prompt_front: You are given two reports by the government agency.



Question: Write a one-page summary of the report 1.

Report 1: Federal and state Medicaid spending on long-term care continues to increase; for example it increased from $146 billion in 2013 to $158 billion in 2015  Individuals seeking long-term care generally need care that is, by definition, longer term in nature and more costly than other types of care  Spending on long-term care services provided in home and community settings, including assisted living facilities, exceeds the amount spent on institutional settings such as nursing homes  State Medicaid programs may cover certain medical and non-medical services that assisted living facilities provide; however, the Medicaid statute does not provide for coverage of room and board charges of an assisted living facility  In their federal-state partnership, both CMS and states play important roles in the oversight of Medicaid  CMS is responsible for oversight of state Medicaid programs  To conduct this oversight, CMS issues program requirements in the form of regulations and guidance, approves changes states make to their programs, provides technical assistance to states, collects and reviews required information and data from states and, in some cases, reviews individual state programs  States are responsible for the day-to-day administration of their Medicaid programs, including monitoring and oversight of the different HCBS programs through which they cover assisted living services, within broad federal rules and requirements  Each state is required to identify and designate a single state agency to administer or supervise the administration of its Medicaid program  The state Medicaid agency may partially or fully delegate the administration and oversight of the state’s HCBS programs to another state agency or other entity, such as a state unit on aging, a mental health department, or other state departments or agencies with jurisdiction over a specific population or service  However, the state Medicaid agency is ultimately accountable to the federal government for compliance with the HCBS requirements  Under different authorizing provisions of federal law, states have considerable flexibility to establish multiple HCBS programs including those covering assisted living services  A state Medicaid program can have multiple HCBS programs operating under different federal authorities  CMS is responsible for ensuring that states meet the requirements associated with their HCBS programs under these different authorities  Key to states’ monitoring of the health and welfare of Medicaid beneficiaries is their tracking of, and response to, incidents that may cause harm to a beneficiary’s health or welfare, such as abuse, neglect, or exploitation—commonly referred to as critical incidents  Such monitoring is required for most HCBS programs; however, we previously found that requirements for states related to oversight of the health and welfare of beneficiaries in different types of HCBS programs varied, and recommended that CMS take steps to harmonize those requirements across programs  The most common HCBS programs with the most stringent federal requirements are HCBS waiver programs  These programs serve beneficiaries who are eligible for an institutional level of care; that is, beneficiaries must have needs that rise to the level of care usually provided in a nursing facility, hospital, or other institution  CMS oversees states’ HCBS waiver programs specifically by reviewing and approving applications and reviewing HCBS program reports that states submit  HCBS waiver program applications include specific requirements implementing various statutory and regulatory provisions  (See text box below ) One requirement is that states have the necessary safeguards in place to protect the health and welfare of beneficiaries receiving services covered by HCBS waiver programs  For each of their HCBS waiver programs, states must demonstrate to CMS that they are meeting various requirements CMS has established regarding beneficiary health and welfare  The Six Requirements States Must Demonstrate for Home- and Community-Based Services Waiver Programs 1  Administrative authority: The Medicaid agency retains ultimate administrative authority and responsibility for the operation of the waiver program by exercising oversight of the performance of waiver functions by other state and local/regional non-state agencies (if appropriate) and contracted entities  2  Level of care: The state demonstrates that it implements the processes and instrument(s) specified in its approved waiver for evaluating/re-evaluating an applicant’s/waiver participant’s level of care consistent with care provided in a hospital, nursing facility, or intermediate care facility  3  Qualified providers: The state demonstrates that it has designed and implemented an adequate system for assuring that all waiver services are provided by qualified providers  4  Service plan: The state demonstrates it has designed and implemented an effective system for reviewing the adequacy of service plans for the waiver participants  5  Health and welfare: The state demonstrates it has designed and implemented an effective system for assuring waiver participant health and welfare  6  Financial accountability: The state must demonstrate that it has designed and implemented an adequate system for insuring financial accountability of the waiver program  CMS also provides ongoing oversight of state HCBS programs through annual reports that states must submit for each of their HCBS waiver programs as well as renewal reports submitted about two years before an HCBS waiver is scheduled to end  The state reports are intended to provide CMS with information on the operation of state HCBS waiver programs  In contrast to long-term care services provided in nursing facilities, less is known at the federal level about the oversight and quality of care in assisted living facilities  Generally, states establish their own licensing and oversight requirements for assisted living facilities  As a result, the requirements for assisted living facilities and the type and frequency of oversight can vary across states  In contrast, nursing homes must meet a comprehensive set of federal requirements in order to receive payment for long-term care services for Medicaid and Medicare beneficiaries in addition to state requirements  CMS contracts with state entities to regularly inspect nursing facilities and investigate complaints to assess whether nursing homes meet these federal quality requirements  Annually CMS publishes a comprehensive report on nursing homes that serve Medicaid and Medicare beneficiaries, including the extent that beneficiaries are at risk for harm, based on these investigations and inspections  In addition, CMS publicly reports a summary of each nursing home’s quality data using a five-star quality rating based on health inspection results, staffing data, and quality measure data  The goal of this rating system is to help consumers make meaningful distinctions among high- and low-performing nursing homes  This type of standardized framework for oversight, investigation and inspections, and reporting on quality of care concerns does not exist for assisted living facilities and other types of HCBS providers  Forty-eight state Medicaid agencies reported collectively spending about $10 billion in state and federal Medicaid funds for assisted living services in 2014, according to our survey  The other 3 states reported that they did not pay for assisted living services  We estimate that this spending for services provided by assisted living facilities represents 12 4 percent of the $80 6 billion Medicaid spent on HCBS in all settings that year  More than 330,000 Medicaid beneficiaries received assisted living services, based on data reported to us by the 48 states  Nationally, the average spending per beneficiary on assisted living services in the 48 states in 2014 was about $30,000; states provided these HCBS services through fee-for-service and managed care delivery models  Fee-for-service spending comprised 81 percent of total spending on assisted living services and managed care spending was about 19 percent of the total  The cost per beneficiary reported by surveyed states also varied based on payment type; average per beneficiary cost was $31,000 for fee-for-service and $27,000 for managed care  About 21 percent of Medicaid assisted living enrollment was for beneficiaries receiving these services under a managed care delivery model  (See table 1 ) Average per-beneficiary spending varied significantly across the states  For example, for the nine states with the lowest spending per beneficiary, average Medicaid spending ranged from about $1,700 to about $9,500 per beneficiary  In contrast, in the nine states with the highest per- beneficiary spending, the average spending ranged from about $43,000 to $108,000 per beneficiary  (See Figure 1 ) For more information on each state’s enrollment, total spending, and average per beneficiary spending on assisted living services, see appendix I  The 48 states that reported covering assisted living services in 2014 said they did so through 132 different programs  The majority of the states, 31 of the 48, reported administering more than one program that covered assisted living services  As illustrated in table 2 below, of the different types of HCBS programs under which states can provide coverage for assisted living services, HCBS waivers were the most common type of program they used  Specifically, 39 states and 69 percent of the programs that provided assisted living services, were operated under the HCBS waiver program  (See appendix II for additional details on each state’s number of programs by program type and total number of HCBS programs that covered assisted living facility services in 2014 ) Almost all of the 48 states that covered assisted living services did so for two groups of Medicaid beneficiaries eligible through their programs  In 45 of 48 states, aged beneficiaries received services provided by assisted living facilities  Similarly, in 43 of 48 states, physically disabled beneficiaries received services  (See Figure 2 ) In 38 or more of the 48 states that covered assisted living services, six types of services were provided  For example, 45 states covered assistance with activities of daily living, such as bathing and dressing; 44 states covered medication administration; and 41 states covered coordination of meals  (See Figure 3 ) State Medicaid agency approaches for oversight of assisted living services varied widely in terms of who provided the oversight for their largest programs, according to their responses to our survey  Thirteen of the 48 state Medicaid agencies reported delegating administrative responsibilities, including oversight of beneficiary health and welfare, to other state or local agencies  State Medicaid agencies may delegate the administration of programs to government or other agencies through a written agreement; however, state Medicaid agencies retain the ultimate oversight responsibility for those delegated functions  For example, among the 13 states that delegated HCBS program administration, the administering agencies were those that provided services to the aged, disabled, or both of these populations, such as the states’ Departments of Aging  (See text box, below, for examples of states’ delegation ) Examples of State Medicaid Agencies’ Delegation of Authority for Administration of Home- and Community-based Services’ Programs Covering Assisted Living Services Georgia’s Elderly & Disabled Waiver Program was operated in 2014 by the Georgia Department of Human Services Division of Aging Services, a separate agency of the state that was not a division/unit of the Medicaid agency  The Georgia Medicaid Agency maintained a formal interagency agreement with the Division of Aging Services which describes by function the required deliverables to support compliance and a schedule for delivery of reports  Nebraska’s Waiver for Aged and Adults and Children with Disabilities is operated by the state Medicaid agency Division of Medicaid and Long Term Care  The majority of services are provided by independent contractors in order to allow service delivery in the rural and frontier areas of the state  The state Medicaid agency contracts with the Area Agencies on Aging, Independent Living Centers, and Early Development Network agencies to perform a variety of operational and administrative functions including authorizing services and monitoring the delivery of services  States also varied in the types of information they reported reviewing as part of the oversight of assisted living services, and the extent to which state Medicaid agencies review the information when another agency is responsible for administration  For example, other entities outside the state Medicaid agency—such as the agency delegated to administer an HCBS program, or a contractor that manages provider enrollment—may check to ensure a provider is allowed to deliver services to Medicaid beneficiaries; in such cases, however, the state Medicaid agency might not be aware of the results of such checks  As illustrated in table 3, in all 48 states the types of information generally reviewed by either the state Medicaid agency, the agency delegated administrative responsibilities, or other agencies were: critical incident reports, the HHS Office of Inspector General’s list of excluded providers, patient service plans, and information on concerns about care received directly from patients, relatives, caregivers or the assisted living facility itself  In many cases, the state Medicaid agency did not review all information sources reviewed by other agencies  For example, although all critical incident reports were reviewed in the 48 states by either the state Medicaid agency, the agency delegated administrative responsibilities, or another agency; in 16 of those states, the state Medicaid agency was not involved in those reviews, according to responses to our survey  Instead, the critical incident reports were reviewed by another entity designated responsible for the HCBS program in the state or another state entity with regulatory responsibility over the assisted living facility  Such reviews, including any critical incidents found, may not have been communicated back to the state Medicaid agency, according to responses to our survey  State Medicaid agencies also varied in reporting the extent to which they were made aware or notified when enforcement actions were taken as a result of concerns with beneficiary care identified by other entities  Various oversight actions may be taken by the state Medicaid agency, the agency delegated to administer an HCBS program, or a state regulatory agency, such as a state agency responsible for licensing and inspecting various types of HCBS providers  When delegated agencies or other licensing agencies take corrective action, the state Medicaid agency may not be aware unless notified by the agencies taking that action  For example, in 23 states, the investigation of potential incidents related to beneficiary health and welfare was delegated to another agency but in only 6 of these states was the state Medicaid agency always notified of such an investigation based on our survey  (See table 4 and text box below ) Example of a Collaborative Approach to Monitoring and Ensuring Quality Care Specifically for Assisted Living Facilities In 2009, the Wisconsin Coalition for Collaborative Excellence in Assisted Living was formed to redesign the way quality is ensured and improved for individuals residing in assisted living communities  This public/private coalition utilizes a collective impact model approach that brings together the state, the industry, the consumer, and academia to identify and implement agreed upon approaches designed to improve the outcomes of individuals living in Wisconsin assisted living communities  The core of the coalition is the implementation of an association developed, department approved, comprehensive quality assurance, quality improvement program  For their largest HCBS programs that covered assisted living services, the 48 states varied in how they monitored “critical incidents” that caused actual or potential harm to Medicaid beneficiaries in assisted living facilities  Specifically, the 48 states varied in their ability to report the number of critical incidents; how they defined incidents, and the extent to which they made information on such incidents readily available to the public  These states varied in whether they could provide us the number of critical incidents involving beneficiaries for their largest programs covering assisted living services, and for those that could report, the number of incidents they reported varied widely  In 26 of the 48 states the Medicaid agencies were unable to report, for their largest program covering assisted living services, the number of critical incidents that had occurred in assisted living facilities in 2014  The remaining 22 states reported a total of 22,921 critical incidents involving Medicaid beneficiaries in their largest programs covering assisted living services  The number of critical incidents reported in these states ranged from 1 to 8,900  For six of these states the number of critical incidents reported was more than 1,000, (See text box, below, for examples of selected state processes managing critical incidents ) Selected States’ Processes for Managing Beneficiary Harm or Potential Harm in Assisted Living Facilities Georgia: According to state officials in 2014 there was no centralized or comprehensive system for capturing and tracking the data on actual and potential violations  State officials acknowledged the lack of a centralized system prevents the Division of Community Health from tracking the status of each problem  Nebraska: According to state officials, Nebraska’s Adult Protective Services operates an electronic system that coordinates across state social service programs  When Adult Protective Services initiates an investigation of reported harm to an assisted living resident, the state Medicaid agency is automatically notified  Reasons state Medicaid agencies reported for being unable to provide us with the number of critical incidents included limitations in the data or data systems for tracking them  Nine states reported an inability to track incidents by provider type, and thus distinguish critical incidents in assisted living facilities from other providers of home and community based services  States also cited lacking a system to collect critical incidents (9 states), and that the system for reporting could not identify whether a resident was a Medicaid beneficiary (5 states)  Even in the 32 states where the state Medicaid agencies reported reviewing information about critical incidents, 20 states were unable to provide the actual number of critical incidents that occurred in assisted living facilities  State Medicaid agencies’ definitions of critical incidents also varied  As illustrated in Figure 4, all 48 states cited physical assault, emotional abuse, and sexual assault or abuse as a critical incident in their largest programs providing assisted living services in 2014  However, for other types of incidents, several states did not identify the incident as critical, including discharge and eviction from the facility (not a critical incident in 24 states), medication errors (not a critical incident in 7 states), and unauthorized use of seclusion, (not a critical incident in 6 states)  For other serious incidents, a relatively small number of states did not identify the incident as critical, such as unexplained death (not a critical incident in 3 states) and missing beneficiaries (not a critical incident in 2 states)  See appendix IV for a full list of the beneficiary-related incidents and the number of states that identify each as critical  Although half of the 48 states that cover assisted living services did not consider discharges or evictions to be critical incidents, according to state responses to our survey, 42 states offered certain protections related to involuntary discharge of Medicaid residents who live in assisted living facilities  The majority of protections consisted of a lease agreement requirement that applied to other housing contracts in the state, such as providing residents with eviction notices  Other protections included an appeals process (10 states) and a requirement for the facility to find an alternative location for the resident (10 states)  State Medicaid agencies also varied in whether they made information on critical incidents and other key information readily available to the public  (See table 5 ) Beneficiaries seeking care in an assisted living facility may want to know the number of critical incidents related to a particular facility  Through our survey we found that states differed in the availability of information related to health and welfare that was available to the public  For example, 34 of the 48 states reported that they made critical incident information available to the public by phone, website, or in person, and the remaining 14 states did not have such information available at all  Although all 48 states had information in some form on which assisted facilities accepted Medicaid beneficiaries, 8 states could not provide this information by phone and 22 states could not provide the information in person  In recent years, CMS has taken steps to improve oversight of beneficiary health and welfare in HCBS programs by adding new HCBS waiver application requirements for state monitoring of beneficiary health and welfare  CMS requires state waiver applications to include specific requirements that implement various statutory and regulatory provisions, including a provision that states assure that they will safeguard the health and welfare of Medicaid beneficiaries  In March 2014, CMS added unexplained death to the events that states must be able to identify and address on an ongoing basis, as part of their efforts to prevent instances of abuse, neglect, and exploitation, and added four new requirements for states to protect beneficiary health and welfare  (See table 6 ) In its guidance implementing the 2014 requirements, CMS noted that state associations and state representatives’ work groups had agreed that “health and welfare is one of the most important assurances to track, and requires more extensive tracking to benefit the individuals receiving services, for instance by using data to prevent future incidents ” As a condition for approval of their HCBS waiver applications for each of the requirements, states must identify and agree with CMS on the type of information they will collect to provide as evidence that they will meet the requirements  However, according to CMS officials, each state Medicaid agency has wide discretion over the information it will collect and report to demonstrate that it is meeting the health and welfare requirements and protecting beneficiaries  Although CMS added the additional requirements in 2014 for safeguarding beneficiary health and welfare, the agency generally did not change requirements for how it oversees state monitoring efforts once HCBS waivers are approved  We found a number of limitations in CMS’s oversight of approved HCBS waivers that undermine the agency’s ability to effectively monitor state oversight of HCBS waivers  These limitations include: unclear guidance on what states should identify and report annually related to any identified program deficiencies; lack of requirements on states to regularly provide CMS information on critical incidents; and CMS’s inconsistent enforcement of the requirement that states submit annual reports  Unclear guidance on what states should identify and report annually related to any identified program deficiencies  Federal law requires states to provide CMS with information annually on an HCBS waiver’s impact on (1) the type and amount, and cost of services provided and (2) the health and welfare of Medicaid beneficiaries receiving waiver services  CMS reporting requirements give states latitude to determine what to report as health and welfare deficiencies found through state monitoring of their HCBS programs  With respect to health and welfare, CMS’s State Medicaid Manual directs states when preparing their annual reports to “check the appropriate boxes regarding the impact of the waiver on the health and welfare” of beneficiaries and to describe relevant information  States are required to provide a brief description of the state process for monitoring beneficiary safeguards, use check boxes to indicate that beneficiary health and welfare safeguards have been met, and identify whether deficiencies were detected during the monitoring process  If states determine that deficiencies were identified through monitoring, states are required to “provide a summary of the significant areas where deficiencies were detected” and an explanation of the actions taken to address deficiencies and ensure the deficiencies do not recur  CMS’s written instructions for completing the HCBS annual report do not provide further guidance regarding reporting of deficiencies  For example, the reporting instructions do not describe or identify 1) what states are supposed to report as deficiencies, 2) how they are to identify which deficiencies are most significant, and 3) the extent to which states need to explain the steps taken to ensure that deficiencies do not recur  The lack of clarity is inconsistent with federal internal control standards, in particular, the need for federal agencies to have processes that identify information needed to achieve objectives and address risk  Without clear instructions as to what states must report, states’ annual reports may not identify deficiencies with states’ HCBS waiver programs that may affect the health and welfare of beneficiaries  States may determine that issues or problems they identified through monitoring do not represent reportable deficiencies and therefore may not report those deficiencies to CMS, increasing the risk that problems are not elevated to CMS’s attention  In the case of one of the selected states we reviewed, no problems were included on the annual reports submitted to CMS between 2011 and 2015  However, when CMS completed its review in the fourth year of the state’s waiver— for purpose of renewing the waiver—it determined the state was not assuring beneficiary health and welfare  CMS found that the information the state submitted for purpose of renewal suggested a “pervasive failure” by the state to assure the health and welfare of beneficiaries receiving services, including assisted living services  In particular, CMS noted the state provided insufficient information regarding the number of unexpected or suspicious beneficiary deaths  CMS concluded that the state failed to demonstrate that it has effective systems and processes for ensuring the health and welfare of beneficiaries  Lack of requirements on states to annually provide CMS information on critical incidents  Despite the importance of state critical incident management and reporting systems to protecting the health and welfare of beneficiaries, CMS lacks written requirements that states provide information needed for the agency oversight of state monitoring of critical incidents  According to CMS, a critical element of effective state oversight is the operation of data systems that support the identification of trends and patterns in the occurrence of critical incidents to identify needed improvements  Such a system is also consistent with federal internal controls standards which specify, in particular, the need for federal agencies to have processes that identify information needed to achieve objectives and address risk  CMS requires states to operate a critical incident reporting system  On their waiver applications states must check a box indicating they operate a system and also describe their system—including who must report and when, and what must be reported  Despite this requirement for states to have critical incident reporting systems, CMS does not require states to report to CMS any data from these systems on critical incidents as part of their required annual reports  Specifically, states are not required to include, in their annual reports, the number of critical incidents reported or substantiated that involve Medicaid beneficiaries  As a result, CMS does not have a method to confirm what states describe about critical incident management systems, which is a required component of states’ waiver applications or to assess the capabilities of states’ systems  For example, CMS cannot confirm whether the state systems can report incidents by location or type of residential provider, such as assisted living facilities; the type and severity of critical incidents that occurred; and the number of incidents that involved Medicaid beneficiaries  Without annual critical incident reporting, CMS may be at risk of (1) not having adequate evidence that states are meeting CMS requirements to have an effective critical incident management and reporting system and of (2) being unaware of problems with states’ abilities to identify, track, and address critical incidents involving Medicaid beneficiaries  Our prior work has shown that the lack of explicit reporting requirements on critical incidents not only impacts HCBS waiver programs but also impacts other types of Medicaid long-term services programs as well  Specifically, In a November 2016 report, we found that CMS requirements for states to report on their critical incident monitoring systems for the HCBS waiver program were more stringent than those for other types of HCBS programs, potentially leaving those other programs at even greater risk  We recommended that CMS take steps to harmonize requirements across different types of HCBS programs  HHS concurred with the recommendation stating it would seek input from states, stakeholders, and the public regarding harmonizing requirements across programs  In an August 2017 report we found similar issues in critical incident reporting requirements for other types of long term services programs, particularly those used to provide HCBS and other long term services under managed care  We found that CMS was not always requiring states that contracted with managed care organizations to provide long term services and supports to report to CMS sufficient information on critical incidents and other key areas needed to monitor beneficiary access and quality  We recommended that CMS take steps to identify and obtain key information needed to better oversee states’ efforts to monitor beneficiary access to quality services in their managed long-term services and supports programs  HHS concurred with this recommendation and stated that the agency would take this recommendation into account as part of an ongoing review of its 2016 Medicaid managed care rule  We continue to believe that the implementation of our prior recommendations is needed to help improve CMS oversight of states monitoring of beneficiary safety  CMS’s inconsistent enforcement of the requirement that states submit annual reports  States must prepare and submit an annual report for each HCBS waiver as a condition of waiver approval  According to CMS guidance, the agency’s review of the annual report is part of the ongoing oversight of HCBS waiver programs and not submitting an annual report jeopardizes the states renewal of HCBS waiver programs  However, some states have not been timely in submitting the required annual reports for their HCBS waivers  A review of 2013 HCBS annual reports by a CMS contractor, published in 2016, found that annual reports were missing for 29 HCBS waivers and multiple years’ of annual reports were missing for 8 waivers  In 2014, CMS adopted new strategies to ensure compliance with HCBS waiver requirements, including the requirement that states submit annual reports on a timely basis  These strategies include withholding federal funding, placing a moratorium on enrollment in the waiver, or other actions the agency determines necessary  CMS officials reported that the agency had not used these new strategies with states that were delinquent in submitting their annual reports  Officials said they were in the process of reviewing how to implement these new strategies in the case of one state; however, as of August 2017 officials had not finalized a decision  CMS’s ability to provide effective oversight of state programs and protect beneficiary health and welfare is undermined by the lack of enforcement and receipt of required annual waiver reports  Effective state and federal oversight is necessary to ensure that the health and welfare of Medicaid beneficiaries receiving assisted living services are protected, especially given the particular vulnerability of many of these beneficiaries to abuse, neglect, or exploitation  CMS has taken steps to strengthen beneficiary health and welfare protections in states’ HCBS waiver programs, the most common type of program that covers assisted living services and one that serves the most vulnerable beneficiaries  In particular, CMS now has multiple requirements for states to safeguard beneficiaries’ health and welfare, including requirements to operate an effective critical incident management and reporting system to identify, investigate, and address incidents of beneficiary abuse, neglect, exploitation, and unexplained death  However, CMS’s ability to effectively monitor how well states are assuring beneficiary health and welfare is limited by gaps in state reporting to CMS  CMS has not provided clear guidance to states on what information to include in annual reports on deficiencies they identify  As a result, CMS lacks assurance that it is receiving consistent, complete, and relevant information on deficiencies that is needed to oversee beneficiary health and welfare  Lacking clear guidance on the reporting of deficiencies may result in a delayed recognition of problems that may affect beneficiary health and welfare  Further, for years, states have been required to check a box attesting that they operate a critical incident management system, but have not always been required to report information on incidents of potential or actual harm to beneficiaries  Given the increasing prevalence of assisted living facilities as a provider of services to Medicaid beneficiaries, it is unclear why more than half of states responding to our survey could not provide us information on the number of critical incidents that occurred in these facilities in their states  Reporting data from their critical incident systems, such as the number of incidents, the type and severity of the incidents, or the location or type of facility in which the incident occurred would provide evidence that an effective system is in place, provide information on the extent beneficiaries are subject to actual or potential harm, and allow for tracking trends over time  Finally, CMS has not ensured that all states submit annual reports on their HCBS waiver programs as required  Without improvements to state reporting, CMS cannot ensure states are meeting their commitments to protect the health and welfare of Medicaid beneficiaries receiving assisted living services, potentially jeopardizing their care  We are making the following three recommendations to CMS: The Administrator of CMS should provide guidance and clarify requirements regarding the monitoring and reporting of deficiencies that states using HCBS waivers are required to report on their annual reports  (Recommendation 1) The Administrator of CMS should establish standard Medicaid reporting requirements for all states to annually report key information on critical incidents, considering, at a minimum, the type of critical incidents involving Medicaid beneficiaries, and the type of residential facilities, including assisted living facilities, where critical incidents occurred  (Recommendation 2) The Administrator of CMS should ensure that all states submit annual reports for HCBS waivers on time as required  (Recommendation 3) We provided a draft of this report to HHS for review and comment  HHS provided written comments, which are reproduced in Appendix V  The department also provided technical comments, which we incorporated as appropriate  In its written comments, the department concurred with two of our three recommendations, specifically, that CMS will clarify requirements for state reporting of program deficiencies and ensure that all states submit required annual reports on time  HHS did not explicitly agree or disagree with our third recommendation to require all states to report information on critical incidents to CMS annually  The department noted it has established a workgroup to learn more about states’ health and welfare systems and that it will use the results of this workgroup to determine which additional reporting requirements would be beneficial  The workgroup’s review will continue through calendar year 2018  In technical comments, HHS indicated that after the workgroup’s review is complete it will consider annual reporting of critical incidents  We believe establishing the workgroup is a positive first step towards improving oversight and state reporting and encourage HHS to require annual reporting on critical incidents when developing additional reporting requirements  As agreed with your offices, unless you publicly announce the contents of this report earlier, we plan no further distribution until 30 days from the report date  At that time, we will send copies to the Secretary of Health and Human Services, the Administrator of CMS, the Administrator of the Administration for Community Living, appropriate congressional committees, and other interested parties  In addition, the report will be available at no charge on the GAO website at http://www gao gov  If you or your staff members have any questions about this report, please contact me at (202) 512-7114 or at iritanik@gao gov  Contact points for our Offices of Congressional Relations and Public Affairs may be found on the last page of this report  GAO staff that made key contributions to this report are listed in appendix VI  Our survey of state Medicaid agencies regarding coverage, spending, enrollment, and oversight of assisted living services in 2014, obtained information on challenges for Medicaid beneficiaries to access assisted living services in their states  States provided information related to factors that create challenges for Medicaid beneficiaries’ ability to access and receive assisted living services and the extent states had policies to help beneficiaries with the cost of room and board  A number of states in our survey cited common factors as creating the greatest challenges to a beneficiary’s ability to access assisted living services, including the number of assisted living facilities willing to accept Medicaid beneficiaries (13 states or 27 percent of the 48 states) program enrollment caps (9 states or 19 percent of the 48 states) beneficiaries’ inability to pay for assisted living facility room and board (9 states or 19 percent of the 48 states), which Medicaid typically does not cover low rates the state Medicaid program paid assisted living facilities (8 states or 17 percent of the 48 states)  A number of states reported that they had policies to assist Medicaid beneficiaries with the costs of room and board charged by assisted living facilities, which Medicaid does not typically cover  Two common policies, cited by at least half of the states, were aimed at limiting how much assisted living facilities could charge Medicaid beneficiaries for room and board  For example, 30 of 48 states, limited the amount facilities could charge for room and board to the amount of income certain beneficiaries receive as Supplemental Security Income  The other commonly cited policies focused on providing financial assistance to the beneficiaries to defray the room and board costs  (See table 9 ) In addition to the contact named above, Tim Bushfield and Christine Brudevold (Assistant Directors), Jennie Apter, Shirin Hormozi, Anne Hopewell, Kelsey Kreider, Perry Parsons, Vikki Porter, and Jennifer Whitworth made key contributions to this report 


