prompt_front: You are given two reports by the government agency.



Question: Write a one-page summary of the report 1.



Report 2: Since the late 1700s, Congress has expressed public gratitude to individuals and groups by awarding medals and other similar decorations  The first Congressional Gold Medals were issued by the Continental Congress  Since that time, Congress has awarded gold medals to express public gratitude for distinguished contributions, dramatize the virtues of patriotism, and perpetuate the remembrance of great events  This tradition of authorizing individually struck gold medals bearing the portraits or actions of honorees is rich with history  Although Congress has approved legislation stipulating specific requirements for numerous other awards and decorations, there are no permanent statutory provisions specifically relating to the creation of Congressional Gold Medals  When such an award has been deemed appropriate, Congress has, by special action, provided for the creation of a personalized medal to be given in its name  The first Congressional Gold Medals were issued by the Continental Congress  As initially conceived, Congressional Gold Medals were awards "imbued with the conviction that only the very highest achievements [were] entitled to such a distinction, and that the value of a reward is enhanced by its rarity!" At that time, the Continental Congress concluded there was no better way to honor "and preserve the memory of illustrious characters and splendid events than medals—whether we take into consideration the imperishable nature of the substance whence they are formed, the facility of multiplying copies, or the practice of depositing them in the cabinets of the curious " The first gold medals were struck in Paris under the direction of Colonel David Humphrey  Following a long-standing historical practice, Congress commissioned gold medals as tributes for what were considered to be the most distinguished achievements  Silver and bronze medals, and ceremonial swords, were awarded for less eminent, but still notable, accomplishments  However, only the gold medal has been continuously awarded to the present day  The first Congressional Gold Medal was authorized on March 25, 1776, for George Washington, then commander of the Continental Army, for his "wise and spirited conduct" in bringing about British evacuation of Boston  During the next 12 years, the Continental Congress authorized an additional six gold medals for Revolutionary military leaders  Table 1 lists the Congressional Gold Medals issued by the Continental Congress, the year, the awardee, and the reason the medal was authorized  The gold medal conferred upon Major Henry "Light Horse Harry" Lee for his "remarkable prudence" and "bravery" during the surprise raid of Paulus Hook, NJ, was the first to be struck in the United States  Following the ratification of the Constitution, the first two Congressional Gold Medals were given in 1800 to Captain Thomas Truxtun for his gallant effort during the action between the U S  frigate Constellation and the French ship La Vengeance and in 1805 to Commodore Edward Preble for gallantry and good conduct during the War with Tripoli  After those medals were awarded, Congress issued gold medals primarily for military achievements in the War of 1812 and the Mexican War  All told, 27 gold medals were awarded for the War of 1812, and a series of medals were awarded for expeditions led by Major General Zachary Taylor and Major General Winfield Scott in the Mexican War  General Taylor received three Congressional Gold Medals, while General Scott received one  In 1854, Congress began to broaden the scope of activities that merited a Congressional Gold Medal  This change was prompted by Commander Duncan N  Ingraham of the USS St  Louis 's rescue of Martin Koszta from illegal seizure and imprisonment about the Austrian war-brig Hussar   Subsequently, gold medals were issued to several individuals recognized for nonmilitary heroic activities or their work in specific fields  For example, in 1864 Cornelius Vanderbilt was honored for donating a steamship to the United States; in 1867 Cyrus W  Field was praised for his work in the laying of the transatlantic cable; and Private George F  Robinson was awarded for saving Secretary of State William H  Seward from an assassination attempt  At this time, Congress also established the Medal of Honor as a military award and increasingly focused the Congressional Gold Medal as an award for individuals and events  In the 20 th and 21 st centuries, Congress continued to broaden the scope of Congressional Gold Medals to include recognition of excellence in such varied fields as the arts, athletics, aviation, diplomacy, entertainment, exploration, medicine, politics, religion, and science  Several of the following individuals were the first in their specialties to be awarded gold medals: Composer George M  Cohan (1936) was the first entertainer to receive a gold medal, for his patriotic songs "Over There" and "A Grand Old Flag " Wilbur and Orville Wright (1909) were the first aeronautical or space pioneers to receive a gold medal, for their achievements in demonstrating to the world the potential of aerial navigation  Lincoln Ellsworth (1926) was the first explorer honored, for his polar flight in 1925 and transpolar flight in 1926  Major Walter Reed and his associates (1928) were the first scientists honored, for discovering the cause and means of transmission of yellow fever in 1921  Vice President Alben W  Barkley (1949) was the first political honoree  In the late 20 th and early 21 st centuries, numerous other individuals have been honored for a variety of contributions including civil rights activism and humanitarian contributions  For a complete list of Congressional Gold Medal recipients since 1776, see the Appendix   Once a Congressional Gold Medal bill is introduced, it is typically referred to the House Committee on Financial Services or the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs  The process for considering legislation varies between the House and Senate  In the House, there are currently no chamber or committee rules regarding the procedures for gold medal bills  In some past Congresses, the House Financial Services Committee had adopted a committee rule that prohibited its Domestic Monetary Policy and Technology Subcommittee from holding a hearing on commemorative medal legislation—including Congressional Gold Medals—"unless the legislation is cosponsored by at least two-thirds of the members of the House " Informal practices regarding cosponosrship requirements, however, may still exist  In the Senate, the Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee in the 116 th Congress requires that at least 67 Senators cosponsor any Congressional Gold Medal bill before being considered by the committee  This committee rule presumably does not formally preclude committee consideration of a House bill referred to it  The committee rule also does not prevent the Senate from considering or passing gold medal legislation  Referred bills may be brought to the floor without committee consideration; in other cases, a bill may avoid being referred to committee at all  In current practice, many enacted gold medal bills receive no formal committee consideration  Rather, the Senate often discharges the committee of the bill by unanimous consent; however, it appears that this discharge practice only occurs after the requisite number of cosponsors sign on to a Senate bill  Although Congress has approved legislation stipulating requirements for numerous other awards and decorations, there are no permanent statutory provisions specifically relating to the creation of Congressional Gold Medals  When a Congressional Gold Medal has been deemed appropriate, Congress has, by legislative action, provided for the creation of a medal on an ad hoc basis  Additionally, there is no statutory limit on the number of Congressional Gold Medals that may be struck in a given year  Congressional Gold Medal legislation generally has certain features, including findings that summarize the subject's history and importance; specifications for awarding the medal; instructions, if any, for the medal's design and striking; permission to mint and sell duplicates; and certification that medals are minted pursuant to existing requirements for national medals (5 U S C  §5111)  Congressional Gold Medal legislation typically includes a section of findings  These often include historical facts about the people or groups being awarded the medal  For example, the legislation to authorize the Congressional Gold Medal to the World War II members of the "Doolittle Tokyo Raiders" stated the following: Congressional Gold Medal legislation typically includes a section that provides details on the presentation, design, and striking of the medal  For example, the legislation to authorize the Congressional Gold Medal to the Foot Soldiers who participated in Bloody Sunday, Turnaround Tuesday, or the final Selma to Montgomery Voting Rights March in March of 1965 stated the following: Additionally, this section can contain specific instructions to the Smithsonian, when it is the recipient of the physical gold medal, on its display and availability to be loaned to other institutions  For example, the legislation authorizing the American Fighter Aces Congressional Gold Medal stated the following: Gold medal legislation also generally authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to strike and sell duplicate medals in bronze  The duplicates are generally sold in two sizes: 1 5 inches and 3 inches  Duplicates are sold at a price which allows the U S  Mint to cover the cost of striking the gold medal  For example, legislation authorizing the 65 th Infantry Regiment, known as the Borinqueneers, Congressional Gold Medal stated the following: Gold medal legislation generally contains a statement that these awards are considered as national medals for the purpose of the U S  Mint's statutory requirements for producing medals  For example, legislation authorizing the Montford Point Marines Congressional Gold Medal stated the following: In some cases, authorizing legislation includes language authorizing appropriations for a Congressional Gold Medal  In these examples, Congress has authorized a specific sum from the United States Mint Public Enterprise Fund to pay for the cost of the medal  In cases where the authorization of appropriations is provided, a provision requiring that proceeds from the sale of duplicates be deposited in the same Fund is generally included  For example, legislation authorizing the Women Airforce Service Pilots Congressional Gold Medal stated the following: Congressional Gold Medal designs vary for each issuance  In general, the authorizing legislation provides that the Secretary of the Treasury "shall strike a gold medal with suitable emblems, devices, and inscriptions, to be determined by the Secretary " When designing a Congressional Gold Medal, the Secretary consults with the Citizens Coinage Advisory Commission (CCAC) and the U S  Commission of Fine Arts (CFA) before determining the final design  Established by P L  108-15 , the CCAC advises the Secretary of the Treasury on theme and design of all U S  coins and medals  For Congressional Gold Medals, the CCAC advises the Secretary "on any theme or design proposals relating to     Congressional Gold Medals " The CCAC consists of 11 members appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury, with four persons appointed upon the recommendation of the congressional leadership (one each by the Speaker of the House, the House minority leader, the Senate majority leader, and the Senate minority leader)  The CCAC meets several times each year to consider design suggestions for coins and medals  For each coin considered, the CCAC provides advice to the Secretary "on thematic, technical, and design issues related to the production of coins " Recommendations are then published to the committee's website, at http://www
