prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Who started the foundation that developed the Free Software Directory?

The following are given passages.
Context 1: Passage 1:
Sodipodi
Sodipodi was an open-source vector graphics editor, discontinued in 2004  It is the predecessor to Inkscape 

Development
Sodipodi started as a fork of Gill, a vector-graphics program written by Raph Levien  The main author was Lauris Kaplinski, and several other people contributed to the project  The project is no longer under active development, having been succeeded by Inkscape, a 2003 fork of Sodipodi  Sodipodi means "mish mash" or "hodgepodge" in Estonian child-speak The primary design goal of Sodipodi was to produce a usable vector graphics editor, and a drawing tool for artists  Although it used SVG as its native file format (including some extensions to hold metadata), it was not intended to be a full implementation of the SVG standard  Sodipodi imports and exports plain SVG data, and can also export raster graphics in PNG format  The user interface of Sodipodi is a Controlled Single Document Interface (CSDI) similar to GIMP 
Sodipodi was developed for Linux and Microsoft Windows  The last version was 0 34, released on 11 February 2004  Released under the GNU General Public License, Sodipodi is free software 

Derivatives
Sodipodi started a collection of SVG clip art containing symbols and flags from around the world  This work helped inspire the Open Clip Art Library Inkscape started as a fork of Sodipodi, founded in 2003 by a group of Sodipodi developers with different goals, including redesigning the interface and closer compliance with the SVG standard 

See also
Comparison of vector graphics editors
Passage 2:
Jonas Öberg
Jonas Öberg (born 22 November 1977 in Norrköping, Sweden) is a free and open-source software activist, describing himself as an instigator in the world of free, having worked with the Free Software Foundation Europe, GNU Project, FSCONS, Creative Commons and the Shuttleworth Foundation  He started to develop software in 1991 and installed his first Linux operating system in 1993 after which he eventually joined as a webmaster for the GNU Project  In the late 1990s, he spent some time at the MIT AI Labs where he met with Richard Stallman and others from the Free Software Foundation, joining them for The Bazaar conference in New York  Since 2002, he has been on the award committee for the Free Software Foundation's Free Software Awards 
In 2001, he was a founding member of the Free Software Foundation Europe and took up a role as vice president on 22 November 2001 when former vice president Loïc Dachary took a step back to focus on GNU SavannahHaving worked with Creative Commons for several years, including running a course of fundraising at the Peer to Peer University, he became the first Regional Coordinator for Europe in 2011  His work for the organisation eventually led him to a position as a Fellow of the Shuttleworth Foundation where his work focus on creating tools and prototypes for the embedding of metadata for licensing and attribution requirements in digital works  His company Commons Machinery was featured as one of the 12 winners of Tech All Stars 2014, a competition of the European Commission's and Neelie Kroes's Digital Agenda 

Personal life
He has a 19th-century wooden house in the North of Sweden which he is continuously renovating and lives outside of Stockholm in Gnesta, Sweden  He married Julia Velkova, a media researcher and member of Internet Society Bulgaria, at the Ice hotel in Sweden on 8 March 2013 
Passage 3:
Pygame
Pygame is a cross-platform set of Python modules designed for writing video games  It includes computer graphics and sound libraries designed to be used with the Python programming language 

History
Pygame was originally written by Pete Shinners to replace PySDL after its development stalled  It has been a community project since 2000 and is released under the free software GNU Lesser General Public License (which "provides for Pygame to be distributed with open source and commercial software") 

Development of Version 2
Pygame version 2 was planned as "Pygame Reloaded" in 2009, but development and maintenance of Pygame completely stopped until the end of 2016 with version 1 9 1  After the release of version 1 9 5 in March 2019, development of a new version 2 is active on the roadmap Pygame 2 0 released on 28 October, 2020, on Pygame's 20th birthday 

Features
Pygame uses the Simple DirectMedia Layer (SDL) library, with the intention of allowing real-time computer game development without the low-level mechanics of the C programming language and its derivatives  This is based on the assumption that the most expensive functions inside games can be abstracted from the game logic, making it possible to use a high-level programming language, such as Python, to structure the game Other features that SDL does have include vector math, collision detection, 2D sprite scene graph management, MIDI support, camera, pixel-array manipulation, transformations, filtering, advanced freetype font support, and drawing Applications using Pygame can run on Android phones and tablets with the use of Pygame Subset for Android (pgs4a)  Sound, vibration, keyboard, and accelerometer are supported on Android 

Community
There is a regular competition, called PyWeek, to write games using Python (and usually but not necessarily, Pygame)  The community has created many tutorials for Pygame 

Notable games using Pygame
Frets on Fire
Dangerous High School Girls in Trouble
Save the Date, IndieCade 2013 Finalist
Drawn Down Abyss

See also
Cocos2d
Panda3D
Pyglet

Notes
Passage 4:
MeshLab
MeshLab is a 3D mesh processing software system that is oriented to the management and processing of unstructured large meshes and provides a set of tools for editing, cleaning, healing, inspecting, rendering, and converting these kinds of meshes  MeshLab is free and open-source software, subject to the requirements of the GNU General Public License (GPL), version 2 or later, and is used as both a complete package and a library powering other software  It is well known in the more technical fields of 3D development and data handling 

Overview
MeshLab is developed by the ISTI - CNR research center; initially MeshLab was created as a course assignment at the University of Pisa in late 2005  It is a general-purpose system aimed at the processing of the typical not-so-small unstructured 3D models that arise in the 3D scanning pipeline 
The automatic mesh cleaning filters includes removal of duplicated, unreferenced vertices, non-manifold edges, vertices, and null faces  Remeshing tools support high quality simplification based on quadric error measure, various kinds of subdivision surfaces, and two surface reconstruction algorithms from point clouds based on the ball-pivoting technique and on the Poisson surface reconstruction approach  For the removal of noise, usually present in acquired surfaces, MeshLab supports various kinds of smoothing filters and tools for curvature analysis and visualization 
It includes a tool for the registration of multiple range maps based on the iterative closest point algorithm  MeshLab also includes an interactive direct paint-on-mesh system that allows users to interactively change the color of a mesh, to define selections and to directly smooth out noise and small features 
MeshLab is available for most platforms, including Linux, Mac OS X, Windows and, with reduced functionality, on Android and iOS and even as a pure client-side JavaScript application called MeshLabJS  The system supports input/output in the following formats: PLY, STL, OFF, OBJ, 3DS, VRML 2 0, X3D and COLLADA  MeshLab can also import point clouds reconstructed using Photosynth 
MeshLab is used in various academic and research contexts, like microbiology, cultural heritage, surface reconstruction, paleontology, for rapid prototyping in orthopedic surgery, in orthodontics, and desktop manufacturing 

Additional images
See also
Geometry processing
3D scanner
List of free and open-source software packages
Passage 5:
BlueSpice MediaWiki
BlueSpice is free wiki software based on the MediaWiki engine and licensed with the GNU General Public License  It is especially developed for businesses as an enterprise wiki distribution for MediaWiki and used in over 150 countries 
The freely available version BlueSpice free is considered one of the most popular wiki computer programs for knowledge management in companies 

History
The German company Hallo Welt! has been working on the development of an open source wiki based on MediaWiki since 2007  The origins of the later BlueSpice software go back to an initiative by the IBM CTO Gunter Dueck, who initiated an internal company wiki for IBM Germany in 2007 under the name "bluepedia"  The model for the bluepedia project was Wikipedia and accordingly the platform was based on MediaWiki  However, in daily operation, additional requirements arose for the software used  This led to the founding of a company that would develop and provide the missing functions in the future 
In 2011, Hallo Welt! decided to publish their wiki as free and open-source software  The stable version of BlueSpice for MediaWiki was released July 4, 2011 : 28  From this point on, a free download has been available at SourceForge  A key feature of the software was the provision of a WYSIWYG editor, which at the time was based on the TinyMCE editor In Autumn 2013, Hallo Welt! released the completely reworked version BlueSpice 2  According to the BlueSpice developers this release aims for opening up BlueSpice for freelance developers in the global MediaWiki community and multiple language versions In 2014, BlueSpice for MediaWiki became a project of Translatewiki net  In January 2015 the developers announced that they will change to a subscription model 

Functionality and techology
BlueSpice is written in the PHP programming language and uses MySQL, Apache/IIS, Tomcat  BlueSpice is released in a free edition and two paid editions  The free edition adds more than 50 extensions to a MediaWiki, mainly in the areas of:

Editing: A version of the MediaWiki VisualEditor is delivered, which, unlike the original, contains additional functions, such as an easier procedure for uploading documents or inserting dynamic content  The creation of new pages is supported by page templates 
Search and navigation: An extended search (Elasticsearch) offers improved search functionalities, like faceted search  The search results can further be sorted or filtered by category, namespace, author, semantic data, data type etc  Any files attached are also searched  It also provides common features like autocomplete and search as you type 
Administration: Convenient management of users, namespaces, groups, rights and settings 

Licensing and distribution
All extensions of the BlueSpice distributions are under open source licenses  The functions written by Hallo Welt! are published under the license GPLv3 The free version is made available for download as a classic server installation in a tarball or as a Docker image, with BlueSpice free having the widest distribution via the official Docker version (with more than 1 million pulls in three years) 

Versions
See also
MediaWiki
Comparison of wiki software
Passage 6:
Free Software Directory
The Free Software Directory (FSD) is a project of the Free Software Foundation (FSF)   It catalogs free software that runs under free operating systems—particularly GNU and Linux  The cataloged projects are often able to run in several other operating systems  The project was formerly co-run by UNESCO 
Unlike some other directories that focus on free software, Free Software Directory staff verify the licenses of software listed in the directory 

Coverage growth and usages
FSD has been used as a source for assessing the share of free software, for example finding in September 2002 an amount of "1550 entries, of which 1363 (87 9%) used the GPL license, 103 (6 6%) used the LGPL license, 32 (2 0%) used a BSD or BSD-like license, 29 (1 9%) used the Artistic license, 5 (0 3%) used the MIT license"  By September 2009, the Directory listed 6,000 packages whose number grew up to 6,500 in October 2011, when the newly updated directory was launched  All listed packages are "free for any computer user to download, run and share  Each entry is individually checked and tested     so users know that any program they come across in the directory will be truly free software     with free documentation and without proprietary software requirements" Several scientific publications review or refer to the directory  It has been remarked that the Directory "only includes software that runs on free operating systems  The FSF/UNESCO Free Software Directory is also a collaborative project, offering a web interface for users to enter and update entries" 
Among the critical issues of the previous version, it has been pointed out that while "available software is described using a variety of textual metadata, including the components upon which a particular piece of software depends", "unfortunately, those dependencies are only listed by name, and locating and retrieving them is left to the user" 
On the other hand, the accuracy of the directory review on licenses is acknowledged 
The code review from the directory's editorial board is suitable for obtaining statistics on subsets of free software packages reliably clustered by license In September 2011, the Free Software Directory was re-implemented as a wiki, using MediaWiki and the Semantic MediaWiki extension, to allow users to directly add to and modify its contents 
Semantic MediaWiki provides the directory with semantic web technologies by adding "advanced search and presentation capabilities, structured to be useful for reading by both humans and data-mining programs" The new edition of the directory has been described as designed to ease and support with semantics the discovery and harvesting of information on free software programs  "An extensive and flexible category system, plus over 40,000 keywords and more than 40 different fields of information, enhance both simple and advanced searching" A recent snapshot of the taxonomy of the projects reviewed and accepted in the directory is the following:

See also
Passage 7:
GNU/Linux naming controversy
Within the free software and the open-source software communities there is controversy over whether to refer to computer operating systems that use a combination of GNU software and the Linux kernel as "GNU/Linux" or "Linux" systems Proponents of the term Linux argue that it is far more commonly used by the public and media and that it serves as a generic term for systems that combine that kernel with software from multiple other sources, while proponents of the term GNU/Linux note that GNU alone would be just as good a name for GNU variants which combine the GNU operating system software with software from other sources The term GNU/Linux is promoted by the Free Software Foundation (FSF) and its founder Richard Stallman  Their reasoning is that the GNU project was the main contributor for not only many of the operating system components used in the subsequent development of modern "Linux" systems, but also the associated free software philosophy  Several distributions of operating systems containing the Linux kernel use the name that the FSF prefers, such as Debian, Trisquel and Parabola GNU/Linux-libre  Others claim that GNU/Linux is a useful name to make a distinction between those and Linux distributions such as Android and Alpine Linux 

