific instructions to the Smithsonian, when it is the recipient of the physical gold medal, on its display and availability to be loaned to other institutions  For example, the legislation authorizing the American Fighter Aces Congressional Gold Medal stated the following: Gold medal legislation also generally authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to strike and sell duplicate medals in bronze  The duplicates are generally sold in two sizes: 1 5 inches and 3 inches  Duplicates are sold at a price which allows the U S  Mint to cover the cost of striking the gold medal  For example, legislation authorizing the 65 th Infantry Regiment, known as the Borinqueneers, Congressional Gold Medal stated the following: Gold medal legislation generally contains a statement that these awards are considered as national medals for the purpose of the U S  Mint's statutory requirements for producing medals  For example, legislation authorizing the Montford Point Marines Congressional Gold Medal stated the following: In some cases, authorizing legislation includes language authorizing appropriations for a Congressional Gold Medal  In these examples, Congress has authorized a specific sum from the United States Mint Public Enterprise Fund to pay for the cost of the medal  In cases where the authorization of appropriations is provided, a provision requiring that proceeds from the sale of duplicates be deposited in the same Fund is generally included  For example, legislation authorizing the Women Airforce Service Pilots Congressional Gold Medal stated the following: Congressional Gold Medal designs vary for each issuance  In general, the authorizing legislation provides that the Secretary of the Treasury "shall strike a gold medal with suitable emblems, devices, and inscriptions, to be determined by the Secretary " When designing a Congressional Gold Medal, the Secretary consults with the Citizens Coinage Advisory Commission (CCAC) and the U S  Commission of Fine Arts (CFA) before determining the final design  Established by P L  108-15 , the CCAC advises the Secretary of the Treasury on theme and design of all U S  coins and medals  For Congressional Gold Medals, the CCAC advises the Secretary "on any theme or design proposals relating to     Congressional Gold Medals " The CCAC consists of 11 members appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury, with four persons appointed upon the recommendation of the congressional leadership (one each by the Speaker of the House, the House minority leader, the Senate majority leader, and the Senate minority leader)  The CCAC meets several times each year to consider design suggestions for coins and medals  For each coin considered, the CCAC provides advice to the Secretary "on thematic, technical, and design issues related to the production of coins " Recommendations are then published to the committee's website, at http://www ccac gov   In tandem with recommendations received from the CCAC, the U S  Mint also seeks a recommendation from the U S  Commission of Fine Arts  Established in 1910, the CFA advises "upon the location of statues, fountains, and monuments in the public squares, streets, and parks in the District of Columbia; the selection of models for statues, fountains, and monuments erected under the authority of the Federal Government; the selection of artists; and questions of art generally when required to do so by the President or a committee of Congress " This includes review of commemorative coins when they are presented by the U S  Mint and the issuance of recommendations for a coin's design  For example, in March 2014, the U S  Mint presented several alternative designs for the First Special Service Force Congressional Gold Medal  In a letter to the U S  Mint, the CFA provided recommendations on the design for the gold medal  CFA's letter stated the following: After receiving advice from the CCAC and the CFA, the Secretary of the Treasury, through the U S  Mint, finalizes the coin's design and schedules it for production  Figure 1 shows the final design of two Congressional Gold Medals: the New Frontier Gold Medal for Neil Armstrong, Michael Collins, Buzz Aldrin, and John Glenn; and the Jack Nicklaus Gold Medal  As Members of Congress contemplate introducing legislation, and the House or the Senate potentially consider Congressional Gold Medal measures, there are several issues that could be considered  These can be divided into issues for individual Members of Congress with respect to individual Congressional Gold Medals, and issues for Congress as an institution  Individual issues include choices Members may make about which people or groups might be honored and whether specific design elements might be specified statutorily  Institutional issues might include committee or chamber rules on the consideration of Congressional Gold Medals and creating standards for the issuance of gold medals  Some Congressional Gold Medals have honored individuals (e g , Arnold Palmer, Muhammad Yunus), some discrete groups of individuals (e g , General of the Army George Catlett Marshall and Fleet Admiral Ernest Joseph King, Ruth and Billy Graham), and some larger groups (e g , military units such as Women Airforce Service Pilots ["WASP"], Monuments Men)  In choosing whom or what to recognize, Members of Congress generally evaluate whether they believe that the individual's or group's activities merit recognition by Congress  Congressional Gold Medals are "the highest civilian honor award program     [to] honor national achievement in patriotic, humanitarian, and artistic endeavors " There are no specific criteria to determine whether or not an individual or group meets those lofty goals  