Report 2:  In the absence of clarity on the circumstances in which lease-versus-purchase analyses for heavy equipment acquisitions are to be conducted and documented, the agencies may not be spending funds on heavy equipment cost- effectively  We are making two recommendations—one to the Air Force and one to the Department of the Interior  The Secretary of the Air Force should develop guidance to clarify the circumstances in which lease-versus-purchase analyses for heavy equipment acquisitions are to be conducted and documented  (Recommendation 1) The Secretary of the Interior should further clarify in guidance the circumstances in which lease-versus-purchase analyses for heavy equipment acquisitions are to be conducted and documented  (Recommendation 2) We provided a draft of this report to the Departments of Agriculture, Defense, Energy, Homeland Security, Housing and Urban Development, the Interior, Justice, Labor, State, and Veterans Affairs; General Services Administration; National Aeronautics and Space Administration; National Science Foundation; Nuclear Regulatory Commission; Office of Personnel Management; and U S  Agency for International Development  The departments of Agriculture, Energy, Homeland Security, Housing and Urban Development, Justice, State and Veterans Affairs, as well as the General Services Administration, National Aeronautics and Space Administration, National Science Foundation, Nuclear Regulatory Commission, Office of Personnel Management; and U S  Agency for International Development did not have comments  The Department of Labor provided technical comments, which we incorporated as appropriate  In written comments, reproduced in appendix III, the Department of Defense stated that it concurred with our recommendation and plans to issue a bulletin to Air Force contracting officials  In written comments, reproduced in appendix IV, the Department of the Interior stated that it concurred with our recommendation and plans to implement it  If you or members of your staff have any questions about this report, please contact me at (202) 512-2834 or RectanusL@gao gov  Contact points for our Offices of Congressional Relations and Public Affairs may be found on the last page of this report  Major contributors to this report are listed in appendix V  Specialized Trucks and Trailers 37   Self-Propelled Warehouse Trucks and Tractors 1,733 3                                       Specialized Trucks and Trailers 7   Self-Propelled Warehouse Trucks and Tractors 2,925 134                                     Specialized Trucks and Trailers   Self-Propelled Warehouse Trucks and Tractors 146             7       - 109       Self-Propelled Warehouse Trucks and Tractors 575 64 40                       4                   Nuclear Regulatory Commission Office of Personnel Management Social Security Administration United States Agency for International Development Grand Total         This report addresses: (1) the number, type, and cost of heavy equipment items that are owned by the 24 CFO Act agencies; (2) the heavy equipment items selected agencies have recently acquired and how selected agencies decided to purchase or lease this equipment; and (3) how selected agencies manage the utilization of their heavy equipment  To identify the number, type, and cost of heavy equipment owned by federal agencies, we first interviewed officials at the General Services Administration to determine whether there were government-wide reporting requirements for owned heavy equipment and learned that there are no such requirements  We then obtained and analyzed data on agencies’ spending on equipment purchases and leases from the Federal Procurement Data System–Next Generation (FPDS-NG), which contains government-wide data on agencies’ contracts  However, in reviewing the data available and identifying issues with the reliability of the data, we determined that data on contracts would not be sufficient to answer the question of what heavy equipment the 24 CFO Act agencies own  We therefore conducted a data collection effort to obtain heavy equipment inventory information from the 24 CFO Act agencies, which are the Departments of Agriculture, Commerce, Defense, Education, Energy, Health and Human Services, Homeland Security, Housing and Urban Development, the Interior, Justice, Labor, State, Transportation, the Treasury, and Veterans Affairs; Environmental Protection Agency; General Services Administration; National Aeronautics and Space Administration; National Science Foundation; Nuclear Regulatory Commission; Office of Personnel Management; Small Business Administration; Social Security Administration; and Agency for International Development  Because there is no generally accepted definition of heavy equipment, we identified 12 federal supply classes in which the majority of items are self- propelled equipment but not passenger vehicles or items that are specific to combat and tactical purposes, as these items are generally not considered to be heavy equipment  (See table 5 ) We then vetted the appropriateness of these selected supply classes with Interior, FWS, NPS, and Air Force agency officials, as well as with representatives from a fleet management consultancy and a rental company, and they generally agreed that items in selected federal supply classes are considered heavy equipment  Federal supply classes are used in FPDS- NG and are widely used in agencies’ inventory systems  Overall, about 90 percent of the heavy equipment items that agencies reported were assigned a federal supply class in the agency’s inventory data  In discussing heavy equipment categories in the report, we use the category titles below  To identify points of contact at the 24 CFO Act agencies, we obtained GSA’s list of contact information for agencies’ national utilization officers, who are agency property officers who coordinate with GSA  As a preliminary step, we contacted these individuals at each of the 24 CFO Act agencies and asked them to either confirm that they were the appropriate contacts or provide contact information for the appropriate contact and to inform us if they do not own heavy equipment  Officials at 4 agencies—Department of Education, Department of the Treasury, General Services Administration, and Small Business Administration— indicated that the agency did not own any items in the relevant federal supply classes  Officials at 16 of these agencies indicated that they would be able to respond on a departmental level because the relevant inventory data are maintained centrally, while officials at 4 agencies indicated that we would need to obtain responses from officials at some other level because the relevant inventory data are not maintained centrally  (See table 7 for a list of organizations within the 20 CFO Act agencies that indicated they own relevant equipment and responded to our data collection effort ) After identifying contacts responsible for agencies’ heavy-equipment inventory data, we prepared data collection instruments for requesting information on heavy equipment and tested these documents with representatives from 4 of the 20 CFO Act agencies that indicated they own heavy equipment to ensure that the documents were clear and logical and that respondents would be able to provide the requested data and answer the questions without undue burden  These agency representatives were selected to provide a variety of spending on federal supply group 38 equipment as reported in FPDS-NG, civilian and military agencies, and different levels at which the agency would be responding to the data collection effort (e g , at the departmental level or at a sub- departmental level)  Our data collection instrument requested the following data on respondent organizations’ owned assets in 12 federal supply classes as of June 2017: Respondents provided data on original acquisition costs in nominal terms, with some acquisitions occurring over 50 years ago  In order to provide a fixed point of reference for appropriate comparison, we present in our report inflation-adjusted acquisition costs using calendar year 2016 as the reference  To adjust these dollar amounts for inflation, we used the Bureau of Labor Statistic’s Producer Price Index by Commodity for Machinery and Equipment: Construction Machinery and Equipment (WPU112), compiled by the Federal Reserve Bank of St  Louis  We conducted the data collection effort from July 2017 through October 2017 and received responses from all 20 agencies that indicated they own heavy equipment  In order to assess the reliability of agencies’ reported data, we collected and reviewed agencies’ responses regarding descriptions of their inventory systems, frequency of data entry, agency uses of the data, and agencies’ opinions on potential limitations of the use of their data in our analysis  We conducted some data cleaning, which included examining the data for obvious errors and eliminating outliers  We did not verify the data or responses received; the results of our data collection effort are used only for descriptive purposes and are not generalizable beyond the 24 CFO Act agencies  Based on the steps we took, we found these data to be sufficiently reliable for our purposes  To determine the heavy equipment items that selected agencies recently acquired and how these agencies decided whether to purchase or lease this equipment, we first used data from the FPDS-NG to identify agencies that appeared to have the highest obligations for construction or heavy equipment, or both, and used this information, along with other factors, to select DOD and Interior  At the time, in the absence of a generally accepted definition of heavy equipment, we reviewed data related to federal supply group 38—construction, mining, excavating, and highway maintenance equipment—because (1) we had not yet defined heavy equipment for the purposes of our review; (2) agency officials had told us that most of what could be considered heavy equipment was in this federal supply group; and (3) our analysis of data from usaspending gov showed that about 80 percent of spending on items that may be considered heavy equipment were in this federal supply group  In meeting with officials at these departments, we learned that agencies within each department manage heavy equipment independently, so we requested current inventory data for Interior bureaus and the DOD military departments and selected three agencies that had among the largest inventories of construction and/or heavy equipment at the time, among other criteria: the U S  Air Force (Air Force); the Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS); and the National Park Service (NPS)  We then used information from our data collection effort—which included the number, type, cost, acquisition year and other data elements—to determine heavy equipment items that these agencies acquired during 2012 through 2016  We interviewed agency officials to determine what lease data were available from the three selected agencies  We assessed the reliability of these data with agency official interviews and reviewed the data for completeness and potential outliers  We determined that the data provided were sufficiently reliable for the purposes of documenting leased and rental heavy equipment  We also obtained data from GSA’s Short- Term Rental program, which had previously been limited to passenger vehicles, in part program for August 2012, when the first item was rented under this program, to February 2017, when GSA provided the data  We used these data to identify selected agencies’ rentals of heavy equipment through GSA’s Short-Term Rental program, which had previously been limited to passenger vehicles, in part program and associated costs  We interviewed officials from GSA’s Short-Term Rental program to discuss the program history as well as the reliability of their data on these rented heavy equipment items  We determined that the data were sufficiently reliable for our purposes  To determine how the three selected agencies decide whether to purchase or lease heavy equipment, we interviewed fleet and property managers at these selected agencies and asked them to describe their process for making these decisions as well as to identify relevant federal and agency regulations and guidance  We reviewed relevant federal and agency regulations and guidance regarding how agencies should make these decisions, including: Federal Acquisition Regulation, Office of Management Budget’s A-94, Guidelines and Discount Rates for Benefit- Cost Analysis of Federal Programs, Defense Federal Acquisition Regulation Supplement, Air Force Manual 65-506, Air Force Guidance Memorandum to Air Force Instruction 65-501, and Interior’s Guidance On Lease Versus Purchase Analysis and Capital Lease Determination for Equipment Leases  We also reviewed the Standards for Internal Control in the Federal Government for guidance on documentation as well as past GAO work that reviewed agencies’ lease-versus-purchase analyses  To determine whether the three selected federal agencies documented lease-versus-purchase decisions for selected acquisitions and adhered to relevant agency guidance, we selected and reviewed a non-generalizable sample of 10 heavy equipment acquisitions—two purchases each from the Air Force, FWS, and NPS, and two leases each from the Air Force and FWS  Specifically, we used inventory data obtained through our data collection effort, described above, to randomly select two heavy equipment purchases from each selected agency using the following criteria: calendar years 2012 through 2016; the two federal supply classes most prevalent in each selected agency’s heavy equipment inventory, as determined by the data collection effort described above; and for NPS and FWS, acquisition costs of over $15,000  In addition, we used lease data provided by the Air Force and FWS to randomly selected two heavy equipment leases per agency  Because NPS could not provide data on heavy equipment leases, we did not select or review any NPS lease decisions  To select the Air Force and FWS leases we used the following criteria: fiscal years 2012 through 2016; for the Air Force, which included federal supply classes in the lease data provided, the two federal supply classes most prevalent in the lease data and for FWS, which did not include federal supply class in the lease data provided, the two federal supply classes most