prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Who is the president of the new country that jointly established a Commission of Truth and Friendship with the country that broadcasts Dahsyat?

The following are given passages.
Context 1: Passage 1:
East Timor
East Timor ( (listen)), also known as Timor-Leste (; Portuguese pronunciation: [tiˈmoɾ ˈlɛʃtɨ]), officially the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, is a country in Southeast Asia  It comprises the eastern half of the island of Timor, of which the western half is administered by Indonesia, the exclave of Oecusse on the island's north-western half, and the minor islands of Atauro and Jaco  Australia is the country's southern neighbour, separated by the Timor Sea  The country's size is 14,874 square kilometres (5,743 sq mi)  Dili is its capital and largest city 
East Timor came under Portuguese influence in the sixteenth century, remaining a Portuguese colony until 1975  Internal conflict preceded a unilateral declaration of independence and an Indonesian invasion and annexation  Resistance continued throughout Indonesian rule, and, in 1999, a United Nations–sponsored act of self-determination led to Indonesia relinquishing control of the territory  On 20 May 2002, as Timor-Leste, it became the first new sovereign state of the 21st century  That same year, relations with Indonesia were established and normalized, with Indonesia also supporting East Timor's accession into ASEAN  
The national government runs on a semi-presidential system, with the popularly elected president sharing power with a prime minister appointed by the National Parliament  Power is centralised under the national government, although many local leaders have informal influence  The country maintains a policy of international cooperation, and is a member of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, an observer of the Pacific Islands Forum, and an applicant for ASEAN membership  The country remains relatively poor, with an economy that relies heavily on natural resources, especially oil, and foreign aid 
The total population is over 1 1 million, and is heavily skewed towards young people due to a high fertility rate  Education has led to increasing literacy over the past half-century, especially in the two official languages of Portuguese and Tetum  High ethnic and linguistic diversity is reflected by the 30 indigenous languages spoken in the country  The majority of the population is Catholic, which exists alongside strong local traditions, especially in rural areas 

Name
"Timor" is derived from timur, meaning 'east' in Malay, thus resulting in a tautological place name meaning 'East East'  In Indonesian, this results in the name Timor Timur  (this name only refers to the former de facto Indonesian province, Timor Leste is used instead to refer this country)  In Portuguese, the country is called Timor-Leste (Leste meaning 'east')  In Tetum it is Timór Lorosa'e (Lorosa'e can be literally translated as 'where the sun rises') The official names under its constitution are "Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste" in English, "República Democrática de Timor-Leste" in Portuguese, and "Repúblika Demokrátika Timór-Leste" in Tetum  The official short form of the name is "Timor-Leste", and it uses the ISO codes TLS & TL 

History
Prehistory and Classical era
Cultural remains at Jerimalai on the eastern tip of East Timor have been dated to 42,000 years ago  The first known inhabitants are those who arrived during the Australo-Melanesian migration through the region, likely bringing the precursors to today's Papuan languages  A later migration of Austroasiatic-speakers is suspected, although no such languages remain  The arrival of Austronesian peoples brought new languages, and merged with existing cultures on the island  Timorese origin myths recount settlers sailing around the eastern end of the island before landing in the south  These people are sometimes noted as being from the Malay Peninsula or the Minangkabau highlands of Sumatra  Austronesian migration to Timor may be associated with the development of agriculture on the island While information is limited about the political system of Timor during this period, the island had developed an interconnected series of polities governed by customary law  Small communities, centred around a particular sacred house, were part of wider sucos (or principalities), which were themselves part of larger kingdoms led by a liurai  Authority within these kingdoms was held by two individuals, with the worldly power of the liurai balanced by the spiritual power of a rai nain, who was generally associated with the primary sacred house of the kingdom  These polities were numerous and saw shifting alliances and relations, but many were stable enough that they survived from initial European documentation in the 16th century until the end of Portuguese rule : 11–15 From perhaps the thirteenth century, the island exported sandalwood,: 267  which was valued both for its use in crafting and as a source of perfume  Timor was included in Southeast Asian, Chinese, and Indian trading networks by the fourteenth century, exporting sandalwood, honey, and wax  The island was recorded by the Majapahit Empire as a source of tribute : 89  It was sandalwood that attracted European explorers to the island in the early sixteenth century  Early European presence was limited to trade, with the first Portuguese settlement being on the nearby island of Solor : 90

Portuguese era (1769–1975)
Early Portuguese presence on Timor was very limited; trade was directed through Portuguese settlements on nearby islands  Only in the 17th century did they establish a more direct presence on the island, a consequence of being driven out of other islands by the Dutch : 267  After Solor was lost in 1613 the Portuguese moved to Flores  In 1646 the capital moved to Kupang on Timor's west, before Kupang too was lost to the Dutch in 1652  The Portuguese then moved to Lifau, in what is now East Timor's Oecusse exclave : 90  Effective European occupation in the east of the island only began in 1769, when the city of Dili was founded, although actual control remained highly limited  A definitive border between the Dutch and Portuguese parts of the island was established by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 1914 and remains the international boundary between the successor states Indonesia and East Timor, respectively For the Portuguese, East Timor remained little more than a neglected trading post, with minimal investment in infrastructure and education, until the late nineteenth century  Even when Portugal established actual control over the interior of its colony, investment remained minimal : 269, 273  Sandalwood continued to be the main export crop and coffee exports became significant in the mid-nineteenth century At the beginning of the twentieth century, a faltering domestic economy prompted the Portuguese to extract greater wealth from its colonies, which was met with East Timorese resistance  The colony was seen as an economic burden during the Great Depression and received little support or management from Portugal : 269 During World War II, Dili was occupied by the Allies in 1941, and later by the Japanese beginning in 1942  The mountainous interior of the colony became the scene of a guerrilla campaign, known as the Battle of Timor  Waged by East Timorese volunteers and Allied forces against the Japanese, the struggle killed between 40,000 and 70,000 East Timorese civilians  The Japanese eventually drove the last of the Australian and Allied forces out in early 1943  Portuguese control resumed, however, after Japanese surrender at the end of World War II Portugal began investment in the colony in the 1950s, funding education and promoting coffee exports, but the economy did not improve substantially and infrastructure improvements were limited : 269  Growth rates remained low, near 2%  Following the 1974 Portuguese revolution, Portugal effectively abandoned its colony in Timor, and civil war between East Timorese political parties broke out in 1975 
The Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) resisted a Timorese Democratic Union (UDT) coup attempt in August 1975, and unilaterally declared independence on 28 November 1975  Fearing a communist state within the Indonesian archipelago, the Indonesian military launched an invasion of East Timor in December 1975  Indonesia declared East Timor its 27th province on 17 July 1976  The United Nations Security Council opposed the invasion, and the territory's nominal status in the UN remained as "non-self-governing territory under Portuguese administration" 

Indonesian occupation (1975–1999)
Fretilin resisted the invasion, initially as an army, holding territory until November 1978, and then as a guerrilla resistance  The Indonesian occupation of Timor was marked by violence and brutality  A detailed statistical report prepared for the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor cited a minimum of 102,800 conflict-related deaths in the period between 1974 and 1999, including approximately 18,600 killings and 84,200 excess deaths from hunger and illness  The total number of conflict-related deaths during this period is difficult to determine due to a lack of data  One estimate based on Portuguese, Indonesian, and Catholic Church data suggests it may have been as high as 200,000  Repression and restrictions counteracted improvements in health and education infrastructure and services, meaning there was little overall improvement in living standards; economic growth mostly benefited immigrants from elsewhere in Indonesia : 271  A huge expansion of education was intended to increase Indonesian language use and internal security as much as it was for development The 1991 massacre of more than 200 demonstrators by the Indonesian military was a turning point for the independence cause, and brought increased international pressure on Indonesia  Following the resignation of Indonesian President Suharto, the new President BJ Habibie, prompted by a letter from Australian Prime Minister John Howard, decided to hold a referendum on independence  A UN-sponsored agreement between Indonesia and Portugal allowed for a UN-supervised popular referendum in August 1999  A clear vote for independence was met with a punitive campaign of violence by East Timorese pro-integration militias supported by elements of the Indonesian military  In response, the Indonesian government allowed a multinational peacekeeping force, INTERFET, to restore order and aid East Timorese refugees and internally displaced persons  On 25 October 1999, the administration of East Timor was taken over by the UN through the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET)  INTERFET deployment ended in February 2000 with the transfer of military command to the UN 

Contemporary era
On 30 August 2001, the East Timorese voted in their first election organised by the UN to elect members of the Constituent Assembly  On 22 March 2002, the Constituent Assembly approved the Constitution  By May 2002, more than 205,000 refugees had returned  On 20 May 2002, the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of East Timor came into force and East Timor was recognised as independent by the UN  The Constituent Assembly was renamed the National Parliament, and Xanana Gusmão was elected as the country's first president  On 27 September 2002 the country became a UN member state In 2006, a crisis of unrest and factional fighting forced 155,000 people to flee their homes; the United Nations sent in security forces to restore order  The following year, Gusmão declined to run for another term  While there were minor incidents in the build-up to the mid-year presidential elections, the process was peaceful overall and José Ramos-Horta was elected president  In June 2007, Gusmão ran in the parliamentary elections and became prime minister at the head of the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) party  In February 2008, Ramos-Horta was critically injured in an attempted assassination; Prime Minister Gusmão also faced gunfire separately but escaped unharmed  Australian reinforcements were immediately sent to help keep order  In March 2011, the UN handed over operational control of the police force to the East Timor authorities  The United Nations ended its peacekeeping mission on 31 December 2012 Francisco Guterres of the centre-left Fretilin party became president in May 2017  The leader of Fretilin, Mari Alkatiri, formed a coalition government after the July 2017 parliamentary election  This government soon fell, leading to a second general election in May 2018  In June 2018, former president and independence fighter, Taur Matan Ruak, became the new prime minister  José Ramos-Horta again became president on 20 May 2022 after winning the April 2022 presidential election runoff against Francisco Guterres 

Politics and government
The political system of East Timor is semi-presidential, based upon the Portuguese system : 175  The constitution establishes both this separation of executive powers between the president and the prime minister; and the separation of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary : 12  Individuals are not allowed to participate in both the legislature and the executive branch  The legislature is intended to provide a check on the executive; in practice the executive has maintained control of the legislature under all political parties, reflecting the dominance of individual leaders within political parties and coalitions : 174  The executive, through the council of ministers, also holds some formal legislative powers : 175  The judiciary operates independently, although there are instances of executive interference : 13, 39  Some courts shift between locations, to improve access for those in more isolated areas  Despite political rhetoric, the constitution and democratic institutions have been followed by politicians, and changes of government are peaceful : 15, 42  Elections are run by an independent body,: 216  and turnout is high, ranging from around 70% to 85% : 17  The political system has wide public acceptance : 17 : 106 The head of state of East Timor is the president of the republic, who is elected by popular vote for a five-year term,: 244  and can serve a maximum of two terms  Formally, the directly elected president holds relatively limited powers compared to those in similar systems, with no power over the appointment and dismissal of the prime minister and the council of ministers  However, as they are directly elected, past presidents have wielded great informal power and influence : 175  The president does have the power to veto government legislation, initiate referendums, and to dissolve parliament in the event that it is unable to form a government or pass a budget : 244  If the president vetoes a legislative action, the parliament can overturn the veto with a two-thirds majority : 10  The prime minister is chosen by the parliament, with the president appointing the leader of the majority party or coalition as prime minister of East Timor and the cabinet on the proposal of the latter : 10  As head of government, the prime minister presides over the cabinet 

Representatives in the unicameral National Parliament are elected by popular vote to a five-year term  The number of seats can vary from a minimum of fifty-two to a maximum of sixty-five  Parties must achieve 3% of the vote to enter parliament, with seats for qualifying parties allocated using the D'Hondt method  Elections occur within the framework of a competitive multi-party system  Upon independence, power was held by the Fretilin political party, which was formed shortly before the Indonesian invasion and led its resistance  Given its history, Fretilin viewed itself as the natural party of government and supported a multi-party system, expecting the development of a dominant-party system  Support from the United Nations and the international community, both before and after independence, allowed the nascent political system to survive shocks such as the 2006 crisis : 173 Candidates in parliamentary elections run in a single national district in a party-list system  One in three of all candidates presented by political parties must be women  This system promotes a diversity of political parties, but gives voters little influence over the individual candidates selected by each party : 175–176  Women hold more than a third of parliamentary seats, with parties required by law to run female candidates, but they are less prominent at other levels and within party leadership Political divisions exist along class lines and along geographical lines  There is broadly a divide between eastern and western areas of the country, stemming from differences that arose under Indonesian rule  Fretilin in particular is strongly linked to the Eastern areas : 176–177  Political parties are more closely associated with prominent personalities more than with ideology : 16  The National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction became the main opposition to Fretilin, following its establishment to allow Xanana Gusmão to run for Prime Minister in the 2007 parliamentary elections : 168–169  While both major parties have been relatively stable, they remain led by an "old guard" of individuals who came to prominence during the resistance against Indonesia : 175 : 10–11 Politics and administration is centred in the capital Dili, with the national government responsible for most civil services : 9, 36  Oecusse, separated from the rest of the country by Indonesian territory, is a special administrative region with some autonomy : 180  The National Police of East Timor and Timor Leste Defence Force have held a monopoly on violence since 2008 and very few guns are present outside of these organisations : 8  While there are allegations of abuse of power, there is some judicial oversight of police and public trust in the institution has grown  An active civil society functions independently of the government, as do media outlets : 11–12  Civil society organisations are concentrated in the capital, including student groups  Due to the structure of the economy, there are no powerful trade unions : 17  The Catholic Church has strong influence in the country : 40

Foreign relations and military
International cooperation has always been important to East Timor; donor funds made up 80% of the budget before oil revenues began to replace them : 42–44  International forces also provided security, with five UN missions sent to the country from 1999  The final one, the United Nations Integrated Mission in East Timor, began after the 2006 East Timorese crisis and concluded in 2012 : 4, 14 East Timor formally applied to join ASEAN in 2011,: 42–44  and was granted observer status and accepted "in principle" in November 2022  Despite the nationalist political leadership promoting closer ties with Melanesian states, the country has targeted ASEAN membership since before its independence, with its leaders stating that joining Pacific bodies would have precluded ASEAN membership  ASEAN membership was sought for economic and security reasons, including to improve the relationship with Indonesia  Nonetheless, the process has been slow due to a lack of support from some ASEAN states : 10–11  East Timor is thus an observer to the Pacific Islands Forum and the Melanesian Spearhead Group  More broadly, the country is a leader within the Group of Seven Plus (g7+), an organisation of fragile states  It is also a member of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries : 42–44 Continuing bilateral donors include Australia, Portugal, Germany, and Japan, and East Timor has a reputation for effectively and transparently using donor funds  Good relations with Australia and with Indonesia are a policy goal for the government, despite historical and more-recent tensions  These countries are important economic partners and provide most transport links to the country : 42–44  China has also increased its presence by contributing to infrastructure in Dili : 12 The relationship with Australia was dominated from before independence by disputes over natural resources in the ocean between them, hampering the establishment of a mutually agreed border  The dominance of Australian hard power led East Timor to utilise public diplomacy and forums for international law to push their case  The dispute was resolved in 2018 following negotiations at the Permanent Court of Arbitration, when a maritime boundary between the two was established along with an agreement on natural resource revenues The Timor Leste Defence Force (F-FDTL) was established in 2001, replacing Falintil, and was restructured following the events of 2006  It is responsible not only for safeguarding against external threats, but also for addressing violent crime, a role it shares with the National Police of East Timor  These forces remain small: 2,200 soldiers in the regular army and 80 in a naval component  A single aircraft and seven patrol boats are operated, and there are plans to expand the naval component  There is some military cooperation with Australia, Portugal, and the United States 

Administrative divisions
East Timor is divided into fourteen municipalities, which in turn are subdivided into 64 administrative posts, 442 sucos (villages), and 2,225 aldeias (hamlets)  The municipalities are: Aileu, Ainaro, Atauro, Baucau, Bobonaro, Cova Lima, Dili, Ermera, Lautém, Liquiçá, Manatuto, Manufahi, Oecusse, and Viqueque The existing system of municipalities and administrative posts was established during Portuguese rule : 3  While decentralisation is mentioned in the constitution, administrative powers generally remain with the national government operating out of Dili : 2  Upon independence there was debate about how to implement decentralisation; various proposed models would create different levels of administration between the sucos and the central government  In most proposals, there were no specific provisions for suco-level governance, and they were expected to continue to exist as mostly traditional spaces, identifying communities rather than being part of the civil administration  In the end, the existing districts were kept and renamed municipalities in 2009, and received very few powers : 88–92  In 2016 changes were made so that each municipality is led by a civil servant appointed by the central government  This civil servant is advised by locally elected leaders : 4, 7  The isolated Oecusse municipality, which has a strong identity and is fully surrounded by Indonesian territory, is specified by Articles 5 and 71 of the 2002 constitution to be governed by a special administrative policy and economic regime  Law 3/2014 of 18 June 2014 implemented this constitutional provision, which went into effect in January 2015, turning Oecusse into a Special Administrative Region  The region began operating its own civil service in June 2015  In January 2022 the island of Atauro, formerly an Administrative Post of Dili, became its own municipality Administration in the lowest levels of the administrative system of East Timor, the aldeias and sucos, generally reflects traditional customs,: 1  reflecting community identity and relationships between local households : 4  Sucos generally contain 2,000 to 3,000 inhabitants  Their long persistence and links to local governance means the sucos are the level of government that is linked to community identities, rather than any high level of administration : 89  Such relationships, however, are associated specifically with the kinship groups within that land, rather than the land itself : 52–53  Relationships between sucos also reflect customary practices, for example through the reciprocal exchanging of support for local initiatives : 9  Laws passed in 2004 provided for the election of some suco officials, but assigned these positions no formal powers  An updated law in 2009 established the expected mandate of these positions, although it continued to leave them outside of the formal state system, reliant on municipal governments to provide formal administration and services : 94–97  Further clarification was given in 2016, which entrenched the treatment of sucos and aldeias more as communities than formal levels of administration  Despite this lack of formal association with the state, suco leaders hold great influence and are often seen by their community as representatives of the state  They have responsibilities usually associated with civic administration : 7–10

Geography
Located in between Southeast Asia and the South Pacific,: 2  the island of Timor is the largest of the Lesser Sunda Islands, which lie within the Malay archipelago : 1  The island is surrounded by the Ombai and Wetar Straits of the rougher Banda Sea in the north, and the calmer Timor Sea in the south : 2  East Timor shares the island with Indonesia, with Indonesian territory separating the Oecusse exclave from the rest of the country  The island of Atauro lies north of the mainland,: 2  with the fourth area being the small island of Jaco  The Savu Sea lies north of Oecusse : 1  The country is about 265 kilometres (165 mi) long and 97 kilometres (60 mi) wide, with a total land area of 14,874 square kilometres (5,743 sq mi) : 1  This territory is situated between 8′15S – 10′30S latitude and 125′50E – 127′30E longitude : 2  The country's coastline covers around 700 kilometres (430 mi),: 27  while the main land border with Indonesia is 125 kilometres (78 mi) long, and the Oecusse land border is around 100 kilometres (62 mi) long : 1  Maritime borders exist with Australia to the south and Indonesia elsewhere  East Timor has an exclusive economic zone of 77,051 km2 (29,750 sq mi) The interior of the country is mountainous,: 2  with ridges of inactive volcanic mountains extending along the island : 2  Almost half of the country has a slope of at least 40%  The south is slightly less mountainous, and has some plains near the coastline : 2  The highest point is Tatamailau (also known as Mount Ramelau) at 2,963 metres (9,721 ft)  Most rivers dry up at least partially during the dry season : 2  Outside of some coastal areas and river valleys, the soil is shallow and prone to erosion, and its quality is poor : 13 : 2  The capital and largest city is Dili  The second-largest city is the eastern town of Baucau : 22 

The climate is tropical with relatively stable temperatures throughout the year  A wet season lasts from December to May throughout the country, and lasts slightly longer in the south: 5  and the interior due to the effect of a monsoon from Australia : 2  During this period, rainfall can reach 222–252 millimetres (8 7–9 9 in) per month  In the dry season, it drops to 12–18 millimetres (0 47–0 71 in) : 5  The country is vulnerable to flooding and landslides that occur as a result of heavy rain, especially when rainfall levels are increased by the La Niña effect : 13  The mountainous interior is cooler than the coasts  Coastal areas are heavily dependent on groundwater, which faces pressure from mismanagement, deforestation, and climate change : 14  While the temperature is thought to have experienced a small increase due to climate change, there has been little change in annual rainfall : 6 Coastal ecosystems around the country are diverse and varied, with vary spatially between the north and south coastlines, as well as between the eastern tip and areas more to the west  These ecosystems include coral reefs, as the country's waters are part of the Coral Triangle biodiversity hotspot : 28  The easternmost area of East Timor consists of the Paitchau Range and the Lake Ira Lalaro area, which contains the country's first conservation area, the Nino Konis Santana National Park  It contains the last remaining tropical dry forested area within the country  It hosts a number of unique plant and animal species and is sparsely populated  The northern coast is characterised by a number of coral reef systems that have been determined to be at risk There are around 41,000 terrestrial plant species in the country  Forests covered 35% of East Timor's land in the mid 2010s : 1  The forests of the northern coast, central uplands, and southern coast are distinct : 2  East Timor is home to the Timor and Wetar deciduous forests ecoregion  There is some environmental protection in law, but it has not been a government priority : 27 : 10–14  In addition to climate change, local ecosystems are threatened by deforestation, land degradation, overfishing, and pollution : 2–3