Report 2: This report provides background information and issues for Congress regarding China's actions in the South China Sea (SCS) and East China Sea (ECS), with a focus on implications for U S  strategic and policy interests  Other CRS reports focus on other aspects of maritime territorial disputes involving China  The issue for Congress is how the United States should respond to China's actions in the SCS and ECS—particularly China's island-building and base-construction activities in the Spratly Islands in the SCS—and to China's strengthening position in the SCS  A key oversight question for Congress is whether the Trump Administration has an appropriate strategy—and an appropriate amount of resources for implementing that strategy—for countering China's "salami-slicing" strategy or gray zone operations for gradually strengthening its position in the SCS, for imposing costs on China for its actions in the SCS and ECS, and for defending and promoting U S  interests in the region  Decisions that Congress makes on these issues could substantially affect U S  strategic, political, and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region and elsewhere  In this report, the term China's near-seas region refers to the SCS, ECS, and Yellow Sea  The term first island chain refers to a string of islands, including Japan and the Philippines, that encloses China's near-seas region  The term second island chain , which reaches out to Guam, refers to a line that can be drawn that encloses both China's near-seas region and the Philippine Sea between the Philippines and Guam  The term exclusive economic zone ( EEZ ) dispute is used in this report to refer to a dispute principally between China and the United States over whether coastal states have a right under international law to regulate the activities of foreign military forces operating in their EEZs  Although maritime territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS involving China and its neighbors may appear at first glance to be disputes between faraway countries over a few rocks and reefs in the ocean that are of seemingly little importance to the United States, the situation in the SCS and ECS can engage U S  interests for a variety of strategic, political, and economic reasons, including but not necessarily limited to those discussed in the sections below  The SCS, ECS, and Yellow Sea border three U S  treaty allies—Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines  In addition, the SCS and ECS (including the Taiwan Strait) surround Taiwan, regarding which the United States has certain security-related policies under the Taiwan Relations Act ( H R  2479 / P L  96-8 of April 10, 1979), and the SCS borders Southeast Asian nations that are current, emerging, or potential U S  partner countries, such as Singapore, Vietnam, and Indonesia  In a conflict with the United States, Chinese bases in the SCS and forces operating from them would add to a regional network of Chinese anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) forces intended to keep U S  military forces outside the first island chain (and thus away from China's mainland)  Among other things, Chinese bases in the SCS and forces operating from them could help create a bastion (i e , a defended operating sanctuary) in the SCS for China's emerging sea-based strategic deterrent force of nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs)  In a conflict with the United States, Chinese bases in the SCS and forces operating from them would be vulnerable to U S  attack  Attacking the bases and the forces operating from them, however, would tie down the attacking U S  forces for a time at least, delaying the use of those U S  forces elsewhere in a larger conflict, and potentially delay the advance of U S  forces into the SCS  Short of a conflict with the United States, Chinese bases in the SCS, and more generally, Chinese domination over or control of its near-seas region could help China to do one or more of the following on a day-to-day basis: control fishing operations and oil and gas exploration activities in the SCS; coerce, intimidate, or put political pressure on other countries bordering on the SCS; announce and enforce an air defense identification zone (ADIZ) over the SCS; announce and enforce a maritime exclusion zone (i e , a blockade) around Taiwan; facilitate the projection of Chinese military presence and political influence further into the Western Pacific; and help achieve a broader goal of becoming a regional hegemon in its part of Eurasia  In light of some of the preceding points, Chinese bases in the SCS, and more generally, Chinese domination over or control of its near-seas region could complicate the ability of the United States to intervene militarily in a crisis or conflict between China and Taiwan; fulfill U S  obligations under U S defense treaties with Japan and the Philippines and South Korea; operate U S  forces in the Western Pacific for various purposes, including maintaining regional stability, conducting engagement and partnership-building operations, responding to crises, and executing war plans; and prevent the emergence of China as a regional hegemon in its part of Eurasia  A reduced U S  ability to do one or more of the above could encourage countries in the region to reexamine their own defense programs and foreign policies, potentially leading to a further change in the region's security architecture  Some observers believe that China is trying to use disputes in the SCS and ECS to raise doubts among U S  allies and partners in the region about the dependability of the United States as an ally or partner, or to otherwise drive a wedge between the United States and its regional allies and partners, so as to weaken the U S -led regional security architecture and thereby facilitate greater Chinese influence over the region  Some observers remain concerned that maritime territorial disputes in the ECS and SCS could lead to a crisis or conflict between China and a neighboring country such as Japan or the Philippines, and that the United States could be drawn into such a crisis or conflict as a result of obligations the United States has under bilateral security treaties with Japan and the Philippines  Most recently, those concerns have focused more on the possibility of a crisis or conflict between China and Japan over the Senkaku Islands  A key element of the U S -led international order that has operated since World War II is the principle that force or coercion should not be used as a means of settling disputes between countries, and certainly not as a routine or first-resort method  Some observers are concerned that China's actions in SCS and ECS challenge this principle and—along with Russia's actions in Crimea and eastern Ukraine—could help reestablish the very different principle of "might makes right" (i e , the law of the jungle) as a routine or defining characteristic of international relations  Another key element of the U S -led international order that has operated since World War II is the treatment of the world's seas under international law as international waters (i e , as a global commons), and the principle of freedom of operations in international waters  The principle of freedom of operations in international waters is often referred to in shorthand as freedom of the seas  It is also sometimes referred to as freedom of navigation, although this term can be defined—particularly by parties who might not support freedom of the seas—in a narrow fashion, to include merely the freedom for commercial ships to navigate (i e , pass through) sea areas, as opposed to the freedom for both commercial and naval ships to conduct various activities at sea  A more complete way to refer to the principle of freedom of the seas, as stated in the Department of Defense's (DOD's) annual Freedom of Navigation (FON) report, is "all of the rights, freedoms, and lawful uses of the sea and airspace, including for military ships and aircraft, guaranteed to all nations under international law " The principle of freedom of the seas dates back hundreds of years  Some observers are concerned that China's actions in the SCS appear to challenge the principle that the world's seas are to be treated under international law as international waters  If such a challenge were to gain acceptance in the SCS region, it would have broad implications for the United States and other countries not only in the SCS, but around the world, because international law is universal in application, and a challenge to a principle of international law in one part of the world, if accepted, could serve as a precedent for challenging it in other parts of the world  Overturning the principle of freedom of the seas, so that significant portions of the seas could be appropriated as national territory, would overthrow hundreds of years of international legal tradition relating to the legal status of the world's oceans and significantly change the international legal regime governing sovereignty over much of the surface of the world  Some observers are concerned that if China's position that coastal states have a right under international law to regulate the activities of foreign military forces in their EEZs were to gain greater international acceptance under international law, it could substantially affect U S  naval operations not only in the SCS and ECS, but around the world, which in turn could substantially affect the ability of the United States to use its military forces to defend various U S  interests overseas  Significant portions of the world's oceans are claimable as EEZs, including high-priority U S  Navy operating areas in the Western Pacific, the Persian Gulf, and the Mediterranean Sea  The legal right of U S  naval forces to operate freely in EEZ waters—an application of the principle of freedom of the seas—is important to their ability to perform many of their missions around the world, because many of those missions are aimed at influencing events ashore, and having to conduct operations from more than 200 miles offshore would reduce the inland reach and responsiveness of ship-based sensors, aircraft, and missiles, and make it more difficult to transport Marines and their equipment from ship to shore  Restrictions on the ability of U S  naval forces to operate in EEZ waters could potentially require changes (possibly very significant ones) in U S  military strategy or U S  foreign policy goals  Major commercial shipping routes pass through the SCS, which links the Western Pacific to the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf  An estimated $3 4 trillion worth of international shipping trade passes through the SCS each year  DOD states that "the South China Sea plays an important role in security considerations across East Asia because Northeast Asia relies heavily on the flow of oil and commerce through South China Sea shipping lanes, including more than 80 percent of the crude oil [flowing] to Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan " In addition, the ECS and SCS contain potentially significant oil and gas exploration areas  Exploration activities there could potentially involve U S  firms  The results of exploration activities there could eventually affect world oil prices  As China continues to emerge as a major world power, observers are assessing what kind of international actor China will ultimately be  China's actions in the SCS and ECS could influence assessments that observers might make on issues such as China's approach to settling disputes between states (including whether China views force and coercion as acceptable means for settling such disputes, and consequently whether China believes that "might makes right"), China's views toward the meaning and application of international law, and whether China views itself more as a stakeholder and defender of the current international order, or alternatively, more as a revisionist power that will seek to change elements of that order that it does not like  Developments in the SCS and ECS could affect U S -China relations in general, which could have implications for other issues in U S -China relations  China is a party to multiple maritime territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS, including in particular the following (see Figure 1 for locations of the island groups listed below): a dispute over the Paracel Islands in the SCS, which are claimed by China and Vietnam, and occupied by China; a dispute over the Spratly Islands in the SCS, which are claimed entirely by China, Taiwan, and Vietnam, and in part by the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei, and which are occupied in part by all these countries except Brunei; a dispute over Scarborough Shoal in the SCS, which is claimed by China, Taiwan, and the Philippines, and controlled since 2012 by China; and a dispute over the Senkaku Islands in the ECS, which are claimed by China, Taiwan, and Japan, and administered by Japan  The island and shoal names used above are the ones commonly used in the United States; in other countries, these islands are known by various other names  These island groups are not the only land features in the SCS and ECS—the two seas feature other islands, rocks, and shoals, as well as some near-surface submerged features  The territorial status of some of these other features is also in dispute  There are additional maritime territorial disputes in the Western Pacific that do not involve China  Maritime territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS date back many years, and have periodically led to diplomatic tensions as well as confrontations and incidents at sea involving fishing vessels, oil exploration vessels and oil rigs, coast guard ships, naval ships, and military aircraft  In addition to maritime territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS, China is involved in a dispute, principally with the United States, over whether China has a right under international law to regulate the activities of foreign military forces operating within China's EEZ  The position of the United States and most other countries is that while the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which established EEZs as a feature of international law, gives coastal states the right to regulate economic activities (such as fishing and oil exploration) within their EEZs, it does not give coastal states the right to regulate foreign military activities in the parts of their EEZs beyond their 12-nautical-mile territorial waters  The position of China and some other countries (i e , a minority group among the world's nations) is that UNCLOS gives coastal states the right to regulate not only economic activities, but also foreign military activities, in their EEZs  In response to a request from CRS to identify the countries taking this latter position, the U S  Navy states that countries with restrictions inconsistent with the Law of the Sea Convention [i e , UNCLOS] that would limit the exercise of high seas freedoms by foreign navies beyond 12 nautical miles from the coast are [the following 27]: Bangladesh, Brazil, Burma, Cambodia, Cape Verde, China, Egypt, Haiti, India, Iran, Kenya, Malaysia, Maldives, Mauritius, North Korea, Pakistan, Portugal, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Syria, Thailand, United Arab Emirates, Uruguay, Venezuela, and Vietnam  Other observers provide different counts of the number of countries that take the position that UNCLOS gives coastal states the right to regulate not only economic activities but also foreign military activities in their EEZs  For example, one set of observers, in an August 2013 briefing, stated that 18 countries seek to regulate foreign military activities in their EEZs, and that 3 of these countries—China, North Korea, and Peru—have directly interfered with foreign military activities in their EEZs  The dispute over whether China has a right under UNCLOS to regulate the activities of foreign military forces operating within its EEZ appears to be at the heart of incidents between Chinese and U S  ships and aircraft in international waters and airspace, including incidents in March 2001, September 2002, March 2009, and May 2009, in which Chinese ships and aircraft confronted and harassed the U S  naval ships Bowditch , Impeccable , and Victorious as they were conducting survey and ocean surveillance operations in China's EEZ; an incident on April 1, 2001, in which a Chinese fighter collided with a U S  Navy EP-3 electronic surveillance aircraft flying in international airspace about 65 miles southeast of China's Hainan Island in the South China Sea, forcing the EP-3 to make an emergency landing on Hainan Island; an incident on December 5, 2013, in which a Chinese navy ship put itself in the path of the U S  Navy cruiser Cowpens as it was operating 30 or more miles from China's aircraft carrier Liaoning , forcing the Cowpens to change course to avoid a collision; an incident on August 19, 2014, in which a Chinese fighter conducted an aggressive and risky intercept of a U S  Navy P-8 maritime patrol aircraft that was flying in international airspace about 135 miles east of Hainan Island —DOD characterized the intercept as "very, very close, very dangerous"; and an incident on May 17, 2016, in which Chinese fighters flew within 50 feet of a Navy EP-3 electronic surveillance aircraft in international airspace in the South China Sea—a maneuver that DOD characterized as "unsafe " Figure 2 shows the locations of the 2001, 2002, and 2009 incidents listed in the first two bullets above  The incidents shown in Figure 2 are the ones most commonly cited prior to the December 2013 involving the Cowpens , but some observers list additional incidents as well  DOD stated in 2015 that The growing efforts of claimant States to assert their claims has led to an increase in air and maritime incidents in recent years, including an unprecedented rise in unsafe activity by China's maritime agencies in the East and South China Seas  U S  military aircraft and vessels often have been targets of this unsafe and unprofessional behavior, which threatens the U S  objectives of safeguarding the freedom of the seas and promoting adherence to international law and standards  China's expansive interpretation of jurisdictional authority beyond territorial seas and airspace causes friction with U S  forces and treaty allies operating in international waters and airspace in the region and raises the risk of inadvertent crisis  There have been a number of troubling incidents in recent years  For example, in August 2014, a Chinese J-11 fighter crossed directly under a U S  P-8A Poseidon operating in the South China Sea approximately 117 nautical miles east of Hainan Island  The fighter also performed a barrel roll over the aircraft and passed the nose of the P-8A to show its weapons load-out, further increasing the potential for a collision  However, since August 2014, U S -China military diplomacy has yielded positive results, including a reduction in unsafe intercepts  We also have seen the PLAN implement agreed-upon international standards for encounters at sea, such as the Code for Unplanned Encounters at Sea (CUES), which was signed in April 2014  A recent incident in the SCS occurred on September 30, 2018, between the U S  Navy destroyer Decatur (DDG-73) and a Chinese destroyer, as the Decatur was conducting a freedom of navigation (FON) operation near Gaven Reef in the Spratly Islands  In the incident, the Chinese destroyer overtook the U S  destroyer close by on the U S  destroyer's port (i e , left) side, requiring the U S  destroyer to turn starboard (i e , to the right) to avoid the Chinese ship  U S  officials stated that at the point of closest approach between the two ships, the stern (i e , back end) of the Chinese ship came within 45 yards (135 feet) of the bow (i e , front end) of the Decatur   As the encounter was in progress, the Chinese ship issued a warning by radio stating, "If you don't change course your [sic] will suffer consequences " One observer, commenting on the incident, stated, "To my knowledge, this is the first time we've had a direct threat to an American warship with that kind of language " U S  officials characterized the actions of the Chinese ship in the incident as "unsafe and unprofessional " A November 3, 2018, press report states the following: The US Navy has had 18 unsafe or unprofessional encounters with Chinese military forces in the Pacific since 2016, according to US military statistics obtained by CNN  "We have found records of 19 unsafe and/or unprofessional interactions with China and Russia since 2016 (18 with China and one with Russia)," Cmdr  Nate Christensen, a spokesman for the US Pacific Fleet, told CNN  A US official familiar with the statistics told CNN that 2017, the first year of the Trump administration, saw the most unsafe and or unprofessional encounters with Chinese forces during the period  At least three of those incidents took place in February, May and July of that year and involved Chinese fighter jets making what the US considered to be "unsafe" intercepts of Navy surveillance planes  While the 18 recorded incidents only involved US naval forces, the Air Force has also had at least one such encounter during this period…  The US Navy told CNN that, in comparison, there were 50 unsafe or unprofessional encounters with Iranian military forces since 2016, with 36 that year, 14 last year and none in 2018  US and Iranian naval forces tend to operate in relatively narrow stretches of water, such as the Strait of Hormuz, increasing their frequency of close contact  DOD states that Although China has long challenged foreign military activities in its maritime zones in a manner that is inconsistent with the rules of customary international law as reflected in the LOSC, the PLA has recently started conducting the very same types of military activities inside and outside the first island chain in the maritime zones of other countries  This contradiction highlights China's continued lack of commitment to the rules of customary international law  Even though China is a state party to the LOSC [i e , UNCLOS], China's domestic laws restrict military activities in its exclusive economic zone (EEZ), including intelligence collection and military surveys, contrary to LOSC  At the same time, the PLA is increasingly undertaking military operations in other countries' EEZs  The map on the following page [not reproduced here] depicts new PLA operating areas in foreign EEZs since 2014  In 2017, the PLAN conducted air and naval operations in Japan's EEZ; employed an AGI [intelligence-gathering ship] ship, likely to monitor testing of a THAAD system in the U S  EEZ near the Aleutian Islands; and employed an AGI ship to monitor a multi-national naval exercise in Australia's EEZ  PLA operations in foreign EEZs have taken place in Northeast and Southeast Asia, and a growing number of operations are also occurring farther from Chinese shores  The issue of whether China has the right under UNCLOS to regulate foreign military activities in its EEZ is related to, but ultimately separate from, the issue of territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS: The two issues are related because China can claim EEZs from inhabitable islands over which it has sovereignty, so accepting China's claims to sovereignty over inhabitable islands in the SCS or ECS could permit China to expand the EEZ zone within which China claims a right to regulate foreign military activities  The two issues are ultimately separate from one another because even if all the territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS were resolved, and none of China's claims in the SCS and ECS were accepted, China could continue to apply its concept of its EEZ rights to the EEZ that it unequivocally derives from its mainland coast—and it is in this unequivocal Chinese EEZ that several of the past U S -Chinese incidents at sea have occurred  Press reports of maritime disputes in the SCS and ECS sometimes focus on territorial disputes while devoting little or no attention to the EEZ dispute, or do relatively little to distinguish the EEZ dispute from the territorial disputes  From the U S  perspective, the EEZ dispute is arguably as significant as the maritime territorial disputes because of the EEZ dispute's proven history of leading to U S -Chinese incidents at sea and because of its potential for affecting U S  military operations not only in the SCS and ECS, but around the world  For background information on treaties and international agreements related to the disputes, see Appendix C   For background information on the July 2016 tribunal award in the SCS arbitration case involving the Philippines and China concerning maritime territorial issues in the SCS, see Appendix D   In general, China's approach to the maritime disputes in the SCS and ECS, and to strengthening its position over time in the SCS, can be characterized as follows: China appears to have identified the assertion and defense of its maritime territorial claims in the SCS and ECS, and the strengthening of its position in the SCS, as important national goals  To achieve these goals, China appears to be employing an integrated, whole-of-society strategy that includes diplomatic, informational, economic, military, paramilitary/law enforcement, and civilian elements  In implementing this integrated strategy, China appears to be persistent, patient, tactically flexible, willing to expend significant resources, and willing to absorb at least some amount of reputational and other costs that other countries might seek to impose on China in response to China's actions  Observers frequently characterize China's approach to the SCS and ECS as a "salami-slicing" strategy that employs a series of incremental actions, none of which by itself is a casus belli , to gradually change the status quo in China's favor  At least one Chinese official has used the term "cabbage strategy" to refer to a strategy of consolidating control over disputed islands by wrapping those islands, like the concentric leaves of a cabbage, in successive layers of occupation and protection formed by fishing boats, Chinese Coast Guard ships, and then finally Chinese naval ships  Other observers have referred to China's approach as a strategy of gray zone operations (i e , operations that reside in a gray zone between peace and war), of creeping annexation or creeping invasion, or as a "talk and take" strategy, meaning a strategy in which China engages in (or draws out) negotiations while taking actions to gain control of contested areas  Perhaps more than any other set of actions, China's island-building (aka land-reclamation) and base-construction activities at sites that it occupies in the Paracel Islands and Spratly Islands in the SCS have heightened concerns among U S  observers that China is rapidly gaining effective control of the SCS  China's island-building and base-construction activities in the SCS appear to have begun around December 2013, and were publicly reported starting in May 2014  Awareness of, and concern about, the activities appears to have increased substantially following the posting of a February 2015 article showing a series of "before and after" satellite photographs of islands and reefs being changed by the work  China occupies seven sites in the Spratly Islands  It has engaged in island-building and facilities-construction activities at most or all of these sites, and particularly at three of them—Fiery Cross Reef, Subi Reef, and Mischief Reef, all of which now feature lengthy airfields as well as substantial numbers of buildings  Although other countries, such as Vietnam, have engaged in their own island-building and facilities-construction activities at sites that they occupy in the SCS, these efforts are dwarfed in size by China's island-building and base-construction activities in the SCS  DOD stated in 2017 that In 2016, China focused its main effort on infrastructure construction at its outposts on the Spratly Islands  Although its land reclamation and artificial islands do not strengthen China's territorial claims as a legal matter or create any new territorial sea entitlements, China will be able to use its reclaimed features as persistent civil-military bases to enhance its presence in the South China Sea and improve China's ability to control the features and nearby maritime space  China reached milestones of landing civilian aircraft on its airfields on Fiery Cross Reef, Subi Reef, and Mischief Reef for the first time in 2016, as well as landing a military transport aircraft on Fiery Cross Reef to evacuate injured personnel     China's Spratly Islands outpost expansion effort is currently focused on building out the land-based capabilities of its three largest outposts—Fiery Cross, Subi, and Mischief Reefs—after completion of its four smaller outposts early in 2016  No substantial land has been reclaimed at any of the outposts since China ended its artificial island creation in the Spratly Islands in late 2015 after adding over 3,200 acres of land to the seven features it occupies in the Spratlys  Major construction features at the largest outposts include new airfields—all with runways at least 8,800 feet in length—large port facilities, and water and fuel storage  As of late 2016, China was constructing 24 fighter-sized hangars, fixed-weapons positions, barracks, administration buildings, and communication facilities at each of the three outposts  Once all these facilities are complete, China will have the capacity to house up to three regiments of fighters in the Spratly Islands  China has completed shore-based infrastructure on its four smallest outposts in the Spratly Islands: Johnson, Gaven, Hughes, and Cuarteron Reefs  Since early 2016, China has installed fixed, land-based naval guns on each outpost and improved communications infrastructure  The Chinese Government has stated that these projects are mainly for improving the living and working conditions of those stationed on the outposts, safety of navigation, and research; however, most analysts outside China believe that the Chinese Government is attempting to bolster its de facto control by improving its military and civilian infrastructure in the South China Sea  The airfields, berthing areas, and resupply facilities on its Spratly outposts will allow China to maintain a more flexible and persistent coast guard and military presence in the area  This would improve China's ability to detect and challenge activities by rival claimants or third parties, widen the range of capabilities available to China, and reduce the time required to deploy them     China's construction in the Spratly Islands demonstrates China's capacity—and a newfound willingness to exercise that capacity—to strengthen China's control over disputed areas, enhance China's presence, and challenge other claimants     In 2016, China built reinforced hangars on several of its Spratly Island outposts in the South China Sea  These hangars could support up to 24 fighters or any other type of PLA aircraft participating in force projection operations  In April, May, and June 2018, it was reported that China has landed aircraft and moved electronic jamming equipment, surface-to-air missiles, and anti-ship missile systems to its newly built facilities in the SCS  In July 2018, it was reported that "China is quietly testing electronic warfare assets recently installed at fortified outposts in the South China Sea… " Also in July 2018, Chinese state media announced that a Chinese search and rescue ship had been stationed at Subi Reef—the first time that such a ship had been permanently stationed by China at one of its occupied sites in the Spratly Islands  For additional discussion of China's island-building and facility-construction activities, see CRS Report R44072, Chinese Land Reclamation in the South China Sea: Implications and Policy Options , by Ben Dolven et al  In addition to the island-building and base-construction activities discussed above, additional Chinese actions in the SCS and ECS have heightened concerns among U S  observers  Following a confrontation in 2012 between Chinese and Philippine ships at Scarborough Shoal, China gained de facto control over access to the shoal and its fishing grounds  Subsequent Chinese actions that have heightened concerns among U S  observers, particularly since late 2013, include the following, among others: China's announcement on November 23, 2013, of an air defense identification zone (ADIZ) over the ECS that includes airspace over the Senkaku Islands; frequent patrols by Chinese Coast Guard ships—some observers refer to them as harassment operations—at the Senkaku Islands; Chinese pressure against the small Philippine military presence at Second Thomas Shoal in the Spratly Islands, where a handful of Philippine military personnel occupy a beached (and now derelict) Philippine navy amphibious ship; the implementation on January 1, 2014, of fishing regulations administered by China's Hainan province applicable to waters constituting more than half of the SCS, and the reported enforcement of those regulations with actions that have included the apprehension of non-Chinese fishing boats; and a growing civilian Chinese presence on some of the sites in the SCS occupied by China in the SCS, including both Chinese vacationers and (in the Paracels) permanent settlements  China asserts and defends its maritime claims not only with navy ships, but also with coast guard cutters and maritime militia vessels  Indeed, China employs its coast guard and maritime militia more regularly and extensively than its navy in its maritime sovereignty-assertion operations  DOD states that China's navy, coast guard, and maritime militia together "form the largest maritime force in the Indo-Pacific " DOD states that the China Coast Guard (CCG) is the world's largest coast guard  It is much larger than the coast guard of any country in the region, and it has increased substantially in size in recent years through the addition of many newly built ships  China makes regular use of CCG ships to assert and defend its maritime claims, particularly in the ECS, with Chinese navy ships sometimes available over the horizon as backup forces  The Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) states the following: Under Chinese law, maritime sovereignty is a domestic law enforcement issue under the purview of the CCG  Beijing also prefers to use CCG ships for assertive actions in disputed waters to reduce the risk of escalation and to portray itself more benignly to an international audience  For situations that Beijing perceives carry a heightened risk of escalation, it often deploys PLAN combatants in close proximity for rapid intervention if necessary  China also relies on the PAFMM—a paramilitary force of fishing boats—for sovereignty enforcement actions…  China primarily uses civilian maritime law enforcement agencies in maritime disputes, employing the PLAN [i e , China's navy] in a protective capacity in case of escalation  The CCG has rapidly increased and modernized its forces, improving China's ability to enforce its maritime claims  Since 2010, the CCG's large patrol ship fleet (more than 1,000 tons) has more than doubled in size from about 60 to more than 130 ships, making it by far the largest coast guard force in the world and increasing its capacity to conduct extended offshore operations in a number of disputed areas simultaneously  Furthermore, the newer ships are substantially larger and more capable than the older ships, and the majority are equipped with helicopter facilities, high-capacity water cannons, and guns ranging from 30-mm to 76-mm  Among these ships, a number are capable of long-distance, long-endurance out-of-area operations  In addition, the CCG operates more than 70 fast patrol combatants ([each displacing] more than 500 tons), which can be used for limited offshore operations, and more than 400 coastal patrol craft (as well as about 1,000 inshore and riverine patrol boats)  By the end of the decade, the CCG is expected to add up to 30 patrol ships and patrol combatants before the construction program levels off  In March 2018, China announced that control of the CCG would be transferred from the civilian State Oceanic Administration to the Central Military Commission  The transfer occurred on July 1, 2018  On May 22, 2018, it was reported that China's navy and the CCG had conducted their first joint patrols in disputed waters off the Paracel Islands in the SCS, and had expelled at least 10 foreign fishing vessels from those waters  China also uses the People's Armed Forces Maritime Militia (PAFMM)—a force that essentially consists of fishing ships with armed crew members—to defend its maritime claims  In the view of some observers, the PAFMM—even more than China's navy or coast guard—is the leading component of China's maritime forces for asserting its maritime claims, particularly in the SCS  U S  analysts in recent years have paid increasing attention to the role of the PAFMM as a key tool for implementing China's salami-slicing strategy, and have urged U S  policymakers to focus on the capabilities and actions of the PAFMM  DOD states that "the PAFMM is the only government-sanctioned maritime militia in the world," and that it "has organizational ties to, and is sometimes directed by, China's armed forces " DIA states that The PAFMM is a subset of China's national militia, an armed reserve force of civilians available for mobilization to perform basic support duties  Militia units organize around towns, villages, urban subdistricts, and enterprises, and they vary widely from one location to another  The composition and mission of each unit reflects local conditions and personnel skills  In the South China Sea, the PAFMM plays a major role in coercive activities to achieve China's political goals without fighting, part of broader Chinese military doctrine that states that confrontational operations short of war can be an effective means of accomplishing political objectives  A large number of PAFMM vessels train with and support the PLA and CCG in tasks such as safeguarding maritime claims, protecting fisheries, and providing logistic support, search and rescue (SAR), and surveillance and reconnaissance  The Chinese government subsidizes local and provincial commercial organizations to operate militia ships to perform "official" missions on an ad hoc basis outside their regular commercial roles  The PAFMM has played a noteworthy role in a number of military campaigns and coercive incidents over the years, including the harassment of Vietnamese survey ships in 2011, a standoff with the Philippines at Scarborough Reef in 2012, and a standoff involving a Chinese oil rig in 2014  In the past, the PAFMM rented fishing boats from companies or individual fisherman, but it appears that China is building a state-owned fishing fleet for its maritime militia force in the South China Sea  Hainan Province, adjacent to the South China Sea, ordered the construction of 84 large militia fishing boats with reinforced hulls and ammunition storage for Sansha City, and the militia took delivery by the end of 2016  China regularly states that it supports freedom of navigation and has not interfered with freedom of navigation  China, however, appears to hold a narrow definition of freedom of navigation that is centered on the ability of commercial cargo ships to pass through international waters  In contrast to the broader U S /Western definition of freedom of navigation (aka freedom of the seas), the Chinese definition does not appear to include operations conducted by military ships and aircraft  It can also be noted that China has frequently interfered with commercial fishing operations by non-Chinese fishing vessels—something that some observers would regard as a form of interfering with freedom of navigation for commercial ships  An August 12, 2015, press report states the following (emphasis added): China respects freedom of navigation in the disputed South China Sea but will not allow any foreign government to invoke that right so its military ships and planes can intrude in Beijing's territory, the Chinese ambassador [to the Philippines] said  Ambassador Zhao Jianhua said late Tuesday [August 11] that Chinese forces warned a U S  Navy P-8A [maritime patrol aircraft] not to intrude when the warplane approached a Chinese-occupied area in the South China Sea's disputed Spratly Islands in May     "We just gave them warnings, be careful, not to intrude," Zhao told reporters on the sidelines of a diplomatic event in Manila     When asked why China shooed away the U S  Navy plane when it has pledged to respect freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, Zhao outlined the limits in China's view  "Freedom of navigation does not mean to allow other countries to intrude into the airspace or the sea which is sovereign  No country will allow that," Zhao said  "We say freedom of navigation must be observed in accordance with international law  No freedom of navigation for warships and airplanes  " A July 19, 2016, press report states the following: A senior Chinese admiral has rejected freedom of navigation for military ships, despite views held by the United States and most other nations that such access is codified by international law  The comments by Adm  Sun Jianguo, deputy chief of China's joint staff, come at a time when the U S  Navy is particularly busy operating in the South China Sea, amid tensions over sea and territorial rights between China and many of its neighbors in the Asia-Pacific region  "When has freedom of navigation in the South China Sea ever been affected? It has not, whether in the past or now, and in the future there won't be a problem as long as nobody plays tricks," Sun said at a closed forum in Beijing on Saturday, according to a transcript obtained by Reuters  "But China consistently opposes so-called military freedom of navigation, which brings with it a military threat and which challenges and disrespects the international law of the sea," Sun said  A March 4, 2017, press report states the following: Wang Wenfeng, a US affairs expert at the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations, said Beijing and Washington obviously had different definitions of what constituted freedom of navigation  "While the US insists they have the right to send warships to the disputed waters in the South China Sea, Beijing has always insisted that freedom of navigation should not cover military ships," he said  A February 22, 2018, press report states the following: Hundreds of government officials, experts and scholars from all over the world conducted in-depth discussions of various security threats under the new international security situation at the 54 th Munich Security Conference (MSC) from Feb  16 to 18, 2018  Experts from the Chinese delegation at the three-day event were interviewed by reporters on hot topics such as the South China Sea issue and they refuted some countries' misinterpretation of the relevant international law  The conference included a panel discussion on the South China Sea issue, which China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries have been committed to properly solving since the signing of the draft South China Sea code of conduct  Senior Colonel Zhou Bo, director of the Security Cooperation Center of the International Military Cooperation Office of the Chinese Ministry of National Defense, explained how some countries' have misinterpreted the international law  "First of all, we must abide by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)," Zhou said  "But the problem now is that some countries unilaterally and wrongly interpreted the 'freedom of navigation' of the UNCLOS as the 'freedom of military operations', which is not the principle set by the UNCLOS," Zhou noted  A June 27, 2018, opinion piece in a British newspaper by China's ambassador to the UK stated that freedom of navigation is not an absolute freedom to sail at will  The US Freedom of Navigation Program should not be confused with freedom of navigation that is universally recognised under international law  The former is an excuse to throw America's weight about wherever it wants  It is a distortion and a downright abuse of international law into the "freedom to run amok"  Second, is there any problem with freedom of navigation in the South China Sea? The reality is that more than 100,000 merchant ships pass through these waters every year and none has ever run into any difficulty with freedom of navigation     The South China Sea is calm and the region is in harmony  The so-called "safeguarding freedom of navigation" issue is a bogus argument  The reason for hyping it up could be either an excuse to get gunboats into the region to make trouble, or a premeditated intervention in the affairs of the South China Sea, instigation of discord among the parties involved and impairment of regional stability…  China respects and supports freedom of navigation in the South China Sea according to international law  But freedom of navigation is not the freedom to run amok  For those from outside the region who are flexing their muscles in the South China Sea, the advice is this: if you really care about freedom of navigation, respect the efforts of China and Asean countries to safeguard peace and stability, stop showing off your naval ships and aircraft to "militarise" the region, and let the South China Sea be a sea of peace  A September 20, 2018, press report stated the following: Chinese Ambassador to Britain Liu Xiaoming on Wednesday [September 19] said that the freedom of navigation in the South China Sea has