Instead, each individual or group is judged on their merits by Congress should the legislation be considered  Congressional Gold Medal authorizations generally do not specify design elements  Instead, they direct the Secretary of the Treasury to "strike a gold medal with suitable emblems, devices, and inscriptions to be determined by the Secretary " Should Congress want to specify particular design elements, they might be included in the authorizing legislation  This would provide the Secretary of the Treasury with congressional intent on what should be incorporated into the gold medal design  Similar statutory specificity is sometimes included in commemorative coin legislation  Such specification, however, could serve to limit design choices for the gold medal and might alter the cost structure of striking the award, if the required element diverges from standard practices  Congressional Gold Medal legislation for groups generally provides that only a single gold medal is struck and specifies where it will be located after it is formally awarded  In many cases, the gold medal is given to the Smithsonian for appropriate display and where it can be made available for research  In other cases, the gold medal is provided to an organization that represents the honored group  Since most gold medal legislation contains a provision on the medal's location, a Member of Congress can help determine where the medal will be located  As discussed above under " Authorizing Congressional Gold Medals ," neither the House nor Senate rules provide any restrictions specifically concerning consideration of Congressional Gold Medal legislation on the House or Senate floor  In the 116 th Congress, the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs requires that at least 67 Senators must cosponsor any Senate Congressional Gold Medal bill before being considered by the committee  Currently, the House Financial Services Committee has not adopted any specific rules concerning committee consideration of Congressional Gold Medal legislation, although it has required a minimum number of cosponsors in past Congresses for committee consideration  As demonstrated by the discontinuation of the House Financial Services Committee rule requiring a minimum number of cosponsors for committee gold medal legislation, committee rules can be changed from Congress to Congress  Should the committee want to place requirements on its consideration of gold medal legislation, the Financial Services Committee could readopt its former rule, or something similar  Adopting committee rules to require a minimum number of cosponsors might encourage bill sponsors to build support among Representatives for gold medal bills  Such a minimum requirement, however, could potentially limit the number or type of gold medal bills the committee considers  Since only the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs has a rule that imposes a formal qualification on the potential committee consideration of gold medal legislation, the possible path forward for a bill can be different within each chamber  Should the House, the Senate, or both want to adopt similar language for committee or chamber consideration of gold medal legislation, such language could be incorporated into future committee rules, into House and Senate Rules, or into law  Taking steps to formally codify the gold medal consideration process might provide sponsors with a single process for award consideration, which could make it easier for gold medal bills to meet minimum requirements for consideration across both the House and Senate  Such codification could also limit congressional flexibility and might result in fewer proposals or authorizations to comply with new standards  Currently, there is no statutory limit to the number of Congressional Gold Medals that can be authorized  Should Congress want to place a limit on the number of gold medals awarded, standards could be adopted to provide a maximum number of gold medals authorized in any year or Congress  Congress has previously adopted similar standards for commemorative coins—only two coins may be minted in any given calendar year  Legislation to place a limit on the number of gold medals authorized has previously been introduced and considered in the House  During the 109 th Congress (2005-2006), H R  54 passed the House and would have restricted the Secretary of the Treasury from striking "more than 2 congressional gold medals for presentation     in any calendar year " Introduced by Representative Michael Castle, the stated purpose of the legislation was to "maintain the prestige of the medal by limiting the number that may be awarded each year," and to "clarify that recipients are individuals and not groups " Passage of the measure, he argued, would "ensure the future integrity and true honor of the award " H R  54 did not receive further consideration in the Senate  While proponents of a limit on the number of gold medals issued might make arguments similar to those made by Representative Castle, opponents believe that Congress should reserve the right to authorize as many gold medals as it deems necessary, without consideration of the number struck in any calendar year  Representative Joseph Crowley in opposing the legislation told his House colleagues, "We are rushing to act on an issue that does not represent a problem " "Who that received this medal in the past," he asked, "was not worthy of it?" Further, Crowley argued that "there are occasions when more than one person is justified to receive the medal for their honorable actions in tandem with others " He continued by emphasizing that had this bill already been law, "Congress would not have been able