Economy
The economy of East Timor is a market economy, although it is dependent upon the export of a few commodities and has a large public sector  Internally, market operations are limited by widespread poverty : 20  The country uses the United States dollar, producing its own coins to facilitate smaller transactions  The economy is generally open to foreign investment, although a prohibition on foreigners owning land means many require a local partner in the country : 20  Competition is limited by the small size of the economy, rather than any government barriers  There are far more imports than exports,: 21  and prices for goods are often higher than in nearby countries : 27  Inflation is strongly affected by government spending : 257  Growth has been slow, averaging just 2 5% per year from 2011 to 2021 : 24 Most of the country is very poor, with just more than 40% living under the national poverty line  This poverty is especially prevalent in rural areas, where many are subsistence farmers or fishermen  Even in urban areas, the majority are poor  Overall, women are poorer than men, often being employed in lower-paying careers : 18  Malnutrition is common, with over half of children showing stunted growth : 255  While 91% of married working age (15–49) men were employed as of 2016, only 43% of married working age women were  There are small disparities in favour of men in terms of home and land ownership and owning a bank account : 14  The eastern three municipalities, which contain around a quarter of the population, has less poverty than the western areas, which contain 50% of the population : 214 Sixty-six per cent of families are in part supported by subsistence activities; however, the country as a whole does not produce enough food to be self-sustaining, and thus relies on imports : 16  Agricultural work carries the implication of poverty, and the sector receives little investment from the government : 260  Ninety-four per cent of domestic fish catch comes from the ocean, especially coastal fisheries : 17  Those in the capital of Dili are on average better off, although they remain poor by international standards : 257  The small size of the private sector means the government is often the customer of public businesses  A quarter of the national population works in the informal economy, with the official public and private sectors employing 9% each : 18  Of those of working age, around 23% are in the formal sector, 21% are students, and 27% are subsistence farmers and fishers : 21  The economy is mostly cash-based, with little commercial credit available from banks : 11–12  Remittances from overseas workers add up to around $100 million annually : 257 

This poverty belies significant wealth in terms of natural resources, which at the time of independence had per capita value equivalent to the wealth of an upper-middle income country  Over half of this was in oil, and over a quarter natural gas  The Timor-Leste Petroleum Fund was established in 2005 to turn these non-renewable resources into a more sustainable form of wealth : 4–6  From 2005 to 2021, $23 billion earned from oil sales has entered the fund  $8 billion has been generated from investments, while $12 billion has been spent : 30  A decrease in oil and gas reserves led to decreasing HDI beginning in 2010 : 18–19  Eighty per cent of government spending comes from this fund, which as of 2021 had $19 billion, 10 times greater than the size of the national budget  As oil income has decreased, the fund is at risk of being exhausted  Withdrawals have exceeded sustainable levels almost every year since 2009 : 23  Resources within the Bayu-Undan field are expected to soon run out, while extracting those within the so far undeveloped Greater Sunrise field has proven technically and politically challenging  Remaining potential reserves are also losing value as oil and gas become less favoured sources of energy : 264–272 The country's economy is dependent on government spending and, to a lesser extent, assistance from foreign donors  Government spending decreased beginning in 2012, which had knock-on effects in the private sector over the following years  The government and its state-owned oil company often invest in large private projects  Decreasing government spending was matched with a decrease in GDP growth : 18  After the petroleum fund, the second largest source of government income is taxes  Tax revenue is less than 8% of GDP, lower than many other countries in the region and with similarly sized economies  Other government income comes from 23 "autonomous agencies", which include port authorities, infrastructure companies, and the National University of East Timor : 13, 28–309  Overall, government spending remains among the highest in the world,: 12  although investment into education, health, and water infrastructure is negligible : 260 

Private sector development has lagged due to human capital shortages, infrastructure weakness, an incomplete legal system, and an inefficient regulatory environment  Property rights remain ill-defined, with conflicting titles from Portuguese and Indonesian rule, as well as needing to accommodate traditional customary rights : 23  As of 2010, 87 7% of urban (321,043 people) and 18 9% of rural (821,459 people) households have electricity, for an overall average of 38 2%  The private sector shrank between 2014 and 2018, despite a growing working age population  Agriculture and manufacturing are less productive per capita than at independence : 255–256  Non-oil economic sectors have failed to develop, and growth in construction and administration is dependent on oil revenue : 256  The dependence on oil shows some aspects of a resource curse  Coffee made up 90% of all non-fossil fuel exports from 2013 to 2019, with all such exports totalling to around US$20 million annually : 257  In 2017, the country was visited by 75,000 tourists 

Demographics
East Timor recorded a population of 1,183,643 in its 2015 census  The population lives mainly along the coastline, where all urban areas are located : 27  Those in urban areas generally have more formal education, employment prospects, and healthcare  While a strong gender disparity exists throughout the country, it is less severe in the urban capital  The wealthy minority often go abroad for health, education and other purposes : 25  The population is young, with the median age being under 20 : 29  In particular, a large proportion of the population (almost 45% in 2015) are males between the ages of 15 and 24, the third largest male 'youth bulge' in the world : 212 The Government of Timor-Leste's website lists the English-language demonym for East Timor as Timorese  Other reference sources list it as East Timorese  The word Maubere formerly used by the Portuguese to refer to native East Timorese and often employed as synonymous with the illiterate and uneducated, was adopted by Fretilin as a term of pride Healthcare received 6% of the national budget in 2021 : 24  From 1990 to 2019 life expectancy rose from 48 5 to 69 5  Expected years of schooling rose from 9 8 to 12 4 between 2000 and 2010, while mean years of schooling rose from 2 8 to 4 4  Progress since 2010 for these has been limited  Gross national income per capita similarly peaked in 2010, and has decreased since : 3  As of 2016, 45 8% of East Timorese were impoverished, 16 3% severely so : 6  The fertility rate, which at the time of independence was the highest in the world at 7 8, dropped to 4 2 by 2016  It is relatively higher in rural areas, and among poorer: 3  and less literate households  As of 2016, the average household size was 5 3, with 41% of people aged under 15, and 18% of households headed by women : 2  Infant mortality stood at 30 per 1,000, down from 60 per 1,000 in 2003 : 7  46% of children under 5 showed stunted growth, down from 58% in 2010  Working age adult obesity increased from 5% to 10% during the same time period  As of 2016, 40% of children, 23% of women, and 13% of men had anemia : 11

Ethnicity and language
Timorese communities are not strictly defined by ethnic background or linguistic group  Separate communities may share ethnicity or language, and many areas show overlaps and hybridisation between ethnic and linguistic groups : 44  Familial relations and descent, which are interlinked with sacred house affiliation, are a more important indicator of identity : 47  Each family group generally identifies with a single language or dialect : 49  With this immense local variation in mind, there is a broad cultural and identity distinction between the east (Bacau, Lautém, and Viqueque Municipalities) and the west of the country, a product of history more than it is of linguistic and ethnic differences,: 45–47  although it is very loosely associated with the two language groups : 142–143  There is a small mestiço population of mixed Portuguese and local descent  There is a small Chinese minority, most of whom are Hakka  Many Chinese left in the mid-1970s, but a significant number have also returned to East Timor following the end of Indonesian occupation  East Timor has a small community of Timorese Indian, specifically Goan descent, as well as historical immigration from Africa and Yemen Likely reflecting the mixed origins of the different ethnolinguistic groups of the island, the indigenous languages fall into two language families: Austronesian and Papuan : 10  Depending on how they are classified, there are up to 19 indigenous languages with up to 30 dialects : 136  Aside from Tetum, Ethnologue lists the following indigenous languages: Adabe, Baikeno, Bunak, Fataluku, Galoli, Habun, Idaté, Kairui-Midiki, Kemak, Lakalei, Makasae, Makuv'a, Mambae, Nauete, Tukudede, and Waima'a  According to the Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger, there are six endangered languages in East Timor: Adabe, Habu, Kairui-Midiki, Maku'a, Naueti, and Waima'a  The largest Malayo-Polynesian group is the Tetum, mostly around Dili or the western border  Other Malayo-Polynesian languages with native speakers of more than 40,000 are Mambai in the central mountains south of Dili, Baikeno in Oecusse, Kemak in the north-west interior, and Tokodede on the northwest coast  The main Papuan languages spoken are Bunak in the centre of Timor, especially within Bobonaro Municipality; Makasae in the eastern Baucau and Viqueque municipalities; and Fataluku in the eastern Lautém Municipality : 43  The 2015 census found that the most commonly spoken mother tongues were Tetum Prasa (mother tongue for 30 6% of the population), Mambai (16 6%), Makasai (10 5%), Tetum Terik (6 05%), Baikenu (5 87%), Kemak (5 85%), Bunak (5 48%), Tokodede (3 97%), and Fataluku (3 52%)  Other indigenous languages accounted for 10 47%, while 1 09% of the population spoke foreign languages natively East Timor's two official languages are Portuguese and Tetum  In addition, English and Indonesian are designated by the constitution as "working languages" : 3  This is within the Final and Transitional Provisions, which do not set a final date  In 2012, 35% could speak, read, and write Portuguese, which is up significantly from less than 5% in the 2006 UN Development Report  Portuguese is recovering as it has now been made the main official language of Timor, and is being taught in most schools  The use of Portuguese for government information and in the court system provides some barriers to access for those who do not speak it  Tetum is also not understood by everyone in the country : 11  According to the Observatory of the Portuguese Language, the East Timorese literacy rate was 77 8% in Tetum, 55 6% in Indonesian, and 39 3% in Portuguese, and that the primary literacy rate increased from 73% in 2009 to 83% in 2012  According to the 2015 census, 50% of the population between the ages of 14 and 24 can speak and understand Portuguese  The 2015 census found around 15% of those over the age of five were literate in English 

Education
East Timor's adult literacy rate was 68% among adults, and 84% among those aged 15–24, as of 2021  It is slightly higher among women than men : 27  More girls than boys attend school, although some drop out upon reaching puberty : 25  As of 2016 22% of working age women (15–49) and 19% of working age men had no education, 15% of women and 18% of men had some primary education, 52% of women and 51% of men had some secondary education, and 11% of women and 12% of men had higher education  Overall, 75% of women and 82% of men were literate : 2  Primary schools exist throughout the country, although the quality of materials and teaching is often poor  Secondary schools are generally limited to municipal capitals  Education takes up 10% of the national budget : 27  The country's main university is the National University of East Timor  There are also four colleges Since independence, both Indonesian and Tetum have lost ground as media of instruction, while Portuguese has increased: in 2001 only 8 4% of primary school and 6 8% of secondary school students attended a Portuguese-medium school; by 2005 this had increased to 81 6% for primary and 46 3% for secondary schools  Indonesian formerly played a considerable role in education, being used by 73 7% of all secondary school students as a medium of instruction, but by 2005 Portuguese was used by most schools in Baucau, Manatuto, as well as the capital district  Portugal provides support to about 3% of the public schools in East Timor, focused on those in urban areas, further encouraging the use of the Portuguese language : 28

Religion
While the Constitution of East Timor enshrines the principles of freedom of religion and separation of church and state, Section 45 Comma 1 also acknowledges "the participation of the Catholic Church in the process of national liberation" in its preamble  Upon independence, the country joined the Philippines to become the only two predominantly Catholic states in Asia, although nearby parts of eastern Indonesia such as Flores and parts of Western New Guinea also have Catholic majorities According to the 2015 census, 97 57% of the population is Catholic; 1 96% Protestant; 0 24% Muslim; 0 08% Traditional; 0 05% Buddhist; 0 02% Hindu, and 0 08% other religions  A 2016 survey conducted by the Demographic and Health Survey programme showed that Catholics made up 98 3% of the population, Protestants 1 2%, and Muslims 0 3% The number of churches grew from 100 in 1974 to more than 800 in 1994, with Church membership having grown considerably under Indonesian rule as Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, requires all citizens to believe in one God and does not recognise traditional beliefs  East Timorese animist belief systems did not fit with Indonesia's constitutional monotheism, resulting in mass conversions to Christianity  Portuguese clergy were replaced with Indonesian priests and Latin and Portuguese mass was replaced by Indonesian mass  While just 20% of East Timorese called themselves Catholics at the time of the 1975 invasion, the figure surged to reach 95% by the end of the first decade after the invasion  The Roman Catholic Church divides East Timor into three dioceses: the Archdiocese of Díli, the Diocese of Baucau, and the Diocese of Maliana  In rural areas, Roman Catholicism is syncretised with local animist beliefs  The number of Protestants and Muslims declined significantly after September 1999, as these groups were disproportionately represented among supporters of integration with Indonesia  Fewer than half of previous Protestant congregations existed after September 1999, and many Protestants were among those who remained in West Timor 

Culture
The many cultures within East Timor stem from the several waves of Austronesian and Melanesian migration that led to the current population, with unique identities and traditions developing within each petty kingdom  Portuguese authorities built upon traditional structures, blending Portuguese influence into the existing political and social systems : 91–92  The presence of the Catholic Church created a point of commonality across the various ethnic groups, despite full conversion remaining limited  The Portuguese language also provided common linkages, even if direct Portuguese impact was limited : 97–98  Under Indonesian rule, resistance strengthened cultural links to Catholicism and the Portuguese language  At the same time, Indonesian cultural influence was spread through schools and administration : 98–99 The preservation of traditional beliefs in the face of Indonesian attempts to suppress them became linked to the creation of the country's national identity : 7–13  This national identity only began to emerge at the very end of Portuguese rule, and further developed during Indonesian rule : 134–136  Following independence, a civic identity began to develop  This was most clearly expressed through enthusiasm for national-level democracy,: 155–156  and was reflected in politics through a shift from resistance narratives to development ones : 3  The capital has developed a more cosmopolitan culture, while rural areas maintain stronger traditional practices : 30  Internal migration into urban areas, especially Dili, creates cultural links between these areas and rural hinterlands  Those in urban areas often continue to identify with a specific rural area, even those with multiple generations born in Dili : 53–54 The presence of so many ethnic and linguistic groups means cultural practices vary across the country : 11  These practices reflect historical social structures and practices, where political leaders were regarded as having spiritual powers  Ancestry was an important part of cultural practices, and partly signified leadership  Leaders often had influence over land use, and these leaders continue to play an informal role in land disputes and other aspects of community practice today  An important traditional concept is lulik, or sacredness  Some lulik ceremonies continue to reflect animist beliefs, for example through divination ceremonies which vary throughout the country  Sacred status can also be associated with objects, such as Portuguese flags which have been passed down within families : 7–13 

Community life is centred around sacred houses (Uma Lulik), physical structures which serve as a representative symbol and identifier for each community : 47–49  The architectural style of these houses varies between different parts of the country, although following widespread destruction by Indonesian forces many were rebuilt with cheap modern materials : 22–25  The house as a concept extends beyond the physical object to the surrounding community : 92–93, 96  Kinship systems exist within and between houses  Traditional leaders, who stem from historically important families, retain key roles in administering justice and resolving disputes through methods that vary between communities : 47–49  Such leaders are often elected to official leadership positions, merging cultural and historical status with modern political status : 52  The concept of being part of a communal house has been extended to the nation, with Parliament serving as the national sacred house : 96 Art styles vary throughout the various ethnolinguistic groups of the island  Nonetheless, similar artistic motifs are present throughout, such as large animals and particular geometric patterns  Some art is traditionally associated with particular genders  For example, the Tais textiles that play a widespread role in traditional life throughout the island are traditionally handwoven by women  Different tais patterns are associated with different communities, and more broadly with linguistic groups : 137  Many buildings within central Dili maintain historical Portuguese architecture : I-5 Traditional rituals remain important, often mixed in with more modern aspects : 137  A strong oral history is highlighted in individuals able to recite long stories or poetry  This history, or Lia nain, passes down traditional knowledge : 16  There remains a strong tradition of poetry  Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, for example, is a distinguished poet, earning the moniker "poet warrior" In the field of cinema, East Timor released its first feature-length film, a period thriller titled Beatriz's War, in 2013  Shot with a limited budget by a mix of local filmmakers and a volunteer Australian film crew, the film depicted East Timorese life under Indonesian occupation in the 1970s, with producer Lurdes Pires acknowledging their aim to diverge from the government's "friendship and forgiveness" policy for its past conflicts by telling a story of truth-seeking and justice 

See also
Outline of East Timor
Index of East Timor-related articles
List of topics on the Portuguese Empire in the East
Passage 2:
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1264
United Nations Security Council resolution 1264, adopted unanimously on 15 September 1999, after recalling previous resolutions on East Timor (Timor-Leste), the Council authorised the establishment of the multinational International Force for East Timor (INTERFET) to restore peace and security in the territory, facilitate humanitarian assistance and protect the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) The Security Council welcomed the successful conduct of the East Timor Special Autonomy Referendum on 30 August 1999, in which the East Timorese people voted for independence from Indonesia  Meanwhile, there was concern about the deteriorating security situation and the violence that had displaced many residents  Attacks also took place against UNAMET and other international and national humanitarian personnel and this had particularly affected vulnerable groups  There were reports of widespread violations of international humanitarian and human rights law across East Timor, and Indonesia had accepted the presence of a United Nations international peacekeeping force in the region Acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the Council condemned the violence in East Timor, called for those responsible to be brought to justice and emphasised the need for immediate unrestricted humanitarian assistance to the area  In this regard, it authorised the establishment of an Australian-led multinational force under joint command with the task of restoring peace, protecting the UNAMET mission and assisting in humanitarian operations using all necessary measures  The force consisted of 8,000 personnel from 17 countries  The Government of Indonesia, which had temporary responsibility for the security of East Timor, would co-operate with the multinational force or INTERFET 
The resolution noted that part of the agreement between Indonesia and Portugal on the future of East Timor stipulated a peaceful and orderly transfer of authority in East Timor to the United Nations and INTERFET was asked to support the process  The multinational force would be present in East Timor for four months until replaced by a United Nations peacekeeping force and would be required to submit periodic reports on its progress Finally, the Secretary-General was asked to make preparations for a transitional administration in East Timor that would include a peacekeeping operation during the implementation phase following the referendum 

See also
1999 East Timorese crisis
Indonesian occupation of East Timor
List of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1201 to 1300 (1998–2000)
United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor
Passage 3:
Zeferino Martins
Zeferino Martins, also known as Ze Martins (born September 5, 1985) is an East Timorese footballer who plays as midfielder for Ad  Dili Oeste and the Timor-Leste national team 
Passage 4:
The Trouble with the Truth (song)
"The Trouble with the Truth" is a song written by Gary Nicholson, and recorded by American country music artist Patty Loveless  It was released in April 1997 as the fifth and final single and title track from her album  The Trouble with the Truth 
The song charted for 20 weeks on the Billboard Hot Country Singles and Tracks chart, reaching number 15 during the week of July 12, 1997 

Other versions
Joan Baez also cut a version of the song during an early 1990s recording session in Nashville, but the recording remained unissued until released in 2012 as a bonus track on the remastered rerelease of her 1992 album Play Me Backwards 

Chart positions
Passage 5:
Dahsyat
Dahsyat (or Strikes, also stylized as dahSyat) is an Indonesian television show broadcast daily on Rajawali Citra Televisi Indonesia (RCTI)  The first episode of Dahsyat since 24 March 2008  The show broadcasts subject matter related to music, and each show is two hours long  It was initially presented by Olga Syahputra, Raffi Ahmad, and Luna Maya  Presenters have since included a variety of actors, directors, comedians, and musicians 
As evidence of its popularity, Indonesian TV audiences voted Dahsyat their Favorite Music & Variety Show in the Panasonic Awards for five consecutive years from 2010 to 2014 and 2016  In 2016, Dahsyat subsequently had winning for Most Popular Morning Program at the Indonesian Television Awards 

Dahsyat presenters
The Dahsyat presenters have not been immune to controversy during the show's lengthy run 
In June 2010, Luna Maya left the show after video clips surfaced allegedly showing her taking part in sex acts with Ariel from the band, Peterpan (now known as Noah) and with Cut Tari Raffi Ahmad's house was raided by police looking for drugs, including marijuana and methylone in 2013  Indonesia's agency responsible for monitoring narcotics charged Ahmad with possession and distribution of category one narcotics; Ahmad spent three months in an outpatient drug rehabilitation clinic The Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) repeatedly reprimanded Olga Syahputra for coarse humor, which included references to male genitalia and jokes about transvestites, rape and, overweight people  He subsequently died in Singapore on March 27, 2015 of meningitis 

Fixed presenter
Co-presenter
Former presenters
Popularity
The daily Dahsyat show draws millions of viewers 
On 12 Dec 2014, the show had a TVR of 1 3 and a share of 12 7%, ranking it 62nd  On 14 Dec 2014, the show had a TVR of 2 0 and a share of 18 7%, ranking it 25th Dahsyat has made efforts to improve ratings  The show followed SCTV's Eat Bulaga! Indonesia's by offering prizes and instituted the new Gaspol format focused on dance events, similar to Trans TV's Yuk Keep Smile's Caesar Dance  However, the show's programming has been widely criticized by viewers for a decline in music, increased attention on the presenters' personal lives, long advertisements, and frequent presenter changes  These criticisms have been compounded by both the success of rival show Inbox on SCTV and incidents involving the presenters, notably Raffi Ahmad's drug charges and a reprimand by the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission for insulting Islam 

New format
On August 27, 2013, Dahsyat launched the Gaspol dance event format, adding a DJ 

Dahsyatnya Awards
Dahsyatnya Awards is an awards ceremony for Indonesian music, hosted by the Dahsyat presenters and airing on the same television station, RCTI  The show first was held on April 19, 2009  In 2015, the 2014 Dahsyatnya Awards show won the category "Best Special Event" at 2015 Panasonic Gobel Awards 