never been a problem, warning that no one should underestimate China's determination to uphold peace and stability in the region…  Liu stressed that countries in the region have the confidence, capability and wisdom to deal with the South China Sea issue properly and achieve enduring stability, development and prosperity  "Yet to everyone's confusion, some big countries outside the region did not seem to appreciate the peace and tranquility in the South China Sea," he said  "They sent warships and aircraft all the way to the South China Sea to create trouble " The senior diplomat said that under the excuse of so-called "freedom of navigation," these countries ignored the vast sea lane and chose to sail into the adjacent waters of China's islands and reefs to show off their military might  "This was a serious infringement" of China's sovereignty, he said  "It threatened China's security and put regional peace and stability in jeopardy " Liu stressed that China has all along respected and upheld the freedom of navigation and over-flight in the South China Sea in accordance with international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea  "Freedom of navigation is not a license to do whatever one wishes," he said, noting that freedom of navigation is not freedom to invade other countries' territorial waters and infringe upon other countries' sovereignty  "Such 'freedom' must be stopped," Liu noted  "Otherwise the South China Sea will never be tranquil " In contrast to China's narrow definition, the U S /Western definition of freedom of navigation is much broader, encompassing operations of various types by both commercial and military ships and aircraft in international waters and airspace  As discussed earlier in this report, an alternative term for referring to the U S /Western definition of freedom of navigation is freedom of the seas, meaning "all of the rights, freedoms, and lawful uses of the sea and airspace, including for military ships and aircraft, guaranteed to all nations under international law " When Chinese officials state that China supports freedom of navigation, China is referring to its own narrow definition of the term, and is likely not expressing agreement with or support for the U S /Western definition of the term  China prefers to discuss maritime territorial disputes with other regional parties to the disputes on a bilateral rather than multilateral basis  Some observers believe China prefers bilateral talks because China is much larger than any other country in the region, giving China a potential upper hand in any bilateral meeting  China generally has resisted multilateral approaches to resolving maritime territorial disputes, stating that such approaches would internationalize the disputes, although the disputes are by definition international even when addressed on a bilateral basis  (China's participation with the ASEAN states in the 2002 declaration of conduct DOC and in negotiations with the ASEAN states on the follow-on binding code of conduct (COC) [see Appendix C ] represents a departure from this general preference ) Some observers believe China is pursuing a policy of putting off a negotiated resolution of maritime territorial disputes so as to give itself time to implement the salami-slicing strategy  Along with its above-discussed preference for treating territorial disputes on a bilateral rather than multilateral basis, China resists and objects to U S  involvement in maritime disputes in the SCS and ECS  Statements in China's state-controlled media sometimes depict the United States as an outsider or interloper whose actions (including freedom of navigation operations) are seeking to "stir up trouble" in an otherwise peaceful regional situation  Potential or actual Japanese involvement in the SCS is sometimes depicted in China's state-controlled media in similar terms  Depicting the United States in this manner can be viewed as consistent with goals of attempting to drive a wedge between the United States and its allies and partners in the region and of ensuring maximum leverage in bilateral (rather than multilateral) discussions with other countries in the region over maritime territorial disputes  A July 31, 2018, press report stated the following: The Philippines has expressed concern to China over an increasing number of Chinese radio messages warning Philippine aircraft and ships to stay away from newly fortified islands and other territories in the South China Sea claimed by both countries, officials said Monday  A Philippine government report showed that in the second half of last year alone, Philippine military aircraft received such Chinese radio warnings at least 46 times while patrolling near artificial islands built by China in the South China Sea's Spratly archipelago  The Chinese radio messages were "meant to step up their tactics to our pilots conducting maritime air surveillance in the West Philippine Sea", the report said, using the Philippine name for the South China Sea  A Philippine air force plane on patrol near the Chinese-held islands received a particularly offensive radio message in late January according to the Philippine government report  It was warned by Chinese forces that it was "endangering the security of the Chinese reef  Leave immediately and keep off to avoid misunderstanding," the report said  Shortly afterwards, the plane received a veiled threat: "Philippine military aircraft, I am warning you again, leave immediately or you will pay the possible consequences " The Filipino pilot later "sighted two flare warning signals from the reef", said the report, which identified the Chinese-occupied island as Gaven Reef  Philippine officials have raised their concern twice over the radio transmissions, including in a meeting with Chinese counterparts in Manila earlier this year that focused on the Asian countries' long-unresolved territorial disputes, according to two officials who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorised to discuss the issue publicly  It is a new problem that emerged after China transformed seven disputed reefs into islands using dredged sand in the Spratlys… The messages used to originate from Chinese coastguard ships in past years but US military officials suspect transmissions now are also being sent from the Beijing-held artificial islands, where far more powerful communications and surveillance equipment has been installed along with weapons such as surface-to-air missiles  "Our ships and aircraft have observed an increase in radio queries that appear to originate from new land-based facilities in the South China Sea," Commander Clay Doss, public affairs officer of the US 7th Fleet, said by email in response to questions about the Chinese messages  "These communications do not affect our operations," Doss said…  US Navy ships and aircraft communicate routinely with regional navies, including the Chinese navy  "The vast majority of these communications are professional, and when that is not the case, those issues are addressed by appropriate diplomatic and military channels," Doss said  For discussion of some additional elements of China's approach to maritime disputes in the SCS and ECS, including China's nine-dash line in the SCS, see Appendix E   The U S  position on territorial and EEZ disputes in the Western Pacific (including those involving China) includes the following elements, among others: The United States supports the principle that disputes between countries should be resolved peacefully, without coercion, intimidation, threats, or the use of force, and in a manner consistent with international law  The United States supports the principle of freedom of seas, meaning the rights, freedoms, and uses of the sea and airspace guaranteed to all nations in international law  The United States opposes claims that impinge on the rights, freedoms, and lawful uses of the sea that belong to all nations  The United States takes no position on competing claims to sovereignty over disputed land features in the ECS and SCS  Although the United States takes no position on competing claims to sovereignty over disputed land features in the ECS and SCS, the United States does have a position on how competing claims should be resolved: Territorial disputes should be resolved peacefully, without coercion, intimidation, threats, or the use of force, and in a manner consistent with international law  Claims of territorial waters and EEZs should be consistent with customary international law of the sea and must therefore, among other things, derive from land features  Claims in the SCS that are not derived from land features are fundamentally flawed  Parties should avoid taking provocative or unilateral actions that disrupt the status quo or jeopardize peace and security  The United States does not believe that large-scale land reclamation with the intent to militarize outposts on disputed land features is consistent with the region's desire for peace and stability  The United States, like most other countries, believes that coastal states under UNCLOS have the right to regulate economic activities in their EEZs, but do not have the right to regulate foreign military activities in their EEZs  U S  military surveillance flights in international airspace above another country's EEZ are lawful under international law, and the United States plans to continue conducting these flights as it has in the past  The Senkaku Islands are under the administration of Japan and unilateral attempts to change the status quo raise tensions and do nothing under international law to strengthen territorial claims  For additional information regarding the U S  position on the issue of operational rights of military ships in the EEZs of other countries, see Appendix F   U S  Navy ships challenge what the United States views as excessive maritime claims and carry out assertions of operational rights as part of the U S  Freedom of Navigation (FON) program for challenging maritime claims that the United States believes to be inconsistent with international law  The FON program began in 1979, involves diplomatic activities as well as operational assertions by U S  Navy ships, and is global in scope, encompassing activities and operations directed not only at China, but at numerous other countries around the world, including U S  allies and partner states  DOD's record of "excessive maritime claims that were challenged by DoD operational assertions and activities during the period of October 1, 2016, to September 30, 2017, in order to preserve the rights, freedoms, and uses of the sea and airspace guaranteed to all nations by international law" includes a listing for multiple challenges that were conducted to challenge Chinese claims relating to "excessive straight baselines; jurisdiction over airspace above the exclusive economic zone (EEZ); restriction on foreign aircraft flying through an Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) without the intent to enter national airspace; domestic law criminalizing survey activity by foreign entities in the EEZ; prior permission required for innocent passage of foreign military ships through the TTS; and actions/statements that indicate a claim to a TTS [territorial sea] around features not so entitled " Some observers now assess that China's actions in the SCS have achieved for China a more dominant or more commanding position in the SCS  One observer, for example, writes in a March 28, 2018, commentary piece that as Beijing's regional clout continues to grow, it can be hard for weaker nations to resist it, even with these allies' support  Barely three weeks after the [the U S  aircraft carrier Carl] Vinson's visit [to Vietnam], the Vietnamese government bowed to Chinese pressure and canceled a major oil drilling project in disputed South China waters  It was yet another sign of the region's rapidly shifting dynamics  For the last decade, the United States and its Asian allies have been significantly bolstering their military activities in the region with the explicit aim of pushing back against China  But Beijing's strength and dominance, along with its diplomatic, economic and military reach, continues to grow dramatically     Western military strategists worry that China will, in time, be able to block any activity in the region by the United States and its allies  Already, satellite photos show China installing sophisticated weapons on a range of newly-reclaimed islands where international law says they simply should not be present  In any war, these and other new weapons that China is acquiring could make it all but impossible for the U S  Navy and other potential enemies of China to operate in the area at all     China's increasing confidence in asserting control over the South China Sea has clearly alarmed its neighbors, particularly the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei, all of whom have competing territorial claims over waters that China claims for itself  But it also represents a major and quite deliberate challenge to the United States which, as an ally to all these nations, has essentially staked its own credibility on the issue  Over the last several years, it has become common practice for U S  warships to sail through nearby waters, pointedly refusing to acknowledge Chinese demands that they register with its unilaterally-declared air and maritime "identification zones" (which the United States and its allies do not recognize)     None of this, however, addresses the seismic regional change produced by China's island-building strategy         China sees this confrontation as a test case for its ability to impose its will on the wider region—and so far it is winning     The United States remains the world's preeminent military superpower, and there is little doubt it could win a fight with China almost anywhere else in the world  In its own backyard, however, Beijing is making it increasingly clear that it calls the shots  And for now, there is little sign anyone in Washington—or anywhere else—has the appetite to seriously challenge that assumption  An April 9, 2018, article from a Chinese media outlet states the following: The situation in the South China Sea has been developing in favor of China, said Chinese observers after media reported that China is conducting naval drills in the region, at the same time as "three US carrier battle groups passed by" the area  "The regional strategic situation is tipping to China's side in the South China Sea, especially after China's construction of islands and reefs," Chen Xiangmiao, a research fellow at the National Institute for the South China Sea, told the Global Times on Sunday  China has strengthened its facilities in the region and conducted negotiations and cooperation on the South China Sea, which have narrowed China's gap in power with the US, while gaining advantages over Japan and India, according to Chen  U S  Navy Admiral Philip Davidson, in responses to advance policy questions from the Senate Armed Services Committee for an April 17, 2018, hearing before the committee to consider nominations, including Davidson's nomination to become Commander, U S  Pacific Command (PACOM), stated the following in part (emphasis added): With respect to their actions in the South China Sea and more broadly through the Belt and Road Initiative, the Chinese are clearly executing deliberate and thoughtful force posture initiatives  China claims that these reclaimed features and the Belt and Road Initiative [BRI] will not be used for military means, but their words do not match their actions     While Chinese air forces are not as advanced as those of the United States, they are rapidly closing the gap through the development of new fourth and fifth generation fighters (including carrier-based fighters), long range bombers, advanced UAVs, advanced anti-air missiles, and long-distance strategic airlift  In line with the Chinese military's broader reforms, Chinese air forces are emphasizing joint operations and expanding their operations, such as through more frequent long range bomber flights into the Western Pacific and South China Sea  As a result of these technological and operational advances, the Chinese air forces will pose an increasing risk not only to our air forces but also to our naval forces, air bases and ground forces     In the South China Sea, the PLA has constructed a variety of radar, electronic attack, and defense capabilities on the disputed Spratly Islands, to include: Cuarteron Reef, Fiery Cross Reef, Gaven Reef, Hughes Reef, Johnson Reef, Mischief Reef and Subi Reef  These facilities significantly expand the real-time domain awareness, ISR, and jamming capabilities of the PLA over a large portion of the South China Sea, presenting a substantial challenge to U S  military operations in this region     China's development of forward military bases in the South China Sea began in December 2013 when the first dredger arrived at Johnson Reef  Through 2015, China used dredging efforts to build up these reefs and create manmade islands, destroying the reefs in the process  Since then, China has constructed clear military facilities on the islands, with several bases including hangars, barracks, underground fuel and water storage facilities, and bunkers to house offense and defensive kinetic and non-kinetic systems  These actions stand in direct contrast to the assertion that President Xi made in 2015 in the Rose Garden when he commented that Beijing had no intent to militarize the South China Sea  Today these forward operating bases appear complete  The only thing lacking are the deployed forces  Once occupied, China will be able to extend its influence thousands of miles to the south and project power deep into Oceania  The PLA will be able to use these bases to challenge U S  presence in the region, and any forces deployed to the islands would easily overwhelm the military forces of any other South China Sea-claimants  In short, China is now capable of controlling the South China Sea in all scenarios short of war with the United States      Ultimately, BRI provides opportunities for China's military to expand its global reach by gaining access to foreign air and maritime port facilities  This reach will allow China's military to extend its striking and surveillance operations from the South China Sea to the Gulf of Aden  Moreover, Beijing could leverage BRI projects to pressure nations to deny U S  forces basing, transit, or operational and logistical support, thereby making it more challenging for the United States to preserve international orders and norms     With respect to the Indo-Pacific region, specifically, I am concerned that some nations, including China, assert their interests in ways that threaten the foundational standards for the world's oceans as reflected in the Law of the Sea Convention  This trend is most evident off the coast of China and in the South China Sea where China's policies and activities are challenging the free and open international order in the air and maritime domains  China's attempts to restrict the rights, freedoms, and lawful uses of the sea available to naval and air forces is inconsistent with customary international law and as President Reagan said in the 1983 Statement on United States Oceans Policy, "the United States will not, however, acquiesce in unilateral acts of other states designed to restrict the rights and freedoms of the international community in navigation and overflight " A May 8, 2018, press report states the following: China's neighbors and rivals fear that the Asian powerhouse is slowly but surely establishing the foundation of an Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) in one of the world's most important and busy waterways…  Boosting China's missile defense system in the area would allow it to progressively restrict the movement as well as squeeze the supply lines of smaller claimant states, all of which maintain comparatively modest military capabilities to fortify their sea claims " Another observer writes in a May 10, 2018, commentary piece that All these developments [in the SCS], coupled with the lack of any concerted or robust response from the United States and its allies and partners in the region, point to the inevitable conclusion that the sovereignty dispute in the SCS has – irreversibly – become a foregone conclusion  Three compelling reasons justify this assertion…  First, China sees the SCS issue as a security matter of paramount importance, according it the status of a "core interest" – on par with resolution of the Taiwan question…  Second, the sovereignty of SCS waters is a foregone conclusion partly because of U S  ambivalence toward Chinese military encroachment…  Third, the implicit acquiescence of ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations] states toward China's moves in the SCS has strengthened its position that all features and waters within the "nine-dashed line" belongs to Beijing…  The above three factors – Beijing's sharpened focus on national security, lack of American resolve to balance China in the SCS, and ASEAN's prioritization of peace and stability over sovereignty considerations – have contributed to the bleak state of affairs today…  From the realist perspective, as Beijing accrues naval dominance in the SCS, the rules meant to regulate its behavior are likely to matter less and less—underscoring the geopolitical truism that 'might is right ' While China foreswears the use of coercive force on its Southeast Asian neighbors and may indeed have no offensive intentions today, it has now placed itself in a position to do so in future  In other words, while it had no capacity nor intent to threaten Southeast Asian states previously, it has developed the requisite capabilities today  Another observer writes in a separate May 10, 2018, commentary piece that the South China Sea is being increasingly dominated militarily by China at both its eastern and western ends  This is what researchers at the US Naval War College meant when they told the author that Chinese militarization activities in the region are an attempt to create the equivalent of a "strategic strait" in the South China Sea  In other words, through the more or less permanent deployment of Chinese military power at both extreme ends of the South China Sea – Hainan and Woody Island in the west, and the new (and newly militarized) artificial islands in the east – Beijing is seeking to transform the South China Sea from an international SLOC into a Chinese-controlled waterway and a strategic chokepoint for other countries…  This amalgamation of force means that China's decades-long "creeping assertiveness" in this particular body of water has become a full-blown offensive  What all this means is that China is well on its way toward turning the South China Sea in a zone of anti-access/area denial (A2/AD)  This means keeping military competitors (particularly the US Navy) out of the region, or seriously impeding their freedom of action inside it  A June 1, 2018, press report states the following: Through its navy, coast guard, a loose collection of armed fishing vessels, and a network of military bases built on artificial islands, Beijing has gained de facto control of the South China Sea, a panel of Indo-Pacific security experts said Friday  And the implications of that control—militarily, economically, diplomatically—are far-reaching for the United States and its partners and allies in the region  "Every vessel [sent on a freedom of navigation transit] is shadowed" by a Chinese vessel, showing Beijing's ability to respond quickly events in areas it considers its own, retired Marine Lt  Gen  Wallace "Chip" Gregson said during an American Enterprise Institute forum  Another observer writes in a June 5, 2018, commentary piece that It's over in the South China Sea  The United States just hasn't figured it out yet…  It is past time for the United States to figure out what matters in its relationship with China, and to make difficult choices about which values have to be defended, and which can be compromised  A June 21, 2018, editorial states the following: America's defence secretary, James Mattis, promised "larger consequences" if China does not change track [in the SCS]  Yet for now [Chinese President Xi Jinping], while blaming America's own "militarisation" as the source of tension, must feel he has accomplished much  He has a chokehold on one of the world's busiest shipping routes and is in a position to make good on China's claims to the sea's oil, gas and fish  He has gained strategic depth in any conflict over Taiwan  And, through the sheer fact of possession, he has underpinned China's fatuous historical claims to the South China Sea  To his people, Mr Xi can paint it all as a return to the rightful order  Right now, it is not clear what the larger consequences of that might be  Another observer writes in a July 17, 2018, commentary piece that Two years after an international tribunal rejected expansive Chinese claims to the South China Sea, Beijing is consolidating control over the area and its resources  While the U S  defends the right to freedom of navigation, it has failed to support the rights of neighboring countries under the tribunal's ruling  As a result, Southeast Asian countries are bowing to Beijing's demands…  In late July 2017, Beijing threatened Vietnam with military action if it did not stop oil and gas exploration in Vietnam's exclusive economic zone, according to a report by the BBC's Bill Hayton  Hanoi stopped drilling  Earlier this year, Vietnam again attempted to drill, and Beijing issued similar warnings…  Other countries, including the U S , failed to express support for Vietnam or condemn China's threats  Beijing has also pressured Brunei, Malaysia and the Philippines to agree to "joint development" in their exclusive economic zones—a term that suggests legitimate overlapping claims  Meanwhile China is accelerating its militarization of the South China Sea  In April, it deployed antiship cruise missiles, surface-to-air missiles and electronic jammers to artificial islands constructed on Fiery Cross Reef, Subi Reef and Mischief Reef  In May, it landed long-range bombers on Woody Island  The Trump administration's failure to press Beijing to abide by the tribunal's ruling is a serious mistake  It undermines international law and upsets the balance of power in the region  Countries have taken note that the tide in the South China Sea is in China's favor, and they are making their strategic calculations accordingly  This hurts U S  interests in the region  Up through 2014, U S  concern over maritime territorial and EEZ disputes involving China centered more on their potential for causing tension, incidents, and a risk of conflict between China and its neighbors in the region, including U S  allies Japan and the Philippines and emerging partner states such as Vietnam  While that concern remains, particularly regarding the potential for a conflict between China and Japan involving the Senkaku Islands, U S  concern since 2014 (i e , since China's island-building activities in the Spratly Islands were first publicly reported) has shifted increasingly to how China's strengthening position in the SCS may be affecting the risk of a U S -China crisis or conflict in the SCS and the broader U S -Chinese strategic competition  A key issue for Congress is how the United States should respond to China's actions in the SCS and ECS—particularly its island-building and base-construction activities in the Spratly Islands—and to China's strengthening position in the SCS  A key oversight question for Congress is whether the Trump Administration has an appropriate strategy for countering China's "salami-slicing" strategy or gray zone operations for gradually strengthening its position in the SCS, for imposing costs on China for its actions in the SCS and ECS, and for defending and promoting U S  interests in the region  In considering how to respond to China's actions in the SCS and ECS, an initial step can be to review China's approach to the region  As stated earlier, in general, China's approach to the maritime disputes in the SCS and ECS, and to strengthening its position over time in the SCS, can be characterized as follows: China appears to have identified the assertion and defense of its maritime territorial claims in the SCS and ECS, and the strengthening of its position in the SCS, as important national goals  To achieve these goals, China appears to be employing an integrated, whole-of-society strategy that includes diplomatic, informational, economic, military, paramilitary/law enforcement, and civilian elements  In implementing this integrated strategy, China appears to be persistent, patient, tactically flexible, willing to expend significant resources, and willing to absorb at least some amount of reputational and other costs that other countries might seek to impose on China in response to China's actions  The above points raise a possible question as to how likely a U S  response might be to achieve U S  goals if it were one-dimensional rather than multidimensional or whole-of-government; halting or intermittent rather than persistent; insufficiently resourced; reliant on imposed costs that are not commensurate with the importance that China appears to have assigned to achieving its goals in the region, or some combination of these things  Potential general U S  goals in responding to China's actions in the SCS and ECS include but are not necessarily limited to the following, which are not mutually exclusive: fulfilling U S  security commitments in the Western Pacific, including treaty commitments to Japan and the Philippines; maintaining and enhancing the U S -led security architecture in the Western Pacific, including U S  security relationships with treaty allies and partner states; maintaining a regional balance of power that is favorable to the United States and its allies and partners; de fending the principle of peaceful resolution of disputes , under which disputes between countries should be resolved peacefully, without coercion, intimidation, threats, or the use of force, and in a manner consistent with international law, and resisting the emergence of an alternative "might-makes-right" approach to international affairs; defending the principle of freedom of the seas , meaning the rights, freedoms, and uses of the sea and airspace guaranteed to all nations in international law, including the interpretation held by the United States and many other countries concerning operational freedoms for military forces in EEZs; and preventing China from becoming a regional hegemon in East Asia, and potentially as part of that, preventing China from controlling or dominating the ECS or SCS  Potential specific U S  goals in responding to China's actions in the SCS and ECS include but are not necessarily limited to the following, which are not mutually exclusive: dissuading China from carrying out any additional base-construction activities that it might be planning for sites that it occupies in the SCS; dissuading China from moving any additional military personnel, equipment, and supplies to bases at sites that it occupies in the SCS, and persuading China to remove military personnel, equipment, and supplies that have already been moved to those bases; dissuading China from initiating island-building or base-construction activities at Scarborough Shoal; dissuading China from declaring an ADIZ over the SCS; encouraging China to reduce or end Chinese Coast Guard ships at the Senkaku Islands in the ECS; encouraging China to halt actions intended to put pressure against the small Philippine military presence at Second Thomas Shoal in the Spratly Islands (or against any other Philippine-occupied sites in the Spratly Islands); encouraging China to provide greater access by Philippine fisherman to waters surrounding Scarborough Shoal or in the Spratly Islands; encouraging China to adopt the U S /Western definition regarding freedom of the seas, including the freedom of U S  and other non-Chinese military vessels to operate freely in China's EEZ; and encouraging China to accept and abide by the July 2016 tribunal award in the SCS arbitration case involving the Philippines and China (see Appendix D )  In terms of identifying specific actions that are intended to support U S  policy goals, a key element would be to have a clear understanding of which actions are intended to support which goals, and to maintain an alignment of actions with policy goals  For example, U S  freedom of navigation (FON) operations, which often feature prominently in discussions of actual or potential U S  actions, can directly support a general goal of defending principle of freedom of the seas, but might support other goals only indirectly, marginally, or not at all  In assessing how the United States should respond to China's actions in the SCS, another factor that policymakers may consider is the potential contribution that could be made by allies such as Japan, the Philippines, Australia, the UK, and France, as well as potential or emerging partner countries such as Vietnam, Indonesia, and India  Most or all of the countries just mentioned have taken steps of one kind or another in response to China's actions in the SCS and ECS  For U S  policymakers, one key question is how effective those steps by allies and partner countries have been, whether those steps could be strengthened, and whether they should be undertaken independent of or in coordination with the United States  A second key question concerns the kinds of actions that Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte might be willing to take, given his largely nonconfrontational policy toward China regarding the SCS, and what implications Philippine reluctance to take certain actions may have for limiting or reducing the potential effectiveness of U S  options for responding to China's actions in the SCS  In apparent response to China's actions in the SCS and ECS, the United States during the Obama Administration took a number of actions, including the following: reiterating the U S  position on maritime territorial claims in the area in various public fora; expressing strong concerns about China's island-building and base-construction activities, and calling for a halt on such activities by China and other countries in the region; taking steps to improve the ability of the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Indonesia to maintain maritime domain awareness (MDA) and patrol their EEZs, including the Southeast Asia Maritime Security Initiative (MSI), an initiative (since renamed the Indo-Pacific MSI) announced by the Obama Administration in May 2015 and subsequently legislated by Congress to provide $425 million in maritime security assistance to those four countries over a five-year period; taking steps to strengthen U S  security cooperation with Japan, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Singapore, including signing an agreement with the Philippines that provides U S  forces with increased access to Philippine bases, increasing the scale of joint military exercises involving U S  and Philippine forces, relaxing limits on sales of certain U S  arms to Vietnam, and operating U S  Navy P-8 maritime patrol aircraft from Singapore; expressing support for the idea of Japanese patrols in the SCS; and stating that the United States would support a multinational maritime patrol of the SCS by members of ASEAN  Some observers, both during and after the Obama Administration, have criticized the Obama Administration for not doing enough to counter China's actions in the SCS and ECS  In particular, they have argued that the Obama Administration did not react strongly enough to China's occupation of Scarborough Shoal in 2012; react strongly enough to China's island-building and base-construction activities in the Spratly Islands starting around December 2013; do enough in terms of conducting and offering sufficiently clear and strong legal rationales for U S  freedom of navigation (FON) operations in the SCS; do enough to publicize, rhetorically support, and enforce the July 2016 tribunal award in the SCS arbitration case involving the Philippines and China; and impose sufficiently strong costs on China's for its actions in the SCS and ECS  As a result of the above, these critics have argued, the Obama Administration in effect sent a message to China that the United States would not strongly oppose China's actions in the SCS and ECS—a message, these critics have argued, that may have encouraged and accelerated China's actions  Supporters of the Obama Administration's actions in response to China's actions in the SCS and ECS have argued that those actions were substantial and proportionate to China's actions and successful in deterring China from initiating island-building and base-construction activities at Scarborough Shoal; having U S  military aircraft disregard the ADIZ that China declared over the ECS, and in deterring China from declaring an ADIZ over the SCS; imposing political and reputational costs on China for its actions in the ECS and SCS during this time; and working with regional allies and partners to impose costs on China and strengthen the U S -led security architecture for the region  In addition to continuing to implement the above-mentioned Indo-Pacific MSI and conducting recurring freedom of navigation (FON) operations in the SCS (see next section), the Trump Administration reportedly has taken other actions to promote U S  interests in that area  These steps include actions to increase U S  defense and intelligence cooperation with Vietnam and Indonesia, and U S  assistance to improve the maritime security capabilities of the two countries  A January 9, 2018, press report states the following: The United States has accused China of "provocative militarisation" of disputed areas in the South China Sea and will continue sending vessels to the region to carry out freedom-of-navigation patrols, according to a top US adviser on Asia policy  Brian Hook, a senior adviser to US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, said on Tuesday [January 9] that the issue of the South China Sea was raised at all diplomatic and security dialogues between China and the US    "China's provocative militarisation of the South China Sea is one area where China is contesting international law  They are pushing around smaller states in ways that put a strain on the global system," Hook said during a media telephone conference  "We are going to back up freedom-of-navigation operations and let them know we will fly, sail and operate wherever international law allows "    "We strongly believe China's rise cannot come at the expense of the values and rule-based order  That order is the foundation of peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific and also around the world," Hook said  "When China's behaviour is out of step with these values and these rules we will stand up and defend the rule of law " A May 3, 2018, press report stated the following: The United States has raised concerns with China about its latest militarization of the South China Sea and there will be near-term and long-term consequences, the White House said on Thursday [May 3]  U S  news network CNBC reported on Wednesday that China had installed anti-ship cruise missiles and surface-to-air missile systems on three manmade outposts in the South China Sea  It cited sources with direct knowledge of U S  intelligence  Asked about the report, White House spokeswoman Sarah Sanders told a regular news briefing: "We're well aware of China's militarization of the South China Sea  We've raised concerns directly with the Chinese about this and there will be near-term and long-term consequences " Sanders did not say what the consequences might be  On May 23, 2018, DOD announced that it was disinviting China from the 2018 RIMPAC (Rim of the Pacific) exercise  RIMPAC is a U S -led, multilateral naval exercise in the Pacific involving naval forces from more than two dozen countries that is held every two years  At DOD's invitation, China participated in the 2014 and 2016 RIMPAC exercises  DOD had invited China to participate in the 2018 RIMPAC exercise, and China had accepted that invitation  Observers who have argued for the United States to take stronger actions in response to China's actions in the ECS and SCS have argued that the United States should, among other things, not invite China to participate in the 2018 RIMPAC exercise, on the grounds that doing so would in effect reward China for its recent actions in the ECS and SCS  They have also argued that the value to the United States and its allies of information gained from observing Chinese naval forces operate during the exercise would be outweighed by the value to China of information that China would gain from observing U S  and other allied and partner navies operate during the exercise  After DOD had issued the invitation to China to participate in the 2018 RIMPAC exercise, these observers argued that the invitation should be withdrawn  Supporters of having China participate in RIMPAC exercises have argued that they are valuable for maintaining a constructive working relationship with China's navy—something, they argue, that could be of particular value if there were a U S -Chinese incident at sea or a U S -China crisis over some issue  They have also argued that China's participation in RIMPAC exercises provides opportunities to encourage China's navy to adopt U S  and Western norms relating to issues such as freedom of the seas and avoidance of incidents at sea, and that the value to the United States and its allies of information gained from observing China's naval forces operate during the exercise is not outweighed by value to China of the information gained by China from observing U S , allied, and partner navies operate during the exercises, particularly since China could observe the exercise using intelligence-gathering ships or perhaps other means, even without participating in the exercise  A statement from DOD about the withdrawal of the invitation for China to participate in the 2018 RIMPAC exercise states the following: The United States is committed to a free and open Indo-Pacific  China's continued militarization of disputed features in the South China Sea only serve to raise tensions and destabilize the region  As an initial response to China's continued militarization of the South China Sea we have disinvited the PLA Navy from the 2018 Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) Exercise  China's behavior is inconsistent with the principles and purposes of the RIMPAC exercise  We have strong evidence that China has deployed anti-ship missiles, surface-to-air missile (SAM) systems, and electronic jammers to contested features in the Spratly Islands region of the South China Sea  China's landing of bomber aircraft at Woody Island has also raised tensions  While China has maintained that the construction of the islands is to ensure safety at sea, navigation