to issue" a Congressional Gold Medal "to the Little Rock Nine," to "President and Mrs  Reagan," or to "Martin Luther King and Coretta Scott King " Congressional Gold Medals have long been an important way for Congress to express public gratitude for important historical events and achievements  Congressional Gold Medals, which have been issued since the American Revolution, are "the highest civilian honor award program     [to] honor national achievement in patriotic, humanitarian, and artistic endeavors " In recent years, the number of gold medals awarded has "soared from four or five per decade for most of its history to an average of almost twenty in the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s " Each Congress, legislation to award Congressional Gold Medals is introduced  In the 113 th Congress (2013-2014), 52 bills were introduced, 34 in the House and 18 in the Senate, to award a gold medal  In the 114 th Congress (2015-2016), 52 bills were introduced, 38 in the House and 14 in the Senate  In the 115 th Congress (2017-2018), 55 bills were introduced, 33 in the House and 22 in the Senate  Based on the number of measures offered in both chambers, some Members of Congress clearly feel it is important to recognize individuals and groups for their patriotic, humanitarian, and artistic achievements  Several considerations appear important when Members decide to introduce gold medal legislation  These include who should be honored, how many medals should be awarded in a given Congress, and whether specific design elements should be prescribed for the medal design  As Congress continues to consider legislation to award future gold medals, these considerations and others will likely be important factors for issuing the award 


Report 2:  Fifth, fiscal policy can be targeted to specific recipients  In the case of normal open market operations, monetary policy cannot  This difference could be considered an advantage or a disadvantage  On the one hand, policymakers could target stimulus to aid the sectors of the economy most in need or most likely to respond positively to stimulus  On the other hand, stimulus could be allocated on the basis of political or other noneconomic factors that reduce the macroeconomic effectiveness of the stimulus  As a result, both fiscal and monetary policy have distributional implications, but the latter's are largely incidental whereas the former's can be explicitly chosen  In cases in which economic activity is extremely depressed, monetary policy may lose some of its effectiveness  When interest rates become extremely low, interest-sensitive spending may no longer be very responsive to further rate cuts  Furthermore, interest rates cannot be lowered below zero so traditional monetary policy is limited by this "zero lower bound " In this scenario, fiscal policy may be more effective  As is discussed in the next section, some argue that the U S  economy experienced this scenario following the recent financial crisis  Of course, using monetary and fiscal policy to stabilize the economy are not mutually exclusive policy options  But because of the Fed's independence from Congress and the Administration, the two policy options are not always coordinated  If Congress and the Fed were to choose compatible fiscal and monetary policies, respectively, then the economic effects would be more powerful than if either policy were implemented in isolation  For example, if stimulative monetary and fiscal policies were implemented, the resulting economic stimulus would be larger than if one policy were stimulative and the other were neutral  Alternatively, if Congress and the Fed were to select incompatible policies, these policies could partially negate each other  For example, a stimulative fiscal policy and contractionary monetary policy may end up having little net effect on aggregate demand (although there may be considerable distributional effects)  Thus, when fiscal and monetary policymakers disagree in the current system, they can potentially choose policies with the intent of offsetting each other's actions  Whether this arrangement is better or worse for the economy depends on what policies are chosen  If one actor chooses inappropriate policies, then the lack of coordination allows the other actor to try to negate its effects  When the United States experienced the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression, the Fed undertook increasingly unprecedented steps in an attempt to restore financial stability  These steps included reducing the federal funds rate to the zero lower bound, providing direct financial assistance to financial firms, and "quantitative easing " These unconventional policy decisions continue to have consequences for monetary policy today, as the Fed embarks on monetary policy "normalization " The bursting of the housing bubble led to the onset of a financial crisis that affected both depository institutions and other segments of the financial sector involved with housing finance  As the delinquency rates on home mortgages rose to record numbers, financial firms exposed to the mortgage market suffered capital losses and lost access to liquidity  The contagious nature of this development was soon obvious as other types of loans and credit became adversely affected  This, in turn, spilled over into the broader economy, as the lack of credit soon had a negative effect on both production and aggregate demand  In December 2007, the economy entered a recession  As the housing slump's spillover effects to the financial system, as well as its international scope, became apparent, the Fed responded by reducing the federal funds target and the discount rate  Beginning on September 