Special guest stars
Special guest stars have included politicians like Hillary Clinton - United States Secretary of State;  several Miss World winners including:
Ksenia Sukhinova - Miss World 2008, Kaiane Aldorino - Miss World 2009, Alexandria Mills - Miss World 2010, Ivian Sarcos - Miss World 2011, Yu Wenxia - Miss World 2012, Megan Young - Miss World 2013 and Julia Morley the CEO of the Miss World Organization 
Musical guests have included: Anggun - Indonesia international Singer and Ambassador of FAO, finalist on Eurovision Song Contest 2012, Christian Bautista - Filipino international Singer, host and model, Siti Nurhaliza - Malaysian international Singer, McFly - English Pop Rock Band, Lee Ji-hoon - South Korean singer and actor, * David Foster - Canadian composer, Minami Takahashi - Japanese singer, Lee DeWyze a contestant on American Idol 2010, Depapepe - Japanese Acoustic Group, Fabrizio Faniello - Eurovision Song Contest 2001 and Eurovision Song Contest 2006 performer, Thia Megia a contestant on American Idol 2011, Destine - Dutch Rock Band, Han Geng a Chinese singer, AKB48 the Japanese Girl Group; Simple Plan the Canadian Rock Band, Secondhand Serenade an American Rock Band, and Daimaou Kosaka a Japanese recording artist 
Other musical guests have included: The American heavy metal band The Iron Maidens, Rick Price the Australian singer,
Eru the Korean singer and actor, BtoB a Korean Boy Group, Filipino singer and actor Sam Concepcion, Justice Crew the Australian Boy Group, David Cook a contestant on American Idol 2008, Sinclarity an American Acoustic Group, Connie Talbot the English singer, Scandal the Japanese Rock Band, Dutch Rock Band Kensington, Eir Aoi the Japanese singer,  Irish singer Shane Filan, Tommy Page an American singer, Korean Pop Grou Lunafly, Wouter Hamel a Dutch singer, and Danish rock band Carpark North 
Footballer guests have included: Franco Baresi and Paolo Maldini (Italy), Ray Wilkins, Anton Ferdinand, David May and John Barnes (England), Jesper Blomqvist (Sweden), Fernando Morientes and Roberto Soldado (Spain), Edwin van der Sar (the Netherlands) Adlène Guedioura (Algeria), Andriy Shevchenko  (Ukraine), Jonas Gonçalves Oliveira and Roque Junior (Brazil), Robert Pires (France) and Luís Figo (Portugal) 
Other guests from varied backgrounds have included: Moymoy Palaboy a comedian lipsync duo from the Philippines, Paul O'Brien the Australian actor, Horace Grant and Rafer Alston  American basketball players, Samantha Jade from The X Factor Australia 2012, and World motivational speaker Nick Vujicic 

Awards and nominations
See also
RCTI
2011 Panasonic Gobel Awards
Variety Show
Passage 6:
The Truth About Men
The Truth About Men is the eighth studio album by American country music artist Tracy Byrd  Released in 2003 as the third and final album for RCA Nashville, it features the singles "The Truth About Men", "Drinkin' Bone", and "How'd I Wind Up in Jamaica"  Before its release, Byrd charted in the country top 40 with the single "Lately (Been Dreamin' 'bout Babies)", which does not appear on the album 
The track "Making Memories of Us" was later recorded by The Notorious Cherry Bombs on their self-titled debut album, and again by Keith Urban on his 2004 album Be Here  Urban's rendition of the song was a Number One hit on the country music charts in 2005 

Track listing
Personnel
Tracy Byrd - lead vocals
Billy Carpenter - drums
Johnny Lee Carpenter - fiddle
Britt Godwin - electric guitar
Larry Shelton - trumpet
Stacy Clark - trumpet
Lisa Cochran - background vocals
Jim Cox - piano
Eric Darken - percussion
Randall Dennis - piano
Dan Dugmore - dobro, steel guitar
Stuart Duncan - fiddle
Paul Franklin - steel guitar
Troy Gentry - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
Andy Griggs - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
Aubrey Haynie - fiddle, mandolin
Wes Hightower - background vocals
John Hobbs - piano
John Barlow Jarvis - Hammond organ, piano, synthesizer
Troy Lancaster - electric guitar
Paul Leim - drums, percussion
B  James Lowry - acoustic guitar
Liana Manis - background vocals
Jay Dee Maness - steel guitar
Brent Mason - electric guitar
Mark Matoska - steel guitar
Eddie Montgomery - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
John J  Moore - bass guitar, background vocals
John Robinson - drums
John Wesley Ryles - background vocals
Blake Shelton - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
Leland Sklar - bass guitar
Carey Stone - electric guitar
Michael Thompson - electric guitar
Neil Thrasher - background vocals
Billy Joe Walker Jr  - acoustic guitar, electric guitar
Gabe Witcher - fiddle
Glenn Worf - bass guitar
Reggie Young - electric guitar

Charts
Passage 7:
Indonesia–Timor Leste Commission of Truth and Friendship
The Indonesia–Timor Leste Commission on Truth and Friendship (more commonly known by its Portuguese acronym CVA, Comissão Verdade e Amizade) was a truth commission established jointly by the governments of Indonesia and East Timor in August 2005  The commission was officially created to investigate acts of violence that occurred around the independence referendum held in East Timor in 1999 and sought to find the "conclusive truth" behind the events  After holding private hearings and document reviews, the commission handed in the final report on July 15, 2008 to the presidents of both nations, and was fully endorsed by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, providing the first acknowledgement by the government of Indonesia of the human rights violations committed by state institutions in Timor  The commission is notable for being the first modern truth commission to be bilateral 

Background
East Timor was originally colonized by the Portuguese, and remained a colony up until the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974  East Timor declared independence soon afterwards, but Indonesia soon decided to intervene as it became clear that the government of the new state would most likely be leftist  The Indonesian government began Operation Komodo, which was intended to bring about the integration of the East Timorese territory  It began with a propaganda campaign, but after the outbreak of conflict in East Timor, the Indonesian military began a campaign on 7 October starting with an assault on a border post and accumulating with a full-scale invasion utilizing paratroopers and naval support  The United Nations quickly condemned the invasion via resolution, but due to resistance in the Security council, no further action was taken  The United States also tacitly gave their approval, as the dismantling of a pro-communist government helped advance the policy of containment being pursued by the government 
Indonesia occupied the territory for the following two decades  During the administration of the Habibie government, a referendum was held in the occupied area asking if the residents of the area wished to remain a part of Indonesia  Even before the referendum, there was harassment by militia groups in the area, with UN workers being attacked in Maliana  It soon became clear in the wake of the referendum that the referendum result would be overwhelmingly in favor of the "no" option on the ballot; this raised tensions to a boiling point, and within two hours of the announcement of the results, armed militia groups began attacking civilians  Militia continued to attack civilians as they withdrew from the country, and several massacres occurred as the troops filtered out of the area  A UN peacekeeping force known as INTERFET was deployed to stabilize the situation, made up of mostly Australian troops, and was withdrawn with the arrival of normal UN peacekeepers  East Timor eventually transitioned from a UN mandate to an independent country 

Report
The commission itself was announced in August 2006 and sought to establish "the conclusive truth regarding human rights violations to have occurred prior to, immediately after the Popular Consultation on 30 August 1999" as well as "prepare recommendations that can contribute to healing wounds of the past and strengthen friendship"  The timing of the commission's creation was criticized by some, as it was believed that it was created to intentionally subvert calls for an international tribunal to deal with the events surrounding the 1999 plebiscite  The commission's mandate allowed it to review documents pertaining to four other inquiries surrounding the events that predated it: "The Indonesian National Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights Violations in East Timor in 1999", "The Indonesian Ad Hoc Human Rights Court on East Timor", "The Special Panels for Serious Crimes", and "The Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation" The commission was made up of four members appointed from each nation, and these commissioners were instructed to conduct a document review and analyze previous trials and investigations into the subject, including the UN Special Panels for Serious Crimes and Serious Crime Units in Dili, and the report of the Commission of Reception, Truth and Reconciliation of Timor-Leste  The commission also stated its intent to research the "historical background, political dynamics, and institutional structures that shaped events before and during 1999" to "inform its conclusions with a broader understanding of the way in which the causes of the violence in 1999 were connected to previously established institutional structures and practices "Operating over three years, the commission gave its final report on July 15, 2008, and presented it to the Presidents of Indonesia and East Timor, concluding that "gross human rights violations in the form of crimes against humanity did occur in East Timor in 1999" and that "pro-autonomy militia groups, TNI, the Indonesian civil government, and Polri must all bear institutional responsibility", as well as stating that "from a moral and political perspective the respective states must accept state responsibility for the violations identified in the report " The commission also made recommendations that both nations begin institutional reform enhancing the strength of investigative and prosecuting bodies involved with investigations into the events, as well as forming joint security policy to ensure the safety of individuals in case of the recurrence of violence  It also noted the need to resolve other standing border and security issues between the two nations to allow for more cooperation  Notably, the report gave no recommendations of amnesty or rehabilitation  The report was endorsed by the president of Indonesia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, making it the first recognition of the Indonesian government's complicity in human rights violations in East Timor by Indonesia 

Reception
In Indonesia and Timor, the report was presented to both governments and accepted by both the Timorese and Indonesian governments  However, Timorese NGO Timor-Leste National Alliance for International Tribunal wrote an open letter in response to the commission's findings with several criticisms, including the lack of public consultation with victims and parliamentary approval of the commission, as well as noting that the commission assigned institutional responsibility rather than individual responsibility, "which is contrary to the principles of international laws which were ratified by the state of Timor-Leste and to Article 160 of its constitution which says that there must be a justice process for crimes against humanity ", as well as stating their belief that the CAVR was a more trustworthy and support worthy commission for the government to support Internationally, the report had a mixed reception  Some, such as the War Crimes Studies Center at the University of California, Berkeley, said that the commission could be seen as "widely acknowledged as credible and far-reaching ", noting that the Indonesian government's affirmation of the results was important and that the commission made arguments that "there was credible evidence to indicate that Timorese institutions were also responsible for illegal detentions and possibly other crimes "

See also
History of East Timor
Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor
Indonesian occupation of East Timor
Santa Cruz massacre
Passage 8:
List of Ramon Magsaysay Award winners
The Ramon Magsaysay Award (Filipino: Gawad Ramon Magsaysay) is an annual award established to perpetuate former Philippine President Ramon Magsaysay's example of integrity in governance, courageous service to the people, and pragmatic idealism within a democratic society  The prize was established in April 1957 by the trustees of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund based in New York City with the concurrence of the Philippine government  It is often called the "Nobel Prize of Asia" 

History
In May 1957, seven prominent Filipinos were named to the founding board of trustees of the Ramon Magsaysay Award Foundation, the non-profit corporation tasked with implementing the awards program  Later on, the board of trustees diversified and included prominent Asians from all over the Asian continent and outlying islands  The Ramon Magsaysay Award Foundation gives the prize to Asian individuals achieving excellence in their respective fields 
The award is named after Ramon Magsaysay, the seventh president of the Republic of the Philippines after World War II  This has generated criticism due to allegations of brutal suppression of dissent and subserviency to the US government during Magsaysay's tenure as defence secretary and president 

Award categories
The award recognizes and honors individuals and organizations in Asia regardless of race, creed, sex, or nationality, who have achieved distinction in their respective fields and have helped others generously without anticipating public recognition   
The awards used to be given in six categories, five of which were discontinued in 2009:

Government Service (1958–2008)
Public Service (1958–2008)
Community Leadership (1958–2008)
Journalism, Literature, and Creative Communication Arts (1958–2008)
Peace and International Understanding (1958–2008)
Emergent Leadership (2001– )
Uncategorized (2009– )

Awardees
The winners of the Ramon Magsaysay Awards come from different parts of Asia, although there are some instances where the winners came from countries outside Asia who had served, worked or accomplished something in different Asian countries  As of 2021, recipients have come from twenty-two Asian countries 
The following is a partial list of the awardees of the Ramon Magsaysay Award  Awardees' individual nationality or country of origin and citizenship are indicated 
Starting 2009, the Award is no longer being given in fixed categories except for Emergent Leadership 

Government Service (1958–2008)
Public Service (1958–2008)
Community Leadership (1958–2008)
Journalism, Literature, and the Creative Communication Arts (1958–2008)
Peace and International Understanding (1958–2008)
Emergent Leadership (2001–present)
Uncategorized (2009–present)
Context 2: Passage 1:
Atika Suri
Atika Suri (born Indragiri Hulu Regency, Riau; February 10, 1968) is an Indonesian TV newscasters and newscast producer 

Education and training
Atika Suri graduated from the Design and Art Faculty of Trisakti University in Jakarta   During her career as television journalist, Suri has attended several professional trainings including Peace Journalism from the BBC in 2001, CNN Television Workshop in October 2000, and TV News Production Workshops by Frank N  Magid Associates in 1995 and 1996 

Career
Suri began her career as a reporter and news presenter for RCTI's morning show, Nuansa Pagi, in 1993  Since 1994, Suri had been assigned to report Indonesia's presidential activities including reporting overseas visits of former presidents Suharto and Abdurrahman Wahid  As a presidential correspondent, Suri had conducted many live reports from overseas, and also established networks with sources such as cabinet ministers and officials  Suri also did live reports during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders Meeting in Bogor, Indonesia in 1994, and covered the Meeting of 77 Heads of the 3rd World Countries, or G-77 Conference, in Havana, Cuba 
Atika Suri is now the news producer of RCTI's newscast, Buletin Siang, one of the news programs in Indonesia  Suri manages the production of the newscast, selects stories and arranges the rundown, writes news stories and lead-ins, copies edit and approves the scripts prior to editing and on-air  She also helps translate materials from news agencies and voices them into Indonesian language 
Since 2004, Suri has been back to serve as the main anchor of RCTI’s morning newscast Nuansa Pagi along with co-anchor Ade Novit  She had also served as the main anchor of Buletin Siang, as well as the newscaster of Seputar Indonesia 
Atika Suri had been nominated as the most favorite female news presenter of the Panasonic Awards in 2000 
Passage 2:
Surichata
Surichata (Aymara and Quechua suri rhea, Pukina chata mountain, Hispanicized spelling Zorrichata) is a  mountain in the Andes of southern Peru, about 4,800 metres (15,748 ft) high  It is situated in the Puno Region, Puno Province, on the border of the districts San Antonio and Pichacani  Surichata lies north of the mountain Kunturiri and northeast of Wankarani and  Ninachiri 
Passage 3:
Europe-Asia Studies
Europe-Asia Studies is an academic peer-reviewed journal published 10 times a year by Routledge on behalf of the Institute of Central and East European Studies, University of Glasgow, and continuing (since vol  45, 1993) the journal Soviet Studies (vols  1–44, 1949–1992), which was renamed after the dissolution of the Soviet Union  The journal focuses on political, economic and social affairs of the countries of the former Soviet bloc and their successors, as well as their history in the 20th century  Both Europe-Asia Studies and Soviet Studies are available online with subscription via JSTOR from 1949 onwards 
According to the Journal Citation Reports, the journal has a 2020 impact factor of 2 102, ranking it --- out of 161 journals in the category "Political Science" 
Passage 4:
Khustigiri
Khustigiri (mentioned in census data as Khushtikuri) is a village in Ilambazar community development block in Bolpur subdivision of Birbhum District in the Indian state of West Bengal  It is 25 kilometres (16 mi) from Suri 

Overview
Khustigiri is famous for the Dargah Sharif which is believed to be a place of learning, getting peace of mind, and becoming free from diseases and mental distress  This sacred place was established by the great Sufi saint Syed Shah Abdullah Kermani about 500 years ago for providing service to mankind, by the order of his spiritual master, Makhdoom Shah Arzani  The serene environment draws the minds of all irrespective of race, caste, creed and religion  The Sufi saint Abdullah Kermani (in short Kermani Baba) had established khankah, Jama Masjid, madrasah, langor khana, atithi shala, nahabat khana, library, charitable dispensary etc  for the service to mankind  In addition to these, the attractions of this place are the big and beautiful tomb of Kermani with double domes, sacred Gangagore, khas mahal, tombs of 14 Kazis, Hazrat Museum, historical tamarind tree, big dias, new minar, beautiful garden and the mazars of the descendants of Kermani  Several functions and ceremonies are held throughout the year  Many centres under this dargah are being opened in various parts of West Bengal 

History
It is said that a Muslim saint Saiyad Shah Abdullah Kirmani when young left Kirman in Iran his native country and visited a Muslim saint Shah Arzani, who died at Patna during the reign of Shah Jahan in 1630 AD  Shah Arzani directed him to go to Bengal and gave him a toothpick of chambeli wood  He told him to stay at the place where the toothpick became fresh and green  He arrived in Birbum and stayed at Bargaon, where he performed several miracles (karamat) but the toothpick remained unchanged  He then moved on to Khustigiri  There one morning he found the toothpick to have become fresh and green  He planted it and it soon became a large tree   Shah Abdullah is specially renowned for his power over serpents  His dargah is in the hands of his descendants and is visited by numerous pilgrims 

Geography
Location
Khustigiri is located at 23 7605°N 87 536367°E﻿ / 23 7605; 87 536367 
Note: The map alongside presents some of the notable locations in the area  All places marked in the map are linked in the larger full screen map 

Fair
Medini mela is organised around the time of Muharram and Shab e Baraat  near the mazar of Shah Abdullah Kermani at Khustigiri  Above all urs is observed every year from 11th Falgun to 15th Falgun (24 to 28 February) every year where millions of people attend 

Demographics
As per the 2011 Census of India, Khushtikuri had a total population of 1,994 of which 1,039 (52%) were males and 955 (48%) were females  Population below 6 years was 294  The total number of literates in Khushtikuri was 1,243 (73 12% of the population over 6 years) 

Transport
Khustigiri is on the Panrui-Kurmitha Road 
Passage 5:
Trisakti Museum
Trisakti Museum or May 12 Tragedy Museum is a human rights museum in Jakarta, Indonesia  The museum documents the active role of Indonesian students at Trisakti University in fighting for democracy and human rights The museum briefly tells about four students who were shot on May 12, 1998  In the museum there are short articles, a collection of news from newspapers, ornaments, demonstration photographs, photographs of the deceased, and their relics 

History
Trisakti Museum was established with the background of the Indonesian university student movement in 1998, when the students across Indonesia rallied to demand reform The students at Trisakti University, as a part of the students in Indonesia as a whole, participated in a peaceful protest movement  The movement reach its peak when four students at Trisakti University were killed on May 12, 1998  This incident triggered the fall of Orde Baru To commemorate the tragedy, the museum was placed in the lobby of the Dr Syarif Thajeb building, on the campus of Trisakti University, Grogol, West Jakarta 

See also
Indonesian Revolution of 1998
Trisakti shootings
List of museums and cultural institutions in Indonesia
Passage 6:
Ann McKee
Ann McKee (born 1953) is a neuropathologist and expert in neurodegenerative disease at the New England Veterans Affairs Medical Centers (VISN-1) and is professor of neurology and pathology at Boston University School of Medicine and director of Boston University CTE Center  She is particularly known for her work studying Alzheimer's disease and the consequences of repetitive traumatic brain injury  In 2017, she was named "Bostonian of the Year" by The Boston Globe for her leading work in this area, and in 2018, Time named McKee one of its 100 most influential people 

Education
McKee earned her bachelor's degree at the University of Wisconsin and her medical degree at Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine  McKee then completed a fellowship in neuropathology at Massachusetts General Hospital and a residency in neurology at Cleveland Metropolitan General Hospital 

Career
McKee is the chief neuropathologist at New England Veterans Affairs Medical Centers (VISN-1), and director of the Boston University CTE Center and Neuropathology Core for the Boston University Alzheimer's Disease Center (BU ADC)  Dr  McKee is also associate director of the BU ADC  Dr  McKee directs multiple brain banks including those for the BU ADC and Framingham Heart Study which are based at the Bedford VA, and the VA-BU-CLF and Chronic Effects of Neurotrauma Consortium brain banks which are based at VA Boston  Dr  McKee's research focuses on CTE and the late-effects of traumatic neurodegeneration 
McKee is a leading authority on chronic traumatic encephalopathy (CTE), a degenerative brain disease  CTE is most commonly found in athletes participating in boxing, American football, ice hockey, other contact sports, and military service  In 2013, she reported that she had found evidence of CTE in over 70 of the athletes that she examined, including three NHL enforcers and 18 NFL players  McKee has presented her findings to National Football League officials and testified before the United States House Judiciary Committee  She has also studied diseases including Lewy body disease, Parkinson's disease, progressive supranuclear palsy, multiple system atrophy, frontotemporal lobar degeneration, and corticobasal degeneration 

Accolades and awards
McKee has received numerous awards in recognition of her work  In 2018, the Alzheimer's Association gave her the Henry Wisniewski Lifetime Achievement Award for her work  In the same year, Time magazine named her one of the 100 Most Influential People  Chris Borland, a former linebacker for the San Francisco 49ers who retired at the age of 24 due to brain injury concerns spurred by McKee's research, said "She may have saved my life  At the very least, her work has likely spared me much of the suffering we see today among former NFL players "