assistance, search and rescue, fisheries protection, and other non-military functions the placement of these weapon systems is only for military use  We have called on China to remove the military systems immediately and to reverse course on the militarization of disputed South China Sea features  We believe these recent deployments and the continued militarization of these features is a violation of the promise that President Xi made to the United States and the World not to militarize the Spratly Islands  A May 23, 2018, press report states the following: The Pentagon rescinded an invitation to China to participate in an international military exercise in the Pacific Ocean next month, signaling disapproval to Beijing for what U S  officials say is its refusal to stop militarizing South China Sea islands  Defense Secretary Jim Mattis, after weeks of internal debate within the Pentagon, concluded that China shouldn't be allowed to participate in the American-led biennial Rim of the Pacific exercise, slated to begin in June, according to U S  officials  The invitation's withdrawal hasn't been previously disclosed  Chinese officials in Washington were notified of the decision Wednesday morning, said the U S  officials  China's top diplomat, State Councilor Wang Yi, criticized the Pentagon's decision in comments while visiting the State Department Wednesday  "We find that a very unconstructive move, nonconstructive move," Mr  Wang told reporters  "We hope the U S  will change such a negative mindset "    After The Wall Street Journal published [an initial version of] this article on Wednesday [May 23], Pentagon officials called their move "an initial response" to China's militarization of the islands  "We have strong evidence that China has deployed anti-ship missiles, surface-to-air missile (SAM) systems, and electronic jammers to contested features in the Spratly Islands region of the South China Sea," Lt  Col  Chris Logan, a Pentagon spokesman, said in a statement  "China's landing of a bomber aircraft at Woody Island has also raised tensions " Eric Sayers, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a think tank in Washington, and a former adviser to U S  Pacific Command, said the Pentagon move "will be a minor blow to the PLA Navy's prestige " He said, "It will also send the signal to Beijing that China cannot expect to continue to militarize the South China Sea and still be treated as a welcomed member of the international maritime community " But, Mr  Sayers added, the Trump administration must still develop an overall strategy in the Indo- Pacific region if it hopes to influence the maritime domain there  "Thus far, there is little evidence or new initiatives one can point to that distinguishes this administration's regional policy from the previous one," he said  The decision to rescind the invitation came after more than a month of internal Trump administration debate about China, including the timing of any rescission, the officials said, especially given the trade talks  Top State Department officials initially advised against rescinding the invitation, hoping that diplomatic interventions would convince China to at least remove missiles from those islands, said the U S  officials  State Department officials didn't immediately respond to a request for comment  But Pentagon officials held the view that it was time to impose a cost on the Chinese for their behavior in the South China Sea, the officials said  A June 3, 2018, press report states the following: The United States is considering intensified naval patrols in the South China Sea in a bid to challenge China's growing militarization of the waterway, actions that could further raise the stakes in one of the world's most volatile areas  The Pentagon is weighing a more assertive program of so-called freedom-of-navigation operations close to Chinese installations on disputed reefs, two U S  officials and Western and Asian diplomats close to discussions said  The officials declined to say how close they were to finalizing a decision  Such moves could involve longer patrols, ones involving larger numbers of ships or operations involving closer surveillance of Chinese facilities in the area, which now include electronic jamming equipment and advanced military radars  U S  officials are also pushing international allies and partners to increase their own naval deployments through the vital trade route as China strengthens its military capabilities on both the Paracel and Spratly islands, the diplomats said, even if they stopped short of directly challenging Chinese holdings  "What we have seen in the last few weeks is just the start, significantly more is being planned," said one Western diplomat, referring to a freedom of navigation patrol late last month that used two U S  ships for the first time  "There is a real sense more needs to be done "… Critics have said the patrols have little impact on Chinese behavior and mask the lack of a broader strategy to deal with China's growing dominance of the area…  U S  Defence Secretary Jim Mattis warned in Singapore on Saturday [June 2] that China's militarization of the South China Sea was now a "reality" but that Beijing would face unspecified consequences  A November 13, 2018, press report states the following: National security adviser John Bolton said [on November 13] the U S  would oppose any agreements between China and other claimants to the South China Sea that limit free passage to international shipping, and that American naval vessels would continue to sail through those waters  Mr  Bolton's remarks served as a warning to Southeast Asian leaders, who are preparing for a regional summit in Singapore this week, and particularly for the Philippines, which is now in talks with Beijing about jointly exploring natural resources in the contested area  In meetings to develop a code of conduct this year for the South China Sea, China has tried to secure a veto over Southeast Asian nations hosting military exercises with other countries in the disputed waters…  Mr  Bolton said the U S  welcomes the negotiations in principle  In a media briefing in Singapore, he described them as a plus  But he stressed that "the outcome has to be mutually acceptable, and also has to be acceptable to all the countries that have legitimate maritime and naval rights to transit and other associate rights that we don't want to see infringed " Some observers have expressed concern that the Trump Administration's focus from time to time on North Korea has sometimes distracted the Administration from the situation in the SCS, permitting China to more easily increase or consolidate its gains in the area  Other observers have expressed concern that the Trump Administration's focus on reducing the U S  trade deficit with China could distract the Administration from other issues relating to China, including China's actions in the SCS  At a September 17, 2015, hearing before the Senate Armed Services Committee on DOD's maritime security strategy in the Asia-Pacific region, DOD witnesses stated, in response to questioning, that the United States had not conducted a freedom of navigation (FON) operation within 12 miles of a Chinese-occupied land feature in the Spratly Islands since 2012  This led to a public debate in the United States (that was watched by observers in the Western Pacific) over whether the United States should soon conduct such an operation, particularly given China's occupation of Scarborough Shoal in 2012 and China's island-building activities at sites that its occupies in the SCS  Opponents argued that conducting a FON operation could antagonize China and give China an excuse to militarize its occupied sites in the SCS  Supporters argued that not conducting such an operation was inconsistent with the underlying premise of the U S  FON program that navigational rights which are not regularly exercised are at risk of atrophy; that it was inconsistent with the U S  position of taking no position on competing claims to sovereignty over disputed land features in the SCS (because it tacitly accepts Chinese sovereignty over those features); that it effectively rewarded (rather than imposed costs on) China for its assertive actions in the SCS, potentially encouraging further such actions; and that China intends to militarize its occupied sites in the Spratly Islands, regardless of whether the United States conducts FON operations there  The Obama Administration reportedly considered, for a period of weeks, whether to conduct such an operation in the near future  Some observers argued that the Obama Administration's extended consideration of the question, and the press reporting on that deliberation, unnecessarily raised the political stakes involved in whether to conduct what, in the view of these observers, should have been a routine FON operation  The Obama Administration decided in favor of conducting the operation, and the operation reportedly was conducted near the Chinese-occupied site of Subi Reef on October 27, 2015 (which was October 26, 2015, in Washington, DC), using the U S  Navy destroyer Lassen in conjunction with a U S  Navy P-8 maritime patrol aircraft flying overhead  Statements from executive branch sources about the operation that were reported in the press created some confusion among observers regarding how the operation was conducted and what rationale the Obama Administration was citing as the legal basis for the operation  In particular, there was confusion among observers as to whether the United States was defending the operation as an expression of the right of innocent passage —a rationale, critics argued, that would muddle the legal message sent by the operation, possibly implying U S  acceptance of Chinese sovereignty over Subi Reef, which would inadvertently turn the operation into something very different and perhaps even self-defeating from a U S  perspective  A second FON operation in the SCS was conducted on January 29, 2016, near Triton Island in the Paracel Islands, by the U S  Navy destroyer C urtis Wilber   A third FON operation in the SCS was conducted on May 10, 2016, in which the destroyer William P  Lawrence conducted an innocent passage within 12 nautical miles of Fiery Cross Reef, a Chinese-occupied feature in the Spratly Islands that is also claimed by Taiwan, Vietnam, and the Philippines  A fourth FON operation in the SCS occurred on October 21, 2016, involving the destroyer Decatur operating near the Paracel Islands  This was the final announced FON operation in the South China Sea during the Obama Administration  As of early May 2017, the Trump Administration had not conducted any announced FON operations in the SCS, and DOD reportedly had turned down proposals from the Navy to conduct such operations, prompting some observers to argue that the Trump Administration, in its first few months in office, appeared to be more hesitant about conducting FON operations in the SCS than the Obama Administration was during its final 15 months in office (i e , since October 2015)  DOD officials stated that in spite of the absence of announced FON operations in the SCS, U S  policy on such operations had not changed, and that the United States intended to conduct FON operations in the SCS in the near future  As shown in Table 1 , the Trump Administration conducted an FON operation in the SCS on May 25, 2017, and has conducted multiple additional FON operations in the SCS since then  In general, China has objected to each of these operations and has stated that it sent Chinese Navy ships in each case to warn the U S  Navy ships to leave the areas in question  The FON operation conducted on September 30, 2018, led to an intense encounter, discussed elsewhere in this report, between the U S  Navy ship that conducted the operation (the USS Decatur [DDG-73]) and the Chinese Navy ship that was sent to warn it off  In addition to conducting FON operations in the Spratly and Paracel islands, U S  Navy ships have steamed through the Taiwan Strait on multiple occasions, and Air Force long-range bombers have periodically conducted flyovers above the ECS and SCS  A September 1, 2017, press report states that The Pentagon for the first time has set a schedule of naval patrols in the South China Sea in an attempt to create a more consistent posture to counter China's maritime claims there, injecting a new complication into increasingly uneasy relations between the two powers  The U S  Pacific Command has developed a plan to conduct so-called freedom-of-navigation operations two to three times over the next few months, according to several U S  officials, reinforcing the U S  challenge to what it sees as excessive Chinese maritime claims in the disputed South China Sea  Beijing claims sovereignty over all South China Sea islands and their adjacent waters  The plan marks a significant departure from such military operations in the region during the Obama administration, when officials sometimes struggled with when, how and where to conduct those patrols  They were canceled or postponed based on other political factors after what some U S  officials said were contentious internal debates  The idea behind setting a schedule contrasts with the more ad hoc approach to conducting freedom-of-navigation operations, known as "fonops" in military parlance, and establish more regularity in the patrols  Doing so may help blunt Beijing's argument that the patrols amount to a destabilizing provocation each time they occur, U S  officials said     Officials described the new plan as a more predetermined way of conducting such patrols than in the past, though not immutable  The plan is in keeping with the Trump administration's approach to military operations, which relies on giving commanders leeway to determine the U S  posture  In keeping with policies against announcing military operations before they occur, officials declined to disclose where and when they would occur     In a new facet, some freedom-of-navigation patrols may be "multi-domain" patrols, using not only U S  Navy warships but U S  military aircraft as well  Thus far, there have been three publicly disclosed freedom-of-navigation operations under the Trump administration  The last one was conducted on Aug  10 by the navy destroyer, the USS John S  McCain, which days later collided with a cargo ship, killing 10 sailors  That patrol around Mischief Reef—one of seven fortified artificial islands that Beijing has built in the past three years in the disputed Spratlys archipelago—also included an air component  According to U S  officials, two P-8 Poseidon reconnaissance aircraft flew above the McCain in a part of the operation that hadn't been previously disclosed  More navigation patrols using warships likely now will include aircraft overhead, they said " An October 12, 2017, blog post states the following: The [reported October 10, 2017,] FONOP is the fourth in just five months and demonstrates that the Trump administration is accepting a higher frequency for these operations  After the Obama administration initiated South China Sea operations in October 2015, beginning with challenges to Chinese and other South China Sea claimant state possessions in the Spratly group, it only carried out three additional operations in 2016  Critics of the Obama administration's approach to the U S  Navy's freedom of navigation operations in the South China Sea suggested that the relative infrequency and perception that the operations were subject of the overall ebbs and flows of the U S -China bilateral relationship undermined their stated utility as legal signaling tools  Even with stepped up FONOPs this year, the Trump administration hasn't changed the fundamentals of U S  South China Sea policy, which continues to remain agnostic about sovereignty claims and focuses exclusively on freedom of navigation, overflight, and the preservation of international law and order in the region  With the exception of USS Dewey's May 2017 FONOP around Mischief Reef—notable for being the first FONOP this year—successive Trump administration FONOPs have attracted comparatively less attention in the press  Proponents of these operations in the United States have argued that they should not be seen as noteworthy events, but more as a fact of life in the South China Sea—a reminder of the U S  Navy's forward presence in the area and its commitment to freedom of navigation  A corollary of the increased pace of operations this year is that a slowdown in U S  FONOPs could appear to be motivated by broader diplomatic concerns in the bilateral U S -China relationship  In assessing U S  FON operations that take place within 12 nautical miles of Chinese-occupied sites in the SCS, one question relates to whether to conduct such operations, exactly where, and how often  A second question relates to the rationale that is cited as the legal basis for conducting them  Regarding this second question, one U S  specialist on international law of the sea states the following regarding three key legal points in question (emphasis added): Regarding features in the water whose sovereignty is in dispute, "Every feature occupied by China is challenged by another claimant state, often with clearer line of title from Spanish, British or French colonial rule  The nation, not the land, is sovereign, which is why there is no territorial sea around Antarctica—it is not under the sovereignty of any state, despite being a continent  As the United States has not recognized Chinese title to the features, it is not obligated to observe requirements of a theoretical territorial sea  Since the territorial sea is a function of state sovereignty of each rock or island, and not a function of simple geography, if the United States does not recognize any state having title to the feature, then it is not obligated to observe a theoretical territorial sea and may treat the feature as terra nullius   Not only do U S  warships have a right to transit within 12 nm [nautical miles] of Chinese features, they are free to do so as an exercise of high seas freedom under article 87 of the Law of the Sea Convention, rather than the more limited regime of innocent passage  Furthermore, whereas innocent passage does not permit overflight, high seas freedoms do, and U S  naval aircraft lawfully may overfly such features     More importantly, even assuming that one or another state may have lawful title to a feature, other states are not obligated to confer upon that nation the right to unilaterally adopt and enforce measures that interfere with navigation, until lawful title is resolved  Indeed, observing any nation's rules pertaining to features under dispute legitimizes that country's claim and takes sides " Regarding features in the water whose sovereignty has been resolved, "It is unclear whether features like Fiery Cross Reef are rocks or merely low-tide elevations [LTEs] that are submerged at high tide, and after China has so radically transformed them, it may now be impossible to determine their natural state  Under the terms of the law of the sea, states with ownership over naturally formed rocks are entitled to claim a 12 nm territorial sea  On the other hand, low-tide elevations in the mid-ocean do not qualify for any maritime zone whatsoever  Likewise, artificial islands and installations also generate no maritime zones of sovereignty or sovereign rights in international law, although the owner of features may maintain a 500-meter vessel traffic management zone to ensure navigational safety " Regarding features in the water whose sovereignty has been resolved and which do qualify for a 12-nautical-mile territorial sea, " Warships and commercial vessels of all nations are entitled to conduct transit in innocent passage in the territorial sea of a rock or island of a coastal state, although aircraft do not enjoy such a right " These three legal points appear to create at least four options for the rationale to cite as the legal basis for conducting an FON operation within 12 miles of Chinese-occupied sites in the SCS: One option would be to state that since there is a dispute as to the sovereignty of the site or sites in question, that site or those sites are terra nullius , that the United States consequently is not obligated to observe requirements of a theoretical territorial sea, and that U S  warships thus have a right to transit within 12 nautical miles of the site or sites as an exercise of high seas freedom under article 87 of the Law of the Sea Convention  A second option, if the site or sites were LTEs prior to undergoing land reclamation, would be to state that the site or sites are not entitled to a 12-nautical-mile territorial sea, and that U S  warships consequently have a right to transit within 12 nautical miles as an exercise of high seas freedom  A third option would be to state that the operation was being conducted under the right of innocent passage within a 12-nautical-mile territorial sea  A fourth option would be to not provide a public rationale for the operation, so as to create uncertainty for China (and perhaps other observers) as to exact U S  legal rationale  If the fourth option is not taken, and consideration is given to selecting from among the first three options, then it might be argued that choosing the second option might inadvertently send a signal to observers that the legal point associated with the first option was not being defended, and that choosing the third option might inadvertently send a signal to observers that the legal points associated with the first and second options were not being defended  Regarding the FON operation conducted on May 24, 2017, near Mischief Reef, the U S  specialist on international law of the sea quoted above states the following: This was the first public notice of a freedom of navigation (FON) operation in the Trump administration, and may prove the most significant yet for the United States because it challenges not only China's apparent claim of a territorial sea around Mischief Reef, but in doing so questions China's sovereignty over the land feature altogether     The Pentagon said the U S  warship did a simple military exercise while close to the artificial island—executing a "man overboard" rescue drill  Such drills may not be conducted in innocent passage, and therefore indicate the Dewey exercised high seas freedoms near Mischief Reef  The U S  exercise of high seas freedoms around Mischief Reef broadly repudiates China's claims of sovereignty over the feature and its surrounding waters  The operation stands in contrast to the flubbed transit by the USS Lassen near Subi Reef on October 27, 2015, when it appeared the warship conducted transit in innocent passage and inadvertently suggested that the feature generated a territorial sea (by China or some other claimant)  That operation was roundly criticized for playing into China's hands, with the muddy legal rationale diluting the strategic message  In the case of the Dewey, the Pentagon made clear that it did not accept a territorial sea around Mischief Reef—by China or any other state  The United States has shoehorned a rejection of China's sovereignty over Mischief Reef into a routine FON operation  Mischief Reef is not entitled to a territorial sea for several reasons  First, the feature is not under the sovereignty of any state  Mid-ocean low-tide elevations are incapable of appropriation, so China's vast port and airfield complex on the feature are without legal effect  The feature lies 135 nautical miles from Palawan Island, and therefore is part of the Philippine continental shelf  The Philippines enjoys sovereign rights and jurisdiction over the feature, including all of its living and non-living resources     Second, even if Mischief Reef were a naturally formed island, it still would not be entitled to a territorial sea until such time as title to the feature was determined  Title may be negotiated, arbitrated or adjudicated through litigation  But mere assertion of a claim by China is insufficient to generate lawful title  (If suddenly a new state steps forward to claim the feature—Britain, perhaps, based on colonial presence—would it be entitled to the presumption of a territorial sea?) Even Antarctica, an entire continent, does not automatically generate a territorial sea  A territorial sea is a function of state sovereignty, and until sovereignty is lawfully obtained, no territorial sea inures  Third, no state, including China, has established baselines around Mischief Reef in accordance with article 3 of UNCLOS  A territorial sea is measured from baselines; without baselines, there can be no territorial sea  What is the policy rationale for this construction? Baselines place the international community on notice that the coastal state has a reasonable and lawful departure from which to measure the breadth of the territorial sea  Unlike the USS Lassen operation, which appeared to be a challenge to some theoretical or "phantom" territorial sea, the Dewey transit properly reflects the high seas nature of the waters immediately surrounding Mischief Reef as high seas  As a feature on the Philippine continental shelf, Mischief Reef is not only incapable of ever generating a territorial sea but also devoid of national airspace  Aircraft of all nations may freely overfly Mischief Reef, just as warships and commercial ships may transit as close to the shoreline as is safe and practical  The Dewey transit makes good on President Obama's declaration in 2016 that the Annex VII tribunal for the Philippines and China issued a "final and binding" decision     The United States will include the Dewey transit on its annual list of FON operations for fiscal year 2017, which will be released in the fourth quarter or early next year  How will the Pentagon account for the operation—what was challenged? The Dewey challenged China's claim of "indisputable sovereignty" to Mischief Reef as one of the features in the South China Sea, and China's claim of "adjacent" waters surrounding it  This transit cuts through the diplomatic dissembling that obfuscates the legal seascape and is the most tangible expression of the U S  view that the arbitration ruling is "final and binding " Regarding this same FON operation, two other observers stated the following: The Dewey's action evidently challenged China's right to control maritime zones adjacent to the reef—which was declared by the South China Sea arbitration to be nothing more than a low tide elevation on the Philippine continental shelf  The operation was hailed as a long-awaited "freedom of navigation operation" (FONOP) and "a challenge to Beijing's moves in the South China Sea," a sign that the United States will not accept "China's contested claims" and militarization of the Spratlys, and a statement that Washington "will not remain passive as Beijing seeks to expand its maritime reach " Others went further and welcomed this more muscular U S  response to China's assertiveness around the Spratly Islands to challenge China's "apparent claim of a territorial sea around Mischief Reef…[as well as] China's sovereignty over the land feature" itself  But did the Dewey actually conduct a FONOP? Probably—but maybe not  Nothing in the official description of the operation or in open source reporting explicitly states that a FONOP was in fact conducted  Despite the fanfare, the messaging continues to be muddled  And that is both unnecessary and unhelpful  In this post, we identify the source of ambiguity and provide an overview of FONOPs and what distinguishes them from the routine practice of freedom of navigation  We then explain why confusing the two is problematic—and particularly problematic in the Spratlys, where the practice of free navigation is vastly preferable to the reactive FONOP  FONOPs should continue in routine, low-key fashion wherever there are specific legal claims to be challenged (as in the Paracel Islands, the other disputed territories in the SCS); they should not be conducted—much less hyped up beyond proportion—in the Spratlys  Instead, the routine exercise of freedom of navigation is the most appropriate way to use the fleet in support of U S  and allied interests         was the Dewey's passage a FONOP designed to be a narrow legal challenge between the US and Chinese governments? Or was it a rightful and routine exercise of navigational freedoms intended to signal reassurance to the region and show U S  resolve to defend the rule sets that govern the world's oceans? Regrettably, the DOD spokesman's answer was not clear  The distinction is not trivial     The U S  should have undertaken, and made clear that it was undertaking, routine operations to exercise navigational freedoms around Mischief Reef—rather than (maybe) conducting a FONOP  The first problem with conducting FONOP operations at Mischief Reef or creating confusion on the point is that China has made no actual legal claim that the U S  can effectively challenge  In fact, in the Spratlys, no state has made a specific legal claim about its maritime entitlements around the features it occupies  In other words, not only are there no "excessive claims," there are no clear claims to jurisdiction over water space at all  Jurisdictional claims by a coastal state begin with an official announcement of baselines—often accompanied by detailed geographic coordinates—to put other states on notice of the water space the coastal state claims as its own  China has made several ambiguous claims over water space in the South China Sea  It issued the notorious 9-dashed line map, for instance, and has made cryptic references that eventually it might claim that the entire Spratly Island area generates maritime zones as if it were one physical feature  China has a territorial sea law that requires Chinese maritime agencies only to employ straight baselines (contrary to international law)  And it formally claimed straight baselines all along its continental coastline, in the Paracels, and for the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, which China claims and Japan administers  All of these actions are contrary to international law and infringe on international navigational rights  These have all been subject to American FONOPs in the past—and rightly so  They are excessive claims  But China has never specified baselines in the Spratlys  Accordingly, no one knows for sure where China will claim a territorial sea there  So for now, since there is no specific legal claim to push against, a formal FONOP is the wrong tool for the job  The U S  Navy can and should simply exercise the full, lawful measure of high seas freedoms in and around the Spratly Islands  Those are the right tools for the job where no actual coastal state claim is being challenged  Second, the conflation of routine naval operations with the narrow function of a formal FONOP needlessly politicizes this important program, blurs the message to China and other states in the region, blunts its impact on China's conduct, and makes the program less effective in other areas of the globe  This conflation first became problematic with the confused and confusing signaling that followed the FONOP undertaken by the USS Lassen in the fall of 2015  Afterward, the presence or absence of a FONOP dominated beltway discussion about China's problematic conduct in the South China Sea and became the barometer of American commitment and resolve in the region  Because of this discussion, FONOPs became reimagined in the public mind as the only meaningful symbol of U S  opposition to Chinese policy and activity in the SCS  In 2015 and 2016 especially, FONOPs were often treated as if they were the sole available operational means to push back against rising Chinese assertiveness  This was despite a steady U S  presence in the region for more than 700 ship days a year and a full schedule of international exercises, ample intelligence gathering operations, and other important naval demonstrations of U S  regional interests  In consequence, we should welcome the apparent decision not to conduct a FONOP around Scarborough Shoal—where China also never made any clear baseline or territorial sea claim  If U S  policy makers intend to send a signal to China that construction on or around Scarborough would cross a red line, there are many better ways than a formal FONOP to send that message     The routine operations of the fleet in the Pacific theater illustrate the crucial—and often misunderstood—difference between a formal FONOP and operations that exercise freedoms of navigation  FONOPs are not the sole remedy to various unlawful restrictions on navigational rights across the globe, but are instead a small part of a comprehensive effort to uphold navigational freedoms by practicing them routinely  That consistent practice of free navigation, not the reactive FONOP, is the policy best suited to respond to Chinese assertiveness in the SCS  This is especially true in areas such as the Spratly Islands where China has made no actual legal claims to challenge  As mentioned earlier, in terms of identifying specific actions that are intended to support U S  policy goals, a key element would be to have a clear understanding of which actions are intended to support which goals, and to maintain an alignment of actions with policy goals  U S  freedom of navigation (FON) operations can directly support a general goal of defending principle of freedom of the seas, but might support other goals only indirectly, marginally, or not at all  Some of the actions taken to date by the United States, as well as some of those suggested by observers who argue in favor of stronger U S  actions, are intended to impose costs on China for conducting certain activities in the ECS and SCS, with the aim of persuading China to stop or reverse those activities  Cost-imposing actions can come in various forms (e g , reputational/political, institutional, or economic)  Although the potential additional or strengthened actions often relate to the Western Pacific, potential cost-imposing actions do not necessarily need to be limited to that region  As a hypothetical example for purposes of illustrating the point, one potential cost-imposing action might be for the United States to respond to unwanted Chinese activities in the ECS or SCS by moving to suspend China's observer status on the Arctic Council  Expanding the potential scope of cost-imposing actions to regions beyond the Western Pacific can make it possible to employ elements of U S  power that cannot be fully exercised if the examination of potential cost-imposing strategies is confined to the Western Pacific  It may also, however, expand, geographically or otherwise, areas of tension or dispute between the United States and China  Actions to impose costs on China can also impose costs, or lead to China imposing costs, on the United States and its allies and partners  Whether to implement cost-imposing actions thus involves weighing the potential benefits and costs to the United States and its allies and partners of implementing those actions, as well as the potential consequences to the United States and its allies and partners of not implementing those actions  Some observers argue that the current response to China's actions in the SCS is inadequate, and have proposed taking stronger actions  Appendix G presents a bibliography of some recent writings by these observers  In general, actions proposed by these observers include (but are not limited to) the following: making a statement (analogous to the one that U S  leaders have made concerning the Senkaku islands and the U S -Japan treaty on mutual cooperation and security) that clarifies what the United States would do under the U S -Philippines mutual defense treaty in the event of certain Chinese actions at Scarborough Shoal, Second Thomas Shoal, or elsewhere in the SCS; further increasing and/or accelerating actions to strengthen the capacity of allied and partner countries in the region to maintain maritime domain awareness (MDA) and defend their maritime claims by conducting coast guard and/or navy patrols of claimed areas; further increasing U S  Navy operations in the region, including sending U S  Navy ships more frequently to waters within 12 nautical miles of Chinese-occupied sites in the SCS, and conducting FON operations in the SCS jointly with navy ships of U S  allies; further strengthening U S  security cooperation with allied and partner countries in the region, and with India, to the point of creating a coalition for balancing China's assertiveness; and taking additional actions to impose costs on China for its actions in its near-seas region, such as inviting Taiwan to participate in the 2018 RIMPAC exercise  As mentioned earlier, some observers remain concerned that maritime territorial disputes in the ECS and SCS could lead to a crisis or conflict between China and a neighboring country such as Japan or the Philippines, and that the United States could be drawn into such a crisis or conflict as a result of obligations the United States has under bilateral security treaties with Japan and the Philippines  Regarding this issue, potential oversight questions for Congress include the following: Have U S  officials taken appropriate and sufficient steps to help reduce the risk of maritime territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS escalating into conflicts? Do the United States and Japan have a common understanding of potential U S  actions under Article IV of the U S -Japan Treaty on Mutual Cooperation and Security (see Appendix B ) in the event of a crisis or conflict over the Senkaku Islands? What steps has the United States taken to ensure that the two countries share a common understanding? Do the United States and the Philippines have a common understanding of how the 1951 U S -Philippines mutual defense treaty applies to maritime territories in the SCS that are claimed by both China and the Philippines, and of potential U S  actions under Article IV of the treaty (see Appendix B ) in the event of a crisis or conflict over the territories? What steps has the United States taken to ensure that the two countries share a common understanding? Aside from public statements, what has the United States communicated to China regarding potential U S  actions under the two treaties in connection with maritime territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS? Has the United States correctly balanced ambiguity and explicitness in its communications to various parties regarding potential U S  actions under the two defense treaties? How do the two treaties affect the behavior of Japan, the Philippines, and China in managing their territorial disputes? To what extent, for example, would they help Japan or the Philippines resist potential Chinese attempts to resolve the disputes through intimidation, or, alternatively, encourage risk-taking or brinksmanship behavior by Japan or the Philippines in their dealings with China on the disputes? To what extent do they deter or limit Chinese assertiveness or aggressiveness in their dealings with Japan the Philippines on the disputes? Has the DOD adequately incorporated into its planning crisis and conflict scenarios arising from maritime territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS that fall under the terms of the two treaties? Another issue for Congress—particularly the Senate—is the potential impact of China's actions in the SCS and ECS on the question of whether the United States should become a party to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)  UNCLOS and an associated 1994 agreement relating to implementation of Part XI of the treaty (on deep seabed mining) were transmitted to the Senate on October 6, 1994  In the absence of Senate advice and consent to adherence, the United States is not a party to UNCLOS or the associated 1994 agreement  During the 112 th Congress, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee held four hearings on the question of whether the United States should become a party to the treaty on May 23, June 14 (two hearings), and June 28, 2012  Supporters of the United States becoming a party to UNCLOS argue or might argue one or more of the following: The treaty's provisions relating to navigational rights, including those in EEZs, reflect the U S  position on the issue; becoming a party to the treaty would help lock the U S  perspective into permanent international law  Becoming a party to the treaty would give the United States greater standing for participating in discussions relating to the treaty—a "seat at the table"—and thereby improve the U S  ability to call on China to act in accordance with the treaty's provisions, including those relating to navigational rights, and to defend U S  interpretations of the treaty's provisions, including those relating to whether coastal states have a right under UNCLOS to regulate foreign military activities in their EEZs  At least some of the ASEAN member states want the United States to become a member of UNCLOS, because they view it as the principal framework for resolving maritime territorial disputes  Relying on customary international law to defend U S  interests in these issues is not sufficient, because it is not universally accepted and is subject to change over time based on state practice  Opponents of the United States becoming a party to UNCLOS argue or might argue one or more of the following: China's ability to cite international law (including UNCLOS) in defending its position on whether coastal states have a right to regulate foreign military activities in their EEZs shows that UNCLOS does not adequately protect U S  interests relating to navigational rights in EEZs; the United States should not help lock this inadequate description of navigational rights into permanent international law by becoming a party to the treaty  The United States becoming a party to the treaty would do little to help resolve maritime territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS, in part because China's maritime territorial claims, such as those depicted in the map of the nine-dash line, predate and go well beyond what is allowed under the treaty and appear rooted in arguments that are outside the treaty  The United States can adequately support the ASEAN countries and Japan in matters relating to maritime territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS in other ways, without becoming a party to the treaty  The United States can continue to defend its positions on navigational rights on the high seas by citing customary international law, by demonstrating those rights with U S  naval deployments (including those conducted under the FON program), and by having allies and partners defend the U S  position on the EEZ issue at meetings of UNCLOS parties  In H R  5515 as reported by the House Armed Services Committee ( H Rept  115-676 of May 15, 2018), Section 1254 states the following: SEC  1254  Modification, redesignation, and extension of Southeast Asia Maritime Security Initiative  (a) Modification and redesignation — (1) IN GENERAL —Subsection (a) of section 1263 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016 (Public Law 114–92; 129 Stat  1073; 10 U S C  2282 note), as amended by section 1289 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017 (Public Law 114–328; 130 Stat  2555), is further amended— (A) in paragraph (1), by striking "South China Sea" and inserting "South China Sea and Indian Ocean"; and (B) in paragraph (2), by striking "the 'Southeast Asia Maritime Security Initiative'" and inserting "the 'Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative'"  (2) CONFORMING AMENDMENT —The heading of such section is amended to read as follows: "Sec  1263  Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative "  (b) Covered countries —Subsection (e)(2) of such section is amended by adding at the end the following: "(D) India "  (c) Designation of additional countries —Such section is further amended— (1) in subsection (e)(1), by striking "subsection (f)" and inserting "subsection (g)"; (2) by redesignating subsections (f), (g), and (h) as subsections (g), (h), and (i), respectively; and (3) by inserting after subsection (e) the following: "(f) Inclusion of additional countries —The Secretary of Defense, with the concurrence of the Secretary of State, is authorized to include additional foreign countries under subsection (b) for purposes of providing assistance and training under subsection (a) and additional foreign countries under subsection (e)(2) for purposes of providing payment of incremental expenses in connection with training described in subsection (a)(1)(B) if, with respect to each such additional foreign country, the Secretary determines and certifies to the appropriate committees of Congress that it is important for increasing maritime security and maritime domain awareness in the Indo-Pacific region "  (d) Extension —Subsection (i) of such section, as redesignated, is amended by striking "September 30, 2020" and inserting "September 30, 2023"  On May 22, 2018, as part of its consideration of H R  5515 , the House agreed to by voice vote H Amdt  644 , an en bloc amendment including, inter alia, amendment number 91 as printed in H Rept  115-698 of May 21, 2018, providing for consideration of H R  5515   Amendment 91 added Section 1298, which states the following: SEC  1298  Modification to annual report on military and security developments involving the People's Republic of China  Paragraph (22) of section 1202(b) of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000 (Public Law 106–65; 10 U S C  113 note), as most recently amended by section 1261 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2018 (Public Law 115–91; 131 Stat  1688), is further amended by striking "activities in the South China Sea" and inserting the following: ""activities— "(A) in the South China Sea; "(B) in the East China Sea, including in the vicinity of the Senkaku islands; and "(C) in the Indian Ocean region "  In S  2987 as reported by the Senate Armed Services Committee ( S Rept  115-262 of June 5, 2018), Section 1064 states the following: SEC  1064  United States policy with respect to freedom of navigation and overflight  (a) Declaration of policy —It is the policy of the United States to fly, sail, and operate throughout the oceans, seas, and airspace of the world wherever international law allows  (b) Implementation of policy —In furtherance of the policy set forth in subsection (a), the Secretary of Defense should— (1) plan and execute a robust series of routine and regular air and naval presence missions throughout the world and throughout the year, including for critical transportation corridors and key routes for global commerce; (2) in addition to the missions executed pursuant to paragraph (1), execute routine and regular air and maritime freedom of navigation operations throughout the year, in accordance with international law, including the use of expanded military options and maneuvers beyond innocent passage; and (3) to the maximum extent practicable, execute the missions pursuant to paragraphs (1) and (2) with regional partner countries and allies of the United States  Section 1241 of S  2987 as reported states the following: SEC  1241  Redesignation, expansion, and extension of Southeast Asia Maritime Security Initiative  (a) Redesignation as Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative — (1) IN GENERAL —Subsection (a)(2) of section 1263 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016 (10 U S C  333 note) is amended by striking "the 'Southeast Asia Maritime Security Initiative'" and inserting "the 'Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative'"  (2) CONFORMING AMENDMENT —The heading of such section is amended to read as follows: "SEC  1263  Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative"  (b) Expansion — (1) EXPANSION OF REGION TO RECEIVE ASSISTANCE AND TRAINING —Subsection (a)(1) of such section is amended by inserting "and the Indian Ocean" after "South China Sea" in the matter preceding subparagraph (A)  (2) RECIPIENT COUNTRIES OF ASSISTANCE AND TRAINING GENERALLY —Subsection (b) of such section is amended— (A) in paragraph (2), by striking the comma at the end and inserting a period; and (B) by adding at the end the following new paragraphs: "(6) Bangladesh  "(7) Sri Lanka "  (3) COUNTRIES ELIGIBLE FOR PAYMENT OF CERTAIN INCREMENTAL EXPENSES —Subsection (e)(2) of such section is amended by adding at the end the following new subparagraph: "(D) India "  (c) Extension —Subsection (h) of such section is amended by striking "September 30, 2020" and inserting "December 31, 2025"  Regarding Section 1241, S Rept  115-262 states the following: Redesignation, expansion, and extension of Southeast AsiaMaritime Security Initiative (sec  1241) The committee recommends a provision that would amend section 1263 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016 (Public Law 114–92) to: redesignate the Southeast Asia Maritime Security Initiative as the Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative; add Bangladesh and Sri Lanka as recipient countries of assistance and training; add India as a covered country eligible for payment of certain incremental expenses; and extend the authority under the section through December 31, 2025  The committee continues to strongly support efforts under the Southeast Asia Maritime Security Initiative aimed at enhancing the capabilities of regional partners to more effectively exercise control over their maritime territory and to deter adversaries  The committee is encouraged by the progress that has been made under the initiative, and notes that to date, the Department of Defense has utilized the authority under section 1263 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016 (Public Law 114–92), as amended, to support specified partner capacity-building efforts in the region, to include the provision of training, sustainment support, and participation in multilateral engagements  The committee recognizes that the initiative was designed to support a long-term capacity building effort, which will require increased resources in future years as requirements are established and refined, as programs mature, and as the regional security environment continues to evolve  The committee believes the Department's efforts to improve maritime domain awareness and maritime security should be fully integrated into a U S  strategy for a free and open Indo-Pacific  Therefore, the committee supports redesignating the authority under section 1263 as the Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative, the inclusion of Bangladesh and Sri Lanka as recipient countries, and the addition of India as a covered country to encourage its participation in regional security initiatives of this kind  Furthermore, as a demonstration of the United States' commitment to allies and partners in the region, the committee supports the extension of the Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative through the end of 2025  Beyond the Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative, the committee encourages the Department to make use of the full complement of security cooperation authorities available to the Department, particularly those under section 1241 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017 (Public Law 114–328), to enhance the capabilities of foreign security partners in South and Southeast Asia to protect mutual security interests  (Pages 296-297) Section 1245 of S  2987 as reported states the following: SEC  1245  Prohibition on participation of the People's Republic of China in Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) naval exercises  (a) Sense of Congress —It is the sense of Congress that— (1) the pace and militarization by the Government of the People's Republic of China of land reclamation activities in the South China Sea is destabilizing the security of United States allies and partners and threatening United States core interests; (2) these activities of the Government of the People's Republic of China adversarially threaten the maritime security of the United States and our allies and partners; (3) no country that acts adversarially should be invited to multilateral exercises; and (4) the involvement of the Government of the People's Republic of China in multilateral exercises should undergo reevaluation until such behavior changes  (b) Conditions for future participation in RIMPAC —The Secretary of Defense shall not enable or facilitate the participation of the People's Republic of China in any Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) naval exercise unless the Secretary certifies to the congressional defense committees that China has— (1) ceased all land reclamation activities in the South China Sea; (2) removed all weapons from its land reclamation sites; and (3) established a consistent four-year track record of taking actions toward stabilizing the region  A June 26, 2018, statement of Administration policy regarding S  2987 stated the following: Prohibition on Participation of the People's Republic of China in Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) Naval Exercises  The Administration objects to section 1245 because China's participation in RIMPAC and other military-to-military events may be appropriate or inappropriate in any given year, depending on numerous other factors  Section 1245 would place restrictions on the Secretary of Defense's ability to manage a strategic relationship in the context of competition, limiting DOD's options on China and ability to act in the national security interest of the United States  Section 1251 of S  2987 as reported states the following: SEC  1251  Report on military and coercive activities of the People's Republic of China in South China Sea  (a) In general —Except as provided in subsection (d), immediately after the commencement of any significant reclamation or militarization activity by the People's Republic of China in the South China Sea, including any significant military deployment or operation or infrastructure construction, the Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the Secretary of State, shall submit to the congressional defense committees, and release to the public, a report on the military and coercive activities of China in the South China Sea in connection with such activity  (b) Elements of report to public —Each report on a significant reclamation or militarization activity under subsection (a) shall include a short narrative on, and one or more corresponding images of, such significant reclamation or militarization activity  (c) Form — (1) SUBMITTAL TO CONGRESS —Any report under subsection (a) that is submitted to the congressional defense committees shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a classified annex  (2) RELEASE TO PUBLIC —If a report under subsection (a) is released to the public, such report shall be so released in unclassified form  (d) Waiver — (1) RELEASE OF REPORT TO PUBLIC —The Secretary of Defense may waive the requirement in subsection (a) for the release to the public of a report on a significant reclamation or militarization activity if the Secretary determines that the release to the public of a report on such activity under that subsection in the form required by subsection (c)(2) would have an adverse effect on the national security interests of the United States  (2) NOTICE TO CONGRESS —If the Secretary issues a waiver under paragraph (1) with respect to a report on an activity, not later than 48 hours after the Secretary issues such waiver, the Secretary shall submit to the congressional defense committees written notice of, and justification for, such waiver  Regarding Section 1251, S Rept  115-262 states the following: Report on military and coercive activities of the People's Republic of China in the South China Sea (sec  1251) The committee recommends a provision that would require the Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the Secretary of State, to submit to the congressional defense committees and release to the public, a report on the military and coercive activities of China in the South China Sea in connection with such activity immediately after the commencement of any significant reclamation or militarization activity by the People's Republic of China in the South China Sea, including any significant military deployment or operation or infrastructure construction  The committee is concerned that sufficient information has not been made publicly available in a timely fashion regarding China's reclamation and militarization activities of China in the South China Sea  Therefore, the committee urges the Secretary of Defense to determine that the public interest in selective declassification of China's activities in the South China Sea outweighs the potential damage from disclosure  The Secretary should consider mandating that the directors of National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency and the Defense Intelligence Agency provide the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) at the State Department with declassified aircraft-generated imagery and supporting analysis describing Chinese activities of concern  The committee also urges that the State Department brief and distribute the reports to the media and throughout Southeast Asia  (Page 300) In the conference report ( H Rept  115-874 of July 25, 2018) on H R  5515 / P L  115-232 of August 13, 2018, Section 1086 states the following: SEC  1086  UNITED STATES POLICY WITH RESPECT TO FREEDOM OF NAVIGATION AND OVERFLIGHT  (a) DECLARATION OF POLICY —It is the policy of the United States to fly, sail, and operate throughout the oceans, seas, and airspace of the world wherever international law allows  (b) IMPLEMENTATION OF POLICY —In furtherance of the policy set forth in subsection (a), the Secretary of Defense should— (1) plan and execute a robust series of routine and regular air and naval presence missions throughout the world and throughout the year, including for critical transportation corridors and key routes for global commerce; (2) in addition to the missions executed pursuant to paragraph (1), execute routine and regular air and maritime freedom of navigation operations throughout the year, in accordance with international law, including, but not limited to, maneuvers beyond innocent passage; and (3) to the maximum extent practicable, execute the missions pursuant to paragraphs (1) and (2) with regional partner countries and allies of the United States  Section 1252 of H R  5515 states the following: SEC  1252  REDESIGNATION, EXPANSION, AND EXTENSION OF SOUTHEAST ASIA MARITIME SECURITY INITIATIVE  (a) REDESIGNATION AS INDO-PACIFIC MARITIME SECURITY INITIATIVE — (1) IN GENERAL —Subsection (a)(2) of section 1263 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016 (10 U S C  333 note) is amended by striking ''the 'Southeast Asia Maritime Security Initiative' '' and inserting ''the 'Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative' ''  (2) CONFORMING AMENDMENT —The heading of such section is amended to read as follows: ''SEC  1263  INDO-PACIFIC MARITIME SECURITY INITIATIVE ''  (b) EXPANSION — (1) EXPANSION OF REGION TO RECEIVE ASSISTANCE AND TRAINING —Subsection (a)(1) of such section is amended by inserting ''and the Indian Ocean'' after ''South China Sea'' in the matter preceding subparagraph (A)  (2) RECIPIENT COUNTRIES OF ASSISTANCE AND TRAINING GENERALLY —Subsection (b) of such section is amended— (A) in paragraph (2), by striking the comma at the end and inserting a period; and (B) by adding at the end the following new paragraphs: ''(6) Bangladesh  ''(7) Sri Lanka ''  (3) COUNTRIES ELIGIBLE FOR PAYMENT OF CERTAIN INCREMENTAL EXPENSES —Subsection (e)(2) of such section is amended by adding at the end the following new subparagraph: ''(D) India ''  (c) EXTENSION —Subsection (h) of such section is amended by striking ''September 30, 2020'' and inserting ''December 31, 2025''  Section 1259 of H R  5515 states the following: SEC  1259  PROHIBITION ON PARTICIPATION OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN RIM OF THE PACIFIC (RIMPAC) NAVAL EXERCISES  (a) CONDITIONS FOR FUTURE PARTICIPATION IN RIMPAC — (1) IN GENERAL —The Secretary of Defense shall not enable or facilitate the participation of the People's Republic of China in any Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) naval exercise unless the Secretary certifies to the congressional defense committees that China has— (A) ceased all land reclamation activities in the South China Sea; (B) removed all weapons from its land reclamation sites; and (C) established a consistent four-year track record of taking actions toward stabilizing the region  (2) FORM —The certification under paragraph (1) shall be in unclassified form but may contain a classified annex as necessary  (b) NATIONAL SECURITY WAIVER — (1) IN GENERAL —The Secretary of Defense may waive the certification requirement under subsection (a) if the Secretary determines the waiver is in the national security interest of the United States and submits to the congressional defense committees a detailed justification for the waiver  (2) FORM —The justification required under paragraph (1) shall be in unclassified form but may contain a classified annex as necessary  Section 1262 of H R  5515 states the following: SEC  1262  REPORT ON MILITARY AND COERCIVE ACTIVITIES OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN SOUTH CHINA SEA  (a) IN GENERAL —Except as provided in subsection (d), immediately after the commencement of any significant reclamation, assertion of an excessive territorial claim, or militarization activity by the People's Republic of China in the South China Sea, including any significant military deployment or operation or infrastructure construction, the Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the Secretary of State, shall submit to the appropriate congressional committees, and release to the public, a report on the military and coercive activities of China in the South China Sea in connection with such activity  (b) ELEMENTS OF REPORT TO PUBLIC —Each report on the commencement of a significant reclamation, an assertion of an excessive territorial claim, or a militarization activity under subsection (a) shall include a short narrative on, and one or more corresponding images of, such commencement of a significant reclamation, assertion of an excessive territorial claim, or militarization activity  (c) FORM — (1) SUBMISSION TO CONGRESS —Any report under subsection (a) that is submitted to the appropriate congressional committees shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a classified annex  (2) RELEASE TO PUBLIC —If a report under subsection (a) is released to the public, such report shall be so released in unclassified form  (d) WAIVER — (1) RELEASE OF REPORT TO PUBLIC —The Secretary of Defense may waive the requirement in subsection (a) for the release to the public of a report on the commencement of any significant reclamation, an assertion of an excessive territorial claim, or a militarization activity by the People's Republic of China in the South China Sea if the Secretary determines that the release to the public of a report on such activity under that subsection in the form required by subsection (c)(2) would have an adverse effect on the national security interests of the United States  (2) NOTICE TO CONGRESS —If the Secretary issues a waiver under paragraph (1) with respect to a report on an activity, not later than 48 hours after the Secretary issues such waiver, the Secretary shall submit to the appropriate congressional committees written notice of, and justification for, such waiver  (e) APPROPRIATE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES DEFINED —In this section, the term ''appropriate congressional committees'' means— (1) the congressional defense committees; and (2) the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives  Regarding Section 1262, H Rept  115-874 states the following: Report on military and coercive activities of the People's Republic of China in South China Sea (sec  1262) The House bill contained a provision (sec  1261) that would require Secretary of Defense, in consultation with the Director of National Intelligence and the Secretary of State, to submit a report to appropriate congressional committees on a quarterly basis describing China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, and to disseminate the report to regional allies and partners and provide public notification, as appropriate  The provision would require that the dissemination and availability of the report and public notification be made in a manner consistent with national security and the protection of classified national security information  The Senate amendment contained a similar provision (sec  1251) that would require the Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the Secretary of State, to submit to the congressional defense committees and release to the public, a report on the military and coercive activities of China in the South China Sea in connection with such activity immediately after the commencement of any significant reclamation or militarization activity by the People's Republic of China in the South China Sea, including any significant military deployment or operation or infrastructure construction  The House recedes with an amendment that would clarify that the required report shall be submitted to the congressional defense committees immediately after the commencement of any significant reclamation, assertion of an excessive territorial claim, or military activity by the People's Republic of China in the South China Sea  The conferees are concerned that sufficient information has not been made publicly available in a timely fashion regarding China's reclamation and militarization activities in the South China Sea  Moreover, the conferees recognize that China has engaged in provocative military activities elsewhere throughout the Indo-Pacific Region, including the East China Sea, the Taiwan Strait, and the Indian Ocean  The conferees urge the Secretary of Defense to give full consideration to the strategic and public interest in selective declassification of China's activities in the South China Sea and elsewhere in the Indo-Pacific region  (Pages 993-994) Section 1288 of H R  5515 states the following: SEC  1288  MODIFICATION OF FREEDOM OF NAVIGATION REPORTING REQUIREMENTS  Subsection (a) of section 1275 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017 (Public Law 114–328; 130 Stat  2540), as amended by section 1262(a)(1) of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2018 (Public Law 115–91; 131 Stat  1689), is further amended by striking ''the Committees on Armed Services of the Senate and the House of Representatives'' and inserting ''the Committee on Armed Services and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on Armed Services and the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives''  Appendix A  Strategic Context from U S  Perspective This appendix presents a brief discussion of some elements of the strategic context from a U S  perspective in which the issues discussed in this report may be considered  There is also a broader context of U S -China relations and U S  foreign policy toward the Indo-Pacific that is covered in other CRS reports  Shift in International Security Environment World events have led some observers, starting in late 2013, to conclude that the international security environment has undergone a shift from the familiar post-Cold War era of the past 20 to 25 years, also sometimes known as the unipolar moment (with the United States as the unipolar power), to a new and different situation that features, among other things, renewed great power competition with China and Russia and challenges by these two countries and others to elements of the U S -led international order that has operated since World War II  China's actions in the SCS and ECS can be viewed as one reflection of that shift  Uncertainty Regarding Future U S  Role in World The overall U S  role in the world since the end of World War II in 1945 (i e , over the past 70 years) is generally described as one of global leadership and significant engagement in international affairs  A key aim of that role has been to promote and defend the open international order that the United States, with the support of its allies, created in the years after World War II  In addition to promoting and defending the open international order, the overall U S  role is generally described as having been one of promoting freedom, democracy, and human rights, while criticizing and resisting authoritarianism where possible, and opposing the emergence of regional hegemons in Eurasia or a spheres-of-influence world  Certain statements and actions from the Trump Administration have led to uncertainty about the Administration's intentions regarding the future U S  role in the world  Based on those statements and actions, some observers have speculated that the Trump Administration may want to change the U S  role in one or more ways  A change in the overall U S  role could have profound implications for U S  foreign policy, including U S  policy regarding maritime territorial and EEZ disputes involving China  U S  Grand Strategy Discussion of the above-mentioned shift in the international security environment has led to a renewed emphasis in discussions of U S  security and foreign policy on grand strategy and geopolitics  From a U S  perspective, grand strategy can be understood as strategy considered at a global or interregional level, as opposed to strategies for specific countries, regions, or issues  Geopolitics refers to the influence on international relations and strategy of basic world geographic features such as the size and location of continents, oceans, and individual countries  From a U S  perspective on grand strategy and geopolitics, it can be noted that most of the world's people, resources, and economic activity are located not in the Western Hemisphere, but in the other hemisphere, particularly Eurasia  In response to this basic feature of world geography, U S  policymakers for the past several decades have chosen to pursue, as a key element of U S  grand strategy, a goal of preventing the emergence of a regional hegemon in one part of Eurasia or another, on the grounds that such a hegemon could represent a concentration of power strong enough to threaten core U S  interests by, for example, denying the United States access to some of the other hemisphere's resources and economic activity  Although U S  policymakers have not often stated this key national strategic goal explicitly in public, U S  military (and diplomatic) operations in recent decades—both wartime operations and day-to-day operations—can be viewed as having been carried out in no small part in support of this key goal  Focus on Great Power Competition with China and Russia The Trump Administration's December 2017 National Security Strategy (NSS) and the 11-page unclassified summary of its January 2018 National Defense Strategy (NDS) reorient U S  national security strategy and, within that, U S  defense strategy, toward an explicit primary focus on great power competition with China and Russia and on countering Chinese and Russian military capabilities  The new U S  strategy orientation set forth in the 2017 NSS and 2018 NDS is sometimes referred to a "2+3" strategy, meaning a strategy for countering two primary challenges (China and Russia) and three additional challenges (North Korea, Iran, and terrorist groups)  Concept of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) In addition to the 2017 NSS and 2018 NDS, the Trump Administration has highlighted the concept of a free and open Indo-Pacific (FOIP), with the term Indo-Pacific referring to the Indian Ocean, the Pacific Ocean, and the countries (particularly those in Eurasia) bordering on those two oceans  The concept, which is still being fleshed out by the Trump Administration, appears to be a general U S foreign policy and national security construct for the region, but observers view it as one that includes a military component  Challenge to U S  Sea Control and U S  Position in Western Pacific Observers of Chinese and U S  military forces view China's improving naval capabilities as posing a potential challenge in the Western Pacific to the U S  Navy's ability to achieve and maintain control of blue-water ocean areas in wartime—the first such challenge the U S  Navy has faced since the end of the Cold War  More broadly, these observers view China's naval capabilities as a key element of an emerging broader Chinese military challenge to the long-standing status of the United States as the leading military power in the Western Pacific  Regional U S  Allies and Partners The United States has certain security-related policies pertaining to Taiwan under the Taiwan Relations Act ( H R  2479 / P L  96-8 of April 10, 1979)  The United States has bilateral security treaties with Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines, and an additional security treaty with Australia and New Zealand  In addition to U S  treaty allies, certain other countries in the Western Pacific can be viewed as current or emerging U S  security partners  Appendix B  U S  Treaties with Japan and Philippines This appendix presents brief background information on the U S  security treaties with Japan and the Philippines  U S -Japan Treaty on Mutual Cooperation and Security The 1960 U S -Japan treaty on mutual cooperation and security states in Article V that Each Party recognizes that an armed attack against either Party in the territories under the administration of Japan would be dangerous to its own peace and safety and declares that it would act to meet the common danger in accordance with its constitutional provisions and processes  The United States has reaffirmed on a number of occasions over the years that since the Senkaku Islands are under the administration of Japan, they are included in the territories referred to in Article V of the treaty, and that the United States "will honor all of our treaty commitments to our treaty partners " (At the same time, the United States, noting the difference between administration and sovereignty, has noted that such affirmations do not prejudice the U S  approach of taking no position regarding the outcome of the dispute between China, Taiwan, and Japan regarding who has sovereignty over the islands ) Some observers, while acknowledging the U S  affirmations, have raised questions regarding the potential scope of actions that the United States might take under Article V  U S -Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty The 1951 U S -Philippines mutual defense treaty states in Article IV that Each Party recognizes that an armed attack in the Pacific Area on either of the Parties would be dangerous to its own peace and safety and declares that it would act to meet the common dangers in accordance with its constitutional processes  Article V states that For the purpose of Article IV, an armed attack on either of the Parties is deemed to include an armed attack on the metropolitan territory of either of the Parties, or on the island territories under its jurisdiction in the Pacific or on its armed forces, public vessels or aircraft in the Pacific  The United States has reaffirmed on a number of occasions over the years its obligations under the U S -Philippines mutual defense treaty  On May 9, 2012, Filipino Foreign Affairs Secretary Albert F  del Rosario issued a statement providing the Philippine perspective regarding the treaty's application to territorial disputes in the SCS  U S  officials have made their own statements regarding the treaty's application to territorial disputes in the SCS  Appendix C  Treaties and Agreements Related to the Maritime Disputes This appendix briefly reviews some international treaties and agreements that bear on the issues discussed in this report  UN Convention on Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) establishes a treaty regime to govern activities on, over, and under the world's oceans  UNCLOS was adopted by Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea in December 1982, and entered into force in November 1994  The treaty established EEZs as a feature of international law, and contains multiple provisions relating to territorial waters and EEZs  As of May 10, 2018, 168 nations were party to the treaty, including China and most other countries bordering on the SCS and ECS (the exceptions being North Korea and Taiwan)  The treaty and an associated 1994 agreement relating to implementation of Part XI of the treaty (on deep seabed mining) were transmitted to the Senate on October 6, 1994  In the absence of Senate advice and consent to adherence, the United States is not a party to the convention and the associated 1994 agreement  A March 10, 1983, statement on U S  ocean policy by President Ronald Reagan states that UNCLOS contains provisions with respect to traditional uses of the oceans which generally confirm existing maritime law and practice and fairly balance the interests of all states  Today I am announcing three decisions to promote and protect the oceans interests of the United States in a manner consistent with those fair and balanced results in the Convention and international law  First, the United States is prepared to accept and act in accordance with the balance of interests relating to traditional uses of the oceans—such as navigation and overflight  In this respect, the United States will recognize the rights of other states in the waters off their coasts, as reflected in the Convention, so long as the rights and freedoms of the United States and others under international law are recognized by such coastal states  Second, the United States will exercise and assert its navigation and overflight rights and freedoms on a worldwide basis in a manner that is consistent with the balance of interests reflected in the convention  The United States will not, however, acquiesce in unilateral acts of other states designed to restrict the rights and freedoms of the international community in navigation and overflight and other related high seas uses  Third, I am proclaiming today an Exclusive Economic Zone in which the United States will exercise sovereign rights in living and nonliving resources within 200 nautical miles of its coast  This will provide United States jurisdiction for mineral resources out to 200 nautical miles that are not on the continental shelf  UNCLOS builds on four 1958 law of the sea conventions to which the United States is a party: the Convention on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Zone, the Convention on the High Seas, the Convention on the Continental Shelf, and the Convention on Fishing and Conservation of the Living Resources of the High Seas  1972 Convention on Preventing Collisions at Sea (COLREGs) China and the United States, as well as more than 150 other countries (including all those bordering on the South East and South China Seas, but not Taiwan), are parties to an October 1972 multilateral convention on international regulations for preventing collisions at sea, commonly known as the collision regulations (COLREGs) or the "rules of the road " Although commonly referred to as a set of rules or regulations, this multilateral convention is a binding treaty  The convention applies "to all vessels upon the high seas and in all waters connected therewith navigable by seagoing vessels " It thus applies to military vessels, paramilitary and law enforcement (i e , coast guard) vessels, maritime militia vessels, and fishing boats, among other vessels  In a February 18, 2014, letter to Senator Marco Rubio concerning the December 5, 2013, incident involving the Cowpens , the State Department stated the following: In order to minimize the potential for an accident or incident at sea, it is important that the United States and China share a common understanding of the rules for operational air or maritime interactions  From the U S  perspective, an existing body of international rules and guidelines—including the 1972 International Regulations for Preventing Collisions at Sea (COLREGs)—are sufficient to ensure the safety of navigation between U S  forces and the force of other countries, including China  We will continue to make clear to the Chinese that these existing rules, including the COLREGs, should form the basis for our common understanding of air and maritime behavior, and we will encourage China to incorporate these rules into its incident-management tools  Likewise, we will continue to urge China to agree to adopt bilateral crisis management tools with Japan and to rapidly conclude negotiations with ASEAN on a robust and meaningful Code of Conduct in the South China in order to avoid incidents and to manage them when they arise  We will continue to stress the importance of these issues in our regular interactions with Chinese officials  In the 2014 edition of its annual report on military and security developments involving China, the DOD states the following: On December 5, 2013, a PLA Navy vessel and a U S  Navy vessel operating in the South China Sea came into close proximity  At the time of the incident, USS COWPENS (CG 63) was operating approximately 32 nautical miles southeast of Hainan Island  In that location, the U S  Navy vessel was conducting lawful military activities beyond the territorial sea of any coastal State, consistent with customary international law as reflected in the Law of the Sea Convention  Two PLA Navy vessels approached USS COWPENS  During this interaction, one of the PLA Navy vessels altered course and crossed directly in front of the bow of USS COWPENS  This maneuver by the PLA Navy vessel forced USS COWPENS to come to full stop to avoid collision, while the PLA Navy vessel passed less than 100 yards ahead  The PLA Navy vessel's action was inconsistent with internationally recognized rules concerning professional maritime behavior (i e , the Convention of International Regulations for Preventing Collisions at Sea), to which China is a party  2014 Code for Unplanned Encounters at Sea (CUES) On April 22, 2014, representatives of 21 Pacific-region navies (including China, Japan, and the United States), meeting in Qingdao, China, at the 14 th Western Pacific Naval Symposium (WPNS), unanimously agreed to a Code for Unplanned Encounters at Sea (CUES)  CUES, a nonbinding agreement, establishes a standardized protocol of safety procedures, basic communications, and basic maneuvering instructions for naval ships and aircraft during unplanned encounters at sea, with the aim of reducing the risk of incidents arising from such encounters  The CUES agreement in effect supplements the 1972 COLREGs Convention (see previous section); it does not cancel or lessen commitments that countries have as parties to the COLREGS Convention  Two observers stated that "the [CUES] resolution is non-binding; only regulates communication in 'unplanned encounters,' not behavior; fails to address incidents in territorial waters; and does not apply to fishing and maritime constabulary vessels [i e , coast guard ships and other maritime law enforcement ships], which are responsible for the majority of Chinese harassment operations " DOD stated in 2015 that Going forward, the Department is also exploring options to expand the use of CUES to include regional law enforcement vessels and Coast Guards  Given the growing use of maritime law enforcement vessels to enforce disputed maritime claims, expansion of CUES to MLE [maritime law enforcement] vessels would be an important step in reducing the risk of unintentional conflict  U S  Navy officials have stated that the CUES agreement is generally working well, and that the United States (as noted in the passage above) is interested in expanding the agreement to cover coast guard ships  Officials from Singapore and Malaysia reportedly have expressed support for the idea  An Obama Administration fact sheet about Chinese President Xi Jinping's state visit to the United States on September 24-25, 2015, stated the following: The U S  Coast Guard and the China Coast Guard have committed to pursue an arrangement whose intended purpose is equivalent to the Rules of Behavior Confidence Building Measure annex on surface-to-surface encounters in the November 2014 Memorandum of Understanding between the United States Department of Defense and the People's Republic of China Ministry of National Defense  A November 3, 2018, press report published following an incident in the SCS between a U S  Navy destroyer and a Chinese destroyer stated the following: The U S  Navy's chief of naval operations has called on China to return to a previously agreed-upon code of conduct for at-sea encounters between the ships of their respective navies, stressing the need to avoid miscalculations  During a Nov  1 teleconference with reporters based in the Asia-Pacific region, Adm  John Richardson said he wants the People's Liberation Army Navy to "return to a consistent adherence to the agreed-to code that would again minimize the chance for a miscalculation that could possibly lead to a local incident and potential escalation " The CNO cited a case in early October when the U S  Navy's guided-missile destroyer Decatur reported that a Chinese Type 052C destroyer came within 45 yards of the Decatur as it conducted a freedom-of-navigation operation in the South China Sea  However, he added that the "vast majority" of encounters with Chinese warships in the South China Sea "are conducted in accordance with the Code of Unplanned Encounters at Sea and done in a safe and professional manner " The code is an agreement reached by 21 Pacific nations in 2014 to reduce the chance of an incident at sea between the agreement's signatories  2014 U S -China MOU on Air and Maritime Encounters In November 2014, the U S  DOD and China's Ministry of National Defense signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) regarding rules of behavior for safety of air and maritime encounters  The MOU makes reference to UNCLOS, the 1972 COLREGs convention, the Conventional on International Civil Aviation (commonly known as the Chicago Convention), the Agreement on Establishing a Consultation Mechanism to Strengthen Military Maritime Safety (MMCA), and CUES  The MOU as signed in November 2014 included an annex on rules of behavior for safety of surface-to-surface encounters  An additional annex on rules of behavior for safety of air-to-air encounters was signed on September 15 and 18, 2015  An October 20, 2018, press report states the following: Eighteen nations including the U S  and China agreed in principle Saturday [October 20] to sign up to guidelines governing potentially dangerous encounters by military aircraft, a step toward stabilizing flashpoints but one that leaves enough wiggle room to ignore the new standards when a country wants  The guidelines essentially broaden a similar agreement reached by the U S  and China three years ago and are an attempt to mitigate against incidents and collisions in some of the world's most tense areas…  The in-principle agreement, which will be put forward for formal adoption by the group of 18 nations next year, took place at an annual meeting of defense ministers under the aegis of the 10-country Association of Southeast Asian Nations, hosted by Singapore  Asean nations formally adopted the new guidelines themselves Friday  "The guidelines are very useful in setting norms," Singapore's defense minister Ng Eng Hen told reporters after the meeting  "All the 18 countries agreed strong in-principle support for the guidelines "… The aerial-encounters framework agreed to Saturday includes language that prohibits fast or aggressive approaches in the air and lays out guidelines on clear communications including suggestions to "refrain from the use of uncivil language or unfriendly physical gestures " Signatories to the agreement, which is voluntary and not legally binding, would agree to avoid unprofessional encounters and reckless maneuvers…  The guidelines fall short on enforcement and geographic specifics, but they are "better than nothing at all," said Evan Laksmana, senior researcher with the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta  "Confidence-building surrounding military crises or encounters can hardly move forward without some broadly agreed-upon rules of the game," he said  Negotiations on SCS Code of Conduct (COC) In 2002, China and the 10 member states of ASEAN signed a nonbinding Declaration on the Conduct (DOC) of Parties in the South China Sea in which the parties, among other things,     reaffirm their respect for and commitment to the freedom of navigation in and overflight above the South China Sea as provided for by the universally recognized principles of international law, including the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea         undertake to resolve their territorial and jurisdictional disputes by peaceful means, without resorting to the threat or use of force, through friendly consultations and negotiations by sovereign states directly concerned, in accordance with universally recognized principles of international law, including the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea         undertake to exercise self-restraint in the conduct of activities that would complicate or escalate disputes and affect peace and stability including, among others, refraining from action of inhabiting on the presently uninhabited islands, reefs, shoals, cays, and other features and to handle their differences in a constructive manner        reaffirm that the adoption of a [follow-on] code of conduct in the South China Sea would further promote peace and stability in the region and agree to work, on the basis of consensus, towards the eventual attainment of this objective     In July 2011, China and ASEAN adopted a preliminary set of principles for implementing the DOC  U S  officials since 2010 have encouraged ASEAN and China to develop the follow-on binding Code of Conduct (COC) mentioned in the final quoted paragraph above  China and ASEAN have conducted negotiations on the follow-on COC, but China has not yet agreed with the ASEAN member states on a final text  On March 8, 2017, China announced that the first draft of a framework for the COC had been completed, and that "China and ASEAN countries feel satisfied with this " On May 18 and 19, 2017, it was reported that the China and the ASEAN countries had agreed on the framework  An article from a Chinese news outlet stated the following: All countries involved have agreed not to release the framework document, but to maintain it as an internal document at this time since the consultation will continue and they do not want any external interference, [Vice-Foreign Minister] Liu [Zhenmin] said  "Against the backdrop of economic globalization, China and ASEAN countries should continue making our regional rules to guide our own actions and protect our common interests," Liu said  A May 18, 2017, press report stated that Liu Zhemin "called on others to stay out [of the negotiations], apparently a coded message to the United States  'We hope that our consultations on the code are not subject to any outside interference,' Liu said " An August 3, 2017, press report stated the following: Southeast Asian ministers meeting this week are set to avoid tackling the subject of Beijing's arming and building of manmade South China Sea islands, preparing to endorse a framework for a code of conduct that is neither binding nor enforceable  The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) has omitted references to China's most controversial activities in its joint communique, a draft reviewed by Reuters shows  In addition, a leaked blueprint for establishing an ASEAN-China code of maritime conduct does not call for it to be legally binding, or seek adherence to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)     Analysts and some ASEAN diplomats worry that China's sudden support for negotiating a code of conduct is a ploy to buy time to further boost its military capability     The agreed two-page framework is broad and leaves wide scope for disagreement, urging a commitment to the "purposes and principles" of UNCLOS, for example, rather than adherence  The framework papers over the big differences between ASEAN nations and China, said Patrick Cronin of the Center for a New American Security  "Optimists will see this non-binding agreement as a small step forward, allowing habits of cooperation to develop, despite differences," he said  "Pessimists will see this as a gambit favorable to a China determined to make the majority of the South China Sea its domestic lake " An August 6, 2017, press report stated the following: Southeast Asian nations agreed with China on Sunday [August 6] to endorse a framework for a maritime code of conduct that would govern behavior in disputed waters of the South China Sea, a small step forward in a negotiation that has lasted well over a decade  Though not the long-discussed code itself, the framework sets out parameters for discussion of an agreement intended to bring predictability to a potential flashpoint as China increasingly asserts its military presence over the area in the face of rival claims  The 10 countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations will meet with China at the end of August to discuss legalities for negotiations on the code of conduct, with formal talks beginning soon after, Philippines department of foreign affairs spokesman Robespierre Bolivar said Sunday  The endorsement of the framework, which was tentatively agreed to in May, came during a bilateral meeting between China and Asean on the sidelines of a series of security-oriented meetings that will conclude Tuesday  The unsticking of the framework after years of obstruction is widely seen as a concession by China, which has opposed any legally binding code on maritime engagement, stepped up naval patrols and built artificial islands to enforce its claims, equipping them with military weapons  Beijing's move to allow discussion on the code of conduct follows a resetting of ties with the Philippines under President Rodrigo Duterte, who in October—just four months after taking office—visited Beijing and declared a new friendship between the two countries  An August 8, 2017, blog post about the framework states the following: In Manila on 6 August 2017, the foreign ministers of ASEAN and China endorsed the framework for the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea (COC)  While the framework is a step forward in the conflict management process for the South China Sea, it is short on details and contains many of the same principles and provisions contained in the 2002 ASEAN-China Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC) which has yet to be even partially implemented  The text includes a new reference to the prevention and management of incidents, as well as a seemingly stronger commitment to maritime security and freedom of navigation  However, the phrase "legally binding" is absent, as are the geographical scope of the agreement and enforcement and arbitration mechanisms  The framework will form the basis for further negotiations on the COC  Those discussions are likely to be lengthy and frustrating for those ASEAN members who had hoped to see a legally binding, comprehensive and effective COC  Some observers have argued that China has been dragging out the negotiations on the COC for years as part of a "talk and take strategy," meaning a strategy in which China engages in (or draws out) negotiations while taking actions to gain control of contested areas  A May 25, 2017, news report states the following: To call negotiations between China and the ten-country Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) over rival claims in the South China Sea "drawn out" would be a gross understatement  At the centre of the matter is an unsquareable circle: the competing claims of China and several South-East Asian countries  Nobody wants to go to war; nobody wants to be accused of backing down  Still, at a meeting of senior Chinese and ASEAN officials on May 18 th , something happened: the two sides agreed on a "framework" for a code of conduct  An official from Singapore (which currently co-ordinates ASEAN-China relations) called the agreement a sign of "steady progress"     ASEAN members called for a legally binding code of conduct as far back as 1996     Since then, code-of-conduct negotiations have proceeded glacially     Last July, after China received an unfavourable ruling on its maritime claims in a case brought by the Philippines to a tribunal in The Hague, China agreed to expedite the talks     The draft framework will be presented to ASEAN and Chinese foreign ministers at a conference in August  This will then form the basis for the thorny negotiations to follow  The text has not (yet) been leaked  But its most salient feature may be what it appears to lack: any hint of enforcement mechanisms or consequences for violations  China has long rejected a legally binding agreement—or indeed any arrangement that could limit its actions in the South China Sea  The result, explains Ian Storey, of the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, a think-tank in Singapore, is a framework "that makes China look co-operative…without having to do anything that might constrain its freedom of action"  ASEAN, meanwhile, gets the appearance of progress  "The ASEAN secretariat is a bureaucracy, and bureaucrats like process," explains Mr Storey  A July 13, 2018, blog post states the following: The COC has become a "holy grail," highly desired but unattainable  A major concern should be that this holy grail could turn into a tool for China to legitimize its actions in the South China Sea by engaging in the process while subverting its spirit  To this end, the challenges to the COC process are likely to be: China will use the COC talks to delay, exploit, and divert focus from any ASEAN consensus on the South China Sea; China will seek to include unhelpful and imprecise language in the COC which it could then use to justify its actions; China will nonetheless claim the COC as a diplomatic success and will use it as cover to avoid criticism while still pursuing its unilateral strategy to control the South China Sea…  If the COC process continues on its current trajectory, and China succeeds in filling the document with vague articles that would have little impact on its behavior, it would effectively be abusing the rules-based order to its own benefit  Instead of protecting against unilateral actions in the South China Sea, the rules-based order in the form of the COC could assist and justify China's expansion and ultimately its sole control of the South China Sea  Other regional actors need to recognize these traps of concluding a counter-productive COC, and resist the urge to reach an agreement just to be able to say they made progress  Instead, they should insist on negotiating the terms and conditions of a real COC, one that would establish effective rules-based dispute management mechanisms, not one that would by-pass them for the sake of an easy "win " An August 2, 2018, press report states the following: After more than a decade of talks, a bloc of Southeast Asian nations and China have agreed on a draft code of conduct that will lay the foundation for negotiations over the disputed South China Sea  Observers said the agreement showed that China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) could make progress through talks despite rising regional tensions, but they also warned that there was still a long way to go until a final deal  The agreement on the "Single Draft COC Negotiating Text" was announced at a meeting of Asean foreign ministers in Singapore on Thursday [August 2], after being nailed down at a China-Asean meeting in the central Chinese city of Changsha in June  An August 9, 2018, press report stated the following: Talks on completing a code of conduct for the disputed South China Sea will be long and complex and it would be unrealistic to set a timetable, state media on Thursday [August 9] cited a senior Chinese diplomat as saying…  In an interview with China Newsweek magazine, Yi Xianliang, Director General of the Chinese Foreign Ministry's Department of Boundary and Ocean Affairs, said the talks were continuing  Many of the topics were complex and sensitive and there were many different points of view, he said  "If these issues are to be resolved, and the code finally comes together, all sides need to keep looking for the greatest common denominator," Yi added  "There are voices from the outside, who are trying to set a timetable for the talks on the code  I think this is unrealistic," he said  Any multilateral talks take time, especially on such a complex issue as the South China Sea, Yi added  "It is impossible to define a timetable  Instead of setting the timetable unrealistically, and binding one's hands, it's better to step forward one foot at a time "… "Certain countries outside the region have been agitating that the code must be legally binding  This issue is quite complicated, including the domestic legal procedures involved in the countries concerned," he added, without elaborating  An October 22, 2018, press report stated the following: As China moves to complete the creation of military outposts in the South China Sea, Beijing's negotiation with southeastern Asian nations over a binding code of conduct is gaining momentum  But U S  officials and experts warn China's insertions in the draft South China Sea code of conduct may put Washington and Beijing on a collision course  The text of the draft also shows that deep divisions remain among claimants  One of the Chinese provisions in the text states, "The Parties shall not hold joint military exercises with countries from outside the region, unless the parties concerned are notified beforehand and express no objection " China also proposed cooperation on the marine economy "shall not be conducted in cooperation with companies from countries outside the region " A State Department spokesperson told VOA the United States is concerned by reports China has been pressing members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations "in the closed-door talks, to accept restrictions on their ability to conduct exercises with security partners, and to agree not to conduct oil and gas exploration in their claimed waters with energy firms based in countries which are not part of the ongoing negotiations " "These proposals, if accepted, would limit the ability of ASEAN nations to conduct sovereign, independent foreign and economic policies and would directly harm the interests of the broader international community," added the State Department spokesperson…  "In other words, China would like a veto over all the military exercises held by ASEAN countries with other nations  I think this really provides some evidence that China indeed is trying to limit American influence in the region, one might go so far as to say to push American military presence out of the region eventually, but certainly in the area of the South China Sea," said Bonnie Glaser, director of the China Power Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington…  The United States is also calling for ongoing discussions on the South China Sea code of conduct to be transparent and consultative with the rest of the international community  U S  officials said the international community has direct stakes in the outcome  A September 6, 2018, blog post stated the following: After two decades of talks, scepticism about the development of a South China Sea Code of Conduct (COC) is well-deserved, but it is also important to acknowledge progress when it happens  The agreement on a single draft negotiating text, revealed ahead of the ASEAN–China Post Ministerial Meeting on 2 August 2018, is an important step in the process that deserves recognition  The COC will not resolve the South China Sea disputes, nor was it ever meant to  Instead the COC is intended to manage disputes to avoid conflict pending their eventual resolution by direct negotiation or arbitration among the claimants  But any system to effectively manage the South China Sea disputes would require three things, none of which are achieved yet in the draft text  First, an effective COC would need to be geographically defined…  Second, an effective COC would need a dispute settlement mechanism…  Third, any effective regime to manage the South China Sea disputes would need detailed provisions on fisheries management and oil and gas development…  The solution to this problem could be a COC signed by all 10 ASEAN members and China that establishes general rules of behaviour within a clear geographic area, sets up an effective dispute settlement mechanism and endorses the immediate start of follow-on negotiations involving only the relevant claimants on fisheries management and oil and gas cooperation  Such a document would be a major step towards peacefully managing the South China Sea disputes and there are hints that at least some sections of the negotiating text might be on the right track  But the differences between parties remain considerable and final agreement on an effective COC still seems some way off  An October 29, 2018, press report states the following: The Philippines on Monday said a set of rules intended to prevent conflict in the South China Sea need not legally compel countries to follow it—an issue of importance for the Chinese government  Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary Teodoro Locsin Jr  raised this possibility during a joint news conference with Wang Yi, his Chinese counterpart, in Davao City where they held bilateral talks to firm up preparations for President Xi Jinping's visit to Manila next month  The Association of Southeast Asian Nations and China are negotiating a code of conduct in the South China Sea  The 10-member bloc wants it to be legally binding, but Beijing prefers just "binding," ASEAN diplomats have said  "Perhaps, we will not be able to arrive at a legally binding COC, but it will be a standard on how people of ASEAN and governments of ASEAN will behave with each other -- always with honor, never with aggression, and always for mutual progress," Locsin said…  Wang said China will abide by the code whether it is legally binding or not  He said China hopes to finish the negotiations before Manila's term as ASEAN-China coordinator ends  "We welcome constructive opinions within the framework    that has been agreed," Wang said, referring to the general outline agreed last year, which dropped a reference to a legally binding code  The framework essentially repeats the spirit of a 2002 declaration on the South China Sea that called on parties to exercise restraint to avoid escalating tensions, and respect international law, among other things  Critics and ASEAN officials said the declaration failed to manage tensions in the disputed area because it was not legally binding  A November 14, 2018, press report stated the following: A rulebook to settle disputes in the hotly contested South China Sea should be finished in three years, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang said on Tuesday, insisting his nation does not seek "hegemony or expansion " Li's comments appeared to be the first clear timeframe for finishing the code of conduct  Talks have dragged on for years, with China accused of delaying progress as it prefers to deal with less powerful countries on a one-to-one basis  Appendix D  July 2016 Tribunal Award in SCS Arbitration Case Involving Philippines and China This appendix provides background information on the July 2016 tribunal award in the SCS arbitration case involving the Philippines and China  Overview In 2013, the Philippines sought arbitration under UNCLOS over the role of historic rights and the source of maritime entitlements in the South China Sea, the status of certain maritime features and the maritime entitlements they are capable of generating, and the lawfulness of certain actions by China that were alleged by the Philippines to violate UNCLOS  A tribunal was constituted under UNCLOS to hear the case  China stated repeatedly that it would not accept or participate in the arbitration and that, in its view, the tribunal lacked jurisdiction in this matter  China's nonparticipation did not prevent the case from moving forward, and the tribunal decided that it had jurisdiction over various matters covered under the case  On July 12, 2016, the tribunal issued its award (i e , ruling) in the case  The award was strongly in favor of the Philippines—more so than even some observers had anticipated  The tribunal ruled, among other things, that China's nine-dash line claim had no legal basis; that none of the land features in the Spratlys is entitled to any more than a 12-nm territorial sea; that three of the Spratlys features that China occupies generate no entitlement to maritime zones; and that China violated the Philippines' sovereign rights by interfering with Philippine vessels and by damaging the maritime environment and engaging in reclamation work on a feature in the Philippines' EEZ  Under UNCLOS, the award is binding on both the Philippines and China (China's nonparticipation in the arbitration does not change this)  There is, however, no mechanism for enforcing the tribunal's award  The United States has urged China and the Philippines to abide by the award  China, however, has declared the ruling null and void  Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, who took office just before the tribunal's ruling, has not sought to enforce it  The tribunal's press release summarizing its award states the following in part: The Award is final and binding, as set out in Article 296 of the Convention [i e , UNCLOS] and Article 11 of Annex VII [of UNCLOS]  Historic Rights and the 'Nine-Dash Line':     On the merits, the Tribunal concluded that the Convention comprehensively allocates rights to maritime areas and that protections for pre-existing rights to resources were considered, but not adopted in the Convention  Accordingly, the Tribunal concluded that, to the extent China had historic rights to resources in the waters of the South China Sea, such rights were extinguished to the extent they were incompatible with the exclusive economic zones provided for in the Convention  The Tribunal also noted that, although Chinese navigators and fishermen, as well as those of other States, had historically made use of the islands in the South China Sea, there was no evidence that China had historically exercised exclusive control over the waters or their resources  The Tribunal concluded that there was no legal basis for China to claim historic rights to resources within the sea areas falling within the 'nine-dash line'  Status of Features:     Features that are above water at high tide generate an entitlement to at least a 12 nautical mile territorial sea, whereas features that are submerged at high tide do not  The Tribunal noted that the reefs have been heavily modified by land reclamation and construction, recalled that the Convention classifies features on their natural condition, and relied on historical materials in evaluating the features  The Tribunal then considered whether any of the features claimed by China could generate maritime zones beyond 12 nautical miles  Under the Convention, islands generate an exclusive economic zone of 200 nautical miles and a continental shelf, but "[r]ocks which cannot sustain human habitation or economic life of their own shall have no exclusive economic zone or continental shelf "     the Tribunal concluded that none of the Spratly Islands is capable of generating extended maritime zones  The Tribunal also held that the Spratly Islands cannot generate maritime zones collectively as a unit  Having found that none of the features claimed by China was capable of generating an exclusive economic zone, the Tribunal found that it could—without delimiting a boundary—declare that certain sea areas are within the exclusive economic zone of the Philippines, because those areas are not overlapped by any possible entitlement of China  Lawfulness of Chinese Actions:     Having found that certain areas are within the exclusive economic zone of the Philippines, the Tribunal found that China had violated the Philippines' sovereign rights in its exclusive economic zone by (a) interfering with Philippine fishing and petroleum exploration, (b) constructing artificial islands and (c) failing to prevent Chinese fishermen from fishing in the zone  The Tribunal also held that fishermen from the Philippines (like those from China) had traditional fishing rights at Scarborough Shoal and that China had interfered with these rights in restricting access  The Tribunal further held that Chinese law enforcement vessels had unlawfully created a serious risk of collision when they physically obstructed Philippine vessels  Harm to Marine Environment: The Tribunal considered the effect on the marine environment of China's recent large-scale land reclamation and construction of artificial islands at seven features in the Spratly Islands and found that China had caused severe harm to the coral reef environment and violated its obligation to preserve and protect fragile ecosystems and the habitat of depleted, threatened, or endangered species  The Tribunal also found that Chinese authorities were aware that Chinese fishermen have harvested endangered sea turtles, coral, and giant clams on a substantial scale in the South China Sea (using methods that inflict severe damage on the coral reef environment) and had not fulfilled their obligations to stop such activities  Aggravation of Dispute: Finally, the Tribunal considered whether China's actions since the commencement of the arbitration had aggravated the dispute between the Parties  The Tribunal found that it lacked jurisdiction to consider the implications of a stand-off between Philippine marines and Chinese naval and law enforcement vessels at Second Thomas Shoal, holding that this dispute involved military activities and was therefore excluded from compulsory settlement  The Tribunal found, however, that China's recent large-scale land reclamation and construction of artificial islands was incompatible with the obligations on a State during dispute resolution proceedings, insofar as China has inflicted irreparable harm to the marine environment, built a large artificial island in the Philippines' exclusive economic zone, and destroyed evidence of the natural condition of features in the South China Sea that formed part of the Parties' dispute  Assessments of Impact of Arbitral Award One Year Later In July 2017, a year after the arbitral panel's award, some observers assessed the impact to date of the award  For example, one observer stated the following: One year ago, China suffered a massive legal defeat when an international tribunal based in The Hague ruled that the vast majority of Beijing's extensive claims to maritime rights and resources in the South China Sea were not compatible with international law  Beijing was furious  At an official briefing immediately after the ruling, Vice Foreign Minister Liu Zhenmin twice called it "nothing more than a piece of waste paper," and one that "will not be enforced by anyone " And yet, one year on, China is, in many ways, abiding by it     China is not fully complying with the ruling—far from it  On May 1, China imposed a three-and-a-half-month ban on fishing across the northern part of the South China Sea, as it has done each year since 1995  While the ban may help conserve fish stocks, its unilateral imposition in wide areas of the sea violates the ruling  Further south, China's occupation of Mischief Reef, a feature that is submerged at high tide and the tribunal ruled was part of the Philippines' continental shelf, endures  Having built a vast naval base and runway here, China looks like it will remain in violation of that part of the ruling for the foreseeable future  But there is evidence that the Chinese authorities, despite their rhetoric, have already changed their behavior  In October 2016, three months after the ruling, Beijing allowed Philippine and Vietnamese boats to resume fishing at Scarborough Shoal, west of the Philippines  A China Coast Guard ship still blocks the entrance to the lagoon, but boats can still fish the rich waters around it  The situation is not perfect but neither is China flaunting its defiance     Much more significantly, China has avoided drilling for oil and gas on the wrong side of the invisible lines prescribed by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)         the ruling means China has no claim to the fish, oil or gas more than 12 nautical miles from any of the Spratlys or Scarborough Shoal  The Chinese authorities appear not to accept this     There are clear signs from both China's words and deeds that Beijing has quietly modified its overall legal position in the South China Sea  Australian researcher Andrew Chubb noted a significant article in the Chinese press in July last year outlining the new view         China's new position seems to represent a major step towards compliance with UNCLOS and, therefore, the ruling  Most significantly, it removes the grounds for Chinese objections to other countries fishing and drilling in wide areas of the South China Sea     Overall, the picture is of a China attempting to bring its vision of the rightful regional order (as the legitimate owner of every rock and reef inside the U-shaped line) within commonly understood international rules  Far from being "waste paper," China is taking the tribunal ruling very seriously  It is still some way from total compliance but it is clearly not deliberately flouting the ruling  Another observer stated the following: A year ago today, an arbitral tribunal formed pursuant to the United Nations Convention for the Law of the Sea issued a blockbuster award finding much of China's conduct in the South China Sea in violation of international law  As I detailed that day on this blog and elsewhere, the Philippines won about as big a legal victory as it could have expected  But as many of us also warned that day, a legal victory is not the same as an actual victory  In fact, over the past year China has succeeded in transforming its legal defeat into a policy victory by maintaining its aggressive South China Sea policies while escaping sanction for its non-compliance  While the election of a new pro-China Philippines government is a key factor, much of the blame for China's victory must also be placed on the Obama Administration     International law seldom enforces itself, and even the reputational costs of violating international law do not arise unless other states impose those costs on the law-breaker  Both the Philippines and the U S  had policy options that would have raised the costs of China's non-compliance with the award  But neither country's government chose to press China on the arbitral award     Looking back after one year, we cannot say (yet) that U S  policy in the South China Sea is a failure  But we can say that the U S  under President Obama missed a huge opportunity to change the dynamics in the region in its favor, and it is hard to know whether or when another such opportunity will arise in the future  Reported Chinese Characterization of Arbitral Award as "Waste Paper" When the arbitral panel's award was announced, China stated that "China does not accept or recognize it," and that the award "is invalid and has no binding force " The first of the two passages quoted above states that "at an official briefing immediately after the ruling, Vice Foreign Minister Liu Zhenmin twice called it 'nothing more than a piece of waste paper,' and one that 'will not be enforced by anyone '" A November 22, 2017, press report states the following: An eight-page essay pumped through social media and Chinese state newspapers in recent days extolled the virtues of president Xi Jinping  Among his achievements, in the Chinese language version, was that he had turned the South China Sea Arbitration at The Hague—which found against China—into "waste paper"  It was an achievement that state news agency Xinhua's lengthy hymn, entitled "Xi and His Era", did not include in the English version for foreign consumption  Assessments and Events Two Years Later Another observer writes in a May 10, 2018, commentary piece that Two years after an international tribunal rejected expansive Chinese claims to the South China Sea, Beijing is consolidating control over the area and its resources  While the U S  defends the right to freedom of navigation, it has failed to support the rights of neighboring countries under the tribunal's ruling  As a result, Southeast Asian countries are bowing to Beijing's demands…  While Beijing's dramatic military buildup in the South China Sea has received much attention, its attempts at "lawfare" are largely overlooked  In May, the Chinese Society of International Law published a "critical study" on the South China Sea arbitration case  It rehashed old arguments but also developed a newer one, namely that China is entitled to claim maritime zones based on groups of features rather than from individual features  Even if China is not entitled to historic rights within the area it claims, this argument goes, it is entitled to resources in a wide expanse of sea on the basis of an exclusive economic zone generated from outlying archipelagoes  But the Convention on the Law of the Sea makes clear that only archipelagic states such as the Philippines and Indonesia may draw straight archipelagic baselines from which maritime zones may be claimed  The tribunal also explicitly found that there was "no evidence" that any deviations from this rule have amounted to the formation of a new rule of customary international law  China's arguments are unlikely to sway lawyers, but that is not their intended audience  Rather Beijing is offering a legal fig leaf to political and business elites in Southeast Asia who are already predisposed to accept Beijing's claims in the South China Sea  They fear China's threat of coercive economic measures and eye promises of development through offerings such as the Belt and Road Initiative  Why did Washington go quiet on the 2016 tribunal decision? One reason is Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte's turn toward China and offer to set aside the ruling  The U S  is also worried about the decision's implications for its own claims to exclusive economic zones from small, uninhabited land features in the Pacific  The Trump administration's failure to press Beijing to abide by the tribunal's ruling is a serious mistake  It undermines international law and upsets the balance of power in the region  Countries have taken note that the tide in the South China Sea is in China's favor, and they are making their strategic calculations accordingly  This hurts U S  interests in the region  A July 12, 2018, press report stated the following: The Philippines is celebrating today the second anniversary of its landmark arbitration award against China's territorial claims in the South China Sea handed down by an arbitral tribunal in The Hague…  Until now, the Philippines remains sharply divided on how to leverage its arbitration award  Filipino President Rodrigo Duterte has repeatedly downplayed the relevance of the ruling by questioning its enforceability amid China's vociferous opposition  Soon after taking office in mid-2016, Duterte declared that he would "set aside" the arbitration award in order to pursue a "soft landing" in bilateral relations with China  In exchange, he has hoped for large-scale Chinese investments as well as resource-sharing in the South China Sea…  Other major leaders in the Philippines, however, have taken a tougher stance and continue to try to leverage the award to resist China's expanding footprint in the area  The Stratbase-Albert Del Rosario Institute, an influential think tank co-founded by former Philippine Secretary of Foreign Affairs Albert del Rosario, hosted today a high-level forum on the topic at the prestigious Manila Polo Club  Del Rosario oversaw the arbitration proceedings against China under Duterte's predecessor, Benigno Aquino  He opened the event attended by dignitaries from major Western and Asian countries with a strident speech which accused China of trying to "dominate the South China Sea through force and coercion " He defended the arbitration award as an "overwhelming victory" to resist "China's unlawful expansion agenda " The ex-top diplomat also accused the Duterte administration of acquiescence to China by acting as an "abettor" and "willing victim" by soft-pedaling the Philippines' claims in the South China Sea and refusing to raise the arbitration award in multilateral fora  The keynote speaker of the event was Vice President Leni Robredo, who has recently emerged as the de facto leader of the opposition against Duterte  Though falling short of directly naming Duterte, her spirited speech served as a comprehensive indictment of the administration's policy in the South China Sea…  Her keynote address, widely covered by the local media, was followed by an even more spirited speech by interim Supreme Court Chief Justice Antonio Carpio, another leading critic of Duterte's foreign policy  The chief magistrate, who also oversaw the Philippines' arbitration proceedings against China, lashed out at Duterte for placing the landmark award in a "deep freeze " He called on the Duterte administration to leverage the award by negotiating maritime delimitation agreements with other Southeast Asian claimant states such as Malaysia and Vietnam which welcomed the arbitral tribunal's nullification of China's nine-dashed-line map  He also called on the Philippines to expand its maritime entitlement claims in the area, in accordance to the arbitration award, by applying for an extended continental shelf in the South China Sea at the UN  Another July 12, 2018, press report stated the following: Tarpaulins bearing the words "Welcome to the Philippines, province of China" were seen hanging from several footbridges in Metro Manila Thursday, two years after the country won its arbitration case against China  The red banners bore the Chinese flag and Chinese characters  It is unclear who installed the tarpaulins, which are possible reference to a "joke" by President Rodrigo Duterte that the country can be a province of the Asian giant  "He (Xi Jinping) is a man of honor  They can even make us 'Philippines, province of China,' we will even avail of services for free," Duterte said in apparent jest before an audience of Chinese-Filipino business leaders earlier in 2018  "If China were a woman, I'd woo her "… In a Palace briefing, presidential spokesperson Harry Roque said enemies of the government are behind the tarpaulins  A report on ANC said that the Metro Manila Development Authority already took the banners down  The tarpaulins sparked outrage among social media users  A July 17, 2018, press report stated the following: Protesters held a rally in front of the Chinese Consulate [in San Francisco] before proceeding to the Philippine Consulate downtown, demanding that China "get out of Philippine territory in the West Philippine Sea " The protest was timed with others in Los Angeles and Vancouver on the second anniversary of the UN's Permanent Court of Arbitration ruling that China had no right to the territory it was claiming  Filipino American Human Rights Advocates (FAHRA) in a statement celebrated the court's finding that "China's historical claim of the "nine-dash line" [is] illegal and without basis " "China continues to violate the UN's decision with the backing of its puppet Philippine government headed by President Duterte, who is deceived by the 'build, build, build' economic push while China establishes a 'steal, steal, steal' approach to islands and territories belonging to the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of the Philippines as determined by UN," the statement lamented  FAHRA also found it unacceptable that Filipino fishermen must now ask permission to fish in the Philippine waters from "a Chinese master " "Duterte is beholden to the $15-billion loan with monstrous interest rate and China's investments in Boracay and Marawi, at the expense of Philippine sovereignty," FAHRA claimed  "This is not to mention that China remains to be the premier supplier of illegal drugs to the country through traders that include the son, Paolo Duterte, with his P6 billion shabu shipment to Davao," it further charged  The group demanded that "China abide by the UN International Tribunal Court's decision two years ago, to honor the full sovereignty of the Philippines over all territories at the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) including the West Philippine