18, 2007, and ending on December 16, 2008, the federal funds target was reduced from 5 25% to a range between 0% and 0 25%, where it remained until December 2015  Economists call this the zero lower bound to signify that once the federal funds rate is lowered to zero, conventional open market operations cannot be used to provide further stimulus  The Fed attempted to achieve additional monetary stimulus at the zero bound through a pledge to keep the federal funds rate low for an extended period of time, which has been called forward guidance or forward commitment   The decision to maintain a target interest rate near zero was unprecedented  First, short-term interest rates have never before been reduced to zero in the history of the Federal Reserve  Second, the Fed waited much longer than usual to begin tightening monetary policy in the current recovery  For example, in the previous two expansions, the Fed began raising rates less than three years after the preceding recession ended  With liquidity problems persisting as the federal funds rate was reduced, it appeared that the traditional transmission mechanism linking monetary policy to activity in the broader economy was not working  Monetary authorities became concerned that the liquidity provided to the banking system was not reaching other parts of the financial system  As noted above, using only traditional monetary policy tools, additional monetary stimulus cannot be provided once the federal funds rate has reached its zero bound  To circumvent this problem, the Fed decided to use nontraditional methods to provide additional monetary policy stimulus  First, the Federal Reserve introduced a number of emergency credit facilities to provide increased liquidity directly to financial firms and markets  The first facility was introduced in December 2007, and several were added after the worsening of the crisis in September 2008  These facilities were designed to fill perceived gaps between open market operations and the discount window, and most of them were designed to provide short-term loans backed by collateral that exceeded the value of the loan  A number of the recipients were nonbanks that are outside the regulatory umbrella of the Federal Reserve; this marked the first time that the Fed had lent to nonbanks since the Great Depression  The Fed authorized these actions under Section 13(3) of the Federal Reserve Act, a seldom-used emergency provision that allowed it to extend credit to nonbank financial institutions and to nonfinancial firms as well  The Fed provided assistance through liquidity facilities, which included both the traditional discount window and the newly created emergency facilities mentioned above, and through direct support to prevent the failure of two specific institutions, American International Group (AIG) and Bear Stearns  The amount of assistance provided was an order of magnitude larger than normal Fed lending, as shown in Figure 1   Total assistance from the Federal Reserve at the beginning of August 2007 was approximately $234 million provided through liquidity facilities, with no direct support given  In mid-December 2008, this number reached a high of $1 6 trillion, with a near-high of $108 billion given in direct support  From that point on, it fell steadily  Assistance provided through liquidity facilities fell below $100 billion in February 2010, when many facilities were allowed to expire, and support to specific institutions fell below $100 billion in January 2011  The last loan from the crisis was repaid on October 29, 2014  Central bank liquidity swaps (temporary currency exchanges between the Fed and central foreign banks) are the only facility created during the crisis still active, but they have not been used on a large scale since 2012  All assistance through expired facilities has been fully repaid with interest  In 2010, the Dodd-Frank Act changed Section 13(3) to rule out direct support to specific institutions in the future  From the introduction of its first emergency lending facility in December 2007 to the worsening of the crisis in September 2008, the Fed sterilized the effects of lending on its balance sheet (i e , prevented the balance sheet from growing) by selling an offsetting amount of Treasury securities  After September 2008, assistance exceeded remaining Treasury holdings, and the Fed allowed its balance sheet to grow  Between September 2008 and November 2008, the Fed's balance sheet more than doubled in size, increasing from less than $1 trillion to more than $2 trillion  The loans and other assistance provided by the Federal Reserve to banks and nonbank institutions are considered assets on this balance sheet because they represent money owed to the Fed  With the federal funds rate at its zero bound and direct lending falling as financial conditions began to normalize in 2009, the Fed faced the decision of whether to try to provide additional monetary stimulus through unconventional measures  It did so through two unconventional tools—large-scale asset purchases (quantitative easing) and forward guidance  With short-term rates constrained by the zero bound, the Fed hoped to reduce long-term rates through large-scale asset purchases, which were popularly referred to as quantitative easing (QE)  Between 2009 and 2014, the Fed undertook three rounds of QE, buying U S  Treasury securities, agency debt, and agency mortgage-backed securities (MBS)  These securities now comprise most of the assets on the Fed's balance sheet  To understand the effect of quantitative easing on the economy, it is first necessary to describe its effect on the Fed's balance sheet  In 2009, the Fed's emergency lending declined rapidly as market conditions