Personal life
McKee has three children and lives in Massachusetts  She has a long-term boyfriend named Gary, but he is known as "Harv" by friends and family  She is a Green Bay Packers fan 
Passage 7:
Neocollyris horsfieldi
Neocollyris horsfieldii is a species in the tiger beetle family Cicindelidae, found in Indonesia  It was described by William Macleay in 1825 and was named for Thomas Horsfield, an American naturalist who had worked extensively in Indonesia 
Passage 8:
Hokkien
The Hokkien () variety of Chinese is a Southern Min language native to and originating from the Minnan region, where it is widely spoken in the southeastern part of Fujian in southeastern mainland China  In Chinese linguistics, these languages are known by their classification under the Quanzhang division (Chinese: 泉漳片; pinyin: Quánzhāng piàn) of Min Nan, which comes from the first characters of the two main Hokkien urban centers of Quanzhou and Zhangzhou 
Hokkien (Taiwanese) is one of the national languages in Taiwan, and it is also widely spoken within the overseas Chinese diaspora in Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, Indonesia, Cambodia, Myanmar, Hong Kong, Thailand, Brunei and across the world  The mutually intelligibility between Hokkien dialects varies, but they are still held together by ethnolinguistic identity In Maritime Southeast Asia, Hokkien historically served as the lingua franca amongst overseas Chinese communities of all dialects and subgroups, and it remains today as the most spoken variety of Chinese in the region, including in Singapore, Malaysia, Philippines, Indonesia  This applied to a lesser extent to Mainland Southeast Asia  The Betawi Malay language, spoken by some five million people in and around the Indonesian capital Jakarta, includes numerous Hokkien loanwords due to the significant influence of the Chinese Indonesian diaspora, most of whom are of Hokkien ancestry and origin 

Names
Chinese speakers of the Quanzhang variety of Southern Min refer to the mainstream Southern Min language as

Bân-lâm-gú / Bân-lâm-ōe (闽南语/闽南话; 閩南語/閩南話, literally 'Southern Min Language/Speech') in China and Taiwan 
Tâi-gí / Tâi-gú (臺語, literally 'Taiwanese Language') or Ho̍h-ló-ōe / Hô-ló-ōe (福佬話, literally 'Hoklo Speech') in Taiwan 
Lán-nâng-ōe / Lán-lâng-ōe / Nán-nâng-ōe (咱人話 / 咱儂話, literally 'Our People's Speech') in the Philippines 
Hok-kiàn-ōe / Hok-kiàn-ōa (福建話, literally 'Hokkien Speech') in Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia and Brunei In parts of Southeast Asia and in the English-speaking communities, the term Hokkien ([hɔk˥kiɛn˨˩]) is etymologically derived from the Southern Min pronunciation for Fujian (Chinese: 福建; pinyin: Fújiàn; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Hok-kiàn), the province from which the language hails  In Southeast Asia and the English press, Hokkien is used in common parlance to refer to the Southern Min dialects of southern Fujian, and does not include reference to dialects of other Sinitic branches also present in Fujian such as the Fuzhou language (Eastern Min), Pu-Xian Min, Northern Min, Gan Chinese or Hakka  
The word Hokkien first originated from Walter Henry Medhurst when he published the Dictionary of the Hok-këèn Dialect of the Chinese Language, According to the Reading and Colloquial Idioms in 1832  This is considered to be the earliest English-based Hokkien Dictionary and the first major reference work in POJ, although the romanization within was quite different from the modern system  In this dictionary, the word "Hok-këèn" was used  In 1869, POJ was further revised by John Macgowan in his published book A Manual Of The Amoy Colloquial  In this book, "këèn" was changed to "kien" as "Hok-kien" and from then on, the word "Hokkien" began to be used more often  
Historically, Hokkien was also known as "Amoy", after the Hokkien name of Xiamen, the principal port of Southern Fujian during the Qing dynasty as one of the five ports opened to foreign trade by the Treaty of Nanking  By 1873, Rev  Carstairs Douglas would publish his dictionary named "Chinese–English Dictionary of the Vernacular or Spoken Language of Amoy, With the Principal Variations of the Chang-chew and Chin-chew Dialects " where he would call the language as "The Language of Amoy" or "The Amoy Vernacular" and by 1883, Rev  John Macgowan would publish another dictionary named "English and Chinese Dictionary of the Amoy Dialect"  Due to confusion with differentiating the Amoy dialect of Hokkien from Xiamen with the general language itself, many proscribe this usage though many old books and media may still be observed to be labeled with "Amoy" instead to generally refer to the language, besides the specific dialect of Hokkien from Xiamen 

Geographic distribution
Hokkien is spoken in the southern, seaward quarter of Fujian province, southeastern Zhejiang, and eastern Namoa Island in China; Taiwan; Metro Manila, Metro Cebu, Metro Davao and other cities in the Philippines; Singapore; Brunei; Medan, Riau and other cities in Indonesia; and from Perlis, Kedah, Penang and Taiping in Malaysia 

Hokkien originated in the southern area of Fujian province, an important center for trade and migration, and has since become one of the most common Chinese varieties overseas  The major pole of Hokkien varieties outside of Fujian is nearby Taiwan, where immigrants from Fujian arrived as workers during the 40 years of Dutch rule, fleeing the Qing dynasty during the 20 years of Ming loyalist rule, as immigrants during the 200 years of Qing dynasty rule, especially in the last 120 years after immigration restrictions were relaxed, and even as immigrants during the period of Japanese rule  The Taiwanese dialect mostly has origins with the Tung'an, Quanzhou and Zhangzhou variants, but since then, the Amoy dialect, also known as the Xiamen dialect, has become the modern prestige representative for the language in China  Both Amoy and Xiamen come from the Chinese name of the city (Chinese: 厦门; pinyin: Xiàmén; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Ē-mûi); the former is from Zhangzhou Hokkien, whereas the latter comes from Mandarin 
There are many Minnan (Hokkien) speakers among overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia as well as in the United States (Hoklo Americans)  Many ethnic Han Chinese emigrants to the region were Hoklo from southern Fujian, and brought the language to what is now Burma (Myanmar), Vietnam, Indonesia (the former Dutch East Indies) and present day Malaysia and Singapore (formerly Malaya and the British Straits Settlements)  Most of the Minnan dialects of this region have incorporated some foreign loanwords  Hokkien is reportedly the native language of up to 80% of the ethnic Chinese people in the Philippines, among which is known locally as Lán-nâng-uē ("Our people's speech")  Hokkien speakers form the largest group of overseas Chinese in Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia and Philippines 

Classification
Southern Fujian is home to four principal Minnan Proper (Hokkien) dialects: Chiangchew, Chinchew, Tung'an, and Amoy, originating from the cities of Quanzhou, Zhangzhou, historical Tung'an County (同安縣, now Xiamen and Kinmen) and her own Port of Amoy, respectively 
The Quanzhou dialect spoken in Quanzhou was the Traditional Representative Minnan  It is the dialect that is used in Liyuan Opera (梨園戲) and Nanguan music (南管)  The Quanzhou dialect is considered to be the most conservative Minnan dialect 
In the late 1800s, the Amoy dialect attracted special attention, because Amoy was one of the five ports opened to foreign trade by the Treaty of Nanking, but before that it had not attracted attention  The Amoy dialect is adopted as the Modern Representative Minnan  The Amoy dialect can not simply be interpreted as a mixture of the Zhangzhou and Quanzhou dialects, but rather it is formed on the foundation of the Tung'an dialect with further inputs from other sub-dialects  It has played an influential role in history, especially in the relations of Western nations with China, and was one of the most frequently learnt dialect of the Hokkien variety by Westerners during the second half of the 19th century and the early 20th century 
The Modern Representative form of Hokkien spoken around the city of Tainan (台南) in Taiwan heavily resembles the Tung'an dialect  All Hokkien dialects spoken throughout the whole of Taiwan are collectively known as Taiwanese Hokkien, or Holo locally, although there is a tendency to call these Taiwanese language for historical reasons  It is spoken by more Taiwanese than any Sinitic language except Mandarin, and it is known by a majority of the population; thus, from a socio-political perspective, it forms a significant pole of language usage due to the popularity of Holo-language media  Douglas (1873/1899) also noted that Formosa (Taiwan) has been settled mainly by emigrants from Amoy (Xiamen), Chang-chew (Zhangzhou), and Chin-chew (Quanzhou)  Several parts of the island are usually found to be specially inhabited by descendants of such emigrants, but in Taiwan, the various forms of the dialects mentioned prior are a good deal mixed up 

Southeast Asia
The varieties of Hokkien in Southeast Asia originate from these dialects  Douglas (1873/1899) notes that "Singapore and the various Straits Settlements [such as Penang and Malacca], Batavia [Jakarta] and other parts of the Dutch possessions [Indonesia], are crowded with emigrants, especially from the Chang-chew [Zhangzhou] prefecture; Manila and other parts of the Philippines have great numbers from Chin-chew [Quanzhou], and emigrants are largely scattered in like manner in Siam [Thailand], Burmah [Myanmar], the Malay Peninsula [Peninsular Malaysia], Cochin China [Southern Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos], Saigon [Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam], &c  In many of these places there is also a great mixture of emigrants from Swatow [Shantou] "In modern times though, a mixed dialect descended from the Quanzhou, Amoy, and Zhangzhou dialects, leaning a little closer to the Quanzhou dialect, possibly due to being from the Tung'an dialect, is spoken by Chinese Singaporeans, Southern Malaysian Chinese, and Chinese Indonesians in Indonesia's Riau province and Riau Islands  Variants include Southern Peninsular Malaysian Hokkien and Singaporean Hokkien in Singapore 
Among Malaysian Chinese of Penang, and other states in Northern Peninsular Malaysia and ethnic Chinese Indonesians in Medan, with other areas in North Sumatra, Indonesia, a distinct descendant dialect form of Zhangzhou Hokkien has developed  In Penang, Kedah and Perlis, it is called Penang Hokkien while across the Malacca Strait in Medan, an almost identical variant is known as Medan Hokkien 
As for Chinese Filipinos in the Philippines, a variant known as Philippine Hokkien, which is also mostly derived from Quanzhou Hokkien, particularly the Jinjiang and Nan'an dialects with a bit of influence from the Amoy (Xiamen) dialect, is still spoken amongst families as most also profess ancestors from the aforementioned areas 
There are also Hokkien speakers scattered throughout other parts of Indonesia (such as Jakarta and around the island of Java), Thailand (especially Southern Thailand on the border with Malaysia), Myanmar, other parts of Malaysia (such as Eastern (Insular) Malaysia), Brunei, Cambodia, and Southern Vietnam (such as in Saigon / Ho Chi Minh City), though there are notably more of Teochew/Swatow background among descendants of Chinese migrants in regions such as parts of Peninsular Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and Southern Vietnam 

History
Variants of Hokkien dialects can be traced to three sources of origin: Tong'an, Quanzhou and Zhangzhou  Both Amoy Hokkien and most of Taiwanese Hokkien is heavily based on the Tong'an dialect, and to a lesser extent, on Quanzhou and Zhangzhou dialects, while the rest of the Hokkien dialects spoken in South East Asia are derived their respective homelands in southern Fujian 

Southern Fujian
During the Three Kingdoms period of ancient China, there was constant warfare occurring in the Central Plain of China  Northerners began to enter into Fujian region, causing the region to incorporate parts of northern Chinese dialects  However, the massive migration of northern Han Chinese into Fujian region mainly occurred after the Disaster of Yongjia  The Jìn court fled from the north to the south, causing large numbers of northern Han Chinese to move into Fujian region  They brought the Old Chinese spoken in the Central Plain of China from the prehistoric era to the 3rd century into Fujian 
In 677 (during the reign of Emperor Gaozong of Tang), Chen Zheng, together with his son Chen Yuanguang, led a military expedition to suppress a rebellion of the She people  In 885, (during the reign of Emperor Xizong of Tang), the two brothers Wang Chao and Wang Shenzhi, led a military expedition force to suppress the Huang Chao rebellion  Waves of migration from the north in this era brought the language of Middle Chinese into the Fujian region 

Xiamen (Amoy)
The Amoy dialect is the main dialect spoken in area of Port of Xiamen, that is, southwest corner of Xiamen island in the Chinese city of Xiamen (formerly romanized and natively pronounced as "Amoy")  Historically, Port of Xiamen had always been part of Tung'an country until after 1912 of Republic of China era  Amoy dialect cannot simply be interpreted as a mixture of Zhangzhou and Quanzhou dialects, but rather it is formed on the foundation of Tung'an dialect with further inputs from other sub-dialects, namely from the adjacent Zhangzhou dialect 

Early sources
Several playscripts survive from the late 16th century, written in a mixture of Quanzhou and Chaozhou dialects  The most important is the Romance of the Litchi Mirror, with extant manuscripts dating from 1566 and 1581 In the early 17th century, Spanish friars in the Philippines produced materials documenting the Hokkien varieties spoken by the Chinese trading community who had settled there in the late 16th century:
Doctrina Christiana en letra y lengua china (1593), a Hokkien version of the Doctrina Christiana 
Diccionarium Sino-Hispanicum (1604), a Spanish–Hokkien dictionary, giving equivalent words, but not definitions 
Bocabulario de la lengua sangleya (c  1617), a Spanish–Hokkien dictionary, with definitions 
Arte de la Lengua Chiõ Chiu (1620), a Spanish–Hokkien grammar These texts appear to record a Zhangzhou dialect, from the old port of Yuegang (modern-day Haicheng, an old port that is now part of Longhai) Chinese scholars produced rhyme dictionaries describing Hokkien varieties at the beginning of the 19th century:
Lūi-im Biāu-ngō͘ (Huìyīn Miàowù) (彙音妙悟 "Understanding of the collected sounds") was written around 1800 by Huang Qian (黃謙), and describes the Quanzhou dialect  The oldest extant edition dates from 1831 
Lūi-chi̍p Ngé-sio̍k-thong Si̍p-ngó͘-im (Huìjí Yǎsútōng Shíwǔyīn) (彙集雅俗通十五音 "Compilation of the fifteen elegant and vulgar sounds") by Xie Xiulan (謝秀嵐) describes the Zhangzhou dialect  The oldest extant edition dates from 1818 Walter Henry Medhurst based his 1832 dictionary on the latter work 

Phonology
Hokkien has one of the most diverse phoneme inventories among Chinese varieties, with more consonants than Standard Mandarin and Cantonese  Vowels are more-or-less similar to that of Mandarin  Hokkien varieties retain many pronunciations that are no longer found in other Chinese varieties  These include the retention of the /t/ initial, which is now /tʂ/ (Pinyin 'zh') in Mandarin (e g  'bamboo' 竹 is tik, but zhú in Mandarin), having disappeared before the 6th century in other Chinese varieties  Along with other Min languages, which are not directly descended from Middle Chinese, Hokkien is of considerable interest to historical linguists for reconstructing Old Chinese 

Initials
Southern Min has aspirated, unaspirated as well as voiced consonant initials  For example, the word khui (開; "open") and kuiⁿ (關; "close") have the same vowel but differ only by aspiration of the initial and nasality of the vowel  In addition, Southern Min has labial initial consonants such as m in m̄-sī (毋是; "is not") 
Another example is ta-po͘-kiáⁿ (查埔囝; "boy") and cha-bó͘-kiáⁿ (查某囝; "girl"), which differ in the second syllable in consonant voicing and in tone 

All consonants but ʔ may be nasalized; voiced oral stops may be nasalized into voiced nasal stops 
Nasal stops mostly occur word-initially 
Quanzhou and nearby may pronounce ⟨j⟩/⟨dz⟩ as ⟨l⟩ or ⟨g⟩ 
⟨l⟩ is often interchanged with ⟨n⟩ and ⟨j⟩/⟨dz⟩ throughout different dialects 
⟨j⟩, sometimes into ⟨dz⟩, is often pronounced very thick so as to change to ⟨l⟩, or very nearly so 
Some dialects may pronounce ⟨l⟩ as ⟨d⟩, or a sound very like it 
Approximant sounds [w] [j], only occur word-medially, and are also realized as laryngealized [w̰] [j̰], within a few medial and terminal environments 

Finals
Unlike Mandarin, Hokkien retains all the final consonants corresponding to those of Middle Chinese  While Mandarin only preserves the n and ŋ finals, Southern Min also preserves the m, p, t and k finals and has developed the ʔ (glottal stop) 
The vowels of Hokkien are listed below:
(*)Only certain dialects

Oral vowel sounds are realized as nasal sounds when preceding a nasal consonant 

Dialectal Sound Shifts
The following table illustrates some of the more commonly seen vowel shifts between various dialects  Further example character that features the same vowel shift is shown in parenthesis 

Tones
According to the traditional Chinese system, Hokkien dialects have 7 or 8 distinct tones, including two entering tones which end in plosive consonants  The entering tones can be analysed as allophones, giving 5 or 6 phonemic tones  In addition, many dialects have an additional phonemic tone ("tone 9" according to the traditional reckoning), used only in special or foreign loan words  This means that Hokkien dialects have between 5 and 7 phonemic tones 
Tone sandhi is extensive  There are minor variations between the Quanzhou and Zhangzhou tone systems  Taiwanese tones follow the patterns of Amoy or Quanzhou, depending on the area of Taiwan 

Dialects
The Hokkien language (Minnan) is spoken in a variety of accents and dialects across the Minnan region  The Hokkien spoken in most areas of the three counties of southern Zhangzhou have merged the coda finals -n and -ng into -ng  The initial consonant j (dz and dʑ) is not present in most dialects of Hokkien spoken in Quanzhou, having been merged into the d or l initials 
The -ik or -ɪk final consonant that is preserved in the native Hokkien dialects of Zhangzhou and Xiamen is also preserved in the Nan'an dialect (色, 德, 竹) but are pronounced as -iak in Quanzhou Hokkien 
Quanzhou Hokkien dialects (泉州閩南片):
Anxi dialect (安溪話)
Dehua dialect (德化話)
Hui'an dialect (惠安話)
Jinjiang dialect (晋江話)
Nan'an dialect (南安話)
Quanzhou dialect (泉州話)
Yongchun dialect (永春話)
Youxi dialect (尤溪話)
Philippine Hokkien (咱人話/咱儂話/菲律賓福建話)
Zhangzhou Hokkien dialects (漳州閩南片):
Longxi dialect (龍溪話)
Longyan dialect (龍巖話)
Pinghe dialect (平和話)
Yunxiao dialect (雲霄話)
Zhangpu dialect (漳浦話)
Zhangzhou dialect (漳州話)
Zhao'an dialect (詔安話)
Haifeng dialect (海豐話)
Lufeng dialect (陸豐話)
Penang Hokkien (檳城/庇能福建話)
Medan Hokkien (棉蘭福建話)
Tong'an dialect (同安話)
Tong'an (同安)
Kinmen (金門話)
Southern Peninsular Malaysian Hokkien (南馬福建話)
Singaporean Hokkien (新加坡福建話))
Amoy dialect (廈門話)
Taiwanese Hokkien (臺灣話/臺灣閩南語/台語)

Comparison
The Amoy dialect (Xiamen) is a variant of the Tung'an dialect  Majority of Taiwanese, from Tainan, to Taichung, to Taipei, is also heavily based on Tung'an dialect while incorporating some vowels of Zhangzhou dialect, whereas Southern Peninsular Malaysian Hokkien, including Singaporean Hokkien, is based on the Tung'an dialect, with Philippine Hokkien on the Quanzhou dialect, and Penang Hokkien on Zhangzhou dialect  There are some variations in pronunciation and vocabulary between Quanzhou and Zhangzhou dialects  The grammar is generally the same 
Additionally, extensive contact with the Japanese language has left a legacy of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese Hokkien  On the other hand, the variants spoken in Singapore and Malaysia have a substantial number of loanwords from Malay and to a lesser extent, from English and other Chinese varieties, such as the closely related Teochew and some Cantonese  Meanwhile, in the Philippines, there are also a few Spanish and Filipino (Tagalog) loanwords, while it is also currently a norm to frequently codeswitch with English, Filipino (Tagalog), and in some cases other Philippine languages, such as Cebuano 

Mutual intelligibility
Tong'an, Xiamen, Taiwanese, Singaporean dialects as a group are more mutually intelligible, but it is less so amongst the forementioned group, Quanzhou dialect, and Zhangzhou dialect Although the Min Nan varieties of Teochew and Amoy are 84% phonetically similar including the pronunciations of un-used Chinese characters as well as same characters used for different meanings, and 34% lexically similar,, Teochew has only 51% intelligibility with the Tong'an Hokkien|Tung'an dialect (Cheng 1997) whereas Mandarin and Amoy Min Nan are 62% phonetically similar and 15% lexically similar  In comparison, German and English are 60% lexically similar Hainanese, which is sometimes considered Southern Min, has almost no mutual intelligibility with any form of Hokkien 

Grammar
Hokkien is an analytic language; in a sentence, the arrangement of words is important to its meaning  A basic sentence follows the subject–verb–object pattern (i e  a subject is followed by a verb then by an object), though this order is often violated because Hokkien dialects are topic-prominent  Unlike synthetic languages, seldom do words indicate time, gender and plural by inflection  Instead, these concepts are expressed through adverbs, aspect markers, and grammatical particles, or are deduced from the context  Different particles are added to a sentence to further specify its status or intonation 
A verb itself indicates no grammatical tense  The time can be explicitly shown with time-indicating adverbs  Certain exceptions exist, however, according to the pragmatic interpretation of a verb's meaning  Additionally, an optional aspect particle can be appended to a verb to indicate the state of an action  Appending interrogative or exclamative particles to a sentence turns a statement into a question or shows the attitudes of the speaker 
Hokkien dialects preserve certain grammatical reflexes and patterns reminiscent of the broad stage of Archaic Chinese  This includes the serialization of verb phrases (direct linkage of verbs and verb phrases) and the infrequency of nominalization, both similar to Archaic Chinese grammar 

Choice of grammatical function words also varies significantly among the Hokkien dialects  For instance, khit (乞) (denoting the causative, passive or dative) is retained in Jinjiang (also unique to the Jinjiang dialect is thō͘ 度) and in Jieyang, but not in Longxi and Xiamen, whose dialects use hō͘ (互/予) instead 