History
In 1983, Richard Stallman, founder of the Free Software Foundation, set forth plans of a complete Unix-like operating system, called GNU, composed entirely of free software  In September of that year, Stallman published a manifesto in Dr  Dobb's Journal detailing his new project publicly, outlining his vision of free software  Software development work began in January 1984  By 1991, the GNU mid-level portions of the operating system were almost complete, and the upper level could be supplied by the X Window System, but the lower level (kernel, device drivers, system-level utilities and daemons) was still mostly lacking 
The kernel officially developed by GNU was called GNU Hurd  The Hurd followed an ambitious microkernel design, which proved unexpectedly difficult to implement early on  However, in 1991, Linus Torvalds independently released the first version of the Linux kernel  Early Linux developers ported GNU code, including the GNU C Compiler, to run on Linux, while the free software community adopted the use of the Linux kernel as the missing kernel for the GNU operating system  This work filled the remaining gaps in providing a completely free operating system Over the next few years, several suggestions arose for naming operating systems using the Linux kernel and GNU components  In 1992, the Yggdrasil Linux distribution adopted the name "Linux/GNU/X"  In Usenet and mailing-list discussions, one can find usages of "GNU/Linux" as early as 1992, and of "GNU+Linux" as early as 1993  The Debian project, which was at one time sponsored by the Free Software Foundation, switched to calling its product "Debian GNU/Linux" in early 1994 
This change followed a request by Richard Stallman (who initially proposed "LiGNUx," but suggested "GNU/Linux" instead after hearing complaints about the awkwardness of the former term)  GNU's June 1994 Bulletin described "Linux" as a "free Unix system for 386 machines" (with "many of the utilities and libraries" from GNU), but the January 1995 Bulletin switched to the term "GNU/Linux" instead Stallman's and the FSF's efforts to include "GNU" in the name started around 1994, but were reportedly mostly via private communications (such as the above-mentioned request to Debian) until 1996  In May 1996, Stallman released Emacs 19 31 with the Autoconf system target "linux" changed to "lignux" (shortly thereafter changed to "linux-gnu" in emacs 19 32), and included an essay "Linux and the GNU system" suggesting that people use the terms "Linux-based GNU system" (or "GNU/Linux system" or "Lignux" for short)  He later used "GNU/Linux" exclusively, and the essay was superseded by Stallman's 1997 essay, "Linux and the GNU System" 

Composition of operating systems
Modern free software and open-source software operating systems are composed of software by many different authors, including the Linux kernel developers, the GNU project, and other vendors such as those behind the X Window System  Desktop- and server-based distributions use GNU components such as the GNU C Library (glibc), GNU Core Utilities (coreutils), and the Bash shell 
In a 2002 analysis of the source code for Red Hat Linux 7 1, a typical Linux distribution, the total size of the packages from the GNU project was found to be much larger than the Linux kernel  Later, a 2011 analysis of the Ubuntu distribution's "Natty" release main repository found that 8% to 13% of it consisted of GNU components (the range depending on whether GNOME is considered part of GNU), while only 6% is taken by the Linux kernel (9% when including its direct dependencies)  Determining exactly what constitutes the "operating system" per se is a matter of continuing debate On the other hand, some embedded systems, such as handheld devices and smartphones (like Google's Android), residential gateways (routers), and Voice over IP devices, are engineered with space efficiency in mind and use a Linux kernel with few or no components of GNU, due to perceived issues surrounding bloat, and impeded performance  A system running μClinux is likely to substitute uClibc for glibc, and BusyBox for coreutils  Google's Linux-based Android operating system does not use any GNU components or libraries, using Google's own BSD-based Bionic C library in place of glibc  The FSF agrees that "GNU/Linux" is not an appropriate name for these systems There are also systems that use a GNU userspace and/or C library on top of a non-Linux kernel, for example Debian GNU/Hurd (GNU userland on the GNU kernel) or Debian GNU/kFreeBSD (which uses the GNU coreutils and C library with the kernel from FreeBSD) 

Opinions
GNU/Linux
The FSF justifies the name "GNU/Linux" primarily on the grounds that the GNU project was specifically developing a complete system, of which they argue that the Linux kernel filled one of the final gaps; the large number of GNU components and GNU source code used in such systems is a secondary argument:

 So if you were going to pick a name for the system based on who wrote the programs in the system, the most appropriate single choice would be GNU  But we don't think that is the right way to consider the question  The GNU Project was not, is not, a project to develop specific software packages  [   ] Many people have made major contributions to the free software in the system, and they all deserve credit  But the reason it is an integrated system—and not just a collection of useful programs—is because the GNU Project set out to make it one  We made a list of the programs needed to make a complete free system, and we systematically wrote, or found people to write, everything on the list 

Other arguments include that the name "GNU/Linux" recognizes the role that the free-software movement played in building modern free and open source software communities, that the GNU project played a larger role in developing packages and software for GNU/Linux or Linux distributions, and that using the word "Linux" to refer to the Linux kernel, the operating system and entire distributions of software leads to confusion on the differences about the three  Because of this confusion, legal threats and public relations campaigns apparently directed against the kernel, such as those launched by the SCO Group or the Alexis de Tocqueville Institution (AdTI), have been misinterpreted by many commentators who assume that the whole operating system is being targeted  SCO and the AdTI have even been accused of deliberately exploiting this confusion Regarding suggestions that renaming efforts stem from egotism or personal pique, Stallman has responded that his interest is not in giving credit to himself but to the GNU Project: "Some people think that it's because I want my ego to be fed  Of course, I'm not asking you to call it 'Stallmanix' "  In response to another common suggestion that many people have contributed to the system and that a short name cannot credit all of them, the FSF has argued that this cannot justify calling the system "Linux", since they believe that the GNU project's contribution was ultimately greater than that of the Linux kernel in these related systems In 2010, Stallman stated that naming is not simply a matter of giving equal mention to the GNU Project, saying that because the system is more widely referred as "Linux", people tend to "think it's all Linux, that it was all started by Mr  Torvalds in 1991, and they think it all comes from his vision of life, and that's the really bad problem "Ariadne Conill, developer and security chair of Alpine Linux, has stated that in her opinion GNU/Linux is the correct name when referring to Linux distributions that are based on glibc and GNU coreutils, such as Debian and Fedora Linux  This can be contrasted to other Linux distributions which are based on bionic (Android) and musl (Alpine) 

Linux
Proponents of naming the operating systems "Linux" state that "Linux" is used far more often than "GNU/Linux" Eric S  Raymond writes (in the "Linux" entry of the Jargon File):

Some people object that the name "Linux" should be used to refer only to the kernel, not the entire operating system  This claim is a proxy for an underlying territorial dispute; people who insist on the term GNU/Linux want the FSF to get most of the credit for Linux because [Stallman] and friends wrote many of its user-level tools  Neither this theory nor the term GNU/Linux has gained more than minority acceptance 

When Linus Torvalds was asked in the documentary Revolution OS whether the name "GNU/Linux" was justified, he replied:

Well, I think it's justified, but it's justified if you actually make a GNU distribution of Linux     the same way that I think that "Red Hat Linux" is fine, or "SUSE Linux" or "Debian Linux", because if you actually make your own distribution of Linux, you get to name the thing, but calling Linux in general "GNU Linux" I think is just ridiculous 
An earlier comment by Torvalds on the naming controversy was:

 Umm, this discussion has gone on quite long enough, thank you very much  It doesn't really matter what people call Linux, as long as credit is given where credit is due (on both sides)  Personally, I'll very much continue to call it "Linux",    
The GNU people tried calling it GNU/Linux, and that's ok   It's certainly no worse a name than "Linux Pro" or "Red Hat Linux" or
"Slackware Linux"    
Lignux is just a punny name—I think Linux/GNU or GNU/Linux is a bit more "professional"    

The name "GNU/Linux," particularly when using Stallman's preferred pronunciation, has been criticized for its perceived clumsiness and verbosity, a factor that Torvalds has cited as the downfall of operating systems such as 386BSD The Linux Journal speculated that Stallman's advocacy of the combined name stems from frustration that "Linus got the glory for what [Stallman] wanted to do "Others have suggested that, regardless of the merits, Stallman's persistence in what sometimes seems a lost cause makes him and GNU look bad  For example, Larry McVoy (author of BitKeeper, once used to manage Linux kernel development) opined that "claiming credit only makes one look foolish and greedy" Many users and vendors who prefer the name "Linux," such as Jim Gettys, one of the original developers of the X Window System, point to the inclusion of non-GNU, non-kernel tools, such as KDE, LibreOffice, and Firefox, in end-user operating systems based on the Linux kernel:

 There are lots of people on this bus; I don't hear a clamor of support that GNU is more essential than many of the other components; can't take a wheel away, and end up with a functional vehicle, or an engine, or the seats  I recommend you be happy we have a bus 

See also
Alternative terms for free software
GNU variants
List of GNU packages
History of free software
Passage 8:
Metalogix Software
Metalogix Software is an independent software vendor, founded in 2001 in Vancouver, British Columbia and was acquired by Quest Software, Inc  in July 2018  Metalogix develops, sells, and provides support for content infrastructure software for Microsoft SharePoint, Microsoft Exchange and Microsoft Office 365 platforms 
Metalogix sells an array of products for managing content infrastructure  The company's primary product is Content Matrix, which migrates content between SharePoint versions 
Metalogix is part of Quest Software, Inc  having been acquired in July 2018 

See also
Axceler, a company acquired by Metalogix in 2013 
Passage 9:
XWiki
XWiki is a free wiki software platform written in Java with a design emphasis on extensibility  XWiki is an enterprise wiki  It includes WYSIWYG editing, OpenDocument based document import/export, semantic annotations and tagging, and advanced permissions management As an application wiki, XWiki allows for the storing of structured data and the execution of server side script within the wiki interface  Scripting languages including Velocity, Apache Groovy, Python, Ruby and PHP can be written directly into wiki pages using wiki macros  User created data structures can be defined in wiki documents and instances of those structures can be attached to wiki documents, stored in a database, and queried using either Hibernate query language or XWiki's own query language XWiki org's extension wiki  is home to XWiki extensions ranging from code snippets which can be pasted into wiki pages to loadable core modules  Many of XWiki's features are provided by extensions which are bundled with it The wikitext is rendered using the XWiki Rendering Engine which extends WikiModel  and Doxia systems, allowing it to parse Confluence, JSPWiki, Creole, MediaWiki, and TWiki syntaxes as well as XWiki's own syntax  XWiki pages are written by default using the WYSIWYG editor and rendered with XWiki syntax to format text, create tables, create links, display images, etc 

Development
XWiki code is licensed under the GNU Lesser General Public License and hosted on GitHub where everyone is free to fork the source code and develop changes in their own repository  The content included in the XWiki wiki is licensed under a Creative Commons attribution license so that it can be redistributed as long as it references XWiki; derivatives can be re-licensed entirely  While most of the active developers are funded by commercial support company XWiki SAS, XWiki SAS maintains a strict boundary between itself and the XWiki free software project  All decisions about the direction of the XWiki software project are made by consensus of the committers must go through the developers' mailing list 

Open source projects
XWiki relies heavily on other open source projects to work  They include:

Groovy: for advanced scripting requirements
Hibernate: relational database storage
Lucene: to index all the content of a wiki and its attachments and allow the search within their content 
Velocity: a template language

History
XWiki was originally written by Ludovic Dubost who founded XPertNet SARL later to become XWiki SAS, and it was first released in January 2004 under the GNU General Public License  The "X" in the name comes from "eXtensible Wiki" (when you pronounce it, it sounds as 'X') 
The first version of the Wiki Farm xwiki com was released in April 2004  In addition the open source project was hosted on SourceForge and the first commit there was done on the 15th of December 2003 
In 2006, the license was changed to the GNU Lesser General Public License to give the developer community greater flexibility, Apache Maven developer Vincent Massol became the lead developer and XWiki won the Lutece d'Or award for best open source software developed for the enterprise 
After 6 beta versions and 5 release candidates, XWiki 1 0 was released on May 22, 2007 bringing new features such as stand-alone installer and semantic tagging  2007 also brought the introduction of XWiki Watch for allowing teams to collaboratively follow RSS feeds 

Features
Structured content and inline scripting, which allows building  wiki applications
User rights management (by wiki / space / page, using groups, etc   )
PDF export
Full-text search
Version control
Import office documents into wiki syntax through OpenOffice
Various protocols for accessing the wiki (WebDAV, REST, XML-RPC)
Content and site design Export and Import
Plugins, API, Programming   
More features on the official website XWiki is also an application wiki that allows the creation of objects and classes within the wiki  This way, forms can be developed in a very short time span and be reused to enter data on the wiki following a specific template  This means that end users can be presented with a page on which the layout is already drawn, where they can directly fill in the fields needed 

See also
Comparison of wiki software
Passage 10:
EtherApe
EtherApe is a packet sniffer/network traffic monitoring tool, developed for Unix  EtherApe is free, open source software developed under the GNU General Public License 

Functionality
Network traffic is displayed using a graphical interface  Each node represents a specific host  Links represent connections to hosts  Nodes and links are color-coded to represent different protocols forming the various types of traffic on the network  Individual nodes and their connecting links grow and shrink in size with increases and decreases in network traffic 

History
Originally authored by Juan Toledo, the first version of EtherApe (version 0 0 1) was released on February 18, 2000  In a 2006 survey, Insecure org named EtherApe number 43 on its list of the "Top 100 Network Security Tools" 