prevalent in the purchase data; and for FWS, leases over $15,000  After selecting these acquisitions, we determined that one FWS lease and one NPS purchase we selected pre-dated Interior’s 2013 guidance on lease-versus-purchase analysis and excluded these acquisitions from our analysis for a total of eight acquisitions  In reviewing agencies’ documentation related to these acquisitions, we developed a data collection instrument to assess the extent to which agencies documented lease-versus-purchase analyses and, in the case of FWS and NPS, adhered to relevant Interior guidance  We supplemented our review of these acquisition decisions with additional information by interviewing officials at the three selected agencies and requesting additional information to understand specific circumstances surrounding each procurement  Our findings are not generalizable across the federal government or within each selected department  To determine how selected agencies manage heavy equipment utilization, we interviewed officials at the three selected agencies to identify departmental and agency-specific guidance and policies and to determine whether utilization requirements exist  We reviewed guidance identified by these officials, including Interior and Air Force vehicle guidance, both of which apply to heavy equipment, and FWS’s Heavy Equipment Utilization and Replacement Handbook  We also compared their practices to relevant Standards for Internal Control in the Federal Government  For the selected agencies with guidance for managing heavy equipment—Air Force and FWS—we reviewed the guidance to determine if and how selected agencies measured and documented heavy equipment utilization  For example, we reviewed whether selected agencies developed reports for managing heavy equipment utilization such as Air Force validation reports and FWS conditional assessment reports  We also reviewed Air Force, FWS, and NPS utilization data for heavy equipment but we did not independently calculate or verify the utilization rate for individual heavy equipment items because each heavy equipment item (backhoe, forklift, tractor, etc ,) has different utilization requirements depending on various factors such as the brand, model, or age of equipment  However, we did request information about agency procedures to develop and verify utilization rates  We assessed the reliability of the utilization data with agency official interviews and a review of the data for completeness and potential outliers  We determined that the data were sufficiently reliable for the purposes of providing evidence of utilization data collection for heavy equipment assets  We also visited the NPS George Washington Memorial Parkway to interview equipment maintenance officials regarding the procurement and management of heavy equipment and to document photos of heavy equipment  We selected this site because of its range of heavy equipment and close proximity to the Capital region  We conducted this performance audit from October 2016 to February 2018 in accordance with generally accepted government auditing standards  Those standards require that we plan and perform the audit to obtain sufficient, appropriate evidence to provide a reasonable basis for our findings and conclusions based on our audit objectives  We believe that the evidence obtained provides a reasonable basis for our findings and conclusions based on our audit objectives  In addition to the individual named above, John W  Shumann (Assistant Director), Rebecca Rygg (Analyst in Charge), Nelsie Alcoser, Melissa Bodeau, Terence Lam, Ying Long, Josh Ormond, Kelly Rubin, Crystal Wesco, and Elizabeth Wood made key contributions to this report 

ground_truth: Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter, "Bosnia") drew heavily on U.S. support after gaining independence from Yugoslavia in 1992. The United States helped end the Bosnian war (1992-1995), one of the most lethal conflicts in Europe since the Second World War, by leading NATO airstrikes against Bosnian Serb forces, brokering the Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995, and deploying 20,000 U.S. troops. Some Members of Congress became involved in policy debates over these measures, and Congress monitored and at times challenged the Bush and Clinton Administrations' response through numerous hearings, resolutions, and legislative proposals. Since 1995, the United States has been a major source of aid to Bosnia and firmly supports its territorial integrity. The United States also supports Bosnia's aspirations for NATO and European Union (EU) membership. Today, Bosnia faces serious challenges. Nearly 25 years after the Dayton Agreement, Bosnia continues to use part of the Agreement as its constitution, which divides the country into two ethnoterritorial entities. Critics charge that Bosnia's political system is too decentralized to enact the reforms required for NATO and EU membership. They also contend that the ethnic power-sharing arrangements and veto points embedded in numerous government bodies are sources of gridlock. Domestic and international courts have ruled against several aspects of Bosnia's constitution, yet the Bosnian government thus far has failed to implement these rulings. Since Bosnia's independence, its politics has been dominated by ethnic parties representing the country's three main groups: Bosniaks (Slavic Muslims), Croats, and Serbs. These parties have prospered under a system that critics charge lacks transparency and accountability. Critics also maintain that ethnic party leaders use divisive nationalist rhetoric to distract from serious issues affecting the country as a whole, including poverty, unemployment, and stalled political reforms. The Bosnian population exhibits low trust in political parties and the government, and disaffection toward the country's elite. U.S. and EU officials brokered several ultimately unsuccessful rounds of constitutional reform negotiations, and continue to call on Bosnia's leaders to implement reforms to make governance more efficient and effective, dismantle patronage networks, and bring Bosnia closer to EU and NATO membership. However, there is little consensus among the country's leaders on how the country should be reformed. Bosnian Serb leaders from the Serb-majority entity (Republika Srpska) have called for greater autonomy and even secession from Bosnia. Some Bosnian Croat leaders have called for partitioning Bosnia's other entity, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to create a separate Croat-majority entity. Bosniak leaders, by contrast, generally prefer a more centralized state. Many analysts caution that any move to partition the country could lead to renewed violence, while greater decentralization could make Bosnia's government less functional. U.S. policy has long been oriented toward preserving Bosnia's statehood. Bosnia's 2018 general elections largely returned to power the same entrenched ethnic parties. Of particular concern is the election of Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik to Bosnia's collective presidency. Dodik, a sharp critic of the United States and NATO, has periodically called for a referendum on Republika Srpska's secession. He is under U.S. sanctions for obstructing the Dayton Agreement. In addition to these internal challenges, U.S. and EU officials have expressed concern over external influence in the region. Russia reportedly relies on soft power, energy leverage, and "spoiler" tactics to influence Bosnia, particularly in the Serb-majority entity. Turkish soft power draws on Bosnia's Ottoman-era heritage and Turkey's shared religious tradition with Bosniaks. China is a more recent presence in the region, but its heavy investments and lending have prompted concern on both sides of the Atlantic. Policymakers have also expressed concern at the challenges posed by the return of Bosnians who fought with the Islamic State and Nusra Front in Syria and Iraq. Many observers contend that the United States remains a stakeholder in Bosnia's future because of its central role in resolving the conflict and shaping the postwar Bosnian state. Given the history of U.S. involvement in Bosnia, Bosnia's importance to regional stability in the Balkans, and concerns over Russian and Chinese influence in Bosnia, Members of Congress may be interested in monitoring how the country navigates its internal and external challenges. Congress may also consider future U.S. aid levels to Bosnia and the degree to which such assistance supports the long-standing U.S. policy objectives for Bosnia of territorial integrity, NATO and EU integration, energy security, and resilience against malign influence.

prompt_front: You are given two reports by the government agency.



Question: Write a one-page summary of the report 2.

Report 1: Many Members of Congress became actively engaged in foreign policy debates over U S  intervention in the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter, "Bosnia")  Congress monitored and at times challenged the Bush and Clinton Administrations' response to the conflict through numerous hearings, resolutions, and legislative initiatives  Many observers contend that the United States is a stakeholder in Bosnia's future because of the strong impact of U S  intervention on the postwar Bosnian state  Nearly 25 years after warring parties in Bosnia reached the Dayton Agreement (see below), Bosnia faces numerous internal and external challenges, and the country retains geopolitical importance to U S  interests in the Western Balkans  As Congress assesses ongoing and emerging security issues in the region, including resilience against malign external influence, renewed conflict, and radicalization, Bosnia's internal politics and its role in Balkan stability may merit further examination  Bosnia has existed in various forms throughout its history: a medieval kingdom, territory held by two major empires, a federal unit, and, since 1992, an independent state  Bosnia's present international borders are largely consistent with its administrative boundaries under later periods of Ottoman Turkish rule  After World War I, Bosnia became part of the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes  It was one of the six constituent republics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 1945 until 1992  Bosnia's constitution stems from the U S -brokered Dayton Peace Agreement that ended the country's 1992-1995 war  It recognizes three "constituent peoples": Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs  All three groups are Slavic  Religious tradition is considered a marker of difference among the three ethnic identities: Bosniaks are predominantly Muslim, Serbs are largely Orthodox Christian, and Croats are mostly Catholic  Although Bosnian, Croatian, and Serbian are recognized in Bosnia as distinct official languages, they are mutually intelligible  Bosniaks comprise approximately 50 1% of the population, Bosnian Serbs 30 8%, and Bosnian Croats 15 4%  In this report, Bosnian is used as a non-ethnic term for a person or institution from Bosnia  A Bosnian Serb is an ethnic Serb from Bosnia and a Bosnian Croat is an ethnic Croat from Bosnia  Bosniak refers to Slavic Muslims  Bosnia's religious and cultural diversity is one of its distinctive characteristics  Islam was introduced to part of Bosnia's population during the Ottoman period, although there were also large Catholic, Orthodox Christian, and Jewish communities  Bosnia was the most heterogeneous Yugoslav republic and the only one where no ethnic group formed an absolute majority  During the 1990s, some popular accounts of Bosnia (and the former Yugoslavia) depicted its ethnic relations as "ancient hatreds," implying that the country's ethnic groups cannot peacefully coexist and that the 1992-1995 war was unavoidable  However, many experts on the region reject this thesis  Although Bosnia has experienced episodes of communal violence and bloodshed, most recently during World War II and the 1992-1995 war, its heterogeneous population also has lived in mixed communities for periods of peace  Many experts contend that ethnic conflict often was stoked by domestic leaders who manipulated historical memory and grievances to further their own agendas, or by external powers seeking to rule Bosnia or annex its territory  In the 1980s, Yugoslavia's escalating political and economic crises fueled nationalist movements  Nationalist leaders in Serbia and Croatia appealed to Bosnian Serbs and Croats as ethnic "kin " The party that ruled Croatia for most of the 1990s, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), established a sister party with the same name to mobilize Bosnian Croats and compete in Bosnia's elections  This gave Croatia an avenue of influence in Bosnian politics  Serbia, led by strongman Slobodan Milošević, likewise had influence over Bosnian Serb leaders  In Bosnia's November 1990 elections—the first competitive elections in decades—voters cast aside the ruling League of Communists party and elected ethnic parties that largely continue to dominate today  Bosnian voters backed independence in a 1992 referendum, following in the footsteps of Slovenia, Croatia, and Macedonia  Bosnian