stabilized, which would have caused the balance sheet to decline if the Fed took no other action  Instead, asset purchases under the first round of QE (QE1) offset the decline in lending, and from November 2008 to November 2010, the overall size of the Fed's balance sheet did not vary by much  Its composition changed because of QE1, however—the amount of Fed loans outstanding fell to less than $50 billion at the end of 2010, whereas holdings of securities rose from less than $500 billion in November 2008 to more than $2 trillion in November 2010  The second round of QE, QE2, increased the Fed's balance sheet from $2 3 trillion in November 2010 to $2 9 trillion in mid-2011  It remained around that level until September 2012, when it began rising for the duration of the third round, QE3  It was about $4 5 trillion (comprised of $2 5 trillion of Treasury securities, $1 7 trillion MBS, and $0 4 trillion of agency debt) when QE3 ended in October 2014, and has remained at that level since  Table 1 summarizes the Fed's QE purchases  In total, the Fed's balance sheet increased by more than $2 5 trillion over the course of the three rounds of QE, making it about five times larger than it was before the crisis  This increase in the Fed's assets must be matched by a corresponding increase in the liabilities on its balance sheet  The Fed's liabilities mostly take the form of currency, bank reserves, and cash deposited by the U S  Treasury at the Fed  QE has mainly resulted in an increase in bank reserves, from about $46 billion in August 2008 to $820 billion at the end of 2008  Since October 2009, bank reserves have exceeded $1 trillion, and they have been between $2 5 trillion and $2 8 trillion since 2014  The increase in bank reserves can be seen as the inevitable outcome of the increase in assets held by the Fed because the bank reserves, in effect, financed the Fed's asset purchases and loan programs  Reserves increase because when the Fed makes loans or purchases assets, it credits the proceeds to the recipients' reserve accounts at the Fed  The intended purpose of QE was to put downward pressure on long-term interest rates  Purchasing long-term Treasury securities and MBS should directly reduce the rates on those securities, all else equal  The hope is that a reduction in those rates feeds through to private borrowing rates throughout the economy, stimulating spending on interest-sensitive consumer durables, housing, and business investment in plant and equipment  Indeed, Treasury and mortgage rates have been unusually low since the crisis compared with the past few decades, although the timing of declines in those rates does not match up closely to the timing of asset purchases  Determining whether QE reduced rates more broadly and stimulated interest-sensitive spending requires controlling for other factors, such as the weak economy, which tends to reduce both rates and interest-sensitive spending  The increase in the Fed's balance sheet has the potential to be inflationary because bank reserves are a component of the portion of the money supply controlled by the Fed (called the monetary base ), which grew at an unprecedented pace during QE  In practice, overall measures of the money supply have not grown as quickly as the monetary base, and inflation has remained below the Fed's goal of 2% for most of the period since 2008  The growth in the monetary base has not translated into higher inflation because bank reserves have mostly remained deposited at the Fed and have not led to increased lending or asset purchases by banks  Another concern is that by holding large amounts of MBS, the Fed is allocating credit to the housing sector, putting the rest of the economy at a disadvantage compared with that sector  Advocates of MBS purchases note that housing was the sector of the economy most in need of stabilization, given the nature of the crisis (this argument becomes less persuasive as the housing market continues to rebound); that MBS markets are more liquid than most alternatives, limiting the potential for the Fed's purchases to be disruptive; and that the Fed is legally permitted to purchase few other assets, besides Treasury securities  On October 29, 2014, the Fed announced that it would stop making large-scale asset purchases at the end of the month  Now that QE is completed, attention has turned to the Fed's "exit strategy" from QE and zero interest rates  The Fed laid out its plans to normalize monetary policy in a statement in September 2014  It plans to continue implementing monetary policy by targeting the federal funds rate  The basic challenge to doing so is that the Fed cannot effectively alter the federal funds rate by altering reserve levels (as it did before the crisis) because QE has flooded the market with excess bank reserves  In other words, in the presence of more than $2 trillion in bank reserves, the market-clearing federal funds rate is close to zero even if the Fed would like it to be higher  The most straightforward way to return to normal monetary policy would be to remove those excess reserves by shrinking the balance sheet through asset sales  The Fed does not intend to sell any securities, however  Instead, it is gradually reducing the balance sheet by ceasing to roll over securities as they mature, which began in September 2017—almost three years after QE ended  Initially, it allowed only $6 billion of Treasuries and $4 billion of MBS to run off each month, which was gradually increased to $30 billion of Treasuries and $20 billion of MBS per month, where it will remain until normalization is completed  The Fed believes that it would only cease shrinking the balance sheet or use QE again in the future if it