Pronouns
Hokkien dialects differ in the pronunciation of some pronouns (such as the second person pronoun lí or lú or lír), and also differ in how to form plural pronouns (such as -n or -lâng)  Personal pronouns found in the Hokkien dialects are listed below:

1 Exclusive
2 Inclusive
3 儂 (-lâng) is typically suffixed in Southeast Asian Hokkien dialects (with the exception of Philippine Hokkien)Possessive pronouns can be marked by the particle ê (的), in the same way as normal nouns  In some dialects, possessive pronouns can also be formed with a nasal suffix, which means that possessive pronouns and plural pronouns are homophones:

The most common reflexive pronoun is ka-kī (家己)  In formal contexts, chū-kí (自己) is also used 
Hokkien dialects use a variety of demonstrative pronouns, which include:

this – che (這, 即), chit-ê (即個)
that – he (許, 彼), hit-ê (彼個)
here – chia (遮), chit-tau (即兜)
there – hia (遐), hit-tau (彼兜)The interrogative pronouns include:

what – siáⁿ-mih (啥物), sím-mih (甚麼), há-mi̍h (何物)
when – tī-sî (底時), kúi-sî (幾時), tang-sî (當時), sím-mih sî-chūn (甚麼時陣)
where – tó-lo̍h (倒落), tó-uī (倒位)
who – siáⁿ-lâng (啥人), siáng (誰),
why – ūi-siáⁿ-mih (為啥物), ūi-sím-mih (為甚物), án-chóaⁿ (按怎), khah (盍)
how – án-chóaⁿ (按怎), lû-hô (如何), cháiⁿ-iūⁿ (怎樣)

Copula ("to be")
States and qualities are generally expressed using stative verbs that do not require the verb "to be":

With noun complements, the verb sī (是) serves as the verb "to be" 

To indicate location, the words tī (佇) tiàm (踮), leh (咧), which are collectively known as the locatives or sometimes coverbs in Chinese linguistics, are used to express "(to be) at":

Negation
Hokkien dialects have a variety of negation particles that are prefixed or affixed to the verbs they modify  There are six primary negation particles in Hokkien dialects (with some variation in how they are written in characters):

m̄ (毋, 呣, 唔, 伓)
bē (未)
bōe ()
mài (莫, 【勿愛】)
bô (無)
put (不) – literaryOther negative particles include:

bâng (甭)
bián (免)
thài (汰)The particle m̄ (毋, 呣, 唔, 伓) is general and can negate almost any verb:

The particle mài (莫, 【勿爱】), a concatenation of m-ài (毋愛) is used to negate imperative commands:

The particle bô (無) indicates the past tense:

The verb 'to have', ū (有) is replaced by bô (無) when negated (not 無有):

The particle put (不) is used infrequently, mostly found in literary compounds and phrases:

Vocabulary
The majority of Hokkien vocabulary is monosyllabic  Many Hokkien words have cognates in other Chinese varieties  That said, there are also many indigenous words that are unique to Hokkien and are potentially not of Sino-Tibetan origin, while others are shared by all the Min dialects (e g  'congee' is 糜 mê, bôe, bê, not 粥 zhōu, as in other dialects) 
As compared to Mandarin, Hokkien dialects prefer to use the monosyllabic form of words, without suffixes  For instance, the Mandarin noun suffix 子 (zi) is not found in Hokkien words, while another noun suffix, 仔 (á) is used in many nouns  Examples are below:

'duck' – 鴨 ah or 鴨仔 ah-á (SC: 鴨子 yāzi)
'color' – 色 sek (SC: 顏色 yán sè)In other bisyllabic morphemes, the syllables are inverted, as compared to Mandarin  Examples include the following:

'guest' – 人客 lâng-kheh (SC: 客人 kèrén)In other cases, the same word can have different meanings in Hokkien and Mandarin  Similarly, depending on the region Hokkien is spoken in, loanwords from local languages (Malay, Tagalog, Burmese, among others), as well as other Chinese dialects (such as Southern Chinese dialects like Cantonese and Teochew), are commonly integrated into the vocabulary of Hokkien dialects 

Literary and colloquial readings
The existence of literary and colloquial readings is a prominent feature of some Hokkien dialects and indeed in many Sinitic varieties in the south  The bulk of literary readings (文讀, bûn-tha̍k), based on pronunciations of the vernacular during the Tang dynasty, are mainly used in formal phrases and written language (e g  philosophical concepts, given names, and some place names), while the colloquial (or vernacular) ones (白讀, pe̍h-tha̍k) are usually used in spoken language, vulgar phrases and surnames  Literary readings are more similar to the pronunciations of the Tang standard of Middle Chinese than their colloquial equivalents  
The pronounced divergence between literary and colloquial pronunciations found in Hokkien dialects is attributed to the presence of several strata in the Min lexicon  The earliest, colloquial stratum is traced to the Han dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE); the second colloquial one comes from the period of the Northern and Southern dynasties (420–589 CE); the third stratum of pronunciations (typically literary ones) comes from the Tang dynasty (618–907 CE) and is based on the prestige dialect of Chang'an (modern day Xi'an), its capital Some commonly seen sound correspondences (colloquial → literary) are as follows:

p- ([p-], [pʰ-]) → h ([h-])
ch-, chh- ([ts-], [tsʰ-], [tɕ-], [tɕʰ-]) → s ([s-], [ɕ-])
k-, kh- ([k-], [kʰ-]) → ch ([tɕ-], [tɕʰ-])
-ⁿ ([-ã], [-uã]) → n ([-an])
-h ([-ʔ]) → t ([-t])
i ([-i]) → e ([-e])
e ([-e]) → a ([-a])
ia ([-ia]) → i ([-i])This table displays some widely used characters in Hokkien that have both literary and colloquial readings:
This feature extends to Chinese numerals, which have both literary and colloquial readings  Literary readings are typically used when the numerals are read out loud (e g  phone numbers, years), while colloquial readings are used for counting items 

Semantic differences between Hokkien and Mandarin
Quite a few words from the variety of Old Chinese spoken in the state of Wu, where the ancestral language of Min and Wu dialect families originated, and later words from Middle Chinese as well, have retained the original meanings in Hokkien, while many of their counterparts in Mandarin Chinese have either fallen out of daily use, have been substituted with other words (some of which are borrowed from other languages while others are new developments), or have developed newer meanings  The same may be said of Hokkien as well, since some lexical meaning evolved in step with Mandarin while others are wholly innovative developments 
This table shows some Hokkien dialect words from Classical Chinese, as contrasted to the written Mandarin:

For other words, the classical Chinese meanings of certain words, which are retained in Hokkien dialects, have evolved or deviated significantly in other Chinese dialects  The following table shows some words that are both used in both Hokkien dialects and Mandarin Chinese, while the meanings in Mandarin Chinese have been modified:

Words from Minyue
Some commonly used words, shared by all Min Chinese languages, came from the ancient Minyue languages  Jerry Norman suggested that these languages were Austroasiatic  Some terms are thought be cognates with words in Tai Kadai and Austronesian languages  They include the following examples, compared to the Fuzhou dialect, a Min Dong language:

Loanwords
Loanwords are not unusual among Hokkien dialects, as speakers readily adopted indigenous terms of the languages they came in contact with  As a result, there is a plethora of loanwords that are not mutually comprehensible among Hokkien dialects 
Taiwanese Hokkien, as a result of linguistic contact with Japanese and Formosan languages, contains many loanwords from these languages  Many words have also been formed as calques from Mandarin, and speakers will often directly use Mandarin vocabulary through codeswitching  Among these include the following examples:

'toilet' – piān-só͘ (便所) from Japanese benjo (便所)
Other Hokkien variants: 屎礐 (sái-ha̍k), 廁所 (chhek-só͘)
'car' – chū-tōng-chhia (自動車) from Japanese jidōsha (自動車)
Other Hokkien variants: 風車 (hong-chhia), 汽車 (khì-chhia)
'to admire' – kám-sim (Chinese: 感心) from Japanese kanshin (感心)
Other Hokkien variants: 感動 (kám-tōng)
'fruit' – chúi-ké / chúi-kóe / chúi-kér (水果) from Mandarin (水果; shuǐguǒ)
Other Hokkien variants: 果子 (ké-chí / kóe-chí / kér-chí)Singaporean Hokkien, Penang Hokkien and other Malaysian Hokkien dialects tend to draw loanwords from Malay, English as well as other Chinese dialects, primarily Teochew  Examples include:

'but' – ta-pi, from Malay
Other Hokkien variants: 但是 (tān-sī)
'doctor' – 老君 ló-kun, from Malay dukun
Other Hokkien variants: 醫生(i-seng)
'stone/rock' – bà-tû, from Malay batu
Other Hokkien variants: 石头(chio̍h-thâu)
'market' – 巴剎 pa-sat, from Malay	pasar from Persian bazaar (بازار)Other Hokkien variants: 市場 (chhī-tiûⁿ), 菜市 (chhài-chhī)
'they' – 伊儂 i-lâng from Teochew (i1 nang5)
Other Hokkien variants: 𪜶 (in)
'together' – 做瓠 chò-bú from Teochew 做瓠 (jo3 bu5)
Other Hokkien variants: 做夥 (chò-hóe), 同齊 (tâng-chê) or 鬥陣 (tàu-tīn)
'soap' – 雪文 sap-bûn from Malay sabun from Arabic ṣābūn (صابون) Philippine Hokkien, as a result of centuries-old contact with both Philippine languages and Spanish also incorporate words from these languages  Speakers today will also often directly use English and Filipino (Tagalog), or other Philippine languages like Bisaya, vocabulary through codeswitching  Examples include:

'cup' – ba-sù, from either Filipino (Tagalog) baso or Spanish vaso
Other Hokkien variants: 杯仔 (poe-á), 杯 (poe)
'office' – o-pi-sín, from Filipino (Tagalog) opisina, which itself is from Spanish oficina
Other Hokkien variants: 辦公室 (pān-kong-sek/pān-kong-siak)
'soap' – sap-bûn, from either Filipino (Tagalog) sabon or Early Modern Spanish xabon
'coffee' – ka-pé, from Filipino (Tagalog) kape, which itself is from Spanish café
Other Hokkien variants: 咖啡 (ko-pi), 咖啡 (ka-pi)
'to pay' – pá-lâ, from Spanish paga
Other Hokkien variants: 予錢 (hō͘-chîⁿ), 還錢 (hêng-chîⁿ)
'dozen' – lo-sin, from English  dozen
Other Hokkien variants: 打 (táⁿ)Also, Philippine Hokkien usually follows the 3 decimal place numerical system used worldwide, but still retains the concept of 萬 (bān, "ten thousand") from the Chinese numerical system, so 10,000 would be 一萬 (chi̍t-bān), but 11,000 would be 十一千 (cha̍p-it-chheng) instead of 一萬一千 (chi̍t-bān chi̍t-chheng) and so on  Also, it additionally has words for the concept of "million", that being 桶 (tháng) or 面桶 (bīn-tháng) instead of 百萬 (pah-bān), so "one million" would be 一桶 (chi̍t-tháng) or 一面桶 (chi̍t-bīn-tháng), and sometimes "one hundred million" would be 一百桶 (chi̍t-pah-tháng) or 一億 (chi̍t-iak) 

Comparison with Mandarin and Sino-Xenic pronunciations
Cultural center
Quanzhou was historically the cultural center for Hokkien, as various traditional Hokkien cultural customs such as Nanguan music, Beiguan music, glove puppetry, and the Kaoka (高甲戲) and Lewan (梨園戲) genres of Hokkien opera originated from Quanzhou  This was mainly due to the fact that Quanzhou had become an important trading and commercial port since the Tang dynasty and had prospered into an important city  After the Opium War in 1842, Xiamen (Amoy) became one of the major treaty ports to be opened for trade with the outside world  From the mid-19th century onwards, Xiamen slowly developed to become the political and economical center of the Hokkien-speaking region in China  This caused the Amoy dialect to gradually replace the position of dialects from Quanzhou and Zhangzhou  From the mid-19th century until the end of World War II, western diplomats usually learned Amoy as the preferred dialect if they were to communicate with the Hokkien-speaking populace in China or Southeast Asia  In the 1940s and 1950s, Taiwan also tended to incline towards Amoy dialect 
The retreat of the Republic of China to Taiwan in 1949 drove party leaders to seek to both culturally and politically assimilate the islanders  As a result, laws were passed throughout the 1950s to suppress Hokkien and other languages in favor of Mandarin  By 1956, speaking Hokkien in ROC schools or military bases was illegal  However, popular outcry from both older islander communities and more recent Mainlander immigrants prompted a general wave of education reform, during which these and other education restrictions were lifted  The general goal of assimilation remained, with Amoy Hokkien seen as less ‘native’ and therefore preferred However, from the 1980s onwards, the development of Taiwanese Min Nan pop music and media industry in Taiwan caused the Hokkien cultural hub to shift from Xiamen to Taiwan  The flourishing Taiwanese Min Nan entertainment and media industry from Taiwan in the 1990s and early 21st century led Taiwan to emerge as the new significant cultural hub for Hokkien 
In the 1990s, marked by the liberalization of language development and mother tongue movement in Taiwan, Taiwanese Hokkien had undergone a fast pace in its development  In 1993, Taiwan became the first region in the world to implement the teaching of Taiwanese Hokkien in Taiwanese schools  In 2001, the local Taiwanese language program was further extended to all schools in Taiwan, and Taiwanese Hokkien became one of the compulsory local Taiwanese languages to be learned in schools  The mother tongue movement in Taiwan even influenced Xiamen (Amoy) to the point that in 2010, Xiamen also began to implement the teaching of Hokkien dialect in its schools  In 2007, the Ministry of Education in Taiwan also completed the standardization of Chinese characters used for writing Hokkien and developed Tai-lo as the standard Hokkien pronunciation and romanization guide  A number of universities in Taiwan also offer Taiwanese degree courses for training Hokkien-fluent talents to work for the Hokkien media industry and education  Taiwan also has its own Hokkien literary and cultural circles whereby Hokkien poets and writers compose poetry or literature in Hokkien 
Thus, by the 21st century, Taiwan had become one of the most significant Hokkien cultural hubs of the world  The historical changes and development in Taiwan had led Taiwanese Hokkien to become the most influential pole of the Hokkien dialect after the mid-20th century  Today, the Taiwanese prestige dialect (Taiyu Youshiqiang/Tongxinqiang 台語優勢腔/通行腔) is heard on Taiwanese media 

Writing systems
Chinese script
Hokkien dialects are typically written using Chinese characters (漢字, Hàn-jī)  However, the written script was and remains adapted to the literary form, which is based on classical Chinese, not the vernacular and spoken form  Furthermore, the character inventory used for Mandarin (standard written Chinese) does not correspond to Hokkien words, and there are a large number of informal characters (替字, thè-jī or thòe-jī; 'substitute characters') which are unique to Hokkien (as is the case with Cantonese)  For instance, about 20 to 25% of Taiwanese morphemes lack an appropriate or standard Chinese character While most Hokkien morphemes have standard designated characters, they are not always etymological or phono-semantic  Similar-sounding, similar-meaning or rare characters are commonly borrowed or substituted to represent a particular morpheme  Examples include "beautiful" (美 bí is the literary form), whose vernacular morpheme suí is represented by characters like 媠 (an obsolete character), 婎 (a vernacular reading of this character) and even 水 (transliteration of the sound suí), or "tall" (高 ko is the literary form), whose morpheme kôan is 懸  Common grammatical particles are not exempt; the negation particle m̄ (not) is variously represented by 毋, 呣 or 唔, among others  In other cases, characters are invented to represent a particular morpheme (a common example is the character 𪜶 in, which represents the personal pronoun "they")  In addition, some characters have multiple and unrelated pronunciations, adapted to represent Hokkien words  For example, the Hokkien word bah ("meat") has been reduced to the character 肉, which has etymologically unrelated colloquial and literary readings (he̍k and jio̍k, respectively)  Another case is the word 'to eat,' chia̍h, which is often transcribed in Taiwanese newspapers and media as 呷 (a Mandarin transliteration, xiā, to approximate the Hokkien term), even though its recommended character in dictionaries is 食 Moreover, unlike Cantonese, Hokkien does not have a universally accepted standardized character set  Thus, there is some variation in the characters used to express certain words and characters can be ambiguous in meaning  In 2007, the Ministry of Education of the Republic of China formulated and released a standard character set to overcome these difficulties  These standard Chinese characters for writing Taiwanese Hokkien are now taught in schools in Taiwan 

Latin script
Hokkien, especially Taiwanese Hokkien, is sometimes written in the Latin script using one of several alphabets  Of these the most popular is POJ, developed first by Presbyterian missionaries in China and later by the indigenous Presbyterian Church in Taiwan  Use of this script and orthography has been actively promoted since the late 19th century  The use of a mixed script of Han characters and Latin letters is also seen, though remains uncommon  Other Latin-based alphabets also exist 
Min Nan texts, all Hokkien, can be dated back to the 16th century  One example is the Doctrina Christiana en letra y lengua china, presumably written around 1593 by the Spanish Dominican friars in the Philippines  Another is a Ming dynasty script of a play called Tale of the Lychee Mirror (1566), supposedly the earliest Southern Min colloquial text, although it is written in Teochew dialect 
Taiwan has developed a Latin alphabet for Taiwanese Hokkien, derived from POJ, known as Tai-lo  Since 2006, it has been officially promoted by Taiwan's Ministry of Education and taught in Taiwanese schools  Xiamen University has also developed an alphabet based on Pinyin called Bbánlám pìngyīm 

Computing
Hokkien is registered as "Southern Min" per RFC 3066 as zh-min-nan When writing Hokkien in Chinese characters, some writers create 'new' characters when they consider it impossible to use directly or borrow existing ones; this corresponds to similar practices in character usage in Cantonese, Vietnamese chữ nôm, Korean hanja and Japanese kanji  Some of these are not encoded in Unicode (or the corresponding ISO/IEC 10646: Universal Character Set), thus creating problems in computer processing 
All Latin characters required by Pe̍h-ōe-jī can be represented using Unicode (or the corresponding ISO/IEC 10646: Universal Character Set), using precomposed or combining (diacritics) characters  Prior to June 2004, the vowel akin to but more open than o, written with a dot above right, was not encoded  The usual workaround was to use the (stand-alone; spacing) character Interpunct (U+00B7, ·) or less commonly the combining character dot above (U+0307)  As these are far from ideal, since 1997 proposals have been submitted to the ISO/IEC working group in charge of ISO/IEC 10646—namely, ISO/IEC JTC1/SC2/WG2—to encode a new combining character dot above right  This is now officially assigned to U+0358 (see documents N1593, N2507, N2628,
N2699, and N2713) 

Cultural and political role
Hokkien (or Min Nan) can trace its roots through the Tang dynasty and also even further to the people of the Minyue, the indigenous non-Han people of modern-day Fujian  Min Nan (Hokkien) people call themselves "Tang people," (唐人; Tn̂g-lâng) which is synonymous to "Chinese people"  Because of the widespread influence of the Tang culture during the great Tang dynasty, there are today still many Min Nan pronunciations of words shared by the Vietnamese, Korean and Japanese languages 
In 2002, the Taiwan Solidarity Union, a party with about 10% of the Legislative Yuan seats at the time, suggested making Taiwanese a second official language  This proposal encountered strong opposition not only from Mainlander groups but also from Hakka and Taiwanese aboriginal groups who felt that it would slight their home languages  Because of these objections, support for this measure was lukewarm among moderate Taiwan independence supporters, and the proposal did not pass 
Hokkien was finally made an official language of Taiwan in 2018 by the ruling DPP government 

See also
Hokkien Kelantan
Hokkien people
Languages of China
Languages of Taiwan
List of Hokkien dictionaries
List of Hokkien people
Amoy Min Nan Swadesh list
Passage 9:
Aloysius Orjinta
Aloysius Orjinta is a Nigerian Roman Catholic priest and senior lecturer in the University of Nigeria, Nsukka  He was ordained a priest in 1990  A holder of two doctorates in French Studies and in German Studies and Political Science, with specialty in International Relations, he is a former Head of Department of Foreign Languages and Literary Studies in the university  He has studied and worked in Italy, Germany, France, and in Nigeria where he currently lives  He attended Urban University, Rome, the University of Saarland, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich, University of Grenoble, and the University of Ibadan in addition to his current workplace where he was an undergraduate  A researcher and critic, his academic publications and interest cover religious writings on Christianity and Islam, gender and feminist studies, political discourse, and Euro-African literature with emphasis on German, Francophone and Anglophone works  He is a member of, and has served on, the managing boards of many organisations in Nigeria and outside the country, most times as the head  Currently, he is the editor of Interdisciplinary Academic Essays, Elite University Journal, Munchen, Germany, as well as of the Nsukka Journal of Humanities, Nsukka, Nigeria  He is also an editorial board member and reviewer of the Asian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, Hong Kong 
At the present, Orjinta has to his name thirty-five books and close to fifty publications in several international journals 
Passage 10:
Firuz Shah Suri
Firuz Shah Suri (died 1554) was the third ruler of the Suri dynasty  He was the son of Islam Shah Suri and succeeded him in 1554 when he was twelve years old  Firuz Shah Suri was assassinated within days of his coronation by Sher Shah Suri's nephew Muhammad Mubariz Khan, who later ruled as Muhammad Shah Adil 