Features
Some of the features listed about EtherApe include (the following list refers to version 0 9 20 of EtherApe):

graphical network traffic display
color-coded node and links for most used protocols
optional background image
traffic may be viewed on one's own network, end to end (IP) or port to port (TCP)
a variety of frame and packet types are supported
data view can be manipulated using a network filter
clicking a node or link provides additional information regarding including protocol and traffic information
summary protocol and node table
can read traffic from a file or an actual network
handles traffic on Ethernet, WLAN, VLAN plus several other media and encapsulation types
supports both IPv4 and IPv6
XML export of node, link and traffic statistics
"central node ring" mode 
"column" mode 
optional name resolving using c-ares library
packet capture and display run on different processes

Security
EtherApe requires root privileges to capture packets (but not to replay captured files)  Starting with release 0 9 15 capturing is delegated to a separate process, while the main interface can run with lower privileges, significantly reducing the risk associated with capturing packets from untrusted sources (e g  Internet) 

See also
Comparison of packet analyzers
tcpdump, a packet analyzer
Ngrep, a tool that can match regular expressions within the network packet payloads
netsniff-ng, a free Linux networking toolkit
Wireshark, a GUI based alternative to tcpdump
dsniff, a packet sniffer and set of traffic analysis tools
Passage 11:
Intellectual property
Intellectual property (IP) is a category of property that includes intangible creations of the human intellect  There are many types of intellectual property, and some countries recognize more than others  The best-known types are patents, copyrights, trademarks, and trade secrets  The modern concept of intellectual property developed in England in the 17th and 18th centuries  The term "intellectual property" began to be used in the 19th century, though it was not until the late 20th century that intellectual property became commonplace in most of the world's legal systems Supporters of intellectual property laws often describe their main purpose as encouraging the creation of a wide variety of intellectual goods  To achieve this, the law gives people and businesses property rights to certain information and intellectual goods they create, usually for a limited period of time  Supporters argue that because IP laws allow people to protect their original ideas and prevent unauthorized copying, creators derive greater individual economic benefit from the information and intellectual goods they create, and thus have more economic incentives to create them in the first place  Advocates of IP believe that these economic incentives and legal protections stimulate innovation and contribute to technological progress of certain kinds The intangible nature of intellectual property presents difficulties when compared with traditional property like land or goods  Unlike traditional property, intellectual property is "indivisible", since an unlimited number of people can in theory "consume" an intellectual good without its being depleted  Additionally, investments in intellectual goods suffer from appropriation problems: Landowners can surround their land with a robust fence and hire armed guards to protect it, but producers of information or literature can usually do little to stop their first buyer from replicating it and selling it at a lower price  Balancing rights so that they are strong enough to encourage the creation of intellectual goods but not so strong that they prevent the goods' wide use is the primary focus of modern intellectual property law 

History
The Statute of Monopolies (1624) and the British Statute of Anne (1710) are seen as the origins of patent law and copyright respectively, firmly establishing the concept of intellectual property 
"Literary property" was the term predominantly used in the British legal debates of the 1760s and 1770s over the extent to which authors and publishers of works also had rights deriving from the common law of property (Millar v Taylor (1769), Hinton v Donaldson (1773), Donaldson v Becket (1774))  The first known use of the term intellectual property dates to this time, when a piece published in the Monthly Review in 1769 used the phrase  The first clear example of modern usage goes back as early as 1808, when it was used as a heading title in a collection of essays The German equivalent was used with the founding of the North German Confederation whose constitution granted legislative power over the protection of intellectual property (Schutz des geistigen Eigentums) to the confederation  When the administrative secretariats established by the Paris Convention (1883) and the Berne Convention (1886) merged in 1893, they located in Berne, and also adopted the term intellectual property in their new combined title, the United International Bureaux for the Protection of Intellectual Property 
The organization subsequently relocated to Geneva in 1960 and was succeeded in 1967 with the establishment of the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) by treaty as an agency of the United Nations  According to legal scholar Mark Lemley, it was only at this point that the term really began to be used in the United States (which had not been a party to the Berne Convention), and it did not enter popular usage there until passage of the Bayh–Dole Act in 1980 
The history of patents does not begin with inventions, but rather with royal grants by Queen Elizabeth I (1558–1603) for monopoly privileges  Approximately 200 years after the end of Elizabeth's reign, however, a patent represents a legal right obtained by an inventor providing for exclusive control over the production and sale of his mechanical or scientific invention  demonstrating the evolution of patents from royal prerogative to common-law doctrine 
The term can be found used in an October 1845 Massachusetts Circuit Court ruling in the patent case Davoll et al  v  Brown, in which Justice Charles L  Woodbury wrote that "only in this way can we protect intellectual property, the labors of the mind, productions and interests are as much a man's own     as the wheat he cultivates, or the flocks he rears " The statement that "discoveries are     property" goes back earlier  Section 1 of the French law of 1791 stated, "All new discoveries are the property of the author; to assure the inventor the property and temporary enjoyment of his discovery, there shall be delivered to him a patent for five, ten or fifteen years " In Europe, French author A  Nion mentioned propriété intellectuelle in his Droits civils des auteurs, artistes et inventeurs, published in 1846 
Until recently, the purpose of intellectual property law was to give as little protection as possible in order to encourage innovation  Historically, therefore, legal protection was granted only when necessary to encourage invention, and it was limited in time and scope  This is mainly as a result of knowledge being traditionally viewed as a public good, in order to allow its extensive dissemination and improvement The concept's origin can potentially be traced back further  Jewish law includes several considerations whose effects are similar to those of modern intellectual property laws, though the notion of intellectual creations as property does not seem to exist—notably the principle of Hasagat Ge'vul (unfair encroachment) was used to justify limited-term publisher (but not author) copyright in the 16th century  In 500 BCE, the government of the Greek state of Sybaris offered one year's patent "to all who should discover any new refinement in luxury" According to Jean-Frédéric Morin, "the global intellectual property regime is currently in the midst of a paradigm shift"  Indeed, up until the early 2000s the global IP regime used to be dominated by high standards of protection characteristic of IP laws from Europe or the United States, with a vision that uniform application of these standards over every country and to several fields with little consideration over social, cultural or environmental values or of the national level of economic development  Morin argues that "the emerging discourse of the global IP regime advocates for greater policy flexibility and greater access to knowledge, especially for developing countries " Indeed, with the Development Agenda adopted by WIPO in 2007, a set of 45 recommendations to adjust WIPO's activities to the specific needs of developing countries and aim to reduce distortions especially on issues such as patients’ access to medicines, Internet users’ access to information, farmers’ access to seeds, programmers’ access to source codes or students’ access to scientific articles  However, this paradigm shift has not yet manifested itself in concrete legal reforms at the international level Similarly, it is based on these background that the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement requires members of the WTO to set minimum standards of legal protection, but its objective to have a “one-fits-all” protection law on Intellectual Property has been viewed with controversies regarding differences in the development level of countries  Despite the controversy, the agreement has extensively incorporated intellectual property rights into the global trading system for the first time in 1995, and has prevailed as the most comprehensive agreement reached by the world 

Rights
Intellectual property rights include patents, copyright, industrial design rights, trademarks, plant variety rights, trade dress, geographical indications, and in some jurisdictions trade secrets  There are also more specialized or derived varieties of sui generis exclusive rights, such as circuit design rights (called mask work rights in the US), supplementary protection certificates for pharmaceutical products (after expiry of a patent protecting them), and database rights (in European law)  The term "industrial property" is sometimes used to refer to a large subset of intellectual property rights including patents, trademarks, industrial designs, utility models, service marks, trade names, and geographical indications 

Patents
A patent is a form of right granted by the government to an inventor or their successor-in-title, giving the owner the right to exclude others from making, using, selling, offering to sell, and importing an invention for a limited period of time, in exchange for the public disclosure of the invention  An invention is a solution to a specific technological problem, which may be a product or a process, and generally has to fulfill three main requirements: it has to be new, not obvious and there needs to be an industrial applicability : 17  To enrich the body of knowledge and to stimulate innovation, it is an obligation for patent owners to disclose valuable information about their inventions to the public 

Copyright
A copyright gives the creator of an original work exclusive rights to it, usually for a limited time  Copyright may apply to a wide range of creative, intellectual, or artistic forms, or "works"  Copyright does not cover ideas and information themselves, only the form or manner in which they are expressed 

Industrial design rights
An industrial design right (sometimes called "design right" or design patent) protects the visual design of objects that are not purely utilitarian  An industrial design consists of the creation of a shape, configuration or composition of pattern or color, or combination of pattern and color in three-dimensional form containing aesthetic value  An industrial design can be a two- or three-dimensional pattern used to produce a product, industrial commodity or handicraft  Generally speaking, it is what makes a product look appealing, and as such, it increases the commercial value of goods 

Plant varieties
Plant breeders' rights or plant variety rights are the rights to commercially use a new variety of a plant  The variety must amongst others be novel and distinct and for registration the evaluation of propagating material of the variety is considered 

Trademarks
A trademark is a recognizable sign, design or expression that distinguishes a particular trader's products or services from similar products or services of other traders 

Trade dress
Trade dress is a legal term of art that generally refers to characteristics of the visual and aesthetic appearance of a product or its packaging (or even the design of a building) that signify the source of the product to consumers 

Trade secrets
A trade secret is a formula, practice, process, design, instrument, pattern, or compilation of information which is not generally known or reasonably ascertainable, by which a business can obtain an economic advantage over competitors and customers  There is no formal government protection granted; each business must take measures to guard its own trade secrets (e g , Formula of its soft drinks is a trade secret for Coca-Cola )

Motivation and justification
The main purpose of intellectual property law is to encourage the creation of a wide variety of intellectual goods for consumers  To achieve this, the law gives people and businesses property rights to the information and intellectual goods they create, usually for a limited period of time  Because they can then profit from them, this gives economic incentive for their creation  The intangible nature of intellectual property presents difficulties when compared with traditional property like land or goods  Unlike traditional property, intellectual property is indivisible – an unlimited number of people can "consume" an intellectual good without it being depleted  Additionally, investments in intellectual goods suffer from problems of appropriation – while a landowner can surround their land with a robust fence and hire armed guards to protect it, a producer of information or an intellectual good can usually do very little to stop their first buyer from replicating it and selling it at a lower price  Balancing rights so that they are strong enough to encourage the creation of information and intellectual goods but not so strong that they prevent their wide use is the primary focus of modern intellectual property law By exchanging limited exclusive rights for disclosure of inventions and creative works, society and the patentee/copyright owner mutually benefit, and an incentive is created for inventors and authors to create and disclose their work  Some commentators have noted that the objective of intellectual property legislators and those who support its implementation appears to be "absolute protection"  "If some intellectual property is desirable because it encourages innovation, they reason, more is better  The thinking is that creators will not have sufficient incentive to invent unless they are legally entitled to capture the full social value of their inventions"  This absolute protection or full value view treats intellectual property as another type of "real" property, typically adopting its law and rhetoric  Other recent developments in intellectual property law, such as the America Invents Act, stress international harmonization  Recently there has also been much debate over the desirability of using intellectual property rights to protect cultural heritage, including intangible ones, as well as over risks of commodification derived from this possibility  The issue still remains open in legal scholarship 

Financial incentive
These exclusive rights allow intellectual property owners to benefit from the property they have created, providing a financial incentive for the creation of an investment in intellectual property, and, in case of patents, pay associated research and development costs  In the United States Article I Section 8 Clause 8 of the Constitution, commonly called the Patent and Copyright Clause, reads; "The Congress shall have power 'To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries '" ”Some commentators, such as David Levine and Michele Boldrin, dispute this justification In 2013 the United States Patent & Trademark Office approximated that the worth of intellectual property to the U S  economy is more than US $5 trillion and creates employment for an estimated 18 million American people  The value of intellectual property is considered similarly high in other developed nations, such as those in the European Union  In the UK, IP has become a recognised asset class for use in pension-led funding and other types of business finance  However, in 2013, the UK Intellectual Property Office stated: "There are millions of intangible business assets whose value is either not being leveraged at all, or only being leveraged inadvertently" 

Economic growth
The WIPO treaty and several related international agreements underline that the protection of intellectual property rights is essential to maintaining economic growth  The WIPO Intellectual Property Handbook gives two reasons for intellectual property laws:

One is to give statutory expression to the moral and economic rights of creators in their creations and the rights of the public in access to those creations  The second is to promote, as a deliberate act of Government policy, creativity and the dissemination and application of its results and to encourage fair trading which would contribute to economic and social development 
The Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) states that "effective enforcement of intellectual property rights is critical to sustaining economic growth across all industries and globally" Economists estimate that two-thirds of the value of large businesses in the United States can be traced to intangible assets  "IP-intensive industries" are estimated to generate 72% more value added (price minus material cost) per employee than "non-IP-intensive industries" A joint research project of the WIPO and the United Nations University measuring the impact of IP systems on six Asian countries found "a positive correlation between the strengthening of the IP system and subsequent economic growth "