its ability to stimulate the economy using reductions in the federal funds rate were insufficient  The Fed intends to ultimately reduce the balance sheet until it holds "no more securities than necessary to implement monetary policy efficiently and effectively " The Fed has stated that it foresees a balance sheet size that is consistent with this goal will be larger than it was before the crisis  In part, that is because other liabilities on the Fed's balance sheet are larger—there is more currency in circulation now than there was before the crisis, and the Treasury has kept larger balances on average in its account at the Fed  But the balance sheet will also be significantly larger because the Fed decided in January 2019 to continue using its new method of targeting the federal funds rate even after normalization is completed  Under the new method, the federal funds rate is not determined by supply and demand in the market for bank reserves, and the Fed would prefer to maintain abundant bank reserves so that it does not have to use open market operations to respond to changes in banks' demand for reserves  By contrast, if it went back to the pre-crisis method of targeting the federal funds rate, only minimal excess reserve balances would be necessary (but perhaps more than before the crisis), so its balance sheet could be much smaller  The Fed has not yet announced when the wind-down will be completed or how large the balance sheet would be upon completion, but the January 2019 FOMC minutes noted the wind-down could be completed as soon as this year  In that case, the balance sheet would not be much smaller than its current size of $4 trillion when normalization is completed—more than four times larger than its pre-crisis size  Although the Fed has stated that it intends to eventually stop holding MBS, the Fed would still have sizable MBS holdings in 2025, according to projections from the New York Fed  In order to raise the federal funds rate in the presence of large reserves, the Fed has raised the two market interest rates that are close substitutes—it has directly raised the rate it pays banks on reserves held at the Fed and used large-scale reverse repurchase agreements (repos) to alter repo rates  In 2008, Congress granted the Fed the authority to pay interest on reserves  Because banks can earn interest on excess reserves by lending them in the federal funds market or by depositing them at the Fed, raising the interest rate on bank reserves should also raise the federal funds rate  In this way, the Fed can lock up excess liquidity to avoid any potentially inflationary effects because reserves kept at the Fed cannot be put to use by banks to finance activity in the broader economy  In practice, the interest rate that the Fed has paid banks on reserves has been slightly higher than the federal funds rate, which some have criticized as a subsidy to banks  Reverse repos are another tool for draining liquidity from the system and influencing short-term market rates  They drain liquidity from the financial system because cash is transferred from market participants to the Fed  As a result, interest rates in the repo market, one of the largest short-term lending markets, rise  The Fed has long conducted open market operations through the repo market, but since 2013 it has engaged in a much larger volume of reverse repos with a broader range of nonbank counterparties, including the government-sponsored enterprises (such as Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac) and certain money market funds, through a new Overnight Reverse Repurchase Operations Facility  The Fed is currently not capping the amount of overnight reverse repos offered through this facility  There has been some concern about the potential ramifications of the Fed becoming a dominant participant in this market and expanding its counterparties  For example, will counterparties only be willing to transact with the Fed in a panic, and will the Fed be exposed to counterparty risk with nonbanks that it does not regulate? The Fed has distinct roles as a central bank and a regulator  Its main regulatory responsibilities are as follows: B ank regulation   The Fed supervises bank holding companies (BHCs) and thrift holding companies (THCs), which include all large and thousands of small depositories, for safety and soundness  The Dodd-Frank Act requires the Fed to subject BHCs with more than $50 billion in consolidated assets to enhanced prudential regulation (i e , stricter standards than are applied to similar firms) in an effort to mitigate the systemic risk they pose  The Fed is also the prudential regulator of U S  branches of foreign banks and state banks that have elected to become members of the Federal Reserve System  Often in concert with the other banking regulators, it promulgates rules and supervisory guidelines that apply to banks in areas such as capital adequacy, and examines depository firms under its supervision to ensure that those rules are being followed and those firms are conducting business prudently  The Fed's supervisory authority includes consumer protection for banks under its jurisdiction that have $10 billion or less in assets  P rudential regulat ion of nonbank systemically important financial institutions   The Dodd-Frank Act allows the Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC) to designate nonbank financial firms as systemically important (SIFIs)  Designated firms are supervised by the Fed for safety and soundness  Since enactment, the number of designated firms has ranged from four, initially, to none today  R egulation of the payment system   The Fed regulates the retail and wholesale payment system for safety and