See also
History of Bengal
History of India
Sur Empire
Passage 11:
Qezel Suri
Qezel Suri (Persian: قزلسوري, also Romanized as Qezel Sūrī) is a village in Avajiq-e Jonubi Rural District, Dashtaki District, Chaldoran County, West Azerbaijan Province, Iran  At the 2006 census, its population was 263, in 57 families 
Passage 12:
Woh Lamhe
Woh Lamhe    (transl  Those Moments   ) is a 2006 Indian Hindi-language romantic drama film directed by Mohit Suri, starring Kangana Ranaut and Shiney Ahuja  The film is supposedly based on Parveen Babi's life, her battle with schizophrenia and her relationship with Mahesh Bhatt to whom she was a lover as well as a mentor in his struggling days 
Bhatt said that it is his tribute to the actress and time he spent with her, hence the name Woh Lamhe    ("Those Moments")  Parveen Babi's character is played by Ranaut who is named Sana Azim in the film to avoid direct reference to the actress  The film was critically acclaimed for its screenplay, direction, and a noteworthy performance of Ranaut  Ranaut’s performance in the film is considered to be one of her best Despite the film getting a lot of praise, it could not recover its budget in the box office and was a massive flop, recovering most of its cost from DVD and satellite television revenue  For her performance in the film, Ranaut won the Filmfare Award for Best Female Debut at the 52nd Filmfare Awards 

Plot
The film begins with a woman in a hotel room  She goes to the bathroom and slits her wrists in an attempt to kill herself  That woman is later revealed to be Sana Azim (Kangana Ranaut), a famous Bollywood actress  When this news reaches film-maker Aditya Pankaj Garewal (Shiney Ahuja), he is devastated  Aditya has been searching for Sana, who was intensely involved with him and who had mysteriously disappeared from his life without any explanation three years ago, only to surface now in what could be the last moments of her life 
As Aditya waits outside of the ICU alongside his friend Sam (Purab Kohli), praying to be reunited with her, he has a flashback of moments spent with her three years ago 
Sana had achieved stardom while Aditya was a struggling film director  He spots Sana at a fashion show where he rebukes her for being ugly inside-out  He insults her to a point where she throws her underwear on him, thus garnering media attention  Nikhil (Shaad Randhawa), her abusive boyfriend, scolds her and rapes her  Sana's mother also scolds her for this act 
Sana agrees at first to work with Aditya for his film but later she declines as she is bound by a contract  However, she breaks free from Nikhil's misery and agrees to work with Aditya 
Aditya starts shooting his film  During the shoot, both become close to each other  During the last day of the shoot, Sana tearfully says that she will miss him and those memories spent during the shoot  Aditya compares those memories to the sand castles on the beach by saying that those sand castles remain in our memories forever even though they are knocked down by the waves  During the film premiere, both fall in love with each other 
One day Sana spots a girl forcefully entering her hotel room  She tells Aditya that a girl named Rani (Masumeh Makhija) entered the room  However through the CCTV footage there was no girl who entered  It later revealed that Sana is a patient with schizophrenia, who has excessive hallucinations of Rani who doesn't even exist, which gradually ruins both Sana's life and career  When Aditya realizes that the only way he can save Sana from total devastation is to take her away from Bollywood and the vested interests that threaten to destroy her completely, he kidnaps her from the hospital, thus putting his career on the line 
Aditya tries his best to bring Sana back on track but in vain  She secretly stops taking her medication  During her birthday party, she faces her hallucinations once again and stabs Aditya 
One day, suddenly, she disappears, leaving him with unanswered questions  Aditya is shocked  Meanwhile, Nikhil and the police reach the place and take Aditya  Nikhil asks him in anger about Sana's whereabouts, to which Aditya repeatedly answers that he doesn't know 
Back in the present, Aditya is told that Sana has very little time and wants to meet him  They both profess their love for each other and she breathes her last  Nikhil asks him what he will do next, to which Aditya replies that he doesn't know 
The film ends with Aditya reminiscing about her on a beach  He spots some children making a sand castle and remembers his metaphor  He goes and makes castles with them 

Cast
Kangana Ranaut as Sana Azim
Shiney Ahuja as Aditya Pankaj Garewal
Shaad Randhawa as Nikhil Rai
Masumeh Makhija as Rani Mukherjee
Purab Kohli as Sam aka Sammy
Candida Fernandes as Saloni Awasthi

Critical reception
Woh Lamhe    received critical acclaim for its direction, screenplay, music and a noteworthy performance of Ranaut 
Subhash K  Jha of Sify stated, ‘‘Woh Lamhe shows love at its painful best’’  Praising Ranaut's performance he wrote, ‘‘Kangana makes the story of the tormented actress cross the borders of brilliancy; Ranaut keeps a tight control over overt articulations of expressions, so that when the outbursts happen they've a whiplash effect on the audience  She is a hugely expressive actress with a phemomenal ability to convey torment, hurt and incredulity through the eyes, Kangana is the first female performer of Bollywood since Smita Patil and Shabana Azmi who isn't scared to strip her soul naked for the camera’’  Taran Adarsh of Bollywood Hungama gave the film a rating of 3 5 (out of 5) and called it a ‘‘cinematic experience’’  He wrote, ‘‘Woh Lamhe is a well-made emotional film that lingers in your memory even after it's over’’  Praising Ranaut's performance he further wrote, ‘‘Kangana gets the role of a lifetime in her second film itself and the actor sinks her teeth into it and delivers an astounding performance  If you've ever interacted with Parveen Babi, even briefly, you'd see a replica of the glamorous star in Kangana’’  Gullu Singh of Rediff awarded the film 3 5 stars (out of 5) and wrote, ‘‘The film works because the protagonist, Sana (Kangana Ranaut) has acted so brilliantly that you feel the presence of Parveen Babi from the 1970s  If there is one reason you need to watch Woh Lamhe, it is Kangana Ranaut  She is a brilliant, outstanding actress’’ Film critic Rajeev Masand in his review wrote, ‘‘Woh Lamhe is impressive in the manner in which it straddles a mainstream sensibility with such rare understanding; Remember to carry a handkerchief, or you’ll embarrass yourself with your tears’’  Praising the performances of the lead actors he further wrote, ‘‘Ranaut is remarkable as she attacks a complex role with all the right moves and Ahuja makes his presence felt in every single scene that he’s in, his performance is delectable to say the least  These actors pump life into their roles and together with Pritam’s soothing score they make Woh Lamhe an experience that’s hard to forget’’  Anupama Chopra of India Today wrote, ‘‘Woh Lamhe holds interest because it has a taut script and fine performances’’  Praising the performances of Ahuja and Ranaut she further wrote, ‘‘Ahuja is superbly restrained, his eyes convey the doom built into this relationship and Ranaut's performance has attitude; she is not afraid to be ugly or emotionally naked  Suri uses both ably to retell a familiar story persuasively’’  In a 2021 interview, film critic Baradwaj Rangan of Film Companion called Ranaut's performance in the film ‘‘excellent’’ and stated, ‘‘In Woh Lamhe, Ranaut takes a piece of her soul and gives it to the audience’’ 
Filmfare listed Woh Lamhe    as one of the ten movies of Ranaut that showcased her class as an actor  They wrote, ‘‘Playing a schizophrenic, Kangana accurately depicted the trauma of the actress as her personal life went down the dumps along with her career’’  The New Indian Express listed the film as one of the ten must-watch films of Ranaut  Koimoi listed Woh Lamhe    as one of the ten film which will lose their charm without Ranaut's presence  CNN-IBN listed Ranaut's performance in Woh Lamhe    as one of her seven best performances and a film which made her the star that she is today 

Awards
Filmfare AwardsFilmfare Award for Best Female Debut – Kangana Ranaut10th Zee Cine AwardsBest Debut – Kangana Ranaut

Soundtrack
The film score was composed by Raju Singh  The songs were composed by multiple composers including Jawad Ahmed, Pritam, Roop Kumar Rathod  Lyrics were penned by Sayeed Quadri  The songs were badly plagiarized by Pritam by copying the tunes ("Kya Mujhe Pyaar Hai" lifted from "Tak Bisakah " by Noah, "Tu Jo Nahin" from a ghazal by Pakistani singer S  B  John); however, later the credits were given to the original artists and some of the tunes were recreated in musical arrangements  Singers like James, KK, Shreya Ghoshal, Jawad Ahmed, Kunal Ganjawala, and Glenn John lent their voices for the album  Planet Bollywood gave a rating of 8/10 to the soundtrack 



ground_truth: Francisco Guterres

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: What is the former name of the country where Atika Suri studied?

The following are given passages.
Context 3: Passage 1:
East Timor
East Timor ( (listen)), also known as Timor-Leste (; Portuguese pronunciation: [tiˈmoɾ ˈlɛʃtɨ]), officially the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, is a country in Southeast Asia  It comprises the eastern half of the island of Timor, of which the western half is administered by Indonesia, the exclave of Oecusse on the island's north-western half, and the minor islands of Atauro and Jaco  Australia is the country's southern neighbour, separated by the Timor Sea  The country's size is 14,874 square kilometres (5,743 sq mi)  Dili is its capital and largest city 
East Timor came under Portuguese influence in the sixteenth century, remaining a Portuguese colony until 1975  Internal conflict preceded a unilateral declaration of independence and an Indonesian invasion and annexation  Resistance continued throughout Indonesian rule, and, in 1999, a United Nations–sponsored act of self-determination led to Indonesia relinquishing control of the territory  On 20 May 2002, as Timor-Leste, it became the first new sovereign state of the 21st century  That same year, relations with Indonesia were established and normalized, with Indonesia also supporting East Timor's accession into ASEAN  
The national government runs on a semi-presidential system, with the popularly elected president sharing power with a prime minister appointed by the National Parliament  Power is centralised under the national government, although many local leaders have informal influence  The country maintains a policy of international cooperation, and is a member of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, an observer of the Pacific Islands Forum, and an applicant for ASEAN membership  The country remains relatively poor, with an economy that relies heavily on natural resources, especially oil, and foreign aid 
The total population is over 1 1 million, and is heavily skewed towards young people due to a high fertility rate  Education has led to increasing literacy over the past half-century, especially in the two official languages of Portuguese and Tetum  High ethnic and linguistic diversity is reflected by the 30 indigenous languages spoken in the country  The majority of the population is Catholic, which exists alongside strong local traditions, especially in rural areas 

Name
"Timor" is derived from timur, meaning 'east' in Malay, thus resulting in a tautological place name meaning 'East East'  In Indonesian, this results in the name Timor Timur  (this name only refers to the former de facto Indonesian province, Timor Leste is used instead to refer this country)  In Portuguese, the country is called Timor-Leste (Leste meaning 'east')  In Tetum it is Timór Lorosa'e (Lorosa'e can be literally translated as 'where the sun rises') The official names under its constitution are "Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste" in English, "República Democrática de Timor-Leste" in Portuguese, and "Repúblika Demokrátika Timór-Leste" in Tetum  The official short form of the name is "Timor-Leste", and it uses the ISO codes TLS & TL 

History
Prehistory and Classical era
Cultural remains at Jerimalai on the eastern tip of East Timor have been dated to 42,000 years ago  The first known inhabitants are those who arrived during the Australo-Melanesian migration through the region, likely bringing the precursors to today's Papuan languages  A later migration of Austroasiatic-speakers is suspected, although no such languages remain  The arrival of Austronesian peoples brought new languages, and merged with existing cultures on the island  Timorese origin myths recount settlers sailing around the eastern end of the island before landing in the south  These people are sometimes noted as being from the Malay Peninsula or the Minangkabau highlands of Sumatra  Austronesian migration to Timor may be associated with the development of agriculture on the island While information is limited about the political system of Timor during this period, the island had developed an interconnected series of polities governed by customary law  Small communities, centred around a particular sacred house, were part of wider sucos (or principalities), which were themselves part of larger kingdoms led by a liurai  Authority within these kingdoms was held by two individuals, with the worldly power of the liurai balanced by the spiritual power of a rai nain, who was generally associated with the primary sacred house of the kingdom  These polities were numerous and saw shifting alliances and relations, but many were stable enough that they survived from initial European documentation in the 16th century until the end of Portuguese rule : 11–15 From perhaps the thirteenth century, the island exported sandalwood,: 267  which was valued both for its use in crafting and as a source of perfume  Timor was included in Southeast Asian, Chinese, and Indian trading networks by the fourteenth century, exporting sandalwood, honey, and wax  The island was recorded by the Majapahit Empire as a source of tribute : 89  It was sandalwood that attracted European explorers to the island in the early sixteenth century  Early European presence was limited to trade, with the first Portuguese settlement being on the nearby island of Solor : 90

Portuguese era (1769–1975)
Early Portuguese presence on Timor was very limited; trade was directed through Portuguese settlements on nearby islands  Only in the 17th century did they establish a more direct presence on the island, a consequence of being driven out of other islands by the Dutch : 267  After Solor was lost in 1613 the Portuguese moved to Flores  In 1646 the capital moved to Kupang on Timor's west, before Kupang too was lost to the Dutch in 1652  The Portuguese then moved to Lifau, in what is now East Timor's Oecusse exclave : 90  Effective European occupation in the east of the island only began in 1769, when the city of Dili was founded, although actual control remained highly limited  A definitive border between the Dutch and Portuguese parts of the island was established by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 1914 and remains the international boundary between the successor states Indonesia and East Timor, respectively For the Portuguese, East Timor remained little more than a neglected trading post, with minimal investment in infrastructure and education, until the late nineteenth century  Even when Portugal established actual control over the interior of its colony, investment remained minimal : 269, 273  Sandalwood continued to be the main export crop and coffee exports became significant in the mid-nineteenth century At the beginning of the twentieth century, a faltering domestic economy prompted the Portuguese to extract greater wealth from its colonies, which was met with East Timorese resistance  The colony was seen as an economic burden during the Great Depression and received little support or management from Portugal : 269 During World War II, Dili was occupied by the Allies in 1941, and later by the Japanese beginning in 1942  The mountainous interior of the colony became the scene of a guerrilla campaign, known as the Battle of Timor  Waged by East Timorese volunteers and Allied forces against the Japanese, the struggle killed between 40,000 and 70,000 East Timorese civilians  The Japanese eventually drove the last of the Australian and Allied forces out in early 1943  Portuguese control resumed, however, after Japanese surrender at the end of World War II Portugal began investment in the colony in the 1950s, funding education and promoting coffee exports, but the economy did not improve substantially and infrastructure improvements were limited : 269  Growth rates remained low, near 2%  Following the 1974 Portuguese revolution, Portugal effectively abandoned its colony in Timor, and civil war between East Timorese political parties broke out in 1975 
The Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) resisted a Timorese Democratic Union (UDT) coup attempt in August 1975, and unilaterally declared independence on 28 November 1975  Fearing a communist state within the Indonesian archipelago, the Indonesian military launched an invasion of East Timor in December 1975  Indonesia declared East Timor its 27th province on 17 July 1976  The United Nations Security Council opposed the invasion, and the territory's nominal status in the UN remained as "non-self-governing territory under Portuguese administration" 

Indonesian occupation (1975–1999)
Fretilin resisted the invasion, initially as an army, holding territory until November 1978, and then as a guerrilla resistance  The Indonesian occupation of Timor was marked by violence and brutality  A detailed statistical report prepared for the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor cited a minimum of 102,800 conflict-related deaths in the period between 1974 and 1999, including approximately 18,600 killings and 84,200 excess deaths from hunger and illness  The total number of conflict-related deaths during this period is difficult to determine due to a lack of data  One estimate based on Portuguese, Indonesian, and Catholic Church data suggests it may have been as high as 200,000  Repression and restrictions counteracted improvements in health and education infrastructure and services, meaning there was little overall improvement in living standards; economic growth mostly benefited immigrants from elsewhere in Indonesia : 271  A huge expansion of education was intended to increase Indonesian language use and internal security as much as it was for development The 1991 massacre of more than 200 demonstrators by the Indonesian military was a turning point for the independence cause, and brought increased international pressure on Indonesia  Following the resignation of Indonesian President Suharto, the new President BJ Habibie, prompted by a letter from Australian Prime Minister John Howard, decided to hold a referendum on independence  A UN-sponsored agreement between Indonesia and Portugal allowed for a UN-supervised popular referendum in August 1999  A clear vote for independence was met with a punitive campaign of violence by East Timorese pro-integration militias supported by elements of the Indonesian military  In response, the Indonesian government allowed a multinational peacekeeping force, INTERFET, to restore order and aid East Timorese refugees and internally displaced persons  On 25 October 1999, the administration of East Timor was taken over by the UN through the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET)  INTERFET deployment ended in February 2000 with the transfer of military command to the UN 

Contemporary era
On 30 August 2001, the East Timorese voted in their first election organised by the UN to elect members of the Constituent Assembly  On 22 March 2002, the Constituent Assembly approved the Constitution  By May 2002, more than 205,000 refugees had returned  On 20 May 2002, the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of East Timor came into force and East Timor was recognised as independent by the UN  The Constituent Assembly was renamed the National Parliament, and Xanana Gusmão was elected as the country's first president  On 27 September 2002 the country became a UN member state In 2006, a crisis of unrest and factional fighting forced 155,000 people to flee their homes; the United Nations sent in security forces to restore order  The following year, Gusmão declined to run for another term  While there were minor incidents in the build-up to the mid-year presidential elections, the process was peaceful overall and José Ramos-Horta was elected president  In June 2007, Gusmão ran in the parliamentary elections and became prime minister at the head of the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) party  In February 2008, Ramos-Horta was critically injured in an attempted assassination; Prime Minister Gusmão also faced gunfire separately but escaped unharmed  Australian reinforcements were immediately sent to help keep order  In March 2011, the UN handed over operational control of the police force to the East Timor authorities  The United Nations ended its peacekeeping mission on 31 December 2012 Francisco Guterres of the centre-left Fretilin party became president in May 2017  The leader of Fretilin, Mari Alkatiri, formed a coalition government after the July 2017 parliamentary election  This government soon fell, leading to a second general election in May 2018  In June 2018, former president and independence fighter, Taur Matan Ruak, became the new prime minister  José Ramos-Horta again became president on 20 May 2022 after winning the April 2022 presidential election runoff against Francisco Guterres 

Politics and government
The political system of East Timor is semi-presidential, based upon the Portuguese system : 175  The constitution establishes both this separation of executive powers between the president and the prime minister; and the separation of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary : 12  Individuals are not allowed to participate in both the legislature and the executive branch  The legislature is intended to provide a check on the executive; in practice the executive has maintained control of the legislature under all political parties, reflecting the dominance of individual leaders within political parties and coalitions : 174  The executive, through the council of ministers, also holds some formal legislative powers : 175  The judiciary operates independently, although there are instances of executive interference : 13, 39  Some courts shift between locations, to improve access for those in more isolated areas  Despite political rhetoric, the constitution and democratic institutions have been followed by politicians, and changes of government are peaceful : 15, 42  Elections are run by an independent body,: 216  and turnout is high, ranging from around 70% to 85% : 17  The political system has wide public acceptance : 17 : 106 The head of state of East Timor is the president of the republic, who is elected by popular vote for a five-year term,: 244  and can serve a maximum of two terms  Formally, the directly elected president holds relatively limited powers compared to those in similar systems, with no power over the appointment and dismissal of the prime minister and the council of ministers  However, as they are directly elected, past presidents have wielded great informal power and influence : 175  The president does have the power to veto government legislation, initiate referendums, and to dissolve parliament in the event that it is unable to form a government or pass a budget : 244  If the president vetoes a legislative action, the parliament can overturn the veto with a two-thirds majority : 10  The prime minister is chosen by the parliament, with the president appointing the leader of the majority party or coalition as prime minister of East Timor and the cabinet on the proposal of the latter : 10  As head of government, the prime minister presides over the cabinet 

Representatives in the unicameral National Parliament are elected by popular vote to a five-year term  The number of seats can vary from a minimum of fifty-two to a maximum of sixty-five  Parties must achieve 3% of the vote to enter parliament, with seats for qualifying parties allocated using the D'Hondt method  Elections occur within the framework of a competitive multi-party system  Upon independence, power was held by the Fretilin political party, which was formed shortly before the Indonesian invasion and led its resistance  Given its history, Fretilin viewed itself as the natural party of government and supported a multi-party system, expecting the development of a dominant-party system  Support from the United Nations and the international community, both before and after independence, allowed the nascent political system to survive shocks such as the 2006 crisis : 173 Candidates in parliamentary elections run in a single national district in a party-list system  One in three of all candidates presented by political parties must be women  This system promotes a diversity of political parties, but gives voters little influence over the individual candidates selected by each party : 175–176  Women hold more than a third of parliamentary seats, with parties required by law to run female candidates, but they are less prominent at other levels and within party leadership Political divisions exist along class lines and along geographical lines  There is broadly a divide between eastern and western areas of the country, stemming from differences that arose under Indonesian rule  Fretilin in particular is strongly linked to the Eastern areas : 176–177  Political parties are more closely associated with prominent personalities more than with ideology : 16  The National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction became the main opposition to Fretilin, following its establishment to allow Xanana Gusmão to run for Prime Minister in the 2007 parliamentary elections : 168–169  While both major parties have been relatively stable, they remain led by an "old guard" of individuals who came to prominence during the resistance against Indonesia : 175 : 10–11 Politics and administration is centred in the capital Dili, with the national government responsible for most civil services : 9, 36  Oecusse, separated from the rest of the country by Indonesian territory, is a special administrative region with some autonomy : 180  The National Police of East Timor and Timor Leste Defence Force have held a monopoly on violence since 2008 and very few guns are present outside of these organisations : 8  While there are allegations of abuse of power, there is some judicial oversight of police and public trust in the institution has grown  An active civil society functions independently of the government, as do media outlets : 11–12  Civil society organisations are concentrated in the capital, including student groups  Due to the structure of the economy, there are no powerful trade unions : 17  The Catholic Church has strong influence in the country : 40