Morality
According to Article 27 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, "everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author"  Although the relationship between intellectual property and human rights is complex, there are moral arguments for intellectual property 
The arguments that justify intellectual property fall into three major categories  Personality theorists believe intellectual property is an extension of an individual  Utilitarians believe that intellectual property stimulates social progress and pushes people to further innovation  Lockeans argue that intellectual property is justified based on deservedness and hard work Various moral justifications for private property can be used to argue in favor of the morality of intellectual property, such as:

Natural Rights/Justice Argument: this argument is based on Locke's idea that a person has a natural right over the labour and products which are produced by their body  Appropriating these products is viewed as unjust  Although Locke had never explicitly stated that natural right applied to products of the mind, it is possible to apply his argument to intellectual property rights, in which it would be unjust for people to misuse another's ideas  Locke's argument for intellectual property is based upon the idea that laborers have the right to control that which they create  They argue that we own our bodies which are the laborers, this right of ownership extends to what we create  Thus, intellectual property ensures this right when it comes to production 
Utilitarian-Pragmatic Argument: according to this rationale, a society that protects private property is more effective and prosperous than societies that do not  Innovation and invention in 19th century America has been attributed to the development of the patent system  By providing innovators with "durable and tangible return on their investment of time, labor, and other resources", intellectual property rights seek to maximize social utility  The presumption is that they promote public welfare by encouraging the "creation, production, and distribution of intellectual works"  Utilitarians argue that without intellectual property there would be a lack of incentive to produce new ideas  Systems of protection such as Intellectual property optimize social utility 
"Personality" Argument: this argument is based on a quote from Hegel: "Every man has the right to turn his will upon a thing or make the thing an object of his will, that is to say, to set aside the mere thing and recreate it as his own"  European intellectual property law is shaped by this notion that ideas are an "extension of oneself and of one's personality"  Personality theorists argue that by being a creator of something one is inherently at risk and vulnerable for having their ideas and designs stolen and/or altered  Intellectual property protects these moral claims that have to do with personality Lysander Spooner (1855) argues "that a man has a natural and absolute right—and if a natural and absolute, then necessarily a perpetual, right—of property, in the ideas, of which he is the discoverer or creator; that his right of property, in ideas, is intrinsically the same as, and stands on identically the same grounds with, his right of property in material things; that no distinction, of principle, exists between the two cases" Writer Ayn Rand argued in her book Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal that the protection of intellectual property is essentially a moral issue  The belief is that the human mind itself is the source of wealth and survival and that all property at its base is intellectual property  To violate intellectual property is therefore no different morally than violating other property rights which compromises the very processes of survival and therefore constitutes an immoral act 

Infringement, misappropriation, and enforcement
Violation of intellectual property rights, called "infringement" with respect to patents, copyright, and trademarks, and "misappropriation" with respect to trade secrets, may be a breach of civil law or criminal law, depending on the type of intellectual property involved, jurisdiction, and the nature of the action 
As of 2011, trade in counterfeit copyrighted and trademarked works was a $600 billion industry worldwide and accounted for 5–7% of global trade  During the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, IP has been a consideration in punishment of the aggressor through trade sanctions, has been proposed as a method to prevent future wars of aggression involving nuclear weapons, and has caused concern about stifling innovation by keeping patent information secret 

Patent infringement
Patent infringement typically is caused by using or selling a patented invention without permission from the patent holder, i e  from the patent owner  The scope of the patented invention or the extent of protection is defined in the claims of the granted patent  There is safe harbor in many jurisdictions to use a patented invention for research  This safe harbor does not exist in the US unless the research is done for purely philosophical purposes, or to gather data to prepare an application for regulatory approval of a drug  In general, patent infringement cases are handled under civil law (e g , in the United States) but several jurisdictions incorporate infringement in criminal law also (for example, Argentina, China, France, Japan, Russia, South Korea) 

Copyright infringement
Copyright infringement is reproducing, distributing, displaying or performing a work, or to make derivative works, without permission from the copyright holder, which is typically a publisher or other business representing or assigned by the work's creator  It is often called "piracy"  In the United States, while copyright is created the instant a work is fixed, generally the copyright holder can only get money damages if the owner registers the copyright  Enforcement of copyright is generally the responsibility of the copyright holder  The ACTA trade agreement, signed in May 2011 by the United States, Japan, Switzerland, and the EU, and which has not entered into force, requires that its parties add criminal penalties, including incarceration and fines, for copyright and trademark infringement, and obligated the parties to actively police for infringement  There are limitations and exceptions to copyright, allowing limited use of copyrighted works, which does not constitute infringement  Examples of such doctrines are the fair use and fair dealing doctrine 

Trademark infringement
Trademark infringement occurs when one party uses a trademark that is identical or confusingly similar to a trademark owned by another party, in relation to products or services which are identical or similar to the products or services of the other party  In many countries, a trademark receives protection without registration, but registering a trademark provides legal advantages for enforcement  Infringement can be addressed by civil litigation and, in several jurisdictions, under criminal law 

Trade secret misappropriation
Trade secret misappropriation is different from violations of other intellectual property laws, since by definition trade secrets are secret, while patents and registered copyrights and trademarks are publicly available  In the United States, trade secrets are protected under state law, and states have nearly universally adopted the Uniform Trade Secrets Act  The United States also has federal law in the form of the Economic Espionage Act of 1996 (18 U S C  §§ 1831–1839), which makes the theft or misappropriation of a trade secret a federal crime  This law contains two provisions criminalizing two sorts of activity  The first, 18 U S C  § 1831(a), criminalizes the theft of trade secrets to benefit foreign powers  The second, 18 U S C  § 1832, criminalizes their theft for commercial or economic purposes  (The statutory penalties are different for the two offenses ) In Commonwealth common law jurisdictions, confidentiality and trade secrets are regarded as an equitable right rather than a property right but penalties for theft are roughly the same as in the United States 

Criticisms
The term "intellectual property"
Criticism of the term intellectual property ranges from discussing its vagueness and abstract overreach to direct contention to the semantic validity of using words like property and rights in fashions that contradict practice and law  Many detractors think this term specially serves the doctrinal agenda of parties opposing reform in the public interest or otherwise abusing related legislations, and that it disallows intelligent discussion about specific and often unrelated aspects of copyright, patents, trademarks, etc Free Software Foundation founder Richard Stallman argues that, although the term intellectual property is in wide use, it should be rejected altogether, because it "systematically distorts and confuses these issues, and its use was and is promoted by those who gain from this confusion"  He claims that the term "operates as a catch-all to lump together disparate laws [which] originated separately, evolved differently, cover different activities, have different rules, and raise different public policy issues" and that it creates a "bias" by confusing these monopolies with ownership of limited physical things, likening them to "property rights"  Stallman advocates referring to copyrights, patents and trademarks in the singular and warns against abstracting disparate laws into a collective term  He argues that, "to avoid spreading unnecessary bias and confusion, it is best to adopt a firm policy not to speak or even think in terms of 'intellectual property' "Similarly, economists Boldrin and Levine prefer to use the term "intellectual monopoly" as a more appropriate and clear definition of the concept, which, they argue, is very dissimilar from property rights  They further argued that "stronger patents do little or nothing to encourage innovation", mainly explained by its tendency to create market monopolies, thereby restricting further innovations and technology transfer On the assumption that intellectual property rights are actual rights, Stallman says that this claim does not live to the historical intentions behind these laws, which in the case of copyright served as a censorship system, and later on, a regulatory model for the printing press that may have benefited authors incidentally, but never interfered with the freedom of average readers  Still referring to copyright, he cites legal literature such as the United States Constitution and case law to demonstrate that the law is meant to be an optional and experimental bargain to temporarily trade property rights and free speech for public, not private, benefits in the form of increased artistic production and knowledge  He mentions that "if copyright were a natural right nothing could justify terminating this right after a certain period of time" Law professor, writer and political activist Lawrence Lessig, along with many other copyleft and free software activists, has criticized the implied analogy with physical property (like land or an automobile)  They argue such an analogy fails because physical property is generally rivalrous while intellectual works are non-rivalrous (that is, if one makes a copy of a work, the enjoyment of the copy does not prevent enjoyment of the original)  Other arguments along these lines claim that unlike the situation with tangible property, there is no natural scarcity of a particular idea or information: once it exists at all, it can be re-used and duplicated indefinitely without such re-use diminishing the original  Stephan Kinsella has objected to intellectual property on the grounds that the word "property" implies scarcity, which may not be applicable to ideas Entrepreneur and politician Rickard Falkvinge and hacker Alexandre Oliva have independently compared George Orwell's fictional dialect Newspeak to the terminology used by intellectual property supporters as a linguistic weapon to shape public opinion regarding copyright debate and DRM 

Alternative terms
In civil law jurisdictions, intellectual property has often been referred to as intellectual rights, traditionally a somewhat broader concept that has included moral rights and other personal protections that cannot be bought or sold  Use of the term intellectual rights has declined since the early 1980s, as use of the term intellectual property has increased 
Alternative terms monopolies on information and intellectual monopoly have emerged among those who argue against the "property" or "intellect" or "rights" assumptions, notably Richard Stallman  The backronyms intellectual protectionism and intellectual poverty, whose initials are also IP, have also found supporters, especially among those who have used the backronym digital restrictions management The argument that an intellectual property right should (in the interests of better balancing of relevant private and public interests) be termed an intellectual monopoly privilege (IMP) has been advanced by several academics including Birgitte Andersen and Thomas Alured Faunce 

Objections to overly broad intellectual property laws
Some critics of intellectual property, such as those in the free culture movement, point at intellectual monopolies as harming health (in the case of pharmaceutical patents), preventing progress, and benefiting concentrated interests to the detriment of the masses, and argue that ever-expansive monopolies in the form of copyright extensions, software patents, and business method patents harm the public interest  More recently scientists and engineers are expressing concern that patent thickets are undermining technological development even in high-tech fields like nanotechnology Petra Moser has asserted that historical analysis suggests that intellectual property laws may harm innovation:

Overall, the weight of the existing historical evidence suggests that patent policies, which grant strong intellectual property rights to early generations of inventors, may discourage innovation  On the contrary, policies that encourage the diffusion of ideas and modify patent laws to facilitate entry and encourage competition may be an effective mechanism to encourage innovation 
In support of that argument, Jörg Baten, Nicola Bianchi and Petra Moser find historical evidence that especially compulsory licensing – which allows governments to license patents without the consent of patent-owners – encouraged invention in Germany in the early 20th century by increasing the threat of competition in fields with low pre-existing levels of competition 
Peter Drahos notes, "Property rights confer authority over resources  When authority is granted to the few over resources on which the many depend, the few gain power over the goals of the many  This has consequences for both political and economic freedom within a society ": 13 The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) recognizes that conflicts may exist between respecting  and implementing current intellectual property systems and other human rights  In 2001 the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights issued a document called "Human rights and intellectual property" that argued that intellectual property tends to be governed by economic goals when it should be viewed primarily as a social product; in order to serve human well-being, intellectual property systems must respect and conform to human rights laws  According to the Committee, when systems fail to do so, they risk infringing upon the human right to food and health, and to cultural participation and scientific benefits  In 2004 the General Assembly of WIPO adopted The Geneva Declaration on the Future of the World Intellectual Property Organization which argues that WIPO should "focus more on the needs of developing countries, and to view IP as one of many tools for development—not as an end in itself" Ethical problems are most pertinent when socially valuable goods like life-saving medicines are given IP protection  While the application of IP rights can allow companies to charge higher than the marginal cost of production in order to recoup the costs of research and development, the price may exclude from the market anyone who cannot afford the cost of the product, in this case a life-saving drug  "An IPR driven regime is therefore not a regime that is conductive to the investment of R&D of products that are socially valuable to predominately poor populations" : 1108–9 Libertarians have differing views on intellectual property  Stephan Kinsella, an anarcho-capitalist on the right-wing of libertarianism, argues against intellectual property because allowing property rights in ideas and information creates artificial scarcity and infringes on the right to own tangible property  Kinsella uses the following scenario to argue this point:

[I]magine the time when men lived in caves  One bright guy—let's call him Galt-Magnon—decides to build a log cabin on an open field, near his crops  To be sure, this is a good idea, and others notice it  They naturally imitate Galt-Magnon, and they start building their own cabins  But the first man to invent a house, according to IP advocates, would have a right to prevent others from building houses on their own land, with their own logs, or to charge them a fee if they do build houses  It is plain that the innovator in these examples becomes a partial owner of the tangible property (e g , land and logs) of others, due not to first occupation and use of that property (for it is already owned), but due to his coming up with an idea  Clearly, this rule flies in the face of the first-user homesteading rule, arbitrarily and groundlessly overriding the very homesteading rule that is at the foundation of all property rights 
Thomas Jefferson once said in a letter to Isaac McPherson on 13 August 1813:

If nature has made any one thing less susceptible than all others of exclusive property, it is the action of the thinking power called an idea, which an individual may exclusively possess as long as he keeps it to himself; but the moment it is divulged, it forces itself into the possession of every one, and the receiver cannot dispossess himself of it  Its peculiar character, too, is that no one possesses the less, because every other possesses the whole of it  He who receives an idea from me, receives instruction himself without lessening mine; as he who lights his taper at mine, receives light without darkening me 
In 2005 the Royal Society of Arts launched the Adelphi Charter, aimed at creating an international policy statement to frame how governments should make balanced intellectual property law Another aspect of current U S  Intellectual Property legislation is its focus on individual and joint works; thus, copyright protection can only be obtained in 'original' works of authorship  Critics like Philip Bennet argue that this does not provide adequate protection against cultural appropriation of indigenous knowledge, for which a collective IP regime is needed Intellectual property law has been criticized as not recognizing new forms of art such as the remix culture, whose participants often commit what technically constitutes violations of such laws, creation works such as anime music videos and others, or are otherwise subject to unnecessary burdens and limitations which prevent them from fully expressing themselves : 70

Objections to the expansion in nature and scope of intellectual property laws
Other criticism of intellectual property law concerns the expansion of intellectual property, both in duration and in scope 
As scientific knowledge has expanded and allowed new industries to arise in fields such as biotechnology and nanotechnology, originators of technology have sought IP protection for the new technologies  Patents have been granted for living organisms, and in the United States, certain living organisms have been patentable for over a century The increase in terms of protection is particularly seen in relation to copyright, which has recently been the subject of serial extensions in the United States and in Europe  With no need for registration or copyright notices, this is thought to have led to an increase in orphan works (copyrighted works for which the copyright owner cannot be contacted), a problem that has been noticed and addressed by governmental bodies around the world Also with respect to copyright, the American film industry helped to change the social construct of intellectual property via its trade organization, the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA)  In amicus briefs in important cases, in lobbying before Congress, and in its statements to the public, the MPAA has advocated strong protection of intellectual property rights  In framing its presentations, the association has claimed that people are entitled to the property that is produced by their labor  Additionally Congress's awareness of the position of the United States as the world's largest producer of films has made it convenient to expand the conception of intellectual property  These doctrinal reforms have further strengthened the industry, lending the MPAA even more power and authority The growth of the Internet, and particularly distributed search engines like Kazaa and Gnutella, have represented a challenge for copyright policy  The Recording Industry Association of America, in particular, has been on the front lines of the fight against copyright infringement, which the industry calls "piracy"  The industry has had victories against some services, including a highly publicized case against the file-sharing company Napster, and some people have been prosecuted for sharing files in violation of copyright  The electronic age has seen an increase in the attempt to use software-based digital rights management tools to restrict the copying and use of digitally based works  Laws such as the Digital Millennium Copyright Act have been enacted that use criminal law to prevent any circumvention of software used to enforce digital rights management systems  Equivalent provisions, to prevent circumvention of copyright protection have existed in EU for some time, and are being expanded in, for example, Article 6 and 7 the Copyright Directive  Other examples are Article 7 of the Software Directive of 1991 (91/250/EEC), and the Conditional Access Directive of 1998 (98/84/EEC)  This can hinder legal uses, affecting public domain works, limitations and exceptions to copyright, or uses allowed by the copyright holder  Some copyleft licenses, like the GNU GPL 3, are designed to counter this  Laws may permit circumvention under specific conditions, such as when it is necessary to achieve interoperability with the circumventor's program, or for accessibility reasons; however, distribution of circumvention tools or instructions may be illegal 
In the context of trademarks, this expansion has been driven by international efforts to harmonise the definition of "trademark", as exemplified by the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights ratified in 1994, which formalized regulations for IP rights that had been handled by common law, or not at all, in member states  Pursuant to TRIPs, any sign which is "capable of distinguishing" the products or services of one business from the products or services of another business is capable of constituting a trademark 

Use in corporate tax avoidance
Intellectual property has become a core tool in corporate tax planning and tax avoidance  IP is a key component of the leading multinational tax avoidance base erosion and profit shifting (BEPS) tools, which the OECD estimates costs $100–240 billion in lost annual tax revenues In 2017–2018, both the U S  and the EU Commission simultaneously decided to depart from the OECD BEPS Project timetable, which was set up in 2013 to combat IP BEPS tax tools like the above, and launch their own anti-IP BEPS tax regimes:

U S  Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017, which has several anti-IP BEPS abuse tax regimes, including GILTI tax and the BEAT tax regimes 
EU Commission 2018 Digital Services Tax, which is less advanced than the U S  TCJA, but does seek to override IP BEPS tools via a quasi-VAT The departure of the U S  and EU Commission from the OECD BEPS Project process, is attributed to frustrations with the rise in IP as a key BEPS tax tool, creating intangible assets, which are then turned into royalty payment BEPS schemes (double Irish), and/or capital allowance BEPS schemes (capital allowances for intangibles)   In contrast, the OECD has spent years developing and advocating intellectual property as a legal and a GAAP accounting concept 

Gender gap in intellectual property
Women have historically been underrepresented in the creation and ownership of intellectual property covered by intellectual property rights  According to the World Intellectual Property Organization, women composed only 16 5% of patent holders even as recently as 2020  This disparity is the result of several factors including systemic bias, sexism and discrimination within the intellectual property space, underrepresentation within STEM, and barriers to access of necessary finance and knowledge in order to obtain intellectual property rights, among other reasons 

See also
Copyfraud
Defensive publication
Freedom of information
Information policy
Libertarian perspectives on intellectual property
New product development
Sweat of the brow
Passage 12:
InfraRecorder
InfraRecorder is an open-source CD and DVD writing program for Microsoft Windows  First started by Christian Kindahl in the Google Summer of Code 2006, InfraRecorder uses the cdrtools software library to perform the actual burning 
Since 0 46, InfraRecorder is released under the terms of the GNU General Public License 3 and is free software  In November 2007, CNET rated InfraRecorder the best free alternative to commercial DVD burning software InfraRecorder is included on the VALO-CD, a collection of open source software for Windows 

Functionality
InfraRecorder supports disk rewriting and dual-layer DVDs  InfraRecorder can also burn a disc from an ISO image file  This program is completely portable on the Windows operating system 
As of version 0 40, InfraRecorder offers features similar to most CD- and DVD-authoring software, including the creation and burning of data and audio disc images, the ability to work with rewritable and multisession discs, and the ability to extract WAV and ISO image files from discs  One can also use the LAME MP3 encoder to save Audio CD tracks 
InfraRecorder is available in a version that will run natively on 64-bit versions of Windows; however, this version doesn't include an Ogg Vorbis decoder or libsnd library due to compilation difficulties with MinGW on the 64-bit Windows platform 

See also
List of optical disc authoring software
List of ISO image software
Passage 13:
CDex
CDex is a free software package for Digital Audio Extraction from Audio CD (a so-called CD ripper) and audio format conversion for Microsoft Windows  It converts CDDA tracks from a CD to standard computer sound files, such as WAV, MP3, or Ogg Vorbis  CDex was previously released as free software under the terms of the GNU General Public License (GPL);  however, although the website claims that this is still the case, no source code has been released since 2005  It was originally written by Albert L  Faber, and is developed and maintained by Georgy Berdyshev  Recent versions of the software may be compromised and a security threat 

Features
CDex is able to convert CD audio into several formats including WAV, Vorbis, MP3 (using the LAME encoder), VQF, Musepack, APE, and many others  As of version 1 70b2 FLAC encoding is native, but for version 1 51 FLAC and other codecs can be used by using an external encoder  It supports CD-Text to allow ripped tracks, with reduced user effort, to have the names of songs, artists and albums  It can also automatically identify (most) inserted audio CDs and look up the metadata by means of an online database (freedb) for automatic tagging, naming and sorting of ripped files  It also includes cdparanoia for robust CD reading  CDex is considered to be very configurable and relatively easy to use 

History
In 2000, at the start of the beta phase for version 1 30, CDex was turned into a free software project (cdexos: CDex Open Source) and hosted on SourceForge net 
In January 2006, the CDex homepage requested a new project manager and developer, implying that Albert L  Faber had abandoned development of CDex   On 5 June 2006, CDex 1 70 Beta 1 was released via the SourceForge net website (ascribed to Georgy Berdyshev)  It was the first official update to the program in almost three years, with CDex 1 70 Beta 2 following soon after on 23 June 2006  In 2008 Berdyshev was joined by Ariane Gomes as project developers  On 18 November 2009 CDex 1 70 Beta 4 was released  CDex 1 70 Final was released on 29 June 2014 featuring a Unicode and Multibyte version 
On 30 June 2007, just one day after the release of the GPLv3, the license of CDex was updated  However, the last version for which source code was made available is 1 70 Beta 2, and the SourceForge project appears to have been shut down in July 2015, shortly after the release of version 1 79 
From version 1 76 the installer includes the adware OpenCandy 
In November 2017 version 1 96 was released  It is not clear who is the current code maintainer, and no contact details are provided  Four further versions were released by March 2018 
The default Remote Server database in CDEx, Freedb, became inaccessible by June 2020   The gnudb org site at location gnudb gnudb org (on HTTP port 80) using proxy gnudb org works as a replacement for the inactive default Remote Server database 

Potential risk
The recent reincarnation of CDex has seen a number of sponsored programs being automatically selected during installation with little information about their nature  Scan results suggest there may be a substantial risk to any system these are installed on along with the source code no longer being publicly accessible, preventing independent code review 
This project should be considered as exploited by the new maintainer and should not be trusted  This project should not be trusted or installed on your machine  As the new maintainer has taken over new releases have been pushed out showing activity, the support links are broken, the ticketing system does not exist and is a broken link, there are no contact details or method to interact with the developer and the installer is installing adware without any notifications  The new maintainer has exploited the strong reputation and work of the project and turned it into mechanism to profit  Updates are being made to the application, including the installer with hidden software being installed 
Later versions apparently also add artifacts to ends of certain tracks that are ripped by the program   Rolling back to an earlier version of the program eliminates this issue 
Context 2: Passage 1:
East Timor
East Timor ( (listen)), also known as Timor-Leste (; Portuguese pronunciation: [tiˈmoɾ ˈlɛʃtɨ]), officially the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, is a country in Southeast Asia  It comprises the eastern half of the island of Timor, of which the western half is administered by Indonesia, the exclave of Oecusse on the island's north-western half, and the minor islands of Atauro and Jaco  Australia is the country's southern neighbour, separated by the Timor Sea  The country's size is 14,874 square kilometres (5,743 sq mi)  Dili is its capital and largest city 
East Timor came under Portuguese influence in the sixteenth century, remaining a Portuguese colony until 1975  Internal conflict preceded a unilateral declaration of independence and an Indonesian invasion and annexation  Resistance continued throughout Indonesian rule, and, in 1999, a United Nations–sponsored act of self-determination led to Indonesia relinquishing control of the territory  On 20 May 2002, as Timor-Leste, it became the first new sovereign state of the 21st century  That same year, relations with Indonesia were established and normalized, with Indonesia also supporting East Timor's accession into ASEAN  
The national government runs on a semi-presidential system, with the popularly elected president sharing power with a prime minister appointed by the National Parliament  Power is centralised under the national government, although many local leaders have informal influence  The country maintains a policy of international cooperation, and is a member of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, an observer of the Pacific Islands Forum, and an applicant for ASEAN membership  The country remains relatively poor, with an economy that relies heavily on natural resources, especially oil, and foreign aid 
The total population is over 1 1 million, and is heavily skewed towards young people due to a high fertility rate  Education has led to increasing literacy over the past half-century, especially in the two official languages of Portuguese and Tetum  High ethnic and linguistic diversity is reflected by the 30 indigenous languages spoken in the country  The majority of the population is Catholic, which exists alongside strong local traditions, especially in rural areas 

Name
"Timor" is derived from timur, meaning 'east' in Malay, thus resulting in a tautological place name meaning 'East East'  In Indonesian, this results in the name Timor Timur  (this name only refers to the former de facto Indonesian province, Timor Leste is used instead to refer this country)  In Portuguese, the country is called Timor-Leste (Leste meaning 'east')  In Tetum it is Timór Lorosa'e (Lorosa'e can be literally translated as 'where the sun rises') The official names under its constitution are "Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste" in English, "República Democrática de Timor-Leste" in Portuguese, and "Repúblika Demokrátika Timór-Leste" in Tetum  The official short form of the name is "Timor-Leste", and it uses the ISO codes TLS & TL 