Serbs, who did not want to separate from Yugoslavia, boycotted the referendum  Bosnian Serb forces seized more than two-thirds of Bosnia's territory, and a three-year conflict followed that pitted Serb, Croat, and Bosniak forces against one another  Bosnian Serb leaders declared a "Serb Republic" ( Republika Srpska) in March 1992, while Bosnian Croat leaders proclaimed the Croat Community of Herceg-Bosnia in July  Some Bosnian Croat and Bosnian Serb leaders advocated unification with Croatia and Serbia, respectively, where government factions—including their strongman leaders—likewise wanted to carve a Greater Croatia and Greater Serbia out of Bosnia's territory  Bosniak leaders opposed dismemberment of the state  Bosnia's war was one of the most lethal conflicts in Europe since World War II  Bosnian Serb forces besieged Sarajevo for 44 months  More than 10,000 people, mostly civilians, died due to shelling, sniping, and blockade-related deprivation  Paramilitary factions from neighboring Croatia and Serbia—some of which reportedly had ties to the Croatian and Serbian government—fought alongside Bosnian Croats and Serbs  The Serb-dominated Yugoslav National Army also aided Bosnian Serb forces, giving them a military advantage  In many areas, combatants from the three groups killed or expelled members of other ethnic groups to "purify" territory that they wanted to claim as their own  This "ethnic cleansing" changed Bosnia's demographic landscape  An estimated 100,000 or more Bosnians were killed in the conflict, and roughly half of its population displaced  In addition, an estimated 20,000 or more women and girls were victims of sexual violence  Hundreds of Bosnians have been prosecuted for war crimes at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and in Bosnian courts  In 2016, the ICTY convicted wartime Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadžić of genocide and war crimes  In 2019, the tribunal rejected his appeal and increased his sentence from 40 years to life  Citizens of Croatia and Serbia have also been indicted for crimes committed in the Bosnian war  Highly publicized incidents in 1994 and 1995 underscored the war's human toll  Bosnian Serb forces bombarded a Sarajevo market in 1994 and 1995, resulting in over 100 civilian deaths  In July 1995, Serb forces commanded by Ratko Mladić seized and executed more than 8,000 Bosniak men and boys in a U N -designated safe area around the city of Srebrenica, an incident subsequently seen by some as a consequence of the international community's muddled, ineffectual response to the conflict  The International Court of Justice and ICTY subsequently ruled that the Srebrenica massacres constituted an act of genocide  Mladić was convicted of genocide and other crimes in 2017  These incidents increased pressure on U S  policymakers to take a stronger role in resolving a conflict that had largely been left to the EU and the United Nations  Under U S  command, NATO intervened in August and September 1995 with air strikes against Bosnian Serb targets, while allied Bosniak and Croat forces launched a simultaneous offensive in western Bosnia  The United States played a key role in brokering several agreements  The 1994 Washington Agreement ended the "war within a war" between Bosniaks and Croats  In November 1995, leaders from Croatia, Bosnia, and Serbia met at the Wright-Patterson Air Force base in Dayton, OH, to negotiate a peace agreement  U S  diplomat Richard Holbrooke played a crucial role in brokering the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, more commonly known as the Dayton Peace Agreement  Bosnia's complex political system is a product of the Dayton Agreement; one of its annexes serves as Bosnia's constitution (Annex 4)  Its provisions partly reflect the situation on the ground in 1995, including the subdivision of Bosnia into two ethnoterritorial entities ( Figure 1 ): Republika Srpska ("RS"), which Bosnian Serb leaders had proclaimed in 1992, and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina ("FBiH," predominantly populated by Bosniaks and Croats), which was created by the 1994 Washington Agreement  Entity borders were largely drawn to form ethnic majorities, even though they also reflected territorial seizure and ethnic cleansing  Many Bosniaks view the division of Bosnia into these roughly equal entities as awarding the spoils of war to Bosnian Serbs, whom they regard as the aggressors  Many Bosnian Serbs, however, view the Serb-majority entity as a protection against marginalization  The designation of Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs as Bosnia's three "constituent peoples" is a cornerstone of the Dayton system  Numerous government bodies have ethnic quotas requiring equal representation of the three groups  In these power-sharing institutions, delegates from each constituent group may veto measures that go against vital ethnic interests  While these arrangements make Bosnia's political system prone to gridlock, Dayton's negotiators viewed them as necessary to prevent any group from feeling marginalized in a context of low trust  Bosnia is a parliamentary republic with a high degree of decentralization  Its complex, tiered structure includes a central ("state-level") government, the two entities, the autonomous Brčko district, and cantonal and municipal governments  The central ("state-level") government covers the entirety of Bosnia  A three-member presidency is the head of state, and includes one Serb member who is elected by RS voters, and one Bosniak and one Croat member elected by FBiH voters  The Council of Ministers, led by a Chairperson, is roughly equivalent to a cabinet government and prime minister in other parliamentary systems  The Parliamentary Assembly is a state-level legislature with two chambers: a directly elected House of Representatives (42 members) and an indirectly elected House of Peoples (5 Serbs, 5 Croats, and 5 Bosniaks)  The state-level government is considered to be weak, despite some expansion of its functions in the 2000s  Its major responsibilities include foreign relations; trade, customs, and monetary policy; migration and asylum policy; defense; and intelligence  Bosnia is further subdivided into two ethnoterritorial entities: Republika Srpska (RS), where Serbs are the largest ethnic group (82%), and the Federation entity (FBiH), where Bosniaks (70%) and Croats (22%) are the largest groups  The two entities have broader policy jurisdiction than the state-level government  Governing functions that are not assigned to the state-level government fall to the entities  These include civilian policing, economic policy, fiscal policy, energy policy, and health and social policy, as well as other issues  Each entity has its own constitution, as well as a president, vice presidents, legislature, and cabinet government with a prime minister  Each entity may establish "special parallel relationships" with neighboring states (i e , Croatia and Serbia)  Numerous entity bodies also incorporate ethnic quotas  Brčko district, a border region in northeastern Bosnia, was initially administered by the international community to allay concerns about RS secession  Brčko's location interrupts RS's contiguity, and both entities initially claimed it  Brčko was later awarded to both entities, but remains a self-governing district whose population is a mix of all three constituent peoples  Some analysts believe it has been relatively more successful than the entities in passing reforms and reintegrating its divided population (e g , ethnically mixed schools with a common curriculum)  FBiH entity is further divided into ten cantons, many of which were drawn to form ethnic Bosniak or Croat majorities  The cantons have jurisdiction in many policy areas, including policing, housing, culture, and education  They also have their own constitutions—based on the FBiH constitution—as well as legislatures and cabinet-style governments  FBiH and RS are further divided into 79 and 64 municipalities, respectively  The Dayton Agreement established a strong oversight role for the international community  The Office of the High Representative (OHR) was created to monitor the implementation of civilian aspects of Dayton  The High Representative is supported by the Peace Implementation Council (PIC), a group of 55 countries and agencies  A 1997 PIC conference empowered the High Representative to impose binding decisions and sanction politicians who obstruct Dayton  Until the mid-2000s, the High Representative used these powers to remove officials deemed to be obstructive to peace and to promote what are considered among the most constructive reforms since Dayton, including merging the entities' armed forces and intelligence services and putting them under new state-level ministries  However, the High Representative's proactive role has since decreased  This is partly due to criticism that the OHR lacks democratic legitimacy and accountability  Bosnian Serb politicians have claimed that the OHR's interventions support Bosniak leaders' preference for a more centralized state  At the same time, some U S  and EU policymakers believed that the attraction of EU membership could incentivize reforms in place of the OHR's more top-down approach  The international community also plays an ongoing security role  NATO led the Implementation Force (IFOR) and the smaller Stabilization Force (SFOR) that monitored security aspects of the Dayton Peace Agreement  The initial deployment of NATO ground forces to Bosnia numbered nearly 60,000, of which the largest share (approximately one-third) was from the United States  The number of troops subsequently decreased  In 2004, NATO's peacekeeping role was transferred to the EU with the understanding that NATO would assist if necessary  The size of the EU operation (EUFOR Althea) decreased from 7,000 troops in 2004 to roughly 600 troops today  Many analysts contend that the Dayton Agreement helped hold Bosnia together after the war; they point to the absence of widespread violence since 1995 as an indicator of its success  However, observers also question whether Bosnia can function much longer under the Dayton system  They identify several key challenges: Critics claim that Bosnia's political system reinforces the country's ethnic divisions and makes ethnicity a core basis of political identity  The ethnic parties that have dominated politics since the war generally appeal to voters from their respective ethnic communities rather than all Bosnians  Critics accuse ethnic party leaders of inflaming nationalist tensions and manipulating historical memory to distract from corruption and win elections, thus aggravating rather than bridging the deep wounds that remain from the war  In some parts of Bosnia, divisions are further reproduced at the societal level through institutions like segregated schools, which separate schoolchildren from different ethnic groups and teach them different curriculum  Some analysts also contend that the system is too gridlock-prone to pass major political and economic reforms to be passed, even with the incentive of potential EU membership  Bosnia's fractured, overlapping institutions sometimes muddle policymaking jurisdiction and impede coordinated response  Furthermore, power-sharing arrangements create numerous veto points in the legislative process  Government coalitions are typically ideologically broad and unwieldy, creating a further source of potential dysfunction  One of the consequences of these barriers is that it is difficult to pass legislation  The previous state-level Parliament, for example, adopted twelve new laws over the course of its 2014-2018 term  Corruption in Bosnia has roots in the country's wartime economy  A 2000 Government Accountability Office (GAO) report stated that "organized crime and corruption pervade Bosnia's national political parties, civil service, law enforcement and judicial systems  [Ethnic] parties control all aspects of the government, the judiciary, and the economy, and in so doing maintain the personal and financial power of their members " Many observers claim that the situation has improved little since then  In 2018, the High Representative warned that the rule of law has deteriorated, while the U S  State Department describes the rule of law as "an existential issue " Bosnia's major parties allegedly siphon from the state apparatus and public enterprises in their strongholds to amass wealth and power  Furthermore, parties in power reportedly politicize hiring in Bosnia's public sector, which employs an estimated third or more of the working population  For many Bosnians, satisfactory employment depends on having the right political connections, which creates a dependence that reportedly is exploited during elections  In 2018, the outgoing U S  ambassador to Bosnia decried the "[Bosnian] politicians who seek to destabilize the country in order to remain in power at all costs for personal profit and protection " Many analysts believe that Bosnia's entrenched ethnic parties benefit tremendously from the status quo and have little incentive to reform the system  Bosnia's MPs are among the best-paid in Europe relative to local incomes, commanding six to eight