Foreign relations and military
International cooperation has always been important to East Timor; donor funds made up 80% of the budget before oil revenues began to replace them : 42–44  International forces also provided security, with five UN missions sent to the country from 1999  The final one, the United Nations Integrated Mission in East Timor, began after the 2006 East Timorese crisis and concluded in 2012 : 4, 14 East Timor formally applied to join ASEAN in 2011,: 42–44  and was granted observer status and accepted "in principle" in November 2022  Despite the nationalist political leadership promoting closer ties with Melanesian states, the country has targeted ASEAN membership since before its independence, with its leaders stating that joining Pacific bodies would have precluded ASEAN membership  ASEAN membership was sought for economic and security reasons, including to improve the relationship with Indonesia  Nonetheless, the process has been slow due to a lack of support from some ASEAN states : 10–11  East Timor is thus an observer to the Pacific Islands Forum and the Melanesian Spearhead Group  More broadly, the country is a leader within the Group of Seven Plus (g7+), an organisation of fragile states  It is also a member of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries : 42–44 Continuing bilateral donors include Australia, Portugal, Germany, and Japan, and East Timor has a reputation for effectively and transparently using donor funds  Good relations with Australia and with Indonesia are a policy goal for the government, despite historical and more-recent tensions  These countries are important economic partners and provide most transport links to the country : 42–44  China has also increased its presence by contributing to infrastructure in Dili : 12 The relationship with Australia was dominated from before independence by disputes over natural resources in the ocean between them, hampering the establishment of a mutually agreed border  The dominance of Australian hard power led East Timor to utilise public diplomacy and forums for international law to push their case  The dispute was resolved in 2018 following negotiations at the Permanent Court of Arbitration, when a maritime boundary between the two was established along with an agreement on natural resource revenues The Timor Leste Defence Force (F-FDTL) was established in 2001, replacing Falintil, and was restructured following the events of 2006  It is responsible not only for safeguarding against external threats, but also for addressing violent crime, a role it shares with the National Police of East Timor  These forces remain small: 2,200 soldiers in the regular army and 80 in a naval component  A single aircraft and seven patrol boats are operated, and there are plans to expand the naval component  There is some military cooperation with Australia, Portugal, and the United States 

Administrative divisions
East Timor is divided into fourteen municipalities, which in turn are subdivided into 64 administrative posts, 442 sucos (villages), and 2,225 aldeias (hamlets)  The municipalities are: Aileu, Ainaro, Atauro, Baucau, Bobonaro, Cova Lima, Dili, Ermera, Lautém, Liquiçá, Manatuto, Manufahi, Oecusse, and Viqueque The existing system of municipalities and administrative posts was established during Portuguese rule : 3  While decentralisation is mentioned in the constitution, administrative powers generally remain with the national government operating out of Dili : 2  Upon independence there was debate about how to implement decentralisation; various proposed models would create different levels of administration between the sucos and the central government  In most proposals, there were no specific provisions for suco-level governance, and they were expected to continue to exist as mostly traditional spaces, identifying communities rather than being part of the civil administration  In the end, the existing districts were kept and renamed municipalities in 2009, and received very few powers : 88–92  In 2016 changes were made so that each municipality is led by a civil servant appointed by the central government  This civil servant is advised by locally elected leaders : 4, 7  The isolated Oecusse municipality, which has a strong identity and is fully surrounded by Indonesian territory, is specified by Articles 5 and 71 of the 2002 constitution to be governed by a special administrative policy and economic regime  Law 3/2014 of 18 June 2014 implemented this constitutional provision, which went into effect in January 2015, turning Oecusse into a Special Administrative Region  The region began operating its own civil service in June 2015  In January 2022 the island of Atauro, formerly an Administrative Post of Dili, became its own municipality Administration in the lowest levels of the administrative system of East Timor, the aldeias and sucos, generally reflects traditional customs,: 1  reflecting community identity and relationships between local households : 4  Sucos generally contain 2,000 to 3,000 inhabitants  Their long persistence and links to local governance means the sucos are the level of government that is linked to community identities, rather than any high level of administration : 89  Such relationships, however, are associated specifically with the kinship groups within that land, rather than the land itself : 52–53  Relationships between sucos also reflect customary practices, for example through the reciprocal exchanging of support for local initiatives : 9  Laws passed in 2004 provided for the election of some suco officials, but assigned these positions no formal powers  An updated law in 2009 established the expected mandate of these positions, although it continued to leave them outside of the formal state system, reliant on municipal governments to provide formal administration and services : 94–97  Further clarification was given in 2016, which entrenched the treatment of sucos and aldeias more as communities than formal levels of administration  Despite this lack of formal association with the state, suco leaders hold great influence and are often seen by their community as representatives of the state  They have responsibilities usually associated with civic administration : 7–10

Geography
Located in between Southeast Asia and the South Pacific,: 2  the island of Timor is the largest of the Lesser Sunda Islands, which lie within the Malay archipelago : 1  The island is surrounded by the Ombai and Wetar Straits of the rougher Banda Sea in the north, and the calmer Timor Sea in the south : 2  East Timor shares the island with Indonesia, with Indonesian territory separating the Oecusse exclave from the rest of the country  The island of Atauro lies north of the mainland,: 2  with the fourth area being the small island of Jaco  The Savu Sea lies north of Oecusse : 1  The country is about 265 kilometres (165 mi) long and 97 kilometres (60 mi) wide, with a total land area of 14,874 square kilometres (5,743 sq mi) : 1  This territory is situated between 8′15S – 10′30S latitude and 125′50E – 127′30E longitude : 2  The country's coastline covers around 700 kilometres (430 mi),: 27  while the main land border with Indonesia is 125 kilometres (78 mi) long, and the Oecusse land border is around 100 kilometres (62 mi) long : 1  Maritime borders exist with Australia to the south and Indonesia elsewhere  East Timor has an exclusive economic zone of 77,051 km2 (29,750 sq mi) The interior of the country is mountainous,: 2  with ridges of inactive volcanic mountains extending along the island : 2  Almost half of the country has a slope of at least 40%  The south is slightly less mountainous, and has some plains near the coastline : 2  The highest point is Tatamailau (also known as Mount Ramelau) at 2,963 metres (9,721 ft)  Most rivers dry up at least partially during the dry season : 2  Outside of some coastal areas and river valleys, the soil is shallow and prone to erosion, and its quality is poor : 13 : 2  The capital and largest city is Dili  The second-largest city is the eastern town of Baucau : 22 

The climate is tropical with relatively stable temperatures throughout the year  A wet season lasts from December to May throughout the country, and lasts slightly longer in the south: 5  and the interior due to the effect of a monsoon from Australia : 2  During this period, rainfall can reach 222–252 millimetres (8 7–9 9 in) per month  In the dry season, it drops to 12–18 millimetres (0 47–0 71 in) : 5  The country is vulnerable to flooding and landslides that occur as a result of heavy rain, especially when rainfall levels are increased by the La Niña effect : 13  The mountainous interior is cooler than the coasts  Coastal areas are heavily dependent on groundwater, which faces pressure from mismanagement, deforestation, and climate change : 14  While the temperature is thought to have experienced a small increase due to climate change, there has been little change in annual rainfall : 6 Coastal ecosystems around the country are diverse and varied, with vary spatially between the north and south coastlines, as well as between the eastern tip and areas more to the west  These ecosystems include coral reefs, as the country's waters are part of the Coral Triangle biodiversity hotspot : 28  The easternmost area of East Timor consists of the Paitchau Range and the Lake Ira Lalaro area, which contains the country's first conservation area, the Nino Konis Santana National Park  It contains the last remaining tropical dry forested area within the country  It hosts a number of unique plant and animal species and is sparsely populated  The northern coast is characterised by a number of coral reef systems that have been determined to be at risk There are around 41,000 terrestrial plant species in the country  Forests covered 35% of East Timor's land in the mid 2010s : 1  The forests of the northern coast, central uplands, and southern coast are distinct : 2  East Timor is home to the Timor and Wetar deciduous forests ecoregion  There is some environmental protection in law, but it has not been a government priority : 27 : 10–14  In addition to climate change, local ecosystems are threatened by deforestation, land degradation, overfishing, and pollution : 2–3

Economy
The economy of East Timor is a market economy, although it is dependent upon the export of a few commodities and has a large public sector  Internally, market operations are limited by widespread poverty : 20  The country uses the United States dollar, producing its own coins to facilitate smaller transactions  The economy is generally open to foreign investment, although a prohibition on foreigners owning land means many require a local partner in the country : 20  Competition is limited by the small size of the economy, rather than any government barriers  There are far more imports than exports,: 21  and prices for goods are often higher than in nearby countries : 27  Inflation is strongly affected by government spending : 257  Growth has been slow, averaging just 2 5% per year from 2011 to 2021 : 24 Most of the country is very poor, with just more than 40% living under the national poverty line  This poverty is especially prevalent in rural areas, where many are subsistence farmers or fishermen  Even in urban areas, the majority are poor  Overall, women are poorer than men, often being employed in lower-paying careers : 18  Malnutrition is common, with over half of children showing stunted growth : 255  While 91% of married working age (15–49) men were employed as of 2016, only 43% of married working age women were  There are small disparities in favour of men in terms of home and land ownership and owning a bank account : 14  The eastern three municipalities, which contain around a quarter of the population, has less poverty than the western areas, which contain 50% of the population : 214 Sixty-six per cent of families are in part supported by subsistence activities; however, the country as a whole does not produce enough food to be self-sustaining, and thus relies on imports : 16  Agricultural work carries the implication of poverty, and the sector receives little investment from the government : 260  Ninety-four per cent of domestic fish catch comes from the ocean, especially coastal fisheries : 17  Those in the capital of Dili are on average better off, although they remain poor by international standards : 257  The small size of the private sector means the government is often the customer of public businesses  A quarter of the national population works in the informal economy, with the official public and private sectors employing 9% each : 18  Of those of working age, around 23% are in the formal sector, 21% are students, and 27% are subsistence farmers and fishers : 21  The economy is mostly cash-based, with little commercial credit available from banks : 11–12  Remittances from overseas workers add up to around $100 million annually : 257 

This poverty belies significant wealth in terms of natural resources, which at the time of independence had per capita value equivalent to the wealth of an upper-middle income country  Over half of this was in oil, and over a quarter natural gas  The Timor-Leste Petroleum Fund was established in 2005 to turn these non-renewable resources into a more sustainable form of wealth : 4–6  From 2005 to 2021, $23 billion earned from oil sales has entered the fund  $8 billion has been generated from investments, while $12 billion has been spent : 30  A decrease in oil and gas reserves led to decreasing HDI beginning in 2010 : 18–19  Eighty per cent of government spending comes from this fund, which as of 2021 had $19 billion, 10 times greater than the size of the national budget  As oil income has decreased, the fund is at risk of being exhausted  Withdrawals have exceeded sustainable levels almost every year since 2009 : 23  Resources within the Bayu-Undan field are expected to soon run out, while extracting those within the so far undeveloped Greater Sunrise field has proven technically and politically challenging  Remaining potential reserves are also losing value as oil and gas become less favoured sources of energy : 264–272 The country's economy is dependent on government spending and, to a lesser extent, assistance from foreign donors  Government spending decreased beginning in 2012, which had knock-on effects in the private sector over the following years  The government and its state-owned oil company often invest in large private projects  Decreasing government spending was matched with a decrease in GDP growth : 18  After the petroleum fund, the second largest source of government income is taxes  Tax revenue is less than 8% of GDP, lower than many other countries in the region and with similarly sized economies  Other government income comes from 23 "autonomous agencies", which include port authorities, infrastructure companies, and the National University of East Timor : 13, 28–309  Overall, government spending remains among the highest in the world,: 12  although investment into education, health, and water infrastructure is negligible : 260 

Private sector development has lagged due to human capital shortages, infrastructure weakness, an incomplete legal system, and an inefficient regulatory environment  Property rights remain ill-defined, with conflicting titles from Portuguese and Indonesian rule, as well as needing to accommodate traditional customary rights : 23  As of 2010, 87 7% of urban (321,043 people) and 18 9% of rural (821,459 people) households have electricity, for an overall average of 38 2%  The private sector shrank between 2014 and 2018, despite a growing working age population  Agriculture and manufacturing are less productive per capita than at independence : 255–256  Non-oil economic sectors have failed to develop, and growth in construction and administration is dependent on oil revenue : 256  The dependence on oil shows some aspects of a resource curse  Coffee made up 90% of all non-fossil fuel exports from 2013 to 2019, with all such exports totalling to around US$20 million annually : 257  In 2017, the country was visited by 75,000 tourists 

Demographics
East Timor recorded a population of 1,183,643 in its 2015 census  The population lives mainly along the coastline, where all urban areas are located : 27  Those in urban areas generally have more formal education, employment prospects, and healthcare



ground_truth: Dutch East Indies

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Who is the president of the newly declared independent country that is part of the Commission of Truth and Friendship with the country where Kotamadya is located?

The following are given passages.
Context 3:  While a strong gender disparity exists throughout the country, it is less severe in the urban capital  The wealthy minority often go abroad for health, education and other purposes : 25  The population is young, with the median age being under 20 : 29  In particular, a large proportion of the population (almost 45% in 2015) are males between the ages of 15 and 24, the third largest male 'youth bulge' in the world : 212 The Government of Timor-Leste's website lists the English-language demonym for East Timor as Timorese  Other reference sources list it as East Timorese  The word Maubere formerly used by the Portuguese to refer to native East Timorese and often employed as synonymous with the illiterate and uneducated, was adopted by Fretilin as a term of pride Healthcare received 6% of the national budget in 2021 : 24  From 1990 to 2019 life expectancy rose from 48 5 to 69 5  Expected years of schooling rose from 9 8 to 12 4 between 2000 and 2010, while mean years of schooling rose from 2 8 to 4 4  Progress since 2010 for these has been limited  Gross national income per capita similarly peaked in 2010, and has decreased since : 3  As of 2016, 45 8% of East Timorese were impoverished, 16 3% severely so : 6  The fertility rate, which at the time of independence was the highest in the world at 7 8, dropped to 4 2 by 2016  It is relatively higher in rural areas, and among poorer: 3  and less literate households  As of 2016, the average household size was 5 3, with 41% of people aged under 15, and 18% of households headed by women : 2  Infant mortality stood at 30 per 1,000, down from 60 per 1,000 in 2003 : 7  46% of children under 5 showed stunted growth, down from 58% in 2010  Working age adult obesity increased from 5% to 10% during the same time period  As of 2016, 40% of children, 23% of women, and 13% of men had anemia : 11

Ethnicity and language
Timorese communities are not strictly defined by ethnic background or linguistic group  Separate communities may share ethnicity or language, and many areas show overlaps and hybridisation between ethnic and linguistic groups : 44  Familial relations and descent, which are interlinked with sacred house affiliation, are a more important indicator of identity : 47  Each family group generally identifies with a single language or dialect : 49  With this immense local variation in mind, there is a broad cultural and identity distinction between the east (Bacau, Lautém, and Viqueque Municipalities) and the west of the country, a product of history more than it is of linguistic and ethnic differences,: 45–47  although it is very loosely associated with the two language groups : 142–143  There is a small mestiço population of mixed Portuguese and local descent  There is a small Chinese minority, most of whom are Hakka  Many Chinese left in the mid-1970s, but a significant number have also returned to East Timor following the end of Indonesian occupation  East Timor has a small community of Timorese Indian, specifically Goan descent, as well as historical immigration from Africa and Yemen Likely reflecting the mixed origins of the different ethnolinguistic groups of the island, the indigenous languages fall into two language families: Austronesian and Papuan : 10  Depending on how they are classified, there are up to 19 indigenous languages with up to 30 dialects : 136  Aside from Tetum, Ethnologue lists the following indigenous languages: Adabe, Baikeno, Bunak, Fataluku, Galoli, Habun, Idaté, Kairui-Midiki, Kemak, Lakalei, Makasae, Makuv'a, Mambae, Nauete, Tukudede, and Waima'a  According to the Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger, there are six endangered languages in East Timor: Adabe, Habu, Kairui-Midiki, Maku'a, Naueti, and Waima'a  The largest Malayo-Polynesian group is the Tetum, mostly around Dili or the western border  Other Malayo-Polynesian languages with native speakers of more than 40,000 are Mambai in the central mountains south of Dili, Baikeno in Oecusse, Kemak in the north-west interior, and Tokodede on the northwest coast  The main Papuan languages spoken are Bunak in the centre of Timor, especially within Bobonaro Municipality; Makasae in the eastern Baucau and Viqueque municipalities; and Fataluku in the eastern Lautém Municipality : 43  The 2015 census found that the most commonly spoken mother tongues were Tetum Prasa (mother tongue for 30 6% of the population), Mambai (16 6%), Makasai (10 5%), Tetum Terik (6 05%), Baikenu (5 87%), Kemak (5 85%), Bunak (5 48%), Tokodede (3 97%), and Fataluku (3 52%)  Other indigenous languages accounted for 10 47%, while 1 09% of the population spoke foreign languages natively East Timor's two official languages are Portuguese and Tetum  In addition, English and Indonesian are designated by the constitution as "working languages" : 3  This is within the Final and Transitional Provisions, which do not set a final date  In 2012, 35% could speak, read, and write Portuguese, which is up significantly from less than 5% in the 2006 UN Development Report  Portuguese is recovering as it has now been made the main official language of Timor, and is being taught in most schools  The use of Portuguese for government information and in the court system provides some barriers to access for those who do not speak it  Tetum is also not understood by everyone in the country : 11  According to the Observatory of the Portuguese Language, the East Timorese literacy rate was 77 8% in Tetum, 55 6% in Indonesian, and 39 3% in Portuguese, and that the primary literacy rate increased from 73% in 2009 to 83% in 2012  According to the 2015 census, 50% of the population between the ages of 14 and 24 can speak and understand Portuguese  The 2015 census found around 15% of those over the age of five were literate in English 

Education
East Timor's adult literacy rate was 68% among adults, and 84% among those aged 15–24, as of 2021  It is slightly higher among women than men : 27  More girls than boys attend school, although some drop out upon reaching puberty : 25  As of 2016 22% of working age women (15–49) and 19% of working age men had no education, 15% of women and 18% of men had some primary education, 52% of women and 51% of men had some secondary education, and 11% of women and 12% of men had higher education  Overall, 75% of women and 82% of men were literate : 2  Primary schools exist throughout the country, although the quality of materials and teaching is often poor  Secondary schools are generally limited to municipal capitals  Education takes up 10% of the national budget : 27  The country's main university is the National University of East Timor  There are also four colleges Since independence, both Indonesian and Tetum have lost ground as media of instruction, while Portuguese has increased: in 2001 only 8 4% of primary school and 6 8% of secondary school students attended a Portuguese-medium school; by 2005 this had increased to 81 6% for primary and 46 3% for secondary schools  Indonesian formerly played a considerable role in education, being used by 73 7% of all secondary school students as a medium of instruction, but by 2005 Portuguese was used by most schools in Baucau, Manatuto, as well as the capital district  Portugal provides support to about 3% of the public schools in East Timor, focused on those in urban areas, further encouraging the use of the Portuguese language : 28

Religion
While the Constitution of East Timor enshrines the principles of freedom of religion and separation of church and state, Section 45 Comma 1 also acknowledges "the participation of the Catholic Church in the process of national liberation" in its preamble  Upon independence, the country joined the Philippines to become the only two predominantly Catholic states in Asia, although nearby parts of eastern Indonesia such as Flores and parts of Western New Guinea also have Catholic majorities According to the 2015 census, 97 57% of the population is Catholic; 1 96% Protestant; 0 24% Muslim; 0 08% Traditional; 0 05% Buddhist; 0 02% Hindu, and 0 08% other religions  A 2016 survey conducted by the Demographic and Health Survey programme showed that Catholics made up 98 3% of the population, Protestants 1 2%, and Muslims 0 3% The number of churches grew from 100 in 1974 to more than 800 in 1994, with Church membership having grown considerably under Indonesian rule as Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, requires all citizens to believe in one God and does not recognise traditional beliefs  East Timorese animist belief systems did not fit with Indonesia's constitutional monotheism, resulting in mass conversions to Christianity  Portuguese clergy were replaced with Indonesian priests and Latin and Portuguese mass was replaced by Indonesian mass  While just 20% of East Timorese called themselves Catholics at the time of the 1975 invasion, the figure surged to reach 95% by the end of the first decade after the invasion  The Roman Catholic Church divides East Timor into three dioceses: the Archdiocese of Díli, the Diocese of Baucau, and the Diocese of Maliana  In rural areas, Roman Catholicism is syncretised with local animist beliefs  The number of Protestants and Muslims declined significantly after September 1999, as these groups were disproportionately represented among supporters of integration with Indonesia  Fewer than half of previous Protestant congregations existed after September 1999, and many Protestants were among those who remained in West Timor 