History
Prehistory and Classical era
Cultural remains at Jerimalai on the eastern tip of East Timor have been dated to 42,000 years ago  The first known inhabitants are those who arrived during the Australo-Melanesian migration through the region, likely bringing the precursors to today's Papuan languages  A later migration of Austroasiatic-speakers is suspected, although no such languages remain  The arrival of Austronesian peoples brought new languages, and merged with existing cultures on the island  Timorese origin myths recount settlers sailing around the eastern end of the island before landing in the south  These people are sometimes noted as being from the Malay Peninsula or the Minangkabau highlands of Sumatra  Austronesian migration to Timor may be associated with the development of agriculture on the island While information is limited about the political system of Timor during this period, the island had developed an interconnected series of polities governed by customary law  Small communities, centred around a particular sacred house, were part of wider sucos (or principalities), which were themselves part of larger kingdoms led by a liurai  Authority within these kingdoms was held by two individuals, with the worldly power of the liurai balanced by the spiritual power of a rai nain, who was generally associated with the primary sacred house of the kingdom  These polities were numerous and saw shifting alliances and relations, but many were stable enough that they survived from initial European documentation in the 16th century until the end of Portuguese rule : 11–15 From perhaps the thirteenth century, the island exported sandalwood,: 267  which was valued both for its use in crafting and as a source of perfume  Timor was included in Southeast Asian, Chinese, and Indian trading networks by the fourteenth century, exporting sandalwood, honey, and wax  The island was recorded by the Majapahit Empire as a source of tribute : 89  It was sandalwood that attracted European explorers to the island in the early sixteenth century  Early European presence was limited to trade, with the first Portuguese settlement being on the nearby island of Solor : 90

Portuguese era (1769–1975)
Early Portuguese presence on Timor was very limited; trade was directed through Portuguese settlements on nearby islands  Only in the 17th century did they establish a more direct presence on the island, a consequence of being driven out of other islands by the Dutch : 267  After Solor was lost in 1613 the Portuguese moved to Flores  In 1646 the capital moved to Kupang on Timor's west, before Kupang too was lost to the Dutch in 1652  The Portuguese then moved to Lifau, in what is now East Timor's Oecusse exclave : 90  Effective European occupation in the east of the island only began in 1769, when the city of Dili was founded, although actual control remained highly limited  A definitive border between the Dutch and Portuguese parts of the island was established by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 1914 and remains the international boundary between the successor states Indonesia and East Timor, respectively For the Portuguese, East Timor remained little more than a neglected trading post, with minimal investment in infrastructure and education, until the late nineteenth century  Even when Portugal established actual control over the interior of its colony, investment remained minimal : 269, 273  Sandalwood continued to be the main export crop and coffee exports became significant in the mid-nineteenth century At the beginning of the twentieth century, a faltering domestic economy prompted the Portuguese to extract greater wealth from its colonies, which was met with East Timorese resistance  The colony was seen as an economic burden during the Great Depression and received little support or management from Portugal : 269 During World War II, Dili was occupied by the Allies in 1941, and later by the Japanese beginning in 1942  The mountainous interior of the colony became the scene of a guerrilla campaign, known as the Battle of Timor  Waged by East Timorese volunteers and Allied forces against the Japanese, the struggle killed between 40,000 and 70,000 East Timorese civilians  The Japanese eventually drove the last of the Australian and Allied forces out in early 1943  Portuguese control resumed, however, after Japanese surrender at the end of World War II Portugal began investment in the colony in the 1950s, funding education and promoting coffee exports, but the economy did not improve substantially and infrastructure improvements were limited : 269  Growth rates remained low, near 2%  Following the 1974 Portuguese revolution, Portugal effectively abandoned its colony in Timor, and civil war between East Timorese political parties broke out in 1975 
The Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) resisted a Timorese Democratic Union (UDT) coup attempt in August 1975, and unilaterally declared independence on 28 November 1975  Fearing a communist state within the Indonesian archipelago, the Indonesian military launched an invasion of East Timor in December 1975  Indonesia declared East Timor its 27th province on 17 July 1976  The United Nations Security Council opposed the invasion, and the territory's nominal status in the UN remained as "non-self-governing territory under Portuguese administration" 

Indonesian occupation (1975–1999)
Fretilin resisted the invasion, initially as an army, holding territory until November 1978, and then as a guerrilla resistance  The Indonesian occupation of Timor was marked by violence and brutality  A detailed statistical report prepared for the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor cited a minimum of 102,800 conflict-related deaths in the period between 1974 and 1999, including approximately 18,600 killings and 84,200 excess deaths from hunger and illness  The total number of conflict-related deaths during this period is difficult to determine due to a lack of data  One estimate based on Portuguese, Indonesian, and Catholic Church data suggests it may have been as high as 200,000  Repression and restrictions counteracted improvements in health and education infrastructure and services, meaning there was little overall improvement in living standards; economic growth mostly benefited immigrants from elsewhere in Indonesia : 271  A huge expansion of education was intended to increase Indonesian language use and internal security as much as it was for development The 1991 massacre of more than 200 demonstrators by the Indonesian military was a turning point for the independence cause, and brought increased international pressure on Indonesia  Following the resignation of Indonesian President Suharto, the new President BJ Habibie, prompted by a letter from Australian Prime Minister John Howard, decided to hold a referendum on independence  A UN-sponsored agreement between Indonesia and Portugal allowed for a UN-supervised popular referendum in August 1999  A clear vote for independence was met with a punitive campaign of violence by East Timorese pro-integration militias supported by elements of the Indonesian military  In response, the Indonesian government allowed a multinational peacekeeping force, INTERFET, to restore order and aid East Timorese refugees and internally displaced persons  On 25 October 1999, the administration of East Timor was taken over by the UN through the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET)  INTERFET deployment ended in February 2000 with the transfer of military command to the UN 

Contemporary era
On 30 August 2001, the East Timorese voted in their first election organised by the UN to elect members of the Constituent Assembly  On 22 March 2002, the Constituent Assembly approved the Constitution  By May 2002, more than 205,000 refugees had returned  On 20 May 2002, the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of East Timor came into force and East Timor was recognised as independent by the UN  The Constituent Assembly was renamed the National Parliament, and Xanana Gusmão was elected as the country's first president  On 27 September 2002 the country became a UN member state In 2006, a crisis of unrest and factional fighting forced 155,000 people to flee their homes; the United Nations sent in security forces to restore order  The following year, Gusmão declined to run for another term  While there were minor incidents in the build-up to the mid-year presidential elections, the process was peaceful overall and José Ramos-Horta was elected president  In June 2007, Gusmão ran in the parliamentary elections and became prime minister at the head of the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) party  In February 2008, Ramos-Horta was critically injured in an attempted assassination; Prime Minister Gusmão also faced gunfire separately but escaped unharmed  Australian reinforcements were immediately sent to help keep order  In March 2011, the UN handed over operational control of the police force to the East Timor authorities  The United Nations ended its peacekeeping mission on 31 December 2012 Francisco Guterres of the centre-left Fretilin party became president in May 2017  The leader of Fretilin, Mari Alkatiri, formed a coalition government after the July 2017 parliamentary election  This government soon fell, leading to a second general election in May 2018  In June 2018, former president and independence fighter, Taur Matan Ruak, became the new prime minister  José Ramos-Horta again became president on 20 May 2022 after winning the April 2022 presidential election runoff against Francisco Guterres 

Politics and government
The political system of East Timor is semi-presidential, based upon the Portuguese system : 175  The constitution establishes both this separation of executive powers between the president and the prime minister; and the separation of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary : 12  Individuals are not allowed to participate in both the legislature and the executive branch  The legislature is intended to provide a check on the executive; in practice the executive has maintained control of the legislature under all political parties, reflecting the dominance of individual leaders within political parties and coalitions : 174  The executive, through the council of ministers, also holds some formal legislative powers : 175  The judiciary operates independently, although there are instances of executive interference : 13, 39  Some courts shift between locations, to improve access for those in more isolated areas  Despite political rhetoric, the constitution and democratic institutions have been followed by politicians, and changes of government are peaceful : 15, 42  Elections are run by an independent body,: 216  and turnout is high, ranging from around 70% to 85% : 17  The political system has wide public acceptance : 17 : 106 The head of state of East Timor is the president of the republic, who is elected by popular vote for a five-year term,: 244  and can serve a maximum of two terms  Formally, the directly elected president holds relatively limited powers compared to those in similar systems, with no power over the appointment and dismissal of the prime minister and the council of ministers  However, as they are directly elected, past presidents have wielded great informal power and influence : 175  The president does have the power to veto government legislation, initiate referendums, and to dissolve parliament in the event that it is unable to form a government or pass a budget : 244  If the president vetoes a legislative action, the parliament can overturn the veto with a two-thirds majority : 10  The prime minister is chosen by the parliament, with the president appointing the leader of the majority party or coalition as prime minister of East Timor and the cabinet on the proposal of the latter : 10  As head of government, the prime minister presides over the cabinet 

Representatives in the unicameral National Parliament are elected by popular vote to a five-year term  The number of seats can vary from a minimum of fifty-two to a maximum of sixty-five  Parties must achieve 3% of the vote to enter parliament, with seats for qualifying parties allocated using the D'Hondt method  Elections occur within the framework of a competitive multi-party system  Upon independence, power was held by the Fretilin political party, which was formed shortly before the Indonesian invasion and led its resistance  Given its history, Fretilin viewed itself as the natural party of government and supported a multi-party system, expecting the development of a dominant-party system  Support from the United Nations and the international community, both before and after independence, allowed the nascent political system to survive shocks such as the 2006 crisis : 173 Candidates in parliamentary elections run in a single national district in a party-list system  One in three of all candidates presented by political parties must be women  This system promotes a diversity of political parties, but gives voters little influence over the individual candidates selected by each party : 175–176  Women hold more than a third of parliamentary seats, with parties required by law to run female candidates, but they are less prominent at other levels and within party leadership Political divisions exist along class lines and along geographical lines  There is broadly a divide between eastern and western areas of the country, stemming from differences that arose under Indonesian rule  Fretilin in particular is strongly linked to the Eastern areas : 176–177  Political parties are more closely associated with prominent personalities more than with ideology : 16  The National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction became the main opposition to Fretilin, following its establishment to allow Xanana Gusmão to run for Prime Minister in the 2007 parliamentary elections : 168–169  While both major parties have been relatively stable, they remain led by an "old guard" of individuals who came to prominence during the resistance against Indonesia : 175 : 10–11 Politics and administration is centred in the capital Dili, with the national government responsible for most civil services : 9, 36  Oecusse, separated from the rest of the country by Indonesian territory, is a special administrative region with some autonomy : 180  The National Police of East Timor and Timor Leste Defence Force have held a monopoly on violence since 2008 and very few guns are present outside of these organisations : 8  While there are allegations of abuse of power, there is some judicial oversight of police and public trust in the institution has grown  An active civil society functions independently of the government, as do media outlets : 11–12  Civil society organisations are concentrated in the capital, including student groups  Due to the structure of the economy, there are no powerful trade unions : 17  The Catholic Church has strong influence in the country : 40

Foreign relations and military
International cooperation has always been important to East Timor; donor funds made up 80% of the budget before oil revenues began to replace them : 42–44  International forces also provided security, with five UN missions sent to the country from 1999  The final one, the United Nations Integrated Mission in East Timor, began after the 2006 East Timorese crisis and concluded in 2012 : 4, 14 East Timor formally applied to join ASEAN in 2011,: 42–44  and was granted observer status and accepted "in principle" in November 2022  Despite the nationalist political leadership promoting closer ties with Melanesian states, the country has targeted ASEAN membership since before its independence, with its leaders stating that joining Pacific bodies would have precluded ASEAN membership  ASEAN membership was sought for economic and security reasons, including to improve the relationship with Indonesia  Nonetheless, the process has been slow due to a lack of support from some ASEAN states : 10–11  East Timor is thus an observer to the Pacific Islands Forum and the Melanesian Spearhead Group  More broadly, the country is a leader within the Group of Seven Plus (g7+), an organisation of fragile states  It is also a member of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries : 42–44 Continuing bilateral donors include Australia, Portugal, Germany, and Japan, and East Timor has a reputation for effectively and transparently using donor funds  Good relations with Australia and with Indonesia are a policy goal for the government, despite historical and more-recent tensions  These countries are important economic partners and provide most transport links to the country : 42–44  China has also increased its presence by contributing to infrastructure in Dili : 12 The relationship with Australia was dominated from before independence by disputes over natural resources in the ocean between them, hampering the establishment of a mutually agreed border  The dominance of Australian hard power led East Timor to utilise public diplomacy and forums for international law to push their case  The dispute was resolved in 2018 following negotiations at the Permanent Court of Arbitration, when a maritime boundary between the two was established along with an agreement on natural resource revenues The Timor Leste Defence Force (F-FDTL) was established in 2001, replacing Falintil, and was restructured following the events of 2006  It is responsible not only for safeguarding against external threats, but also for addressing violent crime, a role it shares with the National Police of East Timor  These forces remain small: 2,200 soldiers in the regular army and 80 in a naval component  A single aircraft and seven patrol boats are operated, and there are plans to expand the naval component  There is some military cooperation with Australia, Portugal, and the United States 