times the average Bosnian salary  Parties and politicians who gain office in the government or administration often find "a remarkably efficient path to personal enrichment " Politicians are skilled at using veto points to block legislation that threatens their position in Bosnia's patronage system  According to one analyst, Bosnia's patronage system is "the raison d'etre of the political elites and is the main cause of the state's dysfunctionality and resistance to reform " Bosnia's entrenched political class may also fear penalty if serious reforms are enacted and shine the spotlight on malfeasance  Criminal indictments against leaders in neighborhood countries like Romania, Croatia, and North Macedonia highlight this risk  Analysts believe these disincentives make entrenched politicians resistant to external pressure for reform  Several major rounds of U S - and EU-brokered constitutional reform efforts, including in 2006, 2008, and 2009, ultimately failed  Germany and the United Kingdom launched a major initiative in 2014 to shift the focus from difficult constitutional reforms to seemingly more feasible socioeconomic reforms that they hoped would improve Bosnia's economy and dismantle patronage networks  The 2015 "Reform Agenda" identified economic, administrative, and legal measures to be adopted by entity- and state-level governments  The process, which required the major parties to commit in writing to the reform framework, was supported by the EU, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank Group, and the United States  As an incentive for politicians to agree to the Agenda, the EU offered the entry into force of Bosnia's long-stalled Stabilization and Association Agreement, which marked the first step toward EU membership  However, most observers view the Reform Agenda as largely unsuccessful; many of its provisions failed when entrenched parties objected to measures that would undercut their dominance  While many officials recognize that Bosnia's political system needs reform, there is little consensus on how to change it or to generate the political will to find common ground so long as the dominant parties remain entrenched  Bosnian Serb leaders have expressed a desire to return to the "original" Dayton system, when the entities had greater competencies in security and justice  Milorad Dodik, who has dominated politics in Republika Srpska since the 2000s, has gone further by repeatedly threatening RS secession  Bosnian Croat leaders from the largest Croat party, the Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia (HDZ-BiH), call for more autonomy for Croats, and have raised the prospect of splitting FBiH to create a third Croat-majority entity  By contrast, Bosniak leaders generally prefer more centralization and the removal of some of the institutional arrangements that they believe contribute to dysfunction and gridlock  Some Bosniak officials also have proposed dismantling the entities or eliminating FBiH's cantons  Survey research documents Bosnian citizens' anger toward the political class and their distrust of political institutions  In a 2018 International Republican Institute survey, 86% of respondents expressed belief that Bosnia is heading in the wrong direction  An estimated 170,000 individuals—disproportionately young and skilled—have emigrated since 2013  Dissatisfaction with education and healthcare, insecurity, and nepotism are cited as key motives to emigrate  Nevertheless, some analysts believe that periods of social discontent in 2014 and 2018, which challenged the system but appeared to transcend ethnic divides, suggest that strengthening Bosnian civil society could increase pressure for reform, and perhaps cultivate a new generation of party leaders  Other observers have put their hopes for reform in Bosnia's so-called "civic parties," which do not have nationalist platforms and typically mobilize voters on the basis of socioeconomic interests rather than ethnicity  While these parties have not matched the results of the ethnic parties, their electoral performance has improved in recent years  Bosnia's challenges came to the forefront during its most recent general election on October 7, 2018 (see Table 1 )  The Central Election Commission (CEC) registered 60 parties and over 3,500 candidates for state-level, entity, and cantonal offices  Observers noted that the campaign climate was more divisive and nationalist in tone than usual  Despite broad voter dissatisfaction, entrenched ethnic parties won the largest vote shares  Almost six months after the election, the parties are still negotiating over government formation at the state level and in FBiH; however, it appears that entrenched ethnic parties will continue to dominate  In March 2019, the leaders of the largest Bosniak, Croat, and Serb parties stated that they had agreed to a set of principles to guide forming the state-level government (the Council of Ministers)  Some observers viewed the improved result of civic parties (one-third of the vote in FBiH) as a positive development  Some of the most controversial outcomes concern the elections to the state-level presidency, composed of three members (one Bosniak, one Croat, and one Serb)  In a closely fought race, Šefik Džaferović, candidate of the ethnic Bosniak SDA party, narrowly defeated the candidate of the civic SDP party (36 6% and 33 5%, respectively), retaining the lock that the SDA has had on the Bosniak seat in most elections since 1996, but perhaps auguring a future victory by a civic party candidate  Prior to the election, some analysts expressed concern at the prospect of two of the three seats on the presidency being held by the nationalist Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik and his ally, the nationalist Bosnian Croat politician Dragan Čović  Both politicians have explicitly or implicitly challenged the legitimacy of Bosnian statehood and called for greater ethnoterritorial autonomy  However, to the surprise of some observers, Željko Komšić of the civic Democratic Front defeated incumbent Čović for the Croat seat with 53% of the vote  Komšić was previously elected as the Croat member of the presidency in 2006 and 2010, and is considered to be a moderate political figure who generally supports centralizing reforms  In contrast to HDZ-BiH leader Čović, he does not have strong ties to the Croatian government  Komšić's election as the Croat member of the presidency in 2006 and 2010 was mired in controversy amid complaints that he only won with the support of Bosniaks who voted in the election for the Croat member on the presidency rather than the Bosniak member  Komšić identifies as Croat but has been leader of several civic parties  He comes from central Bosnia, and not from the Croat-majority western regions that are the stronghold of the HDZ  Although it is not illegal for Bosniaks to vote for the Croat seat on the presidency rather than the Bosniak seat, some Croat leaders (especially HDZ-BiH and HDZ-1990) claim that it violates the spirit of Dayton and results in illegitimate representation of Croats  Similar accusations of ethnic cross-voting surfaced after Komšić's victory in 2018  Some analysts expect Komšić's victory to harden the HDZ-BiH position on electoral reform (see "Legal Challenges," above) and possibly embolden politicians who seek a separate entity  As most pre-election polls anticipated, RS strongman Milorad Dodik defeated the more moderate incumbent Serb member of the presidency with 54% of the vote  Dodik has dominated entity politics in RS since the mid-2000s as entity prime minister and president  Analysts note that RS's political environment grew more closed as Dodik consolidated power  Dodik has run afoul of the United States and the EU by frequently threatening to hold a referendum on RS secession, questioning the legitimacy of Bosnian statehood, and cultivating close ties to Russia (see below)  The U S  Treasury Department sanctioned him in 2017 for actively obstructing Dayton  Many analysts have expressed concern that Dodik will use his new position to obstruct the workings of the central government while continuing to dictate politics in RS through loyal allies  Shortly after the election he vowed to "work above all and only for the interests of Serbs " One of his first acts as head of state was to call for Bosnia to recognize Ukraine's Crimea region as Russian territory  In December 2018, the National Assembly of RS approved the creation of several new ministries, an act that some view as an attempt to wrest competencies from the state-level government  In early 2019, the RS parliament courted controversy when it passed legislation to create a new commission to reinvestigate the events of Srebrenica, which many view as an attempt to deny or downplay the massacres  Since the election, the formation of governments has proceeded piecemeal, and legal challenges to election law in FBiH (see above, "Legal Challenges") initially cast doubt over the formation of that entity's government  The RS National Assembly approved the new entity government in December 2018  Party leaders continue to negotiate over forming governments in FBiH and the state-level Council of Ministers  Because the FBiH government did not fix electoral legislation before the election, the Electoral Commission adopted a decision to assign delegates to the House of Peoples based on the 2013 census  (The Electoral Commission's actions reportedly came amid strong pressure from U S  and EU officials)  Several Bosniak parties challenged the decision before the Constitutional Court; however, the Court declined to take on the case  Bosnia is one of Europe's poorest countries  The 1992-1995 war caused an estimated $110 billion in damage, and Bosnia's economy contracted to one-eighth of its prewar level  Despite significant reconstruction and recovery since 1995, GDP per capita was $5,148 in 2017, well below the EU average ($33,715) and that of Bulgaria ($8,031), its lowest-ranking member  Nearly one in five Bosnians lives below the poverty level  Bosnia's unemployment rate was 18% in 2018, down from 28% in 2015  Youth unemployment also declined in recent years from 60% to 46%  Nevertheless, these rates are still high by European standards  Since 2015, annual GDP growth has averaged around 3%, but it is largely driven by consumption (much of which in turn is fueled by migrant remittances)  The IMF has urged Bosnia to privatize or restructure the nearly 550 state-owned enterprises that comprise roughly 20% of its economy; many of them are unprofitable but allegedly are used by politicians as "cash cows and workplaces for loyal cadres " Bosnia participates in several free trade schemes  In 2006, it joined the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) alongside other non-EU countries in the region, including other ex-Yugoslav neighbors  Bosnia's Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) with the European Union, which entered into force in 2015, provides for almost fully free trade  A free trade agreement with the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) also entered into force in 2015  The EU is Bosnia's primary trade partner  Germany, Italy, Croatia, Slovenia, and Austria are Bosnia's key EU export markets, accounting for more than half of its exports in 2017  Serbia, another CEFTA signatory, is also an important export market  Bosnia's major exports include vehicle seats, raw materials, leather products, textiles, energy, and wood products  The EU is also Bosnia's primary source of foreign direct investment (FDI)  In 2016, 63% of Bosnia's FDI came from EU countries, with Austria, Croatia, and Slovenia the top sources  Serbia is also a significant source of FDI (16 3%)  However, Bosnia's fragmented legal and administrative structure create a challenging investment climate  Many relevant laws differ between the two entities  Corruption, entrenched economic interests, and political instability also deter investment  As a result, FDI amounts to just 2% of Bosnia's GDP, well below the Western Balkan average of 5%  Bosnia was the region's lowest-rated country in the World Bank's 2019 Ease of Doing Business Index  U S  and EU policymakers view the NATO and EU accession processes as a positive force for democratization and reform in the Western Balkans, including Bosnia  According to analysts, this assessment informed the United States' partial retreat from the region in the 2000s and 2010s  EU membership is one of the few policy issues for which there is relatively broad consensus among Bosnia's politicians and population  The EU's "fundamentals first" approach to enlargement in the Western Balkans frontloads the accession process with meeting the core requirements of having a democratic political system and functioning market economy; in Bosnia, the EU is currently focused on issues relating to the rule of law, public administration reform, and economic development  In 2016, Bosnia submitted its application to join the EU  Its current status is potential candidate , which entitles it to receive financial assistance from the EU's Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance II (IPA II)  Between 2014 and 2020, Bosnia is expected to receive €552 million in IPA