Sea and the dismantling of the nuclear missiles and all military facilities installed by the Chinese government at the Spratly islands meant to coerce the Filipinos and all peace-loving people of Southeast Asia who clamor for equal respect and equal sovereignty in the area" among others  Appendix E  Additional Elements of China's Approach to Maritime Disputes This appendix presents background information on additional elements of China's approach to the maritime disputes in the SCS and ECS  Map of Nine-Dash Line China depicts its claims in the SCS using the so-called map of the nine-dash line—a Chinese map of the SCS showing nine line segments that, if connected, would enclose an area covering roughly 90% (earlier estimates said about 80%) of the SCS ( Figure E-1 )  The area inside the nine line segments far exceeds what is claimable as territorial waters under customary international law of the sea as reflected in UNCLOS, and, as shown in Figure E-2 , includes waters that are within the claimable EEZs (and in some places are quite near the coasts) of the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, and Vietnam  The map of the nine-dash line, also called the U-shaped line or the cow tongue, predates the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949  The map has been maintained by the PRC government, and maps published in Taiwan also show the nine line segments  In a document submitted to the United Nations on May 7, 2009, which included the map shown in Figure E-1 as an attachment, China stated the following: China has indisputable sovereignty over the islands in the South China Sea and the adjacent waters, and enjoys sovereign rights and jurisdiction over the relevant waters as well as the seabed and subsoil thereof (see attached map [of the nine-dash line])  The above position is consistently held by the Chinese Government, and is widely known by the international community  The map does not always have exactly nine dashes  Early versions of the map had as many as 11 dashes, and a map of China published by the Chinese government in June 2014 includes 10 dashes  The exact positions of the dashes have also varied a bit over time  China has maintained ambiguity over whether it is using the map of the nine-dash line to claim full sovereignty over the entire sea area enclosed by the nine-dash line, or something less than that  Maintaining this ambiguity can be viewed as an approach that preserves flexibility for China in pursuing its maritime claims in the SCS while making it more difficult for other parties to define specific objections or pursue legal challenges to those claims  It does appear clear, however, that China at a minimum claims sovereignty over the island groups inside the nine line segments—China's domestic Law on the Territorial Sea and Contiguous Zone, enacted in 1992, specifies that China claims sovereignty over all the island groups inside the nine line segments  China's implementation on January 1, 2014, of a series of fishing regulations covering much of the SCS suggests that China claims at least some degree of administrative control over much of the SCS  An April 30, 2018, blog post states the following: In what is likely a new bid to reinforce and even expand China's sweeping territorial claims in the South China Sea, a group of Chinese scholars recently published a "New Map of the People's Republic of China " The alleged political national map, reportedly first published in April 1951 but only "discovered" through a recent national archival investigation, could give new clarity to the precise extent of China's official claims in the disputed waters  Instead of dotted lines, as reflected in China's U-shaped Nine-Dash Line claim to nearly all of the South China Sea, the newly discovered map provides a solid "continuous national boundary line and administrative region line " The Chinese researchers claim that through analysis of historical maps, the 1951 solid-line map "proves" beyond dispute that the "U-boundary line is the border of China's territorial sea" in the South China Sea  They also claim that the solid administrative line overlaying the U-boundary "definitely indicated that the sovereignty of the sea" enclosed within the U-boundary "belonged to China " The study, edited by the Guanghua and Geosciences Club and published by SDX Joint Publishing Company, has not been formally endorsed by the Chinese government  April 2018 Press Report of Proposal for Continuous Boundary Line in SCS An April 22, 2018, press report states the following: Researchers are proposing a new boundary in the South China Sea that they say will help the study of natural science while potentially adding weight to China's claims over the disputed waters, according to a senior scientist involved in the government-funded project  The new boundary will help to define more clearly China's claims in the contested region, but it is not clear whether or when it will be officially adopted by Beijing, the scientist said  A precise continuous line will split the Gulf of Tonkin between China and Vietnam, go south into waters claimed by Malaysia, take a U-turn to the north along the west coast of the Philippines and finish at the southeast of Taiwan  For decades, China's sovereign claim in the South China Sea has been murky, in large part because of the use of a segmented, vaguely located borderline known as the 'nine-dash line'  A United Nations tribunal ruled in July 2016 that China had no legal basis to claim the area within the dash lines  One reason for China losing the case was that it could not define the territory precisely  However, analysts said Beijing was unlikely to officially change the nine-dash line any time soon, in the face of potential international opposition     The vast area of blue outlined by the new boundary, hanging on a map like a Christmas stocking under South China, overlaps the dashes and fills in the gaps  It includes all contested waters, such as the Paracel Islands, the Spratly Islands, James Shoal and Scarborough Shoal  The boundary would determine for the first time the exact area that China claimed to own with historic rights in the South China Sea, according to the researcher  Its purpose was partly the study of natural science and partly driven by a political motivation "to strengthen China's claims" over the waters to prepare for possible changes in its South China Sea policy in the future, the researcher said  Within the boundary, China would claim the right to activities ranging from fishing, prospecting and mining for energy or mineral resources to the construction of military bases with deep water ports or airports  Other countries' access to these rights would, however, be open for discussion, as is the case at Scarborough Shoal, which China controls but allows Philippine fishing boats to access  While Beijing would consider the area within the boundary its territory, other countries would still have freedom of navigation, the researcher said     "Soon we will have a clear idea of what belongs to us in the South China Sea and what does not," said the researcher  "This will allow us to better plan and coordinate the efforts to protect our national interest in the region while reducing the risk of conflict with other countries caused by the absence of a border over the ocean "    "More often, when we are sending vessels out to the sea or looking down at an area via satellite, we are not sure whether it was our water," said the researcher in the boundary-drawing project  "The nine-dash line can no longer meet the demands of increasing Chinese activities in the South China Sea "    The continuous boundary was generated not only by curve-extending, gap-filling algorithms on computer  It was also based on a solid piece of historic evidence, according to the project team  In 1951, an official map approved by the central government of China marked the China-claimed area in the South China Sea with a pair of non-stopping lines  There was an inner black line indicating the sovereign boundary and an outer red line representing where China could exercise administrative power  "We were thrilled when we found the map," the researcher said  "It is something we can show the world " A detailed description of the map was published by the project team in a paper in domestic academic journal China Science Bulletin in March this year  Its authors recommended using the continuous U-shape boundary line as a replacement for the nine-dash line  The "U-boundary is the border of China's sea in the South China Sea, and its sovereignty belongs to China", the authors wrote in the paper  It "can further express the certainty of the integrity, continuity and border of China's seas in the South China Sea", they wrote, adding that it was "more vivid, accurate, complete and scientific"  Professor Yu Minyou, director of the China Institute of Boundary and Ocean Studies at Wuhan University, said that if the old map was published with government approval, which was usually the case in China, "it surely will add legal weight to China's claim" in the region     But other countries should bear in mind that it did not represent the Chinese government's position as long as the dash lines stayed on official maps, Yu said, adding that China's strategy for the South China Sea was "open and clear"  "China wants to achieve peace, stability, harmony and prosperity in the region," he said  "We are willing to share natural resources with other countries and leave the disputes to be solved in the future  "What we are doing now is creating a suitable environment for the final settlement of the issue " A government expert at the National Institute for South China Sea Studies in Haikou, Hainan, said the continuous boundary would serve as a useful tool for some studies of natural science  But it was highly unlikely to be printed on an official map, said the expert, who requested not to be named because he was not allowed to speak to overseas media about sensitive issues  "To my knowledge, the Chinese government currently has no plan to change the dash lines," he said  "Most diplomats and ocean law experts will oppose joining the dashes " The tension in the South China Sea has eased significantly in recent times, with neighbouring countries such as the Philippines and Vietnam no longer seeking direct confrontation with China over disputed areas  "Things are moving towards the right direction," the government expert said  "It is not the best time to cut a boundary " September 2017 Press Report of Potential New "Four-Sha" Legal Claim A September 21, 2017, press report states the following: The Chinese government recently unveiled a new legal tactic to promote Beijing's aggressive claim to own most of the strategic South China Sea  The new narrative that critics are calling "lawfare," or legal warfare, involves a shift from China's so-called "9-Dash Line" ownership covering most of the sea  The new lawfare narrative is called the "Four Sha"—Chinese for sand—and was revealed by Ma Xinmin, deputy director general in the Foreign Ministry's department of treaty and law, during a closed-door meeting with State Department officials last month  China has claimed three of the island chains in the past and recently added a fourth zone in the northern part of the sea called the Pratas Islands near Hong Kong  The other locations are the disputed Paracels in the northwestern part and the Spratlys in the southern sea  The fourth island group is located in the central zone and includes Macclesfield Bank, a series of underwater reefs and shoals  China calls the island groups Dongsha, Xisha, Nansha, and Zhongsha, respectively  Ma, the Foreign Ministry official, announced during the meetings in Boston on Aug  28 and 29 that China is asserting sovereignty over the Four Sha through several legal claims  He stated the area is China's historical territorial waters and also part of China's 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zone that defines adjacent zones as sovereign territory  Beijing also claims ownership by asserting the Four Sha are part of China's extended continental shelf  U S  officials attending the session expressed surprise at the new Chinese ploy to seek control over the sea as something not discussed before     A State Department notice at the end of what was billed as an annual U S -China Dialogue on the Law of the Sea and Polar Issues made no mention of the new Chinese lawfare tactic  The statement said only that officials from foreign affairs and maritime agencies "exchanged views on a wide range of issues related to oceans, the law of the sea, and the polar regions " A September 25, 2017, blog post about the claim states the following: While dropping or even de-emphasizing China's Nine-Dash Line claim in favor of the Four Shas has important diplomatic and political implications, the legal significance of such a shift is harder to assess  The constituent parts of China's Four Sha claims have long been set forth publicly in Chinese domestic law and official statements  Based on what we know so far, these new Chinese legal justifications are no more lawful than China's Nine-Dash Line claim  The challenge for critics of Chinese claims in the South China Sea, however, will be effectively explaining and articulating why this shift does not actually strengthen China's legal claims in the South China Sea  The Four Sha claim has a long pedigree in Chinese law and practice  China's 1992 law on the territorial sea and contiguous zone, for example, declared that China's land territory included the "Dongsha island group, Xisha island group, Zhongsha island group, [and] Nansha island group " A 2016 white paper disputing the Philippines' claims in the South China Sea arbitral process similarly claimed that: China's Nanhai Zhudao (the South China Sea Islands) consist of Dongsha Qundao (the Dongsha Islands), Xisha Qundao (the Xisha Islands), Zhongsha Qundao (the Zhongsha Islands) and Nansha Qundao (the Nansha Islands)  These Islands include, among others, islands, reefs, shoals and cays of various numbers and sizes     In a 2016 white paper, Beijing stated that, "China has, based on Nanhai Zhudao [the "Four Sha"], internal waters, territorial sea, contiguous zone, exclusive economic zone and continental shelf " Neither the white paper nor the Beacon's report explain how China derives these maritime zones from the four island groups     Because China is not constituted "wholly by one or more archipelagos" (think Indonesia or the Philippines), the U S  and most countries would view straight baselines around an island group as contrary to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)     For this reason, this new Chinese legal strategy is even weaker than the Nine-Dash Line given that it clearly violates UNCLOS (e g , Articles 46 and 47)  Most Chinese defenses of the Nine Dash Line argued that the claim predated China's accession to UNCLOS and therefore not governed by it  Despite the legal weaknesses of its possible new strategy, China may still reap some benefits from trading the Nine-Dash Line for the Four Shas  First, the Chinese leadership may have realized that the Nine Dash Line has become too much of a diplomatic liability  The Nine-Dash Line is completely sui generis and no other state has made a historic maritime claim anything like it  For this reason, the Nine-Dash Line makes China an easy target for foreign criticism in a way that straight baselines around island groups probably will not  Second, by adopting language more similar to that found in UNCLOS, China may be betting that it can tamp down criticism, and win potential partners in the region     Third, and most intriguingly, China may have concluded that it can better shape (or undermine, depending on your point of view) the law of the sea by adopting UNCLOS terminology     So while we might be encouraged to see the Nine-Dash Line pass into the (legal) dustbins of history, we should be skeptical about whether the Four Shas herald a new more modest Chinese role in the South China Sea  China's legal justification for the Four Shas is just as weak, if not weaker, than its Nine-Dash Line claim  But explaining why the Four Shas is weak and lawless will require sophisticated legal analysis married with effective public messaging  Comparison with U S  Actions Toward Caribbean and Gulf of Mexico Some observers have compared China's approach toward its near-seas region with the U S  approach toward the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico in the age of the Monroe Doctrine  It can be noted, however, that there are significant differences between China's approach to its near-seas region and the U S  approach—both in the 19 th and 20 th centuries and today—to the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico  Unlike China in its approach to its near-seas region, the United States has not asserted any form of sovereignty or historical rights over the broad waters of the Caribbean or Gulf of Mexico (or other sea areas beyond the 12-mile limit of U S  territorial waters), has not published anything akin to the nine-dash line for these waters (or other sea areas beyond the 12-mile limit), and does not contest the right of foreign naval forces to operate and engage in various activities in waters beyond the 12-mile limit  Appendix F  U S  Position on Operational Rights in EEZs This appendix presents additional background information on the U S  position on the issue of operational rights of military ships in the EEZs of other countries  Operational Rights in EEZs Regarding a coastal state's rights within its EEZ, Scot Marciel, then-Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, stated the following as part of his prepared statement for a July 15, 2009, hearing before the East Asian and Pacific Affairs Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: I would now like to discuss recent incidents involving China and the activities of U S  vessels in international waters within that country's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ)  In March 2009, the survey ship USNS Impeccable was conducting routine operations, consistent with international law, in international waters in the South China Sea  Actions taken by Chinese fishing vessels to harass the Impeccable put ships of both sides at risk, interfered with freedom of navigation, and were inconsistent with the obligation for ships at sea to show due regard for the safety of other ships  We immediately protested those actions to the Chinese government, and urged that our differences be resolved through established mechanisms for dialogue—not through ship-to-ship confrontations that put sailors and vessels at risk  Our concern over that incident centered on China's conception of its legal authority over other countries' vessels operating in its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and the unsafe way China sought to assert what it considers its maritime rights  China's view of its rights on this specific point is not supported by international law  We have made that point clearly in discussions with the Chinese and underscored that U S  vessels will continue to operate lawfully in international waters as they have done in the past  As part of his prepared statement for the same hearing, Robert Scher, then-Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense, Asian and Pacific Security Affairs, Office of the Secretary of Defense, stated that we reject any nation's attempt to place limits on the exercise of high seas freedoms within an exclusive economic zones [sic] (EEZ)  Customary international law, as reflected in articles 58 and 87 of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, guarantees to all nations the right to exercise within the EEZ, high seas freedoms of navigation and overflight, as well as the traditional uses of the ocean related to those freedoms  It has been the position of the United States since 1982 when the Convention was established, that the navigational rights and freedoms applicable within the EEZ are qualitatively and quantitatively the same as those rights and freedoms applicable on the high seas  We note that almost 40% of the world's oceans lie within the 200 nautical miles EEZs, and it is essential to the global economy and international peace and security that navigational rights and freedoms within the EEZ be vigorously asserted and preserved  As previously noted, our military activity in this region is routine and in accordance with customary international law as reflected in the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention  As mentioned earlier in the report, if China's position on whether coastal states have a right under UNCLOS to regulate the activities of foreign military forces in their EEZs were to gain greater international acceptance under international law, it could substantially affect U S  naval operations not only in the SCS and ECS (see Figure F-1 for EEZs in the SCS and ECS), but around the world, which in turn could substantially affect the ability of the United States to use its military forces to defend various U S  interests overseas  As shown in Figure F-2 , significant portions of the world's oceans are claimable as EEZs, including high-priority U S  Navy operating areas in the Western Pacific, the Persian Gulf, and the Mediterranean Sea  Some observers, in commenting on China's resistance to U S  military survey and surveillance operations in China's EEZ, have argued that the United States would similarly dislike it if China or some other country were to conduct military survey or surveillance operations within the U S  EEZ  Skeptics of this view argue that U S  policy accepts the right of other countries to operate their military forces freely in waters outside the 12-mile U S  territorial waters limit, and that the United States during the Cold War acted in accordance with this position by not interfering with either Soviet ships (including intelligence-gathering vessels known as AGIs) that operated close to the United States or with Soviet bombers and surveillance aircraft that periodically flew close to U S  airspace  The U S  Navy states that When the commonly recognized outer limit of the territorial sea under international law was three nautical miles, the United States recognized the right of other states, including the Soviet Union, to exercise high seas freedoms, including surveillance and other military operations, beyond that limit  The 1982 Law of the Sea Convention moved the outer limit of the territorial sea to twelve nautical miles  In 1983, President Reagan declared that the United States would accept the balance of the interests relating to the traditional uses of the oceans reflected in the 1982 Convention and would act in accordance with those provisions in exercising its navigational and overflight rights as long as other states did likewise  He further proclaimed that all nations will continue to enjoy the high seas rights and freedoms that are not resource related, including the freedoms of navigation and overflight, in the Exclusive Economic Zone he established for the United States consistent with the 1982 Convention  DOD states that the PLA Navy has begun to conduct military activities within the Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) of other nations, without the permission of those coastal states  Of note, the United States has observed over the past year several instances of Chinese naval activities in the EEZ around Guam and Hawaii  One of those instances was during the execution of the annual Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) exercise in July/August 2012  While the United States considers the PLA Navy activities in its EEZ to be lawful, the activity undercuts China's decades-old position that similar foreign military activities in China's EEZ are unlawful  In July 2014, China participated, for the first time, in the biennial U S -led Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) naval exercise, the world's largest multilateral naval exercise  In addition to the four ships that China sent to participate in RIMPAC, China sent an uninvited intelligence-gathering ship to observe the exercise without participating in it  The ship conducted operations inside U S  EEZ off Hawaii, where the exercise was located  A July 29, 2014, press report stated that The high profile story of a Chinese surveillance ship off the cost of Hawaii could have a positive aspect for U S  operations in the Pacific, the head of U S  Pacific Command (PACOM) said in a Tuesday [July 29] afternoon briefing with reporters at the Pentagon  "The good news about this is that it's a recognition, I think, or acceptance by the Chinese for what we've been saying to them for sometime," PACOM commander Adm  Samuel Locklear told reporters  "Military operations and survey operations in another country's [Exclusive Economic Zone]—where you have your own national security interest—are within international law and are acceptable  This is a fundamental right nations have " One observer stated the following: The unprecedented decision [by China] to send a surveillance vessel while also participating in the RIMPAC exercises calls China's proclaimed stance on international navigation rights [in EEZ waters] into question    During the Cold War, the U S  and Soviets were known for spying on each other's exercises  More recently, Beijing sent what U S  Pacific Fleet spokesman Captain Darryn James called "a similar AGI ship" to Hawaii to monitor RIMPAC 2012—though that year, China was not an official participant in the exercises         the spy ship's presence appears inconsistent with China's stance on military activities in Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs)     That Beijing's AGI [intelligence-gathering ship] is currently stationed off the coast of Hawaii suggests either a double standard that could complicate military relations between the United States and China, or that some such surveillance activities are indeed legitimate—and that China should clarify its position on them to avoid perceptions that it is trying to have things both ways     In its response to the Chinese vessel's presence, the USN has shown characteristic restraint  Official American policy permits surveillance operations within a nation's EEZ, provided they remain outside of that nation's 12-nautical mile territorial sea (an EEZ extends from 12 to 200 nautical miles unless this would overlap with another nations' EEZ)  U S  military statements reflect that position unambiguously     That consistent policy stance and accompanying restraint have characterized the U S  attitude toward foreign surveillance activity since the Cold War  Then, the Soviets were known for sending converted fishing ships equipped with surveillance equipment to the U S  coast, as well as foreign bases, maritime choke points, and testing sites  The U S  was similarly restrained in 2012, when China first sent an AGI to observe RIMPAC     China has, then, sent a surveillance ship to observe RIMPAC in what appears to be a decidedly intentional, coordinated move—and in a gesture that appears to contradict previous Chinese policy regarding surveillance and research operations (SROs)  The U S  supports universal freedom of navigation and the right to conduct SROs in international waters, including EEZs, hence its restraint when responding to the current presence of the Chinese AGI  But the PRC opposes such activities, particularly on the part of the U S , in its own EEZ     How then to reconcile the RIMPAC AGI with China's stand on surveillance activities? China maintains that its current actions are fully legal, and that there is a distinct difference between its operations off Hawaii and those of foreign powers in its EEZ  The PLAN's designated point of contact declined to provide information and directed inquiries to China's Defense Ministry  In a faxed statement to Reuters, the Defense Ministry stated that Chinese vessels had the right to operate "in waters outside of other country's territorial waters," and that "China respects the rights granted under international law to relevant littoral states, and hopes that relevant countries can respect the legal rights Chinese ships have " It did not elaborate  As a recent Global Times article hinted—China's position on military activities in EEZs is based on a legal reading that stresses the importance of domestic laws  According to China maritime legal specialist Isaac Kardon, China interprets the EEZ articles in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) as granting a coastal state jurisdiction to enforce its domestic laws prohibiting certain military activities—e g , those that it interprets to threaten national security, economic rights, or environmental protection—in its EEZ  China's domestic laws include such provisions, while those of the United States do not  Those rules would allow China to justify its seemingly contradictory approach to AGI operations—or, as Kardon put it, "to have their cake and eat it too " Therefore, under the Chinese interpretation of UNCLOS, its actions are neither hypocritical nor illegal—yet do not justify similar surveillance against China  Here, noted legal scholar Jerome Cohen emphasizes, the U S  position remains the globally dominant view—"since most nations believe the coastal state has no right to forbid surveillance in its EEZ, they do not have domestic laws that do so " This renders China's attempted constraints legally problematic, since "international law is based on reciprocity " To explain his interpretation of Beijing's likely approach, Cohen invokes the observation that a French commentator made several decades ago in the context of discussing China's international law policy regarding domestic legal issues: "I demand freedom from you in the name of your principles  I deny it to you in the name of mine " Based on his personal experience interacting with Chinese officials and legal experts, Kardon adds, "China is increasingly confident that its interpretation of some key rules and—most critically—its practices reinforcing that interpretation can over time shape the Law of the Sea regime to suit its preferences " But China is not putting all its eggs in that basket  There are increasing indications that it is attempting to promote its EEZ approach vis-à-vis the U S  not legally but politically  "Beijing is shifting from rules- to relations-based objections," Naval War College China Maritime Studies Institute Director Peter Dutton observes  "In this context, its surveillance operations in undisputed U S  EEZs portend an important shift, but that does not mean that China will be more flexible in the East or South China Seas " The quasi-authoritative Chinese commentary that has emerged thus far supports this interpretation     [A recent statement from a Chinese official] suggests that Beijing will increasingly oppose U S  SROs on the grounds that they are incompatible with the stable, cooperative Sino-American relationship that Beijing and Washington have committed to cultivating  The Obama Administration must ensure that the "new-type Navy-to-Navy relations" that Chinese Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Wu Shengli has advocated to his U S  counterpart does not contain expectations that U S  SROs will be reduced in nature, scope, or frequency     China's conducting military activities in a foreign EEZ implies that, under its interpretation, some such operations are indeed legal  It therefore falls to China now to clarify its stance—to explain why its operations are consistent with international law, and what sets them apart from apparently similar American activities  If China does not explain away the apparent contradiction in a convincing fashion, it risks stirring up increased international resentment—and undermining its relationship with the U S  Beijing is currently engaging in activities very much like those it has vociferously opposed  That suggests the promotion of a double standard untenable in the international system, and very much at odds with the relationships based on reciprocity, respect, and cooperation that China purports to promote     If, however, China chooses to remain silent, it will likely have to accept—at least tacitly, without harassing—U S  surveillance missions in its claimed EEZ  So, as we watch for clarification on Beijing's legal interpretation, it will also be important to watch for indications regarding the next SROs in China's EEZ  In September 2014, a Chinese surveillance ship operated in U S  EEZ waters near Guam as it observed a joint-service U S  military exercise called Valiant Shield  A U S  spokesperson for the exercise stated the following: "We'd like to reinforce that military operations in international commons and outside of territorial waters and airspace is a fundamental right that all nations have     The Chinese were following international norms, which is completely acceptable " Appendix G  Options Suggested by Observers for Strengthening U S  Actions This appendix presents a bibliography of some recent writings by observers who have suggested options (or are reporting on options suggested by others) for strengthening U S  actions for responding to China's actions in the SCS and ECS, organized by date, beginning with the most-recent item  Andrew S  Erickson, "Maritime Numbers Game, Understanding and Responding to China's Three Sea Forces," Indo-Pacific Defense Forum , January 28, 2019  James R  Holmes, "Use It or Lose It: Seagoing Nations Must Defend Embattled Waterways," The Hill , January 27, 2019  Gregory Poling and Eric Sayers, "Time to Make Good on the U S -Philippine Alliance," War on the Rocks , January 21, 2019  Gregory Poling and Bonnie S  Glaser, "How the U S  Can Step Up in the South China Sea," Foreign Affairs , January 16, 2019  Zack Cooper and Gregory Poling, "America's Freedom of Navigation Operations Are Lost at Sea, Far Wider Measures Are Needed to Challenge Beijing's Maritime Aggression," Foreign Policy , January 8, 2019  Andrew S  Erickson, "Shining a Spotlight: Revealing China's Maritime Militia to Deter its Use," National Interest , November 25, 2018  Eric Sayers, "Assessing America's Indo-Pacific Budget Shortfall," War on the Rocks , November 15, 2018  Patrick N  Cronin and Richard Javad Heydarian, "This Is How America and the Philippines Can Upgrade Their Alliance," National Interest , November 12, 2018  John Lee, Freedom of Navigation and East Asian Stability: Countering Beijing's Campaign of Historical Revisionism ," Hudson Institute, November 2018, 8 pp  Ryan Martinson and Peter Dutton, "Chinese Scientists Want to Conduct Research in U S  Waters—Should Washington Let Them?" National Interest , November 4, 2018  Hunter Stires, "Understanding and Defeating China's Maritime Insurgency in the South china Sea," National Interest , November 1, 2018  Robert D  Kaplan, "How President Trump Is Helping Beijing Win in the South China Sea," Washington Post , October 9, 2018  Tuan Pham, "China's Worth Nightmare: RIMPAC 2020 in the South China Sea?" National Interest , September 29, 2018  Patrick M  Cronin, "China is Waging a Maritime Insurgency in the South China Sea  It's Time for the Unitd States to Counter It " National Interest , August 6, 2018  Shigeki Sakamoto, "China's South China Sea Project Must Not Succeed; The International Community Shouldn't Quietly Let China Ignore the 2016 [Arbitral Tribunal] Decision " Diplomat , August 6, 2018  James Amedeo, "America Needs a Clear Strategy to Counter China's Expansion in the South China Sea," National Interest , August 1, 2018  Lynn Kuok, "Countering China's Actions in the South China Sea," Lawfare , August 1, 2018  Timothy Perry, "Use Maritime-Law Trends to Offset Beijing's Gains in the South China Sea," Defense One , July 24, 2018  J  Michael Cole, "It's Time to Stop China's Seaward Expansion," National Interest , July 21, 2018  Lindsey W  Ford, "Was China's RIMPAC Exclusion An Opening or a Wasted Shot?" East Asia Forum , July 20, 2018  Lynn Kuok, "China Is Winning in the South China Sea," Wall Street Journal , July 17, 2018  "Washington and Its Allies Need to Contain Beijing," Financial Times , July 1, 2018  Patrick M  Cronin and Melodiw Ha, "Toward a New maritime Strategy in the South China Sea," The Diplomat , June 22, 2018  (A similar version was posted as: Patrick M  Cronin and Melodie Ha, "Toward a New Maritime Strategy in the South China Sea," CSIS, June 21, 2018 (PacNet #42)  Paul J  Leaf, "Taiwan and the South China Sea Must Be Taken Off the Back Burner," National Interest , June 18, 2018  Robert E  McCoy, "A Better Way to Repel China in the South China Sea," Asia Times , June 8, 2018  Robert Farley, "The South China Sea Conundrum for the United States," The Diplomat , June 5 2018  Joel Gehrke, "Marco Rubio: US Must Develop Plan to 'Destroy' Chinese Assets in South China Sea," Washington Examiner , June 4, 2018  Duncan DeAeth, "Taiwan Should Invite US to Open Military Base on Taiping Island, Says DPP Think-Tank," Taiwan News , June 4, 2018  Julian Ku, "It's Time for South China Sea Economic Sanctions," Lawfare , June 1, 2018  Eric Sayers, "Time to Launch a Combined Maritime Task Force for the Pacific," War on the Rocks , June 1, 2018  Matthew Krull, "America's Annual Naval Patrol Report and How to Fix It," National Interest , May 29, 2018  Tuan N  Pham, "A Sign of the Times: China's Recent Actions and the Undermining of Global Rules, Pt  3," CIMSEC (Center for International Maritime Security), May 24, 2018  Ryan D  Martinson and Andrew Erickson, "Re-Orienting American Seapower for the China Challenge," War on the Rocks , May 10, 2018  Ben Cipperley, "In the Era of Great Power Competition, the US Needs to Step Up Its Game," The Diplomat , May 8, 2018  Stephen Bryen, "How to Counter China's Fortified Islands in South China Sea," Asia Times , May 5, 2018  Ely Ratner, "Exposing China's Actions in the South China Sea," Council on Foreign Relations, April 6, 2018  Shawn Lansing, "A White Hull Approach to Taming the Dragon: Using the Coast Guard to Counter China," War on the Rocks , February 22, 2018  Dean Cheng, "Wanted: A Strategy to Limit China's Grand Plans for the South China Sea," National Interest , January 30, 2018  Hal Brands, "China Hasn't Won the Pacific (Unless You Think It Has)," Bloomberg , January 5, 2018 

ground_truth: The number of individuals receiving long term care services from Medicaid in community residential settings is expected to grow. These settings, which include assisted living facilities, provide a range of services that allow aged and disabled beneficiaries, who might otherwise require nursing home care, to remain in the community. State Medicaid programs and CMS, the federal agency responsible for overseeing the state programs, share responsibility for ensuring that beneficiaries' health and welfare is protected. GAO was asked to examine state and federal oversight of assisted living services in Medicaid. This report (1) describes state spending on and coverage of these services, (2) describes how state Medicaid agencies oversee the health and welfare of beneficiaries in these settings, and (3) examines the extent that CMS oversees state Medicaid agency monitoring of assisted living services. GAO surveyed all state Medicaid agencies and interviewed officials in a nongeneralizeable sample of three states with varied oversight processes for their assisted living programs. GAO reviewed regulations and guidance, and interviewed CMS officials. State Medicaid agencies in 48 states that covered assisted living services reported spending more than $10 billion (federal and state) on assisted living services in 2014. These 48 states reported covering these services for more than 330,000 beneficiaries through more than 130 different programs. Most programs were operated under Medicaid waivers that allow states to target certain populations, limit enrollment, or restrict services to certain geographic areas. With respect to oversight of their largest assisted living programs, state Medicaid agencies reported varied approaches to overseeing beneficiary health and welfare, particularly in how they monitored critical incidents involving beneficiaries receiving assisted living services. State Medicaid agencies are required to protect beneficiary health and welfare and operate systems to monitor for critical incidents—cases of potential or actual harm to beneficiaries such as abuse, neglect, or exploitation. Twenty-six state Medicaid agencies could not report to GAO the number of critical incidents that occurred in assisted living facilities, citing reasons including the inability to track incidents by provider type (9 states), lack of a system to collect critical incidents (9 states), and lack of a system that could identify Medicaid beneficiaries (5 states). State Medicaid agencies varied in what types of critical incidents they monitored. All states identified physical, emotional, or sexual abuse as a critical incident. A number of states did not identify other incidents that may indicate potential harm or neglect such as medication errors (7 states) and unexplained death (3 states). State Medicaid agencies varied in whether they made information on critical incidents and other key information available to the public. Thirty-four states made critical incident information available to the public by phone, website, or in person, while another 14 states did not have such information available at all. Oversight of state monitoring of assisted living services by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS), an agency within the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), is limited by gaps in state reporting. States are required to annually report to CMS information on deficiencies affecting beneficiary health and welfare for the most common program used to provide assisted living services. However, states have latitude in what they consider a deficiency. States also must describe their systems for monitoring critical incidents, but CMS does not require states to annually report data from their systems. Under federal internal control standards, agencies should have processes to identify information needed to achieve objectives and address risk. Without clear guidance on reportable deficiencies and no requirement to report critical incidents, CMS may be unaware of problems. For example, CMS found, after an in-depth review in one selected state seeking to renew its program, that the state lacked an effective system for assuring beneficiary health and welfare, including reporting insufficient information on the number of unexpected or suspicious beneficiary deaths. The state had not reported any deficiencies in annual reports submitted to CMS in 5 prior years. GAO recommendations to CMS include clarifying state requirements for reporting program deficiencies and requiring annual reporting of critical incidents. HHS concurred with GAO's recommendations to clarify deficiency reporting and stated that it would consider annual reporting requirements for critical incidents after completing an ongoing review.