Administrative divisions
East Timor is divided into fourteen municipalities, which in turn are subdivided into 64 administrative posts, 442 sucos (villages), and 2,225 aldeias (hamlets)  The municipalities are: Aileu, Ainaro, Atauro, Baucau, Bobonaro, Cova Lima, Dili, Ermera, Lautém, Liquiçá, Manatuto, Manufahi, Oecusse, and Viqueque The existing system of municipalities and administrative posts was established during Portuguese rule : 3  While decentralisation is mentioned in the constitution, administrative powers generally remain with the national government operating out of Dili : 2  Upon independence there was debate about how to implement decentralisation; various proposed models would create different levels of administration between the sucos and the central government  In most proposals, there were no specific provisions for suco-level governance, and they were expected to continue to exist as mostly traditional spaces, identifying communities rather than being part of the civil administration  In the end, the existing districts were kept and renamed municipalities in 2009, and received very few powers : 88–92  In 2016 changes were made so that each municipality is led by a civil servant appointed by the central government  This civil servant is advised by locally elected leaders : 4, 7  The isolated Oecusse municipality, which has a strong identity and is fully surrounded by Indonesian territory, is specified by Articles 5 and 71 of the 2002 constitution to be governed by a special administrative policy and economic regime  Law 3/2014 of 18 June 2014 implemented this constitutional provision, which went into effect in January 2015, turning Oecusse into a Special Administrative Region  The region began operating its own civil service in June 2015  In January 2022 the island of Atauro, formerly an Administrative Post of Dili, became its own municipality Administration in the lowest levels of the administrative system of East Timor, the aldeias and sucos, generally reflects traditional customs,: 1  reflecting community identity and relationships between local households : 4  Sucos generally contain 2,000 to 3,000 inhabitants  Their long persistence and links to local governance means the sucos are the level of government that is linked to community identities, rather than any high level of administration : 89  Such relationships, however, are associated specifically with the kinship groups within that land, rather than the land itself : 52–53  Relationships between sucos also reflect customary practices, for example through the reciprocal exchanging of support for local initiatives : 9  Laws passed in 2004 provided for the election of some suco officials, but assigned these positions no formal powers  An updated law in 2009 established the expected mandate of these positions, although it continued to leave them outside of the formal state system, reliant on municipal governments to provide formal administration and services : 94–97  Further clarification was given in 2016, which entrenched the treatment of sucos and aldeias more as communities than formal levels of administration  Despite this lack of formal association with the state, suco leaders hold great influence and are often seen by their community as representatives of the state  They have responsibilities usually associated with civic administration : 7–10

Geography
Located in between Southeast Asia and the South Pacific,: 2  the island of Timor is the largest of the Lesser Sunda Islands, which lie within the Malay archipelago : 1  The island is surrounded by the Ombai and Wetar Straits of the rougher Banda Sea in the north, and the calmer Timor Sea in the south : 2  East Timor shares the island with Indonesia, with Indonesian territory separating the Oecusse exclave from the rest of the country  The island of Atauro lies north of the mainland,: 2  with the fourth area being the small island of Jaco  The Savu Sea lies north of Oecusse : 1  The country is about 265 kilometres (165 mi) long and 97 kilometres (60 mi) wide, with a total land area of 14,874 square kilometres (5,743 sq mi) : 1  This territory is situated between 8′15S – 10′30S latitude and 125′50E – 127′30E longitude : 2  The country's coastline covers around 700 kilometres (430 mi),: 27  while the main land border with Indonesia is 125 kilometres (78 mi) long, and the Oecusse land border is around 100 kilometres (62 mi) long : 1  Maritime borders exist with Australia to the south and Indonesia elsewhere  East Timor has an exclusive economic zone of 77,051 km2 (29,750 sq mi) The interior of the country is mountainous,: 2  with ridges of inactive volcanic mountains extending along the island : 2  Almost half of the country has a slope of at least 40%  The south is slightly less mountainous, and has some plains near the coastline : 2  The highest point is Tatamailau (also known as Mount Ramelau) at 2,963 metres (9,721 ft)  Most rivers dry up at least partially during the dry season : 2  Outside of some coastal areas and river valleys, the soil is shallow and prone to erosion, and its quality is poor : 13 : 2  The capital and largest city is Dili  The second-largest city is the eastern town of Baucau : 22 

The climate is tropical with relatively stable temperatures throughout the year  A wet season lasts from December to May throughout the country, and lasts slightly longer in the south: 5  and the interior due to the effect of a monsoon from Australia : 2  During this period, rainfall can reach 222–252 millimetres (8 7–9 9 in) per month  In the dry season, it drops to 12–18 millimetres (0 47–0 71 in) : 5  The country is vulnerable to flooding and landslides that occur as a result of heavy rain, especially when rainfall levels are increased by the La Niña effect : 13  The mountainous interior is cooler than the coasts  Coastal areas are heavily dependent on groundwater, which faces pressure from mismanagement, deforestation, and climate change : 14  While the temperature is thought to have experienced a small increase due to climate change, there has been little change in annual rainfall : 6 Coastal ecosystems around the country are diverse and varied, with vary spatially between the north and south coastlines, as well as between the eastern tip and areas more to the west  These ecosystems include coral reefs, as the country's waters are part of the Coral Triangle biodiversity hotspot : 28  The easternmost area of East Timor consists of the Paitchau Range and the Lake Ira Lalaro area, which contains the country's first conservation area, the Nino Konis Santana National Park  It contains the last remaining tropical dry forested area within the country  It hosts a number of unique plant and animal species and is sparsely populated  The northern coast is characterised by a number of coral reef systems that have been determined to be at risk There are around 41,000 terrestrial plant species in the country  Forests covered 35% of East Timor's land in the mid 2010s : 1  The forests of the northern coast, central uplands, and southern coast are distinct : 2  East Timor is home to the Timor and Wetar deciduous forests ecoregion  There is some environmental protection in law, but it has not been a government priority : 27 : 10–14  In addition to climate change, local ecosystems are threatened by deforestation, land degradation, overfishing, and pollution : 2–3

Economy
The economy of East Timor is a market economy, although it is dependent upon the export of a few commodities and has a large public sector  Internally, market operations are limited by widespread poverty : 20  The country uses the United States dollar, producing its own coins to facilitate smaller transactions  The economy is generally open to foreign investment, although a prohibition on foreigners owning land means many require a local partner in the country : 20  Competition is limited by the small size of the economy, rather than any government barriers  There are far more imports than exports,: 21  and prices for goods are often higher than in nearby countries : 27  Inflation is strongly affected by government spending : 257  Growth has been slow, averaging just 2 5% per year from 2011 to 2021 : 24 Most of the country is very poor, with just more than 40% living under the national poverty line  This poverty is especially prevalent in rural areas, where many are subsistence farmers or fishermen  Even in urban areas, the majority are poor  Overall, women are poorer than men, often being employed in lower-paying careers : 18  Malnutrition is common, with over half of children showing stunted growth : 255  While 91% of married working age (15–49) men were employed as of 2016, only 43% of married working age women were  There are small disparities in favour of men in terms of home and land ownership and owning a bank account : 14  The eastern three municipalities, which contain around a quarter of the population, has less poverty than the western areas, which contain 50% of the population : 214 Sixty-six per cent of families are in part supported by subsistence activities; however, the country as a whole does not produce enough food to be self-sustaining, and thus relies on imports : 16  Agricultural work carries the implication of poverty, and the sector receives little investment from the government : 260  Ninety-four per cent of domestic fish catch comes from the ocean, especially coastal fisheries : 17  Those in the capital of Dili are on average better off, although they remain poor by international standards : 257  The small size of the private sector means the government is often the customer of public businesses  A quarter of the national population works in the informal economy, with the official public and private sectors employing 9% each : 18  Of those of working age, around 23% are in the formal sector, 21% are students, and 27% are subsistence farmers and fishers : 21  The economy is mostly cash-based, with little commercial credit available from banks : 11–12  Remittances from overseas workers add up to around $100 million annually : 257 

This poverty belies significant wealth in terms of natural resources, which at the time of independence had per capita value equivalent to the wealth of an upper-middle income country  Over half of this was in oil, and over a quarter natural gas  The Timor-Leste Petroleum Fund was established in 2005 to turn these non-renewable resources into a more sustainable form of wealth : 4–6  From 2005 to 2021, $23 billion earned from oil sales has entered the fund  $8 billion has been generated from investments, while $12 billion has been spent : 30  A decrease in oil and gas reserves led to decreasing HDI beginning in 2010 : 18–19  Eighty per cent of government spending comes from this fund, which as of 2021 had $19 billion, 10 times greater than the size of the national budget  As oil income has decreased, the fund is at risk of being exhausted  Withdrawals have exceeded sustainable levels almost every year since 2009 : 23  Resources within the Bayu-Undan field are expected to soon run out, while extracting those within the so far undeveloped Greater Sunrise field has proven technically and politically challenging  Remaining potential reserves are also losing value as oil and gas become less favoured sources of energy : 264–272 The country's economy is dependent on government spending and, to a lesser extent, assistance from foreign donors  Government spending decreased beginning in 2012, which had knock-on effects in the private sector over the following years  The government and its state-owned oil company often invest in large private projects  Decreasing government spending was matched with a decrease in GDP growth : 18  After the petroleum fund, the second largest source of government income is taxes  Tax revenue is less than 8% of GDP, lower than many other countries in the region and with similarly sized economies  Other government income comes from 23 "autonomous agencies", which include port authorities, infrastructure companies, and the National University of East Timor : 13, 28–309  Overall, government spending remains among the highest in the world,: 12  although investment into education, health, and water infrastructure is negligible : 260 

Private sector development has lagged due to human capital shortages, infrastructure weakness, an incomplete legal system, and an inefficient regulatory environment  Property rights remain ill-defined, with conflicting titles from Portuguese and Indonesian rule, as well as needing to accommodate traditional customary rights : 23  As of 2010, 87 7% of urban (321,043 people) and 18 9% of rural (821,459 people) households have electricity, for an overall average of 38 2%  The private sector shrank between 2014 and 2018, despite a growing working age population  Agriculture and manufacturing are less productive per capita than at independence : 255–256  Non-oil economic sectors have failed to develop, and growth in construction and administration is dependent on oil revenue : 256  The dependence on oil shows some aspects of a resource curse  Coffee made up 90% of all non-fossil fuel exports from 2013 to 2019, with all such exports totalling to around US$20 million annually : 257  In 2017, the country was visited by 75,000 tourists 

Demographics
East Timor recorded a population of 1,183,643 in its 2015 census  The population lives mainly along the coastline, where all urban areas are located : 27  Those in urban areas generally have more formal education, employment prospects, and healthcare  While a strong gender disparity exists throughout the country, it is less severe in the urban capital  The wealthy minority often go abroad for health, education and other purposes : 25  The population is young, with the median age being under 20 : 29  In particular, a large proportion of the population (almost 45% in 2015) are males between the ages of 15 and 24, the third largest male 'youth bulge' in the world : 212 The Government of Timor-Leste's website lists the English-language demonym for East Timor as Timorese  Other reference sources list it as East Timorese  The word Maubere formerly used by the Portuguese to refer to native East Timorese and often employed as synonymous with the illiterate and uneducated, was adopted by Fretilin as a term of pride Healthcare received 6% of the national budget in 2021 : 24  From 1990 to 2019 life expectancy rose from 48 5 to 69 5  Expected years of schooling rose from 9 8 to 12 4 between 2000 and 2010, while mean years of schooling rose from 2 8 to 4 4  Progress since 2010 for these has been limited  Gross national income per capita similarly peaked in 2010, and has decreased since : 3  As of 2016, 45 8% of East Timorese were impoverished, 16 3% severely so : 6  The fertility rate, which at the time of independence was the highest in the world at 7 8, dropped to 4 2 by 2016  It is relatively higher in rural areas, and among poorer: 3  and less literate households  As of 2016, the average household size was 5 3, with 41% of people aged under 15, and 18% of households headed by women : 2  Infant mortality stood at 30 per 1,000, down from 60 per 1,000 in 2003 : 7  46% of children under 5 showed stunted growth, down from 58% in 2010  Working age adult obesity increased from 5% to 10% during the same time period  As of 2016, 40% of children, 23% of women, and 13% of men had anemia : 11