II allocations, making the EU Bosnia's largest source of foreign assistance  Many EU member states provide additional aid to Bosnia through domestic foreign assistance programs  Bosnia's EU membership prospects are uncertain  In a 2018 progress report, the European Commission (the EU's executive) flagged Bosnia's slow implementation of reforms, including the 2015 Reform Agenda (a flagship EU initiative in Bosnia) and numerous domestic and international court rulings (see "Legal Challenges," above)  Some analysts question whether Bosnia, under its current political system, would be capable of meeting the membership requirement of harmonizing domestic legislation with the many thousands of provisions in the acquis communautaire, the cumulative body of EU legislation, case law, and regulations  In comparison to EU membership, Bosnian leaders are more divided over the issue of joining NATO  These divisions largely fall along Bosnian Serb and Bosnian Croat/Bosniak lines  Bosnian Serb opposition is rooted in resentment over NATO's role in the Bosnian war, and may also reflect a desire to remain in lockstep with neighboring Serbia, which also does not seek NATO membership  Bosnia joined NATO's Partnership for Peace in 2006 and secured an Individual Partnership Action Plan in 2008  In 2010, NATO indicated that it would launch a Membership Action Plan (MAP)—a program to help aspiring members meet membership requirements—once Bosnia meets several conditions, the most challenging of which is the reregistration of permanent defense installations from entity to state-level government  RS officials have resisted ceding control over defense installations on entity territory  Although Bosnia does not yet meet these requirements, in December 2018 NATO foreign ministers invited Bosnia to activate its MAP by submitting its first Annual National Program  Some analysts interpreted this invitation as a gesture to generate reform momentum in Bosnia's fragile post-election period  The Bosniak and Croat members of the presidency responded positively, but Bosnian Serb leaders (and most Bosnian Serbs) do not want Bosnia to join NATO  In October 2017, the RS National Assembly passed a resolution supporting military neutrality  RS President Željka Cvijanović reiterated this stance after NATO's invitation, and Dodik—now a member of the state-level presidency—also has vowed to pursue military neutrality  Bosnia's relations with Croatia and Serbia are seen as an important component of regional stability  However, bilateral relations have often been fraught as a legacy of the Bosnian war, as well as sensitivities over Croatia and Serbia's relations with Bosnian Croats and Serbs  While democratic gains in Croatia and Serbia after 2000 contributed to improved relations with Bosnia, they remain reluctant to examine or acknowledge their role in the Bosnian war  At times, Bosnian leaders have objected to what they describe as Croatian and Serbian meddling in Bosnia's affairs  Ex-Bosnian Croat member of the presidency Dragan Čović and current Bosnian Serb member of the presidency Milorad Dodik draw support from leaders in Croatia and Serbia and reportedly hold Croatian and Serbian citizenship, respectively, alongside their Bosnian citizenship  The Croatian government financially and politically backed Čović in Bosnia's 2018 elections, and Croatian politicians have raised the issue of Bosnian Croats' constitutional challenges (see above, "Legal Challenges") in forums like the European Parliament, NATO, and the United Nations  These moves prompted three former High Representatives to Bosnia to issue a joint letter expressing alarm over Croatia's "meddling" in Bosnia's internal affairs  The Croatian government also challenged the legitimacy of Željko Komšić as the Croat member of the Bosnian presidency (see above, "2018 General Election")  Some parties in Croatia hold Croatian election campaign events on Bosnian territory to mobilize Bosnian Croat voters with dual citizenship to vote in Croatia's elections  The Serbian government likewise supports Dodik, who is a frequent visitor to Belgrade  Some Serbian politicians have made statements supporting convicted Bosnian Serb war criminals, inflaming an issue that remains highly sensitive in Bosnia  Bosnia and Serbia have an unresolved demarcation dispute over approximately 40 square kilometers of border area, including a railway segment and hydroelectric power stations  Bosnia has dual citizenship treaties with Croatia and Serbia, resulting in hundreds of thousands of Bosnian Croats and Bosnian Serbs acquiring dual citizenship  This has raised jurisdictional issues in cases in which indicted war criminals hold dual citizenship  Despite occasional tensions in their relations, Croatia and Serbia are important economic partners for Bosnia  Both countries are among Bosnia's top export markets and top sources of FDI  As part of its enlargement strategy in the Western Balkans, the EU has embraced a connectivity agenda to improve regional transportation, energy, and infrastructural linkages, reserving up to €1 billion in grants for projects for the period 2015-2020  Officials believe that improved connectivity could benefit bilateral relations and contribute to regional stability  Given its strategic location and relatively small, weak states, the Balkan region has long drawn in more powerful states  Many analysts maintain that as the United States and the European Union have both scaled back their presence in the Balkans to address other issues since the late 2000s, Russia, Turkey, and China partly filled the vacuum  U S  and EU officials have expressed concern over Russian influence in the Western Balkans, particularly after Russia occupied Ukraine's Crimea region in 2014  Many analysts maintain that Russia does not have a grand strategy in the Western Balkans, but rather aims to prevent Euro-Atlantic integration and shore up its claims to great power status by asserting itself in the EU's "inner courtyard " Analysts have identified several Russian tools in the region, including playing a "spoiler" role, projecting soft power, and leveraging energy dominance  Observers contend that Russia plays a "spoiler" role in Bosnia by exacerbating ethnic divisions, backing illiberal or anti-Western political factions, and helping to militarize RS  They claim that these actions help sustain the dysfunction and gridlock that undermine Bosnia's Euro-Atlantic reform efforts  Russia has supported Bosnian Serb and Bosnian Croat nationalist leaders Milorad Dodik and Dragan Čović  Dodik's meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin just before Bosnia's October 7, 2018 general election was one of nearly ten meetings between the two over the past three years, signaling high-level Russian support  Many experts assert that Russia has been a key ally to Dodik in resisting Western pressure to cooperate on reforms  Moscow has also supported divisive RS policies  When Dodik violated a Bosnian Constitutional Court ruling in 2016 by holding a referendum to establish a controversial "Statehood Day," Russia stood apart from the High Representative and Western diplomats by supporting the initiative  More recently, Russia stated its support for RS's controversial Srebrenica commission (see above)  Analysts have also expressed concern at Russia's apparent support for Čović, who has advocated greater autonomy for Croats and the creation of a third Croat entity  Some analysts have expressed concern at Russia's role in RS's security sector  Russian forces have trained RS police special forces on counterterrorism and intelligence  Some observers believe that these exercises contribute to militarization in RS, potentially pushing the police force beyond its civilian law enforcement mandate  Analysts caution that militarization could increase the scale of violence in any confrontation between RS and the Bosnian government  Some Bosnian Serb ultranationalist and veterans groups have fought alongside pro-Russia combatants in Ukraine, and analysts believe they could be mobilized to support RS leaders as well  Russian soft power draws upon religious and cultural kinship with Bosnian Serbs, as well as Russia's history of support during the wars of Yugoslav disintegration  Kremlin-linked media, like Sputnik and RT , amplify existing anti-Western narratives and positively shape public opinion toward Russia  Some local media further propagate Sputnik and RT articles  A 2018 National Democratic Institute media study found that RS media stories about Russia were overwhelmingly positive, while the tone of most stories about the United States and NATO was negative  Pro-Russian media glorifies the Russian military, highlights cultural and religious links between Serbs and Russians, and documents high-level meetings between RS and Russian officials  Economic relations between Russia and RS have deepened in recent years  Russia is the largest source of FDI in RS, and it is largely concentrated in the energy sector  In 2007, Russian state-owned oil company Zarubezhneft bought RS's Bosanski Brod oil refinery, motor oil processing facilities in nearby Modrica, and retailer Banjaluka Petrol  Some analysts believe that these assets—which were purchased without an open tender—give Zarubezhneft influence in RS  In addition to being an important employer, Zarubezhneft is RS's biggest taxpayer; its value-added tax and excise duty contributions reportedly account for 25% of RS budget revenue  Bosnia depends upon Russian natural gas imports via Ukraine  Energy policy is vested in the entities, and Russian natural gas provider Gazprom reportedly has used its market dominance to pit the two entities against one another and undermine projects that would diversify supplies  Many analysts believe that Turkey's influence in Bosnia has increased over the last two decades due to Ankara's close relationship with Bosniak leaders  Some Turkish officials reportedly view Bosnia as a natural sphere of influence given geographic and historical connections  Observers note that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has at times invoked Ottoman-era ties to Bosnia and religious kinship with Bosniaks as soft power tools  Turkish influence in Bosnia has expanded since Yugoslavia's collapse  During the 1992-1995 war, Turkey gained prestige among Bosniaks by condemning the international arms embargo against Bosnia, arguing that it prevented Bosniaks from defending themselves  Turkey, as well as other predominantly Muslim countries like Iran and Saudi Arabia, reportedly supplied Bosniak forces with arms  Turkish influence has continued since the war's end  Bosnia is one of the top recipients of Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency assistance; much of this support is earmarked for projects to restore Ottoman-era buildings and monuments  A Turkish Cultural Center was established in Bosnia in 2003, and in 2009 the Yunus Emre Foundation, an NGO founded by the Turkish government, opened an office in Sarajevo to promote Turkish language and culture  Turkey has popular support among Bosniaks  In a 2018 International Republican Institute survey, 76% of Bosniak respondents had positive views of Turkey—the strongest support among Bosniaks for any foreign state  Many Bosnian Croats and Bosnian Serbs look to Croatia and Serbia as external protectors, and some analysts believe that Turkey has attempted to establish a similar role for itself vis-à-vis Bosniaks  Observers contend that Erdogan's ruling party has particularly strong ties to the largest Bosniak ethnic party, the SDA  Erdogan and Turkish state-owned media openly supported SDA candidate Bakir Izetbegović in his bid for the Bosniak seat on the presidency in 2014  Some observers believe that Izetbegović's clout within the SDA rests in part on his support from Erdogan  Economic relations between Bosnia and Turkey have deepened in recent years  Turkish FDI in Bosnia accounted for 5 6% of FDI flows in 2016  One notable project is a highway to connect Sarajevo to Belgrade, Serbia  After years of disagreement, Bosnian officials approved the route in February 2019  Turkey is expected to provide funding for some of the expected €3 billion in costs, although the terms of the contract are not yet resolved  Some officials, including French President Emmanuel Macron, have expressed concern over Turkey's alleged ambitions as part of broader EU concern over external influence in the Balkans  However, analysts caution that Turkey's ambitions and capabilities in the Balkans may be overstated  They note that the scope of Turkish investment is sometimes exaggerated in the media, and that proposed projects do not always come to fruition  While Russian and Turkish influence in Bosnia relies in part on soft power, China's presence in Bosnia is primarily economic  Between 2011 and 2019, Chinese investments in Bosnia amounted to an estimated $3 6 billion, primarily in the form of direct lending for energy and transportation projects  Chinese firms have contracts to construct or expand energy plants, including a €350 million loan to construct a coal-fired plant in Stanari, RS  A €1 4 billion deal was signed to construct a highway between Banja Luka and Mlinište  In March 2019, the EU