Culture
The many cultures within East Timor stem from the several waves of Austronesian and Melanesian migration that led to the current population, with unique identities and traditions developing within each petty kingdom  Portuguese authorities built upon traditional structures, blending Portuguese influence into the existing political and social systems : 91–92  The presence of the Catholic Church created a point of commonality across the various ethnic groups, despite full conversion remaining limited  The Portuguese language also provided common linkages, even if direct Portuguese impact was limited : 97–98  Under Indonesian rule, resistance strengthened cultural links to Catholicism and the Portuguese language  At the same time, Indonesian cultural influence was spread through schools and administration : 98–99 The preservation of traditional beliefs in the face of Indonesian attempts to suppress them became linked to the creation of the country's national identity : 7–13  This national identity only began to emerge at the very end of Portuguese rule, and further developed during Indonesian rule : 134–136  Following independence, a civic identity began to develop  This was most clearly expressed through enthusiasm for national-level democracy,: 155–156  and was reflected in politics through a shift from resistance narratives to development ones : 3  The capital has developed a more cosmopolitan culture, while rural areas maintain stronger traditional practices : 30  Internal migration into urban areas, especially Dili, creates cultural links between these areas and rural hinterlands  Those in urban areas often continue to identify with a specific rural area, even those with multiple generations born in Dili : 53–54 The presence of so many ethnic and linguistic groups means cultural practices vary across the country : 11  These practices reflect historical social structures and practices, where political leaders were regarded as having spiritual powers  Ancestry was an important part of cultural practices, and partly signified leadership  Leaders often had influence over land use, and these leaders continue to play an informal role in land disputes and other aspects of community practice today  An important traditional concept is lulik, or sacredness  Some lulik ceremonies continue to reflect animist beliefs, for example through divination ceremonies which vary throughout the country  Sacred status can also be associated with objects, such as Portuguese flags which have been passed down within families : 7–13 

Community life is centred around sacred houses (Uma Lulik), physical structures which serve as a representative symbol and identifier for each community : 47–49  The architectural style of these houses varies between different parts of the country, although following widespread destruction by Indonesian forces many were rebuilt with cheap modern materials : 22–25  The house as a concept extends beyond the physical object to the surrounding community : 92–93, 96  Kinship systems exist within and between houses  Traditional leaders, who stem from historically important families, retain key roles in administering justice and resolving disputes through methods that vary between communities : 47–49  Such leaders are often elected to official leadership positions, merging cultural and historical status with modern political status : 52  The concept of being part of a communal house has been extended to the nation, with Parliament serving as the national sacred house : 96 Art styles vary throughout the various ethnolinguistic groups of the island  Nonetheless, similar artistic motifs are present throughout, such as large animals and particular geometric patterns  Some art is traditionally associated with particular genders  For example, the Tais textiles that play a widespread role in traditional life throughout the island are traditionally handwoven by women  Different tais patterns are associated with different communities, and more broadly with linguistic groups : 137  Many buildings within central Dili maintain historical Portuguese architecture : I-5 Traditional rituals remain important, often mixed in with more modern aspects : 137  A strong oral history is highlighted in individuals able to recite long stories or poetry  This history, or Lia nain, passes down traditional knowledge : 16  There remains a strong tradition of poetry  Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, for example, is a distinguished poet, earning the moniker "poet warrior" In the field of cinema, East Timor released its first feature-length film, a period thriller titled Beatriz's War, in 2013  Shot with a limited budget by a mix of local filmmakers and a volunteer Australian film crew, the film depicted East Timorese life under Indonesian occupation in the 1970s, with producer Lurdes Pires acknowledging their aim to diverge from the government's "friendship and forgiveness" policy for its past conflicts by telling a story of truth-seeking and justice 

See also
Outline of East Timor
Index of East Timor-related articles
List of topics on the Portuguese Empire in the East
Passage 2:
Estanislau da Silva
Estanislau da Conceição Aleixo Maria da Silva (born 4 August 1952) is an East Timorese politician and a key member of Fretilin  He was acting Prime Minister from May 2007 to August 2007 
A member of Fretilin since 1974, Da Silva served on the diplomatic front for the East Timorese resistance during the years of the Indonesian occupation of Timor-Leste (1975 to 1999)  During the occupation, Da Silva resided in Mozambique (1976 to 1984), Portugal (1975 to 1976 and 1984 to 1985) and Australia (1985 to 1999), before returning to Timor-Leste in 1999 
After Timor-Leste achieved independence in 2002, Da Silva was appointed as the country's first Minister for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries  On 10 July 2006, he was sworn in as the First Deputy Prime Minister of Timor-Leste  He was sworn in as the acting Prime Minister on 19 May 2007 to replace José Ramos-Horta who had been elected President of the young nation  He left office when Xanana Gusmão was sworn in as Prime Minister on 8 August 2007, following the June 2007 parliamentary election 

Early life
Da Silva was born in Dili in 1952 to Luis da Silva and Genoveva Aleixo  He attended primary school from 1961-1962 to 1964-1965 in Fuiloro - Lautém district, and Dili Technical School from 1965-1966 to 1970-1971  Upon graduation from Dili Technical School, Da Silva went to Lisbon to pursue further training in electrical and mechanical engineering 

Political activities
Da Silva joined Fretilin in 1974 and was a founding member of the Fretilin External Branch in Lisbon 
In 1976, Da Silva interrupted his studies in Lisbon and was sent to Australia by the Fretilin leadership to lobby support for Timor-Leste's independence struggle  During that time, Australian supporters of Timor-Leste's independence struggle (Campaign for Independence of East Timor - CIET) requested that Da Silva assist Neville Cunningham and António Belo to operate and maintain a radio connection to the Fretilin leadership based in Timor-Leste  As Da Silva was not an Australian resident, he had to operate the radio secretly and spent six months in bush of Australia's Northern Territory  
In September 1976, Da Silva and Cunningham were tracked down and arrested by the Northern Territory Police Force and the radio link severed  Da Silva was released after a one-day trial and left Australia for Mozambique  The radio link was later re-established by Fretilin members and Australian supporters of Timor-Leste's struggle for independence 
Upon his return to Australia in 1985, Da Silva campaigned tirelessly for Timor-Leste's independence  This included speaking at public forums, organising demonstrations against the illegal Indonesian occupation, organising fundraising activities and lobbying MPs  Da Silva also maintained regular contact with the clandestine movement and the Fretilin leadership in Timor-Leste and assisted in helping people at risk of persecution escape Timor-Leste and settle in Australia  In 1994 he became the Fretilin representative in Australia 
Da Silva was voted into the Fretilin Central Committee in 1998 at the Fretilin National Conference held in Sydney, Australia  His mandate was renewed at the First National Congress in 2001 as well as the Second National Congress which was held in May 2006  He was elected chairperson in both events  He is also one of the 15 members of the National Political Commission of Fretilin which leads the work of the party between the Fretilin Central Committee meetings 
He was re-elected to a seat in parliament in the June 2007 parliamentary election as the ninth name on Fretilin's candidate list 

Education and professional career
Da Silva studied Agronomy at Eduardo Mondlane University, and worked at Marracuene state enterprise as the Chief Agronomist for the Mozambican government  He also attended the International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics in India for short training courses in agriculture systems for arid and semi arid regions 
Whilst in Australia, Da Silva continued his studies in agronomy at the University of Sydney, where he completed a post-graduate diploma in Agronomy in 1987  In 1988 Da Silva was employed by the New South Wales Agricultural Department at the Trangie Research Agricultural Centre and from 1994 to 1997 worked at the Australian Cotton Research Institute in Narrabri 
In 1999, Da Silva returned to Timor-Leste  He worked as a World Bank consultant for agriculture and later as Asian Development Bank project manager for infrastructure before becoming Minister for Agriculture during the second United Nations transitional government  In May 2002, upon the restoration of independence of Timor Leste, Da Silva became the Minister for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries 
In 2002, Da Silva completed a two-year post-graduate training course in management and leadership provided by the Asian Development Bank Institute in Tokyo, Japan 
Da Silva is a capable and respected administrator and the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries is one of the success stories of an independent Timor Leste  Under Da Silva, Timor-Leste's rice production increased every year except for in 2006 where the political crisis had a negative effect on the country's institutions and economy as a whole  During this time Timor-Leste's rice import dependency was reduced from two thirds to one third of domestic consumption 
Da Silva is fluent in English, Portuguese and Tetum 
Passage 3:
Indonesia–Timor Leste Commission of Truth and Friendship
The Indonesia–Timor Leste Commission on Truth and Friendship (more commonly known by its Portuguese acronym CVA, Comissão Verdade e Amizade) was a truth commission established jointly by the governments of Indonesia and East Timor in August 2005  The commission was officially created to investigate acts of violence that occurred around the independence referendum held in East Timor in 1999 and sought to find the "conclusive truth" behind the events  After holding private hearings and document reviews, the commission handed in the final report on July 15, 2008 to the presidents of both nations, and was fully endorsed by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, providing the first acknowledgement by the government of Indonesia of the human rights violations committed by state institutions in Timor  The commission is notable for being the first modern truth commission to be bilateral 

Background
East Timor was originally colonized by the Portuguese, and remained a colony up until the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974  East Timor declared independence soon afterwards, but Indonesia soon decided to intervene as it became clear that the government of the new state would most likely be leftist  The Indonesian government began Operation Komodo, which was intended to bring about the integration of the East Timorese territory  It began with a propaganda campaign, but after the outbreak of conflict in East Timor, the Indonesian military began a campaign on 7 October starting with an assault on a border post and accumulating with a full-scale invasion utilizing paratroopers and naval support  The United Nations quickly condemned the invasion via resolution, but due to resistance in the Security council, no further action was taken  The United States also tacitly gave their approval, as the dismantling of a pro-communist government helped advance the policy of containment being pursued by the government 
Indonesia occupied the territory for the following two decades  During the administration of the Habibie government, a referendum was held in the occupied area asking if the residents of the area wished to remain a part of Indonesia  Even before the referendum, there was harassment by militia groups in the area, with UN workers being attacked in Maliana  It soon became clear in the wake of the referendum that the referendum result would be overwhelmingly in favor of the "no" option on the ballot; this raised tensions to a boiling point, and within two hours of the announcement of the results, armed militia groups began attacking civilians  Militia continued to attack civilians as they withdrew from the country, and several massacres occurred as the troops filtered out of the area  A UN peacekeeping force known as INTERFET was deployed to stabilize the situation, made up of mostly Australian troops, and was withdrawn with the arrival of normal UN peacekeepers  East Timor eventually transitioned from a UN mandate to an independent country 

Report
The commission itself was announced in August 2006 and sought to establish "the conclusive truth regarding human rights violations to have occurred prior to, immediately after the Popular Consultation on 30 August 1999" as well as "prepare recommendations that can contribute to healing wounds of the past and strengthen friendship"  The timing of the commission's creation was criticized by some, as it was believed that it was created to intentionally subvert calls for an international tribunal to deal with the events surrounding the 1999 plebiscite  The commission's mandate allowed it to review documents pertaining to four other inquiries surrounding the events that predated it: "The Indonesian National Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights Violations in East Timor in 1999", "The Indonesian Ad Hoc Human Rights Court on East Timor", "The Special Panels for Serious Crimes", and "The Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation" The commission was made up of four members appointed from each nation, and these commissioners were instructed to conduct a document review and analyze previous trials and investigations into the subject, including the UN Special Panels for Serious Crimes and Serious Crime Units in Dili, and the report of the Commission of Reception, Truth and Reconciliation of Timor-Leste  The commission also stated its intent to research the "historical background, political dynamics, and institutional structures that shaped events before and during 1999" to "inform its conclusions with a broader understanding of the way in which the causes of the violence in 1999 were connected to previously established institutional structures and practices "Operating over three years, the commission gave its final report on July 15, 2008, and presented it to the Presidents of Indonesia and East Timor, concluding that "gross human rights violations in the form of crimes against humanity did occur in East Timor in 1999" and that "pro-autonomy militia groups, TNI, the Indonesian civil government, and Polri must all bear institutional responsibility", as well as stating that "from a moral and political perspective the respective states must accept state responsibility for the violations identified in the report " The commission also made recommendations that both nations begin institutional reform enhancing the strength of investigative and prosecuting bodies involved with investigations into the events, as well as forming joint security policy to ensure the safety of individuals in case of the recurrence of violence  It also noted the need to resolve other standing border and security issues between the two nations to allow for more cooperation  Notably, the report gave no recommendations of amnesty or rehabilitation  The report was endorsed by the president of Indonesia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, making it the first recognition of the Indonesian government's complicity in human rights violations in East Timor by Indonesia 

Reception
In Indonesia and Timor, the report was presented to both governments and accepted by both the Timorese and Indonesian governments  However, Timorese NGO Timor-Leste National Alliance for International Tribunal wrote an open letter in response to the commission's findings with several criticisms, including the lack of public consultation with victims and parliamentary approval of the commission, as well as noting that the commission assigned institutional responsibility rather than individual responsibility, "which is contrary to the principles of international laws which were ratified by the state of Timor-Leste and to Article 160 of its constitution which says that there must be a justice process for crimes against humanity ", as well as stating their belief that the CAVR was a more trustworthy and support worthy commission for the government to support Internationally, the report had a mixed reception  Some, such as the War Crimes Studies Center at the University of California, Berkeley, said that the commission could be seen as "widely acknowledged as credible and far-reaching ", noting that the Indonesian government's affirmation of the results was important and that the commission made arguments that "there was credible evidence to indicate that Timorese institutions were also responsible for illegal detentions and possibly other crimes "

See also
History of East Timor
Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor
Indonesian occupation of East Timor
Santa Cruz massacre
Passage 4:
The Truth About Men
The Truth About Men is the eighth studio album by American country music artist Tracy Byrd  Released in 2003 as the third and final album for RCA Nashville, it features the singles "The Truth About Men", "Drinkin' Bone", and "How'd I Wind Up in Jamaica"  Before its release, Byrd charted in the country top 40 with the single "Lately (Been Dreamin' 'bout Babies)", which does not appear on the album 
The track "Making Memories of Us" was later recorded by The Notorious Cherry Bombs on their self-titled debut album, and again by Keith Urban on his 2004 album Be Here  Urban's rendition of the song was a Number One hit on the country music charts in 2005 

Track listing
Personnel
Tracy Byrd - lead vocals
Billy Carpenter - drums
Johnny Lee Carpenter - fiddle
Britt Godwin - electric guitar
Larry Shelton - trumpet
Stacy Clark - trumpet
Lisa Cochran - background vocals
Jim Cox - piano
Eric Darken - percussion
Randall Dennis - piano
Dan Dugmore - dobro, steel guitar
Stuart Duncan - fiddle
Paul Franklin - steel guitar
Troy Gentry - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
Andy Griggs - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
Aubrey Haynie - fiddle, mandolin
Wes Hightower - background vocals
John Hobbs - piano
John Barlow Jarvis - Hammond organ, piano, synthesizer
Troy Lancaster - electric guitar
Paul Leim - drums, percussion
B  James Lowry - acoustic guitar
Liana Manis - background vocals
Jay Dee Maness - steel guitar
Brent Mason - electric guitar
Mark Matoska - steel guitar
Eddie Montgomery - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
John J  Moore - bass guitar, background vocals
John Robinson - drums
John Wesley Ryles - background vocals
Blake Shelton - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
Leland Sklar - bass guitar
Carey Stone - electric guitar
Michael Thompson - electric guitar
Neil Thrasher - background vocals
Billy Joe Walker Jr  - acoustic guitar, electric guitar
Gabe Witcher - fiddle
Glenn Worf - bass guitar
Reggie Young - electric guitar

Charts
Passage 5:
The Trouble with the Truth (song)
"The Trouble with the Truth" is a song written by Gary Nicholson, and recorded by American country music artist Patty Loveless  It was released in April 1997 as the fifth and final single and title track from her album  The Trouble with the Truth 
The song charted for 20 weeks on the Billboard Hot Country Singles and Tracks chart, reaching number 15 during the week of July 12, 1997 

Other versions
Joan Baez also cut a version of the song during an early 1990s recording session in Nashville, but the recording remained unissued until released in 2012 as a bonus track on the remastered rerelease of her 1992 album Play Me Backwards 

Chart positions
Passage 6:
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1264
United Nations Security Council resolution 1264, adopted unanimously on 15 September 1999, after recalling previous resolutions on East Timor (Timor-Leste), the Council authorised the establishment of the multinational International Force for East Timor (INTERFET) to restore peace and security in the territory, facilitate humanitarian assistance and protect the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) The Security Council welcomed the successful conduct of the East Timor Special Autonomy Referendum on 30 August 1999, in which the East Timorese people voted for independence from Indonesia  Meanwhile, there was concern about the deteriorating security situation and the violence that had displaced many residents  Attacks also took place against UNAMET and other international and national humanitarian personnel and this had particularly affected vulnerable groups  There were reports of widespread violations of international humanitarian and human rights law across East Timor, and Indonesia had accepted the presence of a United Nations international peacekeeping force in the region Acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the Council condemned the violence in East Timor, called for those responsible to be brought to justice and emphasised the need for immediate unrestricted humanitarian assistance to the area  In this regard, it authorised the establishment of an Australian-led multinational force under joint command with the task of restoring peace, protecting the UNAMET mission and assisting in humanitarian operations using all necessary measures  The force consisted of 8,000 personnel from 17 countries  The Government of Indonesia, which had temporary responsibility for the security of East Timor, would co-operate with the multinational force or INTERFET 
The resolution noted that part of the agreement between Indonesia and Portugal on the future of East Timor stipulated a peaceful and orderly transfer of authority in East Timor to the United Nations and INTERFET was asked to support the process  The multinational force would be present in East Timor for four months until replaced by a United Nations peacekeeping force and would be required to submit periodic reports on its progress Finally, the Secretary-General was asked to make preparations for a transitional administration in East Timor that would include a peacekeeping operation during the implementation phase following the referendum 

See also
1999 East Timorese crisis
Indonesian occupation of East Timor
List of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1201 to 1300 (1998–2000)
United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor
Passage 7:
Kotamadya
In Indonesian law, the term "city" (kota) is generally defined as the second-level administrative subdivision of the Republic of Indonesia, an equivalent to regency (kabupaten)   The difference between a city and a regency is that a city has non-agricultural economic activities and a dense urban population, while a regency comprises predominantly rural areas and is larger in area than a city   However, Indonesia historically had several classifications of cities 
According to Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia, the official dictionary of Indonesian language, city (kota) is "a densely populated area with high density and modern facilities and most of the population works outside of agriculture "Cities are divided into districts (Kecamatan, Distrik in Papua region, or Kemantren in Yogyakarta) 

Historical classification
Gemeente/municipality
During the Dutch East Indies period, a city was governed as gemeente, or municipality, since the decentralisation law in 1903  The gemeente was a third-level subdivision, below residentie (residency) and gouvernement (governorate) or provincie (province) 

Kota besar and kota kecil
The terms kota besar (big city), and kota kecil (small city or town), were used since the implementation of the Act Number 22 of 1948  Kota Besar was an urban equivalent of kabupaten (regency), which was the country's second level subdivision, just below province   Kota kecil, used for a small urban area, was the third-level division below regency and province 

Kotaraya, kotamadya, and kotapraja
According to the Act Number 18 of 1965, cities in Indonesia were classified into three: kotaraya (great city, first-level subdivision), kotamadya (medium city, second-level subdivision), and kotapraja (small city or town, third-level subdivision)   Kotaraya is an equivalent of a province, kotamadya is an equivalent of a regency, while kotapraja is an equivalent of kecamatan (districts)   Jakarta was the only city granted the kotaraya status, due to its function as the capital of Indonesia The terms kotaraya and kotapraja had been abolished since 1974, and kotamadya was used for most of urban areas in Indonesia up to 1999   Jakarta continued to become the only urban area with a province status 

Kota administratif
The term kota administratif (administrative city, not to be confused with kota administrasi) was used after the implementation of Act Number 5 of 1974  Kota administratif status was granted to a town inside the territory of a regency (kabupaten) that were deemed necessary in accordance with the town's growth and development  Kota administratif does not have autonomy and its own legislature, and was responsible to its parent regency  The term kota administratif was abolished with the implementation of Act Number 22 of 1999, and all kota administratif were either granted full kota (city) status or dissolved and merged with its parent regency 

Kota
The term kota (city) has been implemented to substitute kotamadya since the post-Suharto era in Indonesia  Kota is headed by a mayor (walikota), who is directly elected via elections to serve for a five-year term, which can be renewed for one further five-year term   Each kota is divided further into districts, more commonly known as kecamatan 

Jakarta as a city
Jakarta, then known as Batavia, was the first city in the archipelago to be developed by the Dutch Empire   On the 4 March 1621, the first city government (stad) was created in Batavia, and on 1 April 1905, it became the very first municipality (gemeente) of the Dutch East Indies  Upon Indonesian independence, it remains as the city within the province of West Java  With the release of the Act Number 1 of 1957, Jakarta became the first provincial-level city in Indonesia  Although Jakarta is now written as a 'province' in Indonesian law products, it is still widely referred to as a city  The United Nations (UN) classifies Jakarta as a 'city' on its statistical database The Special Capital Region of Jakarta consists of five 'administrative cities' and one 'administrative regency'  Unlike other actual cities in Indonesia, administrative cities in Jakarta are not self-governing, and were only created for bureaucracy purposes   The administrative cities do not have city councils, and their mayors were exclusively selected by the Governor of Jakarta without any public election   Ryas Rasyid, an Indonesian regional government expert, stated that Jakarta is a "province with a city management"  Anies Baswedan, the 17th Governor of Jakarta, asserted that "Jakarta has only an area of 600 square kilometres   It is a city with the province status " Unlike other 36 Indonesian provinces whose governors work in a 'governor office', the governor of Jakarta works in a city hall (Balai Kota DKI Jakarta) 

List of cities by date of incorporation
Notes^[a]  Incorporated as Batavia
^[b]  Incorporated as Buitenzorg
^[c]  Incorporated as Fort de Kock
^[d]  Incorporated as Kutaraja
^[e]  Incorporated as Tanjungkarang–Telukbetung

See also

City status
List of Indonesian cities by population
List of Indonesian cities by GDP
Passage 8:
Zeferino Martins
Zeferino Martins, also known as Ze Martins (born September 5, 1985) is an East Timorese footballer who plays as midfielder for Ad  Dili Oeste and the Timor-Leste national team 



ground_truth: Francisco Guterres