soundness  It also operates parts of the payment system, such as interbank settlements and check clearing  The Dodd-Frank Act subjects payment, clearing, and settlement systems designated as systemically important by the FSOC to enhanced supervision by the Fed (along with the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, depending on the type of system)  M argin requirements   The Fed sets margin requirements on the purchases of certain securities, such as stocks, in certain private transactions  The purpose of margin requirements is to mandate what proportion of the purchase can be made on credit  The Fed attempts to mitigate systemic risk and prevent financial instability through these regulatory responsibilities, as well as through its lender of last resort activities and participation on the FSOC (whose mandate is to identify risks and respond to emerging threats to financial stability)  The Fed has focused more on attempting to mitigate systemic risk through its regulations since the financial crisis, and has also restructured its internal operations to facilitate a macroprudential approach to supervision and regulation 

ground_truth: Congress has delegated responsibility for monetary policy to the Federal Reserve (the Fed), the nation's central bank, but retains oversight responsibilities for ensuring that the Fed is adhering to its statutory mandate of "maximum employment, stable prices, and moderate long-term interest rates." To meet its price stability mandate, the Fed has set a longer-run goal of 2% inflation. The Fed's control over monetary policy stems from its exclusive ability to alter the money supply and credit conditions more broadly. Normally, the Fed conducts monetary policy by setting a target for the federal funds rate, the rate at which banks borrow and lend reserves on an overnight basis. It meets its target through open market operations, financial transactions traditionally involving U.S. Treasury securities. Beginning in 2007, the federal funds target was reduced from 5.25% to a range of 0% to 0.25% in December 2008, which economists call the zero lower bound. By historical standards, rates were kept unusually low for an unusually long time to mitigate the effects of the financial crisis and its aftermath. Starting in December 2015, the Fed has been raising interest rates and expects to gradually raise rates further. The Fed raised rates once in 2016, three times in 2017, and four times in 2018, by 0.25 percentage points each time. In light of increased economic uncertainty and financial volatility, the Fed announced in January 2019 that it would be "patient" before raising rates again. The Fed influences interest rates to affect interest-sensitive spending, such as business capital spending on plant and equipment, household spending on consumer durables, and residential investment. In addition, when interest rates diverge between countries, it causes capital flows that affect the exchange rate between foreign currencies and the dollar, which in turn affects spending on exports and imports. Through these channels, monetary policy can be used to stimulate or slow aggregate spending in the short run. In the long run, monetary policy mainly affects inflation. A low and stable rate of inflation promotes price transparency and, thereby, sounder economic decisions. The Fed's relative independence from Congress and the Administration has been justified by many economists on the grounds that it reduces political pressure to make monetary policy decisions that are inconsistent with a long-term focus on stable inflation. But independence reduces accountability to Congress and the Administration, and recent legislation and criticism of the Fed by the President has raised the question about the proper balance between the two. While the federal funds target was at the zero lower bound, the Fed attempted to provide additional stimulus through unsterilized purchases of Treasury and mortgage-backed securities (MBS), a practice popularly referred to as quantitative easing (QE). Between 2009 and 2014, the Fed undertook three rounds of QE. The third round was completed in October 2014, at which point the Fed's balance sheet was $4.5 trillion—five times its precrisis size. After QE ended, the Fed maintained the balance sheet at the same level until September 2017, when it began to very gradually reduce it to a more normal size. The Fed has raised interest rates in the presence of a large balance sheet through the use of two new tools—by paying banks interest on reserves held at the Fed and by engaging in reverse repurchase agreements (reverse repos) through a new overnight facility. In January 2019, the Fed announced that it would continue using these tools to set interest rates permanently, in which case the balance sheet may not get much smaller than its current size of $4 trillion. With regard to its mandate, the Fed believes that unemployment is currently lower than the rate that it considers consistent with maximum employment, and inflation is close to the Fed's 2% goal by the Fed's preferred measure. Even after recent rate increases, monetary policy is still considered expansionary. This monetary policy stance is unusually stimulative compared with policy in this stage of previous expansions, and is being coupled with a stimulative fiscal policy (larger structural budget deficit). Debate is currently focused on how quickly the Fed should raise rates. Some contend the greater risk is that raising rates too slowly at full employment will cause inflation to become too high or cause financial instability, whereas others contend that raising rates too quickly will cause inflation to remain too low and choke off the expansion.