Energy Community criticized the FBiH entity government's decision to guarantee a €600 million loan from China's Exim Bank to build a coal-fired power plant in Tuzla  However, some analysts caution that China's economic influence in Bosnia may be overstated at present  While China's pledged investments in high-visibility projects garner media attention, the actual amount of Chinese FDI is far less than that of the EU  Moreover, many pledged projects do not come to fruition  Nevertheless, EU and U S  officials have voiced concern over the scope of China's investments in the Balkans, as well as Chinese lending practices  Chinese loans often require recipient state governments to assume the loan burden, potentially leading to high external debt  The EU has also raised concerns that Chinese lending practices violate EU rules in public procurement because they frequently require use of Chinese contractors, laborers, or supplies  In contrast to EU funds, which are partly designed to spur reform, Chinese loans have few conditions and rules linked to transparency or reform  Finally, EU officials have expressed concern that China's economic might could be a source of leverage over recipient states that are candidates or potential candidates for EU membership and thus impede the EU's ability to speak with one voice on relations with China if they do become members  Bosnia was not a core transit country in the "Balkan Route" that hundreds of thousands of migrants and refugees followed in an attempt to reach the EU during heightened flows in 2015 and early 2016  However, recent route shifts have brought more migrant and refugee traffic through Bosnia  Since early 2018, an estimated 23,000 migrants and refugees have entered Bosnia; approximately 25% of them remain in the country  Most of them hope to enter EU territory via Bosnia's neighbor, Croatia, and from there move on and enter the EU's visa- and passport-free Schengen Area  However, the Croatian government has expanded border policing, and apprehended individuals are sent back to Bosnia  The EU provided €2 million in 2018 to help Bosnia respond to the crisis and provide shelter to migrants and refugees who are effectively stranded in Bosnia  The migration crisis has triggered a backlash from some Bosnians, particularly in Una-Sana Canton, which borders Croatia and has the highest concentration of migrants and refugees  Some residents of Bihać, Una-Sana's administrative center, protested against camps situated in their municipality in October 2018, while local authorities in Velika Kladuša, another city in the canton, reportedly obstructed the Ministry of Security's plans to house migrants in a local building  The incident illustrates local backlash as well as the state-level government's difficulty enforcing its decisions, even when it has jurisdiction  Islam was introduced to part of Bosnia's population during Ottoman rule  In socialist Yugoslavia, the semi-official Islamic Religious Community played a key role in religious affairs, including legal rulings and religious education  It was renamed the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992, and remains an important religious institution  Islamic tradition in the Balkans, including Bosnia, is generally moderate and secular  The majority of Bosnia's practicing Muslims follow the Hanafi school of Sunni Islam  However, some analysts have expressed concern over the emergence of groups influenced or funded by state and non-state entities in the Arab Gulf states, where more conservative Hanbali Sunni practices are common  Aid workers, missionaries, and "mujahedeen" fighters from the Gulf States promoted transnational Islamist militancy and Salafist Hanbali religious doctrine during Bosnia's 1992-1995 war; Iran's government also supported Bosniak leaders and forces  After the war, Saudi Arabia provided an estimated $600 million in aid to repair and build hundreds of mosques and establish schools and cultural centers that promote socially conservative Sunni views  Iran has also maintained active cultural outreach and other ties to some Bosnian Muslims  Many analysts contend that Salafi groups have limited support in Bosnia because of the traditionally high level of secularism among Bosnian Muslims  They also note that few Bosnian Muslims who subscribe to Salafist ideas and practices have violent intentions, and many of them live in remote rural communities  While most of these groups were not originally affiliated with official religious organizations in Bosnia, the Grand Mufti of Bosnia's Islamic Community exerted pressure on them to acknowledge his authority and his right to monitor religious content  As a result, an estimated 90% of Salafi groups were brought under official structures  Nevertheless, some experts caution that radicalized groups and individuals may pose a terrorist threat despite their small numbers  Radicalized Muslims were implicated in the bombing of a police station in Bugojno in 2010 and a lone-gunman attack on the U S  Embassy in Sarajevo in 2011  The Islamic State (IS) and Nusra Front's gains in Syria and Iraq in the 2010s altered the dynamic of the terrorism threat in Bosnia and broadened the use of social media in recruitment  Between 2012 and 2017, an estimated 350 Bosnian citizens traveled from Bosnia or Bosnian diaspora communities to fight with armed groups in Iraq and Syria  More recently, returned foreign fighters are seen as a potential threat as the position of the IS and other armed groups has weakened  Bosnia's stock of illegal weapons, mines, and explosives may exacerbate the risk posed by returnees  As of December 2017, officials believed that just over 100 Bosnians remained in Syria (including women and children), roughly 50 had returned to Bosnia, and 70 had been killed in the conflict  In 2014, the Bosnian government introduced new criminal offenses to prosecute foreign terrorist fighters and recruiters  Several dozen returned fighters and domestic recruiters have been convicted of these offenses  While the U S  State Department describes Bosnia as a "cooperative counterterrorism partner," it warns that Bosnia's political fragmentation and dysfunction could undermine counterterrorism efforts  For example, in 2017 several ministries proposed new measures to tighten counterterrorism efforts; however, they were not enacted due to political gridlock in state-level and FBiH governments  Initially viewed as a "European problem," the Bosnian conflict eventually helped shape the post-Cold War role of the United States and NATO in European security  When the United States assumed greater responsibilities in resolving the conflict, its role was considerable: leading NATO airstrikes, garnering diplomatic support from Russia and European allies, persuading warring parties to agree to a ceasefire, brokering the Dayton Peace Agreement, and deploying 20,000 troops to Bosnia  According to Richard Holbrooke, the U S  official who brokered the talks, the Bosnian war was a pivotal period in U S  foreign policy in Europe: "The three main pillars of [policy]—U S -Russian relations, NATO enlargement into Central Europe, and Bosnia—had often worked against each other  Now they reinforced each other: NATO sent its forces out of area for the first time in its history, and Russian troops, under an American commander, were deployed alongside them " Some analysts and policymakers believe that the United States' strong hand in resolving the conflict and in shaping Bosnia's political system have made it a stakeholder in Bosnia's future  U S  officials, often in cooperation with the EU, have intervened to defuse crises and broker reform talks  The United States also has imposed sanctions against Bosnian officials: in addition to Dodik (see above), the U S  State Department publicly designated Bosnian Serb politician Nikola Špirić (Dodik's associate) for "significant corruption or gross violation of human rights " U S  policymakers attach strategic importance to Bosnia's stability; many analysts believe turbulence in Bosnia could reverberate in the Balkans and potentially draw in Croatia and Serbia, while instability in other parts of the region could spill over into Bosnia  When the Trump Administration indicated in 2018 that it would consider supporting a potential Serbia-Kosovo agreement to "adjust borders" between the two—a major break with the long-standing EU and U S  policy to oppose redrawing borders in the Balkans along ethnic lines—some analysts expressed concern that the Administration could reshape long-standing U S  policy toward Bosnia  However, the new U S  Ambassador to Bosnia stated in February 2019 that the U S  will continue to be "guarantor of Bosnia and Herzegovina's sovereignty and territorial integrity " On the other hand, many observers also note that U S  engagement in Bosnia (and the Western Balkans) decreased under the administrations of President George W  Bush and President Barack Obama  During this time U S  policymakers turned their focus to geopolitical crises and challenges in other parts of the globe while ceding the regional lead to the EU  Indeed, some analysts have urged the United States to assume a greater role in Bosnia, arguing that Bosnia's current crises warrant it, and that the EU and the United States are more effective in the region when they work together  Congressional interest in Bosnia dates back to the 1992-1995 war  Many Members featured prominently in foreign policy debates over U S  intervention in the conflict  In 2015, the House passed a resolution describing the Srebrenica massacres as a genocide and urging the United States to continue to support Bosnia's territorial integrity ( H Res  310 , 114 th Congress)  In the 114 th and 115 th Congresses, a bill was introduced in the Senate to establish an enterprise fund to promote economic development and the private sector in Bosnia ( S  2307 and S  864 )  In April 2018, the House Foreign Affairs Committee's Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats held a hearing on Bosnia's prospects ahead of its October 2018 elections  Congress's engagement with Bosnia also continues within the broader context of policy concern over the external influence of China, Turkey, and Russia in the Western Balkans and energy security  As a potential candidate for EU membership and NATO partner, Bosnia is eligible for assistance through the Countering Russian Influence Funds under the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) enacted in 2017 ( P L  115-44 )  Through congressionally approved (and sometimes expanded) foreign assistance appropriations, Bosnia has received more than $2 billion in aid since 1995  Between 1996 and 1999, the United States pledged $1 billion of the $4 billion international commitment to implementing Dayton's civilian provisions and helping to rebuild Bosnia  The cost of U S  military operations in Bosnia since 1992 is estimated at more than $10 billion ( Appendix I )  Bosnia continues to receive U S  foreign assistance, although the amount has decreased in recent years  Assistance to Bosnia in FY2015 and FY2016 was approximately $33 million each year  In FY2017, it was $53 5 million, and $41 5 million in FY2018  The Administration requested $21 million for FY2019 and $16 9 million for FY2020  Nearly 25 years after the Dayton Peace Agreement, Bosnia faces many challenges  In considering U S  relations with Bosnia, Members of Congress may consider the following questions: How can the United States encourage Bosnia's government to incorporate the legal rulings of the Bosnian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights into election legislation and the constitution? How can U S  foreign assistance be used to counter Russian influence in Republika Srpska, in particular Russia's close ties to Bosnian Serb politicians and its use of local media and Sputnik to amplify anti-U S  narratives and project pro-Russia soft power? What are the implications of potential militarization in Republika Srpska? How can the United States effectively address this alleged trend? How can the United States support a successful reform initiative that secures transparency and accountability, and facilitates a political community in which politicians and voters are committed to the Bosnian state and socioeconomic challenges that transcend all three ethnic groups? Can the Germany-U K  initiative from 2015 be revived, or is it better to start from scratch? Are the approximately 600 troops in the European Union Force mission in Bosnia sufficient to stabilize Bosnia if violence breaks out? If Serbia and Kosovo agree to normalize relations by redrawing their borders, how can U S  policymakers prevent this development from destabilizing Bosnia, particularly given Milorad Dodik's threats to seek RS secession if Kosovo is "partitioned"? How can the United States encourage Croatia and Serbia to engage in Bosnia in a manner that helps bridge ethnic divisions and contributes to Bosnia's territorial integrity and sovereignty? Given the pervasiveness of corruption in Bosnia, how can U S  assistance most effectively be used to counter it? Does foreign assistance contribute to civic groups and independent media that could serve as a check against corruption? 