prompt_front: You are given two reports by the government agency.



Question: Write a one-page summary of the report 2.

Report 1: In March 2015, Saudi Arabia established a coalition of nations (hereinafter referred to as the Saudi-led coalition or the coalition) to engage in military operations in Yemen against the Ansar Allah/Houthi movement and loyalists of the previous president of Yemen, the late Ali Abdullah Saleh  During 2014, the United States joined Saudi Arabia in demanding that Houthi forces reverse their campaign to occupy the Yemeni capital of Sanaa, but the rapid onset of hostilities in March 2015 forced the Obama Administration to react quickly  At the start of the Saudi-led intervention on March 25, 2015, the Administration announced that the United States would provide "logistical and intelligence support" to the coalition's operations without taking "direct military action in Yemen in support of this effort " Soon thereafter, a joint U S -Saudi planning cell was established to coordinate military and intelligence support for the campaign  At the United Nations Security Council, the United States supported the passage of Resolution 2216 (April 2015), which, among other things, required member states to impose an arms embargo against the Houthi-Saleh forces and demanded that the Houthis withdraw from all areas seized during the current conflict  Since the March 2015 Saudi-led coalition intervention in Yemen, Congress has taken an active role in debating and overseeing U S  policy in the Arabian Peninsula  Members have considered legislative proposals seeking to reduce Yemeni civilian casualties resulting from the coalition's operations; improve deteriorating humanitarian conditions; end restrictions on the flow of goods and humanitarian aid; combat Iranian support for the Houthis; preserve maritime security in the Bab al Mandab Strait; and/or support continued Saudi-led coalition and U S  efforts to counter Al Qaeda and Islamic State forces in Yemen  Beyond Yemen, many Members have appeared to view the conflict through the prism of a broader regional rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and the U S  effort to limit Iran's malign regional influence  Others lawmakers have viewed the Yemen conflict as indicative of what they perceive as problems in the U S -Saudi relationship, a concern that deepened after the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi by Saudi government personnel in October 2018  Congress has considered but has not enacted proposals to curtail or condition U S  defense sales to Saudi Arabia  Responding to the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen also appears to be reinvigorating some Members' interest in strengthening the role of Congress in foreign policy vis-à-vis the executive branch  Debate in Congress over Yemen has featured bipartisan statements of interest in asserting the prerogatives of the legislative branch to limit executive branch power, specifically using war powers legislation and the appropriations and authorization processes to curb U S  military involvement in support of coalition operations  Congressional scrutiny of U S  policy in Yemen also has led to legislative changes to global authorities, such as the Department of Defense's authority to enter into and use acquisition and cross servicing agreements with partner militaries  Congressional interest in the Yemen conflict has evolved and grown gradually and was not widespread at the outset of the coalition's March 2015 intervention in Yemen  In early to mid-2015, congressional interest in U S  foreign policy in the Middle East centered on the Iran nuclear deal and Operation Inherent Resolve against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria  Several months after the March 2015 intervention, the Saudi-led coalition had not achieved a conclusive victory and what modest gains had been made on the ground were offset by mounting international criticism of growing civilian casualties from coalition air strikes  In Congress, several lawmakers began to express concern about the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Yemen  In late September 2015, Representative Ted W  Lieu wrote a letter to the Joint Chiefs of Staff advocating for a halt to U S  support for the Saudi-led coalition until it instituted safeguards to prevent civilian casualties  In October 2015, 10 Members of Congress wrote a letter to President Obama urging him to "work with our Saudi partners to limit civilian casualties to the fullest extent possible " In October 2015, Senator Markey stated that "I fear that our failure to strongly advocate diplomacy in Yemen over the past two years, coupled with our failure to urge restraint in the face of the crisis last spring, may put the viability of this critical [U S -Saudi] partnership at risk " By the fall of 2015, as the Obama Administration tried to balance its concern for adhering to the laws of armed conflict with its support for Gulf partners, lawmakers began to express their concern over U S  involvement in the coalition's intervention by scrutinizing U S  arms sales to Saudi Arabia  When the Administration informally notified Congress of a proposed sale of precision guided munitions (PGMs) to Saudi Arabia, some Senators sought to delay its formal notification  After the formal notification in November 2015, Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) leaders jointly requested that the Administration notify Congress 30 days prior to associated shipments, marking the first use of this prior notification request authority  At that time, no related joint resolutions of disapproval on proposed sales of PGMs to the kingdom were introduced, but the delay and additional notification request demonstrated congressional concern  By the one-year anniversary of the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen, a more defined opposition to U S  support for the coalition had begun to coalesce amid repeated international documentation of human rights abuses and errant coalition airstrikes  In April 2016, legislation was introduced that sought to place conditions on future proposed sale notifications, previously approved sales, or transfers of PGMs to Saudi Arabia  Proposed amendments to FY2017 defense legislation would have added some similar conditions on the use of funds to implement sales of PGMs or prohibited the transfer of cluster munitions to Saudi Arabia  The PGM amendment was not considered, but the cluster munitions amendment was narrowly defeated in a June 2016 House floor vote  In the spring and summer of 2016, the United Nations held multiple rounds of peace talks in Kuwait aimed at brokering an end to the conflict  From April 2016 to August 2016, the Saudi-led coalition had largely spared Yemen's capital Sanaa from aerial strikes as part of its commitment to the cessation of hostilities  When U N -mediated peace talks collapsed in August 2016, the Saudi-led coalition resumed bombing and the war intensified  During the summer of 2016, the Obama Administration reduced some U S  support for Saudi Arabia's air campaign in Yemen by withdrawing U S  personnel assigned to a joint U S -Saudi planning cell  Nevertheless, overall U S -Saudi cooperation continued and, in August 2016, the Obama Administration notified Congress of a proposed sale of M1A2S tanks to Saudi Arabia  In response, some lawmakers wrote to request that President Obama withdraw the proposal, citing concerns about Yemen  In September 2016, joint resolutions of disapproval of the proposed tank sale were introduced in the Senate ( S J Res  39 ) and House ( H J Res  98 )  On September 21, 2016, the Senate voted to table a motion to discharge the SFRC from further consideration of S J Res  39 (71-27, Record Vote 145)  During debate over the motion, many Senators argued in favor of continued U S  support for Saudi Arabia, with Senator Lindsey Graham remarking "To those who want to vote today to suspend this aid to Saudi Arabia, people in Iran will cheer you on " In the wake of an October 2016 Saudi airstrike on a funeral hall in Sanaa that killed 140 people, the Obama Administration initiated a review of U S  security assistance to Saudi Arabia  Based on that review, it put a hold on a planned sale of precision guided munitions (PGMs) to Saudi Arabia and limited intelligence sharing, but maintained counterterrorism cooperation and refueling for coalition aircraft  In the final months of the Obama Administration, U S  Armed Forces briefly exchanged fire with forces party to the conflict  In October 2016, Houthi-Saleh forces launched anti-ship missiles at U S  Navy vessels on patrol off the coast of Yemen  The attacks against the U S  ships marked the first time U S  Armed Forces had come under direct fire in the war  The Obama Administration responded to the attacks against U S  naval vessels by directing the Armed Forces to fire cruise missiles against Houthi-Saleh radar installations  The Obama Administration described the U S  strikes as self-defense and indicated that it did not want to deepen its direct involvement in the conflict  In August and November 2016, then-Secretary of State John Kerry made several attempts to broker a peace initiative in Oman, but his efforts were rejected by the parties themselves  By the end of 114 th Congress, the war in Yemen was becoming a more significant foreign policy issue for lawmakers  While a growing number of Members were becoming critical of the U S  role in supporting the Saudi-led coalition amid a deteriorating humanitarian situation in Yemen, more lawmakers still viewed the conflict through a regional lens rather than as a localized affair  Amid significant congressional opposition to the 2015 nuclear agreement with Iran (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or JCPOA), some Members viewed Iran's support for the Houthi movement and the broader conflict in Yemen as an example of Iran's malign regional activities not directly addressed by the JCPOA  As the Houthis targeted Gulf state infrastructure on land and vessels at sea, their behavior was touted as evidence of Iran's growing capabilities to threaten U S  and Gulf security  Just as some Members considered the Yemen conflict primarily a proxy war between the Iran-backed Houthis and the Saudi-led coalition, others viewed it as a test of long-standing U S  commitments to supporting Saudi Arabian security  Supporters of the relationship, while acknowledging that Saudi Arabia's conduct of the war was at times problematic, argued that to curtail U S  arms sales or other defense support to the kingdom would weaken a vital partner that was under threat from a hostile nonstate actor on its southern border  Others lawmakers charged that continued U S  support for the coalition was not improving coalition behavior but damaging the U S  reputation for upholding commitments to international law and human rights  Legislation seeking to limit U S  arms sales to Saudi Arabia was not enacted in the 114 th Congress, but marked the beginning of the broader congressional debate that has continued  As the Trump Administration prepared to assume office, human rights organizations and aid groups were pressing Congress to become more attuned to the growing humanitarian crisis in Yemen  Though the Obama Administration had taken some steps, particularly in late 2016, to limit U S -coalition cooperation and restrict deliveries of PGMs to Saudi Arabia, nongovernmental groups deemed such action as insufficient  According to Human Rights Watch, "Whatever conditionality the Obama administration thought it had created—in holding up the transfer of precision munitions near the tail end of Obama's term and suspending cluster munition transfers earlier—ultimately did not have meaningful impact in reining in the continued Saudi-led coalition attacks on civilians " From the beginning of his Administration, President Donald Trump has signaled strong support for the Saudi-led coalition's operations in Yemen as a bulwark against Iranian regional interference  He initiated a review of U S  policy toward Yemen, including President Obama's October 2016 restrictions on U S  arms sales and intelligence sharing to the coalition  On March 19, 2017, just prior to his visit to Saudi Arabia, President Trump notified Congress that he was proceeding with three proposed direct commercial sales of precision guided munitions technology deferred by the Obama Administration, subject to congressional review  In May 2017, the Administration officially notified Congress of its intention to proceed with proposed sales of precision guided munitions technologies that the Obama Administration had deferred, while announcing plans to increase training for Saudi Arabia's air force on both targeting and the Law of Armed Conflict  Congress debated another resolution of disapproval ( S J Res  42 ) of these proposed PGM sales in June 2017 (see below)  After completing the policy review in July 2017, President Trump directed his Administration "to focus on ending the war and avoiding a regional conflict, mitigating the humanitarian crisis, and defending Saudi Arabia's territorial integrity and commerce in the Red Sea " As President Trump entered office, the dynamics of the conflict in Yemen were changing, and the coalition launched a new offensive along Yemen's 280-mile western coastal plain ultimately aimed at taking the strategic Houthi-held port city of Hudaydah  In early 2017, the coalition's gradual advance toward Hudaydah, coupled with an ongoing deterioration in humanitarian conditions, sparked some Members of Congress to implore the Administration to improve aid access and negotiate a cease-fire  In March 2017, several House Members wrote a letter to then-Secretary of State Rex Tillerson urging him to "use all U S  diplomatic tools to help open the Yemeni port of Hodeida [Hudaydah] to international humanitarian aid organizations " A month later, another group of House Members wrote to President Trump stating that Congress should approve any new U S  support to the coalition amid its offensive against Hudaydah  On June 13, 2017, the Senate debated another resolution ( S J Res  42 ) to disapprove of three direct commercial sales of PGMs to Saudi Arabia  During Senate floor consideration over the motion to discharge the Senate Foreign Relations Committee from further consideration of S J Res  42 , Members once again weighed various issues, such as the U S -Saudi bilateral relationship, countering Iran, and limiting U S  involvement in the war in Yemen  Some lawmakers suggested that U S  arms sales and military support to the coalition had enabled alleged violations of international humanitarian law, while others argued that U S  support to the coalition improved its effectiveness and helps minimize civilian casualties  For example, during floor debate, Senator Graham argued that "If we are worried about collateral damage in Yemen, I understand the concern  Precision weapons would help that cause, not hurt it " Senator Murphy retorted, saying "What we are asking for is to hold off on selling these precision-guided munitions until we get some clear promise—some clear assurance—from the Saudis that they are going to use these munitions only for military purposes and that they are going to start taking steps—real steps, tangible steps—to address the humanitarian crisis " On June 13, 2017, the Senate voted to reject the motion to discharge the Senate Foreign Relations Committee from further consideration (47-53, Record Vote 143), and a companion resolution was not taken up in the House ( H J Res  102 )  Representative Ro Khanna introduced a concurrent resolution ( H Con Res  81 ) pursuant to the War Powers Resolution ( P L  93-148 ) in a bid to end U S  support for the coalition's military intervention  After consultation between House leaders and supporters of the resolution on a compromise approach, the House agreed to delay expedited consideration of the resolution until after the November 2016 election and then adopted a nonbinding alternative ( H Res  599 , 366-30, 1 Present, Roll no  623)  In his first year in office, while President Trump sought to improve relations with Saudi Arabia, counter Iran, and increase U S  counterterrorism activity in Yemen, his Administration also at times took strong positions on the need for members of the coalition to improve humanitarian access, pursue a settlement to the conflict, and take measures to prevent civilian casualties


Report 2:  After a Houthi-fired missile with alleged Iranian origins landed deep inside Saudi Arabia in November 2017, the coalition instituted a full blockade of all of Yemen's ports, including the main port of Hudaydah, exacerbating the country's humanitarian crisis  The White House issued four press statements on the conflict between November 8 and December 8, including a statement on December 6 in which President Trump called on Saudi Arabia to "completely allow food, fuel, water, and medicine to reach the Yemeni people who desperately need it  This must be done for humanitarian reasons immediately " On December 20, 2017, the Saudi-led coalition announced that it would end its blockade of Hudaydah port for a 30-day period and permit the delivery of four U S -funded cranes to Yemen to increase the port's capability to off-load commercial and humanitarian goods  The next day, the White House issued a statement welcoming "Saudi Arabia's announcement of these humanitarian actions in the face of this major conflict " As the Saudi-led coalition intervention entered its fourth year, some in the Senate also proposed use of the War Powers Resolution as a tool for ending U S  support for the coalition's military intervention  On February 28, 2018, Senator Bernie Sanders introduced S J Res  54 , a joint resolution to "direct the removal of United States Armed Forces from hostilities in the Republic of Yemen that have not been authorized by Congress (except for those U S  forces engaged in counterterrorism operations directed at al Qaeda or associated forces) " Efforts in the Senate followed a late 2017 attempt in the House (see Table 1 below), in which a concurrent resolution directing the President to remove U S  forces from Yemen was tabled in favor of a House-passed nonbinding resolution  Throughout 2018, between Congress and the Trump Administration and within Congress itself, there was disagreement as to whether U S  forces assisting the Saudi-led coalition have been introduced into active or imminent hostilities for purposes of the War Powers Resolution  Some Members claimed that by providing support to the Saudi-led coalition, U S  forces have been introduced into a "situation where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated" based on the criteria of the War Powers Resolution  The Trump Administration disagreed  In February 2018, the Acting Department of Defense General Counsel wrote to Senate leaders describing the extent of current U S  support , and reported that "the United States provides the KSA-led coalition defense articles and services, including air-to-air refueling; certain intelligence support; and military advice, including advice regarding compliance with the law of armed conflict and best practices for reducing the risk of civilian casualties " On March 20, 2018, the Senate considered S J Res  54 on the floor  During debate, arguments centered on a number of issues, ranging from concern over exacerbating Yemen's humanitarian crisis to reasserting the role of Congress in authorizing the use of armed force abroad  After then-Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Senator Bob Corker promised to propose new legislation and hold hearings scrutinizing U S  policy in Yemen, a majority of Senators voted to table a motion to discharge the Foreign Relations committee from further consideration of S J Res  54   Senator Robert Menendez made remarks expressing conditional support for Senator Corker's approach, a view shared by some other Senators who voted to table the motion  The Foreign Relations Committee held a hearing on Yemen a month later  In parallel testimony before Congress, U S  defense officials stated that while the United States refueled Saudi aircraft and provided advice on targeting techniques, CENTCOM did not track coalition aircraft after they were refueled and did not provide advice on specific targets  Then-Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs Robert S  Karem testified that "It's correct that we do not monitor and track all of the Saudi aircraft aloft over Yemen " During the same hearing, U S  officials acknowledged that pressure from Congress has altered how the Administration deals with the coalition over the Yemen conflict  Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David Satterfield told Senator Todd Young and the SFRC the following: Senator, your efforts, the efforts of your colleagues in this body and on this Committee have been exceedingly helpful in allowing the Administration to send a message from whole of government regarding the very specific concerns we have over any limitations, restrictions, constraints on the ability of both humanitarian and commercial goods specifically to include fuel to have unrestricted and expeditious entry into Yemen  And that messaging which comes from us, the Executive Branch, also comes from this body is extremely important  After the promised hearing, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee also proposed new legislation to place conditions on U S  assistance to the coalition  In May, the committee reported S J Res  58 to the Senate; it would have prohibited the obligation or expenditure of U S  funds for in-flight refueling operations of Saudi and Saudi-led coalition aircraft that were not conducting select types of operations if certain certifications cannot be made and maintained  The Senate Armed Services Committee incorporated the provisions of the SFRC-reported text of S J Res  58 as Section 1266 of the version of the FY2019 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) that it reported to the Senate on June 5, 2018 ( S  2987 )  The provision was modified further and passed by both the House and Senate as Section 1290 of the conference version of the FY2019 NDAA ( H R  5515 )  It was signed into law as P L  115-232 in mid-August, giving the Administration until mid-September 2018 to make certain certifications  In a statement accompanying the President's signing of P L  115-232 into law, President Trump objected to provisions such as Section 1290, stating the Administration's view that such provisions "encompass only actions for which such advance certification or notification is feasible and consistent" with "[his] exclusive constitutional authorities as Commander in Chief and as the sole representative of the Nation in foreign affairs " As Congress continued to question the role of the United States in supporting coalition operations in Yemen, the pace and scale of fighting on the ground increased dramatically by the summer of 2018  On June 12, 2018, the Saudi-led coalition launched "Operation Golden Victory," aimed at retaking the Red Sea port city of Hudaydah  As coalition forces engaged Houthi militants in and around Hudaydah, humanitarian organizations warned that if port operation ceased, famine could become widespread throughout northern Yemen  On June 12, nine Senators wrote a letter to Secretary of State Pompeo and then-Secretary of Defense Mattis saying, "We are concerned that pending military operations by the UAE and its Yemeni partners will exacerbate the humanitarian crisis by interrupting delivery of humanitarian aid and damaging critical infrastructure  We are also deeply concerned that these operations jeopardize prospects for a near-term political resolution to the conflict " Several weeks later, Senator Robert Menendez, the ranking member on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, placed a hold on a potential U S  sale of precision guided munitions to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates  In a June 28 letter to Secretary of State Pompeo and Secretary of Defense Mattis, Senator Menendez said, I am not confident that these weapons sales will be utilized strategically as effective leverage to push back on Iran's actions in Yemen, assist our partners in their own self-defense, or drive the parties toward a political settlement that saves lives and mitigates humanitarian suffering…  Even worse, I am concerned that our policies are enabling perpetuation of a conflict that has resulted in the world's worst humanitarian crisis  On August 9, the coalition conducted an airstrike that hit a bus in a market near Dahyan, Yemen, in the northern Sa'ada governorate adjacent to the Saudi border  The strike reportedly killed 51 people, 40 of whom were children  The coalition claims that its airstrike was a "legitimate military operation" and conducted in response to a Houthi missile attack on the Saudi city of Jizan a day earlier that killed a Yemeni national in the kingdom  The U S  State Department called on the Saudi-led coalition to conduct a "thorough and transparent investigation into the incident " Several Members of Congress wrote to the Administration seeking additional information regarding U S  operations in the wake of the August 2018 coalition strike at Dahyan  Several Senators also submitted an amendment to the FY2019 Defense Department appropriations act ( H R  6157 ) that would have prohibited the use of funds made available by the act to support the Saudi-led coalition operations in Yemen until the Secretary of Defense certifies in writing to Congress that the coalition air campaign "does not violate the principles of distinction and proportionality within the rules for the protection of civilians " The provision did not apply to support for ongoing counterterrorism operations against Al Qaeda and the Islamic State in Yemen  On September 12, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo issued a certification that would allow the use of FY2019 defense funds to support in-flight refueling of coalition aircraft to continue, per the terms of Section 1290 (see discussion above) of the FY2019 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA, P L  115-232 )  Some Members of Congress criticized the Administration's actions, asserting that the coalition has not met the act's specified benchmarks for avoiding civilian casualties in Yemen  On September 26, several House Members introduced H Con Res  138 , which sought to direct the President to remove U S  Armed Forces from hostilities in Yemen, except for Armed Forces engaged in operations authorized under the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force, within 30 days unless and until a declaration of war or specific authorization for such use has been enacted into law  In response to a similar initiative in the Senate, the Administration submitted a detailed argument expressing its view that U S  forces supporting Saudi-led coalition operations are not engaged in hostilities in Yemen  By late 2018, the prospect of widespread famine in Yemen coupled with international reprobation over the killing of Jamal Khashoggi pressured the Administration and the coalition to accelerate moves toward peace talks  On October 30, then-Secretary of Defense James Mattis and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo called for all parties to reach a cease-fire and resume negotiations  On November 9, Secretary Mattis further announced that effective immediately, the coalition would use its own military capabilities—rather than U S  capabilities—to conduct in-flight refueling in support of its operations in Yemen  Though fighting continued along several fronts, on December 13, 2018, Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General for Yemen Martin Griffiths brokered a cease-fire centered on the besieged Red Sea port city of Hudaydah (Yemen's largest port)  As part of the U N -brokered deal (known as the Stockholm Agreement), the coalition and the Houthis agreed to redeploy their forces outside Hudaydah city and port  The United Nations agreed to chair a Redeployment Coordination Committee (RCC) to monitor the cease-fire and redeployment  The international community praised the Stockholm Agreement as a first step toward broader de-escalation and a possible road map to a comprehensive peace settlement  Also on December 13, 2018, the Senate amended and passed S J Res  54 (56-41), which, among other things, directed the President to remove U S  forces from hostilities in Yemen, except U S  forces engaged in operations directed at Al Qaeda or associated forces  In the House, lawmakers twice narrowly approved rules resolutions containing provisions that made similar resolutions directing the President to remove U S  forces from hostilities in Yemen ineligible for expedited consideration ( H Res  1142 and H Res  1176 )  On December 13, the Senate also passed S J Res  69 , which, among other things, expresses the sense of the Senate that Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is responsible for the murder of the journalist Jamal Khashoggi and that there is no statutory authorization for United States involvement in hostilities in the Yemen civil war  The 115th Congress frequently debated the extent and terms of the United States' involvement in the ongoing conflict in Yemen  Lawmakers questioned the extent to which successive Administrations have adhered to existing law related to providing security assistance, including sales or transfers of defense goods and defense services, while upholding international human rights standards (e g , 22 U S C  §2754 or 22 U S C  §2304)  They also enacted new legislation that would condition or prohibit the use of U S  funds for some activities related to Yemen and extend legislative oversight over the executive branch's policy toward the war in Yemen  While the House and its Rules Committee voted to make resolutions with respect to war powers and Yemen ineligible for expedited consideration, the Senate passage of S J Res  54 at the conclusion of the 115 th Congress demonstrated growth in congressional opposition to U S  involvement in the Saudi-led coalition intervention in Yemen relative to previous years  Over time, the balance of votes shifted in favor of measures that could be described as critical or restrictive of U S  support for Saudi-led coalition operations with regard to arms sales, oversight measures, and war powers measures  Nevertheless, after nearly four years of conflict, it remains difficult to identify the locus of congressional consensus about Yemen  Many in the House and Senate state that they seek to preserve cooperative U S -Saudi relations in broad terms and express concern about Iranian activities in Yemen, while also expressing support for expanded humanitarian access and efforts to bring the conflict to a close  Some lawmakers express opposition to the intervention and U S  involvement on moral grounds, citing errant coalition airstrikes and the prospect of a looming famine  Others argue the conflict's continuation creates opportunities for Iran and Sunni Islamist extremist groups to expand their influence and operations in Yemen  Still others may have come to oppose continued U S  support for the intervention based on factors not directly related to Yemen itself, including the opaque mechanisms used by the executive branch to support the coalition and/or anger with the Saudi government over the killing of Jamal Khashoggi  It remains to be seen whether recent congressional consideration of Yemen legislation is a harbinger of broader efforts by Members of Congress to reassert congressional prerogatives toward U S  foreign policy writ large  Measures to enhance oversight over U S  support to the Saudi-led coalition and U S  strategy toward Yemen have received broad bipartisan support, while proponents of other recently considered arms sales and war powers measures have used mechanisms to ensure privileged consideration of their proposals  The 116 th Congress may continue to debate U S  support for the Saudi-led coalition and Saudi Arabia's conduct of the war in Yemen  It is uncertain whether lawmakers may also broaden the scope of their oversight activities beyond the current conflict to more fully address the root causes of Yemen's chronic instability  Even if the United States is no longer an active supporter of coalition military efforts, Yemen itself has been devastated by years of war and remains the world's worst humanitarian crisis  Experts expect Yemen to require sustained international attention and financial assistance in order to help local actors reach and sustain a political settlement  This suggests that Congress may grapple with questions about the conduct of U S  diplomacy, the provision of U S  security support, and the investment of U S  assistance and defense funds for years to come 

ground_truth: China's actions in recent years in the South China Sea (SCS)—particularly its island-building and base-construction activities at sites that it occupies in the Spratly Islands—have heightened concerns among U.S. observers that China is rapidly gaining effective control of the SCS, an area of strategic, political, and economic importance to the United States and its allies and partners, particularly those in the Indo-Pacific region. U.S. Navy Admiral Philip Davidson, in his responses to advance policy questions from the Senate Armed Services Committee for an April 17, 2018, hearing to consider his nomination to become Commander, U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM), stated that "China is now capable of controlling the South China Sea in all scenarios short of war with the United States." Chinese control of the SCS—and, more generally, Chinese domination of China's near-seas region, meaning the SCS, the East China Sea (ECS), and the Yellow Sea—could substantially affect U.S. strategic, political, and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region and elsewhere. China is a party to multiple territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS, including, in particular, disputes with multiple neighboring countries over the Paracel Islands, Spratly Islands, and Scarborough Shoal in the SCS, and with Japan over the Senkaku Islands in the ECS. Up through 2014, U.S. concern over these disputes centered more on their potential for causing tension, incidents, and a risk of conflict between China and its neighbors in the region, including U.S. allies Japan and the Philippines and emerging partner states such as Vietnam. While that concern remains, particularly regarding the potential for a conflict between China and Japan involving the Senkaku Islands, U.S. concern since 2014 (i.e., since China's island-building activities in the Spratly Islands were first publicly reported) has shifted increasingly to how China's strengthening position in the SCS may be affecting the risk of a U.S.-China crisis or conflict in the SCS and the broader U.S.-Chinese strategic competition. In addition to territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS, China is involved in a dispute, particularly with the United States, over whether China has a right under international law to regulate the activities of foreign military forces operating within China's exclusive economic zone (EEZ). The position of the United States and most other countries is that while international law gives coastal states the right to regulate economic activities (such as fishing and oil exploration) within their EEZs, it does not give coastal states the right to regulate foreign military activities in the parts of their EEZs beyond their 12-nautical-mile territorial waters. The position of China and some other countries (i.e., a minority group among the world's nations) is that UNCLOS gives coastal states the right to regulate not only economic activities, but also foreign military activities, in their EEZs. The dispute appears to be at the heart of multiple incidents between Chinese and U.S. ships and aircraft in international waters and airspace since 2001, and has potential implications not only for China's EEZs, but for U.S. naval operations in EEZs globally, and for international law of the sea. A key issue for Congress is how the United States should respond to China's actions in the SCS and ECS—particularly its island-building and base-construction activities in the Spratly Islands—and to China's strengthening position in the SCS. A key oversight question for Congress is whether the Trump Administration has an appropriate strategy—and an appropriate amount of resources for implementing that strategy—for countering China's "salami-slicing" strategy or gray zone operations for gradually strengthening its position in the SCS, for imposing costs on China for its actions in the SCS and ECS, and for defending and promoting U.S. interests in the region.