Report 2: ccac gov   In tandem with recommendations received from the CCAC, the U S  Mint also seeks a recommendation from the U S  Commission of Fine Arts  Established in 1910, the CFA advises "upon the location of statues, fountains, and monuments in the public squares, streets, and parks in the District of Columbia; the selection of models for statues, fountains, and monuments erected under the authority of the Federal Government; the selection of artists; and questions of art generally when required to do so by the President or a committee of Congress " This includes review of commemorative coins when they are presented by the U S  Mint and the issuance of recommendations for a coin's design  For example, in March 2014, the U S  Mint presented several alternative designs for the First Special Service Force Congressional Gold Medal  In a letter to the U S  Mint, the CFA provided recommendations on the design for the gold medal  CFA's letter stated the following: After receiving advice from the CCAC and the CFA, the Secretary of the Treasury, through the U S  Mint, finalizes the coin's design and schedules it for production  Figure 1 shows the final design of two Congressional Gold Medals: the New Frontier Gold Medal for Neil Armstrong, Michael Collins, Buzz Aldrin, and John Glenn; and the Jack Nicklaus Gold Medal  As Members of Congress contemplate introducing legislation, and the House or the Senate potentially consider Congressional Gold Medal measures, there are several issues that could be considered  These can be divided into issues for individual Members of Congress with respect to individual Congressional Gold Medals, and issues for Congress as an institution  Individual issues include choices Members may make about which people or groups might be honored and whether specific design elements might be specified statutorily  Institutional issues might include committee or chamber rules on the consideration of Congressional Gold Medals and creating standards for the issuance of gold medals  Some Congressional Gold Medals have honored individuals (e g , Arnold Palmer, Muhammad Yunus), some discrete groups of individuals (e g , General of the Army George Catlett Marshall and Fleet Admiral Ernest Joseph King, Ruth and Billy Graham), and some larger groups (e g , military units such as Women Airforce Service Pilots ["WASP"], Monuments Men)  In choosing whom or what to recognize, Members of Congress generally evaluate whether they believe that the individual's or group's activities merit recognition by Congress  Congressional Gold Medals are "the highest civilian honor award program     [to] honor national achievement in patriotic, humanitarian, and artistic endeavors " There are no specific criteria to determine whether or not an individual or group meets those lofty goals  Instead, each individual or group is judged on their merits by Congress should the legislation be considered  Congressional Gold Medal authorizations generally do not specify design elements  Instead, they direct the Secretary of the Treasury to "strike a gold medal with suitable emblems, devices, and inscriptions to be determined by the Secretary " Should Congress want to specify particular design elements, they might be included in the authorizing legislation  This would provide the Secretary of the Treasury with congressional intent on what should be incorporated into the gold medal design  Similar statutory specificity is sometimes included in commemorative coin legislation  Such specification, however, could serve to limit design choices for the gold medal and might alter the cost structure of striking the award, if the required element diverges from standard practices  Congressional Gold Medal legislation for groups generally provides that only a single gold medal is struck and specifies where it will be located after it is formally awarded  In many cases, the gold medal is given to the Smithsonian for appropriate display and where it can be made available for research  In other cases, the gold medal is provided to an organization that represents the honored group  Since most gold medal legislation contains a provision on the medal's location, a Member of Congress can help determine where the medal will be located  As discussed above under " Authorizing Congressional Gold Medals ," neither the House nor Senate rules provide any restrictions specifically concerning consideration of Congressional Gold Medal legislation on the House or Senate floor  In the 116 th Congress, the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs requires that at least 67 Senators must cosponsor any Senate Congressional Gold Medal bill before being considered by the committee  Currently, the House Financial Services Committee has not adopted any specific rules concerning committee consideration of Congressional Gold Medal legislation, although it has required a minimum number of cosponsors in past Congresses for committee consideration  As demonstrated by the discontinuation of the House Financial Services Committee rule requiring a minimum number of cosponsors for committee gold medal legislation, committee rules can be changed from Congress to Congress  Should the committee want to place requirements on its consideration of gold medal legislation, the Financial Services Committee could readopt its former rule, or something similar  Adopting committee rules to require a minimum number of cosponsors might encourage bill sponsors to build support among Representatives for gold medal bills  Such a minimum requirement, however, could potentially limit the number or type of gold medal bills the committee considers  Since only the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs has a rule that imposes a formal qualification on the potential committee consideration of gold medal legislation, the possible path forward for a bill can be different within each chamber  Should the House, the Senate, or both want to adopt similar language for committee or chamber consideration of gold medal legislation, such language could be incorporated into future committee rules, into House and Senate Rules, or into law  Taking steps to formally codify the gold medal consideration process might provide sponsors with a single process for award consideration, which could make it easier for gold medal bills to meet minimum requirements for consideration across both the House and Senate  Such codification could also limit congressional flexibility and might result in fewer proposals or authorizations to comply with new standards  Currently, there is no statutory limit to the number of Congressional Gold Medals that can be authorized  Should Congress want to place a limit on the number of gold medals awarded, standards could be adopted to provide a maximum number of gold medals authorized in any year or Congress  Congress has previously adopted similar standards for commemorative coins—only two coins may be minted in any given calendar year  Legislation to place a limit on the number of gold medals authorized has previously been introduced and considered in the House  During the 109 th Congress (2005-2006), H R  54 passed the House and would have restricted the Secretary of the Treasury from striking "more than 2 congressional gold medals for presentation     in any calendar year " Introduced by Representative Michael Castle, the stated purpose of the legislation was to "maintain the prestige of the medal by limiting the number that may be awarded each year," and to "clarify that recipients are individuals and not groups " Passage of the measure, he argued, would "ensure the future integrity and true honor of the award " H R  54 did not receive further consideration in the Senate  While proponents of a limit on the number of gold medals issued might make arguments similar to those made by Representative Castle, opponents believe that Congress should reserve the right to authorize as many gold medals as it deems necessary, without consideration of the number struck in any calendar year  Representative Joseph Crowley in opposing the legislation told his House colleagues, "We are rushing to act on an issue that does not represent a problem " "Who that received this medal in the past," he asked, "was not worthy of it?" Further, Crowley argued that "there are occasions when more than one person is justified to receive the medal for their honorable actions in tandem with others " He continued by emphasizing that had this bill already been law, "Congress would not have been able to issue" a Congressional Gold Medal "to the Little Rock Nine," to "President and Mrs  Reagan," or to "Martin Luther King and Coretta Scott King " Congressional Gold Medals have long been an important way for Congress to express public gratitude for important historical events and achievements  Congressional Gold Medals, which have been issued since the American Revolution, are "the highest civilian honor award program     [to] honor national achievement in patriotic, humanitarian, and artistic endeavors " In recent years, the number of gold medals awarded has "soared from four or five per decade for most of its history to an average of almost twenty in the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s " Each Congress, legislation to award Congressional Gold Medals is introduced  In the 113 th Congress (2013-2014), 52 bills were introduced, 34 in the House and 18 in the Senate, to award a gold medal  In the 114 th Congress (2015-2016), 52 bills were introduced, 38 in the House and 14 in the Senate  In the 115 th Congress (2017-2018), 55 bills were introduced, 33 in the House and 22 in the Senate  Based on the number of measures offered in both chambers, some Members of Congress clearly feel it is important to recognize individuals and groups for their patriotic, humanitarian, and artistic achievements  Several considerations appear important when Members decide to introduce gold medal legislation  These include who should be honored, how many medals should be awarded in a given Congress, and whether specific design elements should be prescribed for the medal design  As Congress continues to consider legislation to award future gold medals, these considerations and others will likely be important factors for issuing the award 

ground_truth: Senators and Representatives are frequently asked to support or sponsor proposals recognizing historic events and outstanding achievements by individuals or institutions. Among the various forms of recognition that Congress bestows, the Congressional Gold Medal is often considered the most distinguished. Through this venerable tradition—the occasional commissioning of individually struck gold medals in its name—Congress has expressed public gratitude on behalf of the nation for distinguished contributions for more than two centuries. Since 1776, this award, which initially was bestowed on military leaders, has also been given to such diverse individuals as Sir Winston Churchill and Bob Hope, George Washington and Robert Frost, Joe Louis and Mother Teresa of Calcutta. Congressional gold medal legislation generally has a specific format. Once a gold medal is authorized, it follows a specific process for design, minting, and awarding. This process includes consultation and recommendations by the Citizens Coinage Advisory Commission (CCAC) and the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts (CFA), pursuant to any statutory instructions, before the Secretary of the Treasury makes the final decision on a gold medal's design. Once the medal has been struck, a ceremony will often be scheduled to formally award the medal to the recipient. In recent years, the number of gold medals awarded has increased, and some have expressed interest in examining the gold medal awarding process. Should Congress want to make such changes, several individual and institutional options might be available. The individual options include decisions made by Members of Congress as to what individual or groups might be honored; potential specification of gold medal design elements; and where gold medals for groups might be housed once the award is made. The institutional options could include House, Senate, or committee rules for the consideration of gold medal legislation and whether statutory standards on the number of gold medals issued per year or per Congress might be established for gold medals.