Ethnicity and language
Timorese communities are not strictly defined by ethnic background or linguistic group  Separate communities may share ethnicity or language, and many areas show overlaps and hybridisation between ethnic and linguistic groups : 44  Familial relations and descent, which are interlinked with sacred house affiliation, are a more important indicator of identity : 47  Each family group generally identifies with a single language or dialect : 49  With this immense local variation in mind, there is a broad cultural and identity distinction between the east (Bacau, Lautém, and Viqueque Municipalities) and the west of the country, a product of history more than it is of linguistic and ethnic differences,: 45–47  although it is very loosely associated with the two language groups : 142–143  There is a small mestiço population of mixed Portuguese and local descent  There is a small Chinese minority, most of whom are Hakka  Many Chinese left in the mid-1970s, but a significant number have also returned to East Timor following the end of Indonesian occupation  East Timor has a small community of Timorese Indian, specifically Goan descent, as well as historical immigration from Africa and Yemen Likely reflecting the mixed origins of the different ethnolinguistic groups of the island, the indigenous languages fall into two language families: Austronesian and Papuan : 10  Depending on how they are classified, there are up to 19 indigenous languages with up to 30 dialects : 136  Aside from Tetum, Ethnologue lists the following indigenous languages: Adabe, Baikeno, Bunak, Fataluku, Galoli, Habun, Idaté, Kairui-Midiki, Kemak, Lakalei, Makasae, Makuv'a, Mambae, Nauete, Tukudede, and Waima'a  According to the Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger, there are six endangered languages in East Timor: Adabe, Habu, Kairui-Midiki, Maku'a, Naueti, and Waima'a  The largest Malayo-Polynesian group is the Tetum, mostly around Dili or the western border  Other Malayo-Polynesian languages with native speakers of more than 40,000 are Mambai in the central mountains south of Dili, Baikeno in Oecusse, Kemak in the north-west interior, and Tokodede on the northwest coast  The main Papuan languages spoken are Bunak in the centre of Timor, especially within Bobonaro Municipality; Makasae in the eastern Baucau and Viqueque municipalities; and Fataluku in the eastern Lautém Municipality : 43  The 2015 census found that the most commonly spoken mother tongues were Tetum Prasa (mother tongue for 30 6% of the population), Mambai (16 6%), Makasai (10 5%), Tetum Terik (6 05%), Baikenu (5 87%), Kemak (5 85%), Bunak (5 48%), Tokodede (3 97%), and Fataluku (3 52%)  Other indigenous languages accounted for 10 47%, while 1 09% of the population spoke foreign languages natively East Timor's two official languages are Portuguese and Tetum  In addition, English and Indonesian are designated by the constitution as "working languages" : 3  This is within the Final and Transitional Provisions, which do not set a final date  In 2012, 35% could speak, read, and write Portuguese, which is up significantly from less than 5% in the 2006 UN Development Report  Portuguese is recovering as it has now been made the main official language of Timor, and is being taught in most schools  The use of Portuguese for government information and in the court system provides some barriers to access for those who do not speak it  Tetum is also not understood by everyone in the country : 11  According to the Observatory of the Portuguese Language, the East Timorese literacy rate was 77 8% in Tetum, 55 6% in Indonesian, and 39 3% in Portuguese, and that the primary literacy rate increased from 73% in 2009 to 83% in 2012  According to the 2015 census, 50% of the population between the ages of 14 and 24 can speak and understand Portuguese  The 2015 census found around 15% of those over the age of five were literate in English 

Education
East Timor's adult literacy rate was 68% among adults, and 84% among those aged 15–24, as of 2021  It is slightly higher among women than men : 27  More girls than boys attend school, although some drop out upon reaching puberty : 25  As of 2016 22% of working age women (15–49) and 19% of working age men had no education, 15% of women and 18% of men had some primary education, 52% of women and 51% of men had some secondary education, and 11% of women and 12% of men had higher education  Overall, 75% of women and 82% of men were literate : 2  Primary schools exist throughout the country, although the quality of materials and teaching is often poor  Secondary schools are generally limited to municipal capitals  Education takes up 10% of the national budget : 27  The country's main university is the National University of East Timor  There are also four colleges Since independence, both Indonesian and Tetum have lost ground as media of instruction, while Portuguese has increased: in 2001 only 8 4% of primary school and 6 8% of secondary school students attended a Portuguese-medium school; by 2005 this had increased to 81 6% for primary and 46 3% for secondary schools  Indonesian formerly played a considerable role in education, being used by 73 7% of all secondary school students as a medium of instruction, but by 2005 Portuguese was used by most schools in Baucau, Manatuto, as well as the capital district  Portugal provides support to about 3% of the public schools in East Timor, focused on those in urban areas, further encouraging the use of the Portuguese language : 28

Religion
While the Constitution of East Timor enshrines the principles of freedom of religion and separation of church and state, Section 45 Comma 1 also acknowledges "the participation of the Catholic Church in the process of national liberation" in its preamble  Upon independence, the country joined the Philippines to become the only two predominantly Catholic states in Asia, although nearby parts of eastern Indonesia such as Flores and parts of Western New Guinea also have Catholic majorities According to the 2015 census, 97 57% of the population is Catholic; 1 96% Protestant; 0 24% Muslim; 0 08% Traditional; 0 05% Buddhist; 0 02% Hindu, and 0 08% other religions  A 2016 survey conducted by the Demographic and Health Survey programme showed that Catholics made up 98 3% of the population, Protestants 1 2%, and Muslims 0 3% The number of churches grew from 100 in 1974 to more than 800 in 1994, with Church membership having grown considerably under Indonesian rule as Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, requires all citizens to believe in one God and does not recognise traditional beliefs  East Timorese animist belief systems did not fit with Indonesia's constitutional monotheism, resulting in mass conversions to Christianity  Portuguese clergy were replaced with Indonesian priests and Latin and Portuguese mass was replaced by Indonesian mass  While just 20% of East Timorese called themselves Catholics at the time of the 1975 invasion, the figure surged to reach 95% by the end of the first decade after the invasion  The Roman Catholic Church divides East Timor into three dioceses: the Archdiocese of Díli, the Diocese of Baucau, and the Diocese of Maliana  In rural areas, Roman Catholicism is syncretised with local animist beliefs  The number of Protestants and Muslims declined significantly after September 1999, as these groups were disproportionately represented among supporters of integration with Indonesia  Fewer than half of previous Protestant congregations existed after September 1999, and many Protestants were among those who remained in West Timor 

Culture
The many cultures within East Timor stem from the several waves of Austronesian and Melanesian migration that led to the current population, with unique identities and traditions developing within each petty kingdom  Portuguese authorities built upon traditional structures, blending Portuguese influence into the existing political and social systems : 91–92  The presence of the Catholic Church created a point of commonality across the various ethnic groups, despite full conversion remaining limited  The Portuguese language also provided common linkages, even if direct Portuguese impact was limited : 97–98  Under Indonesian rule, resistance strengthened cultural links to Catholicism and the Portuguese language  At the same time, Indonesian cultural influence was spread through schools and administration : 98–99 The preservation of traditional beliefs in the face of Indonesian attempts to suppress them became linked to the creation of the country's national identity : 7–13  This national identity only began to emerge at the very end of Portuguese rule, and further developed during Indonesian rule : 134–136  Following independence, a civic identity began to develop  This was most clearly expressed through enthusiasm for national-level democracy,: 155–156  and was reflected in politics through a shift from resistance narratives to development ones : 3  The capital has developed a more cosmopolitan culture, while rural areas maintain stronger traditional practices : 30  Internal migration into urban areas, especially Dili, creates cultural links between these areas and rural hinterlands  Those in urban areas often continue to identify with a specific rural area, even those with multiple generations born in Dili : 53–54 The presence of so many ethnic and linguistic groups means cultural practices vary across the country : 11  These practices reflect historical social structures and practices, where political leaders were regarded as having spiritual powers  Ancestry was an important part of cultural practices, and partly signified leadership  Leaders often had influence over land use, and these leaders continue to play an informal role in land disputes and other aspects of community practice today  An important traditional concept is lulik, or sacredness  Some lulik ceremonies continue to reflect animist beliefs, for example through divination ceremonies which vary throughout the country  Sacred status can also be associated with objects, such as Portuguese flags which have been passed down within families : 7–13 

Community life is centred around sacred houses (Uma Lulik), physical structures which serve as a representative symbol and identifier for each community : 47–49  The architectural style of these houses varies between different parts of the country, although following widespread destruction by Indonesian forces many were rebuilt with cheap modern materials : 22–25  The house as a concept extends beyond the physical object to the surrounding community : 92–93, 96  Kinship systems exist within and between houses  Traditional leaders, who stem from historically important families, retain key roles in administering justice and resolving disputes through methods that vary between communities : 47–49  Such leaders are often elected to official leadership positions, merging cultural and historical status with modern political status : 52  The concept of being part of a communal house has been extended to the nation, with Parliament serving as the national sacred house : 96 Art styles vary throughout the various ethnolinguistic groups of the island  Nonetheless, similar artistic motifs are present throughout, such as large animals and particular geometric patterns  Some art is traditionally associated with particular genders  For example, the Tais textiles that play a widespread role in traditional life throughout the island are traditionally handwoven by women  Different tais patterns are associated with different communities, and more broadly with linguistic groups : 137  Many buildings within central Dili maintain historical Portuguese architecture : I-5 Traditional rituals remain important, often mixed in with more modern aspects : 137  A strong oral history is highlighted in individuals able to recite long stories or poetry  This history, or Lia nain, passes down traditional knowledge : 16  There remains a strong tradition of poetry  Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, for example, is a distinguished poet, earning the moniker "poet warrior" In the field of cinema, East Timor released its first feature-length film, a period thriller titled Beatriz's War, in 2013  Shot with a limited budget by a mix of local filmmakers and a volunteer Australian film crew, the film depicted East Timorese life under Indonesian occupation in the 1970s, with producer Lurdes Pires acknowledging their aim to diverge from the government's "friendship and forgiveness" policy for its past conflicts by telling a story of truth-seeking and justice 

See also
Outline of East Timor
Index of East Timor-related articles
List of topics on the Portuguese Empire in the East
Passage 2:
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1264
United Nations Security Council resolution 1264, adopted unanimously on 15 September 1999, after recalling previous resolutions on East Timor (Timor-Leste), the Council authorised the establishment of the multinational International Force for East Timor (INTERFET) to restore peace and security in the territory, facilitate humanitarian assistance and protect the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) The Security Council welcomed the successful conduct of the East Timor Special Autonomy Referendum on 30 August 1999, in which the East Timorese people voted for independence from Indonesia  Meanwhile, there was concern about the deteriorating security situation and the violence that had displaced many residents  Attacks also took place against UNAMET and other international and national humanitarian personnel and this had particularly affected vulnerable groups  There were reports of widespread violations of international humanitarian and human rights law across East Timor, and Indonesia had accepted the presence of a United Nations international peacekeeping force in the region Acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the Council condemned the violence in East Timor, called for those responsible to be brought to justice and emphasised the need for immediate unrestricted humanitarian assistance to the area  In this regard, it authorised the establishment of an Australian-led multinational force under joint command with the task of restoring peace, protecting the UNAMET mission and assisting in humanitarian operations using all necessary measures  The force consisted of 8,000 personnel from 17 countries  The Government of Indonesia, which had temporary responsibility for the security of East Timor, would co-operate with the multinational force or INTERFET 
The resolution noted that part of the agreement between Indonesia and Portugal on the future of East Timor stipulated a peaceful and orderly transfer of authority in East Timor to the United Nations and INTERFET was asked to support the process  The multinational force would be present in East Timor for four months until replaced by a United Nations peacekeeping force and would be required to submit periodic reports on its progress Finally, the Secretary-General was asked to make preparations for a transitional administration in East Timor that would include a peacekeeping operation during the implementation phase following the referendum 

See also
1999 East Timorese crisis
Indonesian occupation of East Timor
List of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1201 to 1300 (1998–2000)
United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor
Passage 3:
Shark sanctuary
A shark sanctuary is an area that forbids commercial fishing operations from targeting and retaining caught sharks, including their fins  The first shark sanctuary was created by Palau in 2009  It was followed by Maldives, Honduras, The Bahamas and Tokelau 

Background
Every year, fishermen pull "up to 73 million" or "some 100 million" sharks from the world's oceans  The United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that more than half of shark species are overexploited or depleted  Globally, 21% of shark species whose extinction risk has been assessed fall into the "threatened" categories, and 18% are "near threatened", while 35% lack sufficient data to decide, leaving 26% in the unthreatened category 
The search for shark fins drives the illegal hunting trade  Some jurisdictions permit fishing for fins and food  Sharks are also caught as bycatch when fishing for marlin, tuna and other varieties Sharks generally reach sexual maturity only after several years of life and produce very few offspring in comparison to other harvested fish  Harvesting sharks before they reproduce has severe impacts on future populations 

National and international status
Many nations restrict shark catches and shark finning 

Pacific Islands
Palau created the world's first so-named "shark sanctuary" on September 25, 2009  Palau forbids all commercial shark fishing within its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) waters  The sanctuary protects about 600,000 square kilometres (230,000 sq mi) of ocean, an area similar to the country of France  President Johnson Toribiong made the announcement at a meeting of the United Nations  President Toribiong also requested a worldwide ban on shark fishing  Palau is home to 135 endangered or vulnerable shark and ray species The Maldives created a sanctuary in March, 2010  Tokelau declared its entire EEZ a shark sanctuary in 2011 On February 25, 2011, Guam, a US island territory, voted to ban commerce in fins  Guam's Senate passed a bill banning the sale, possession and distribution of the fins In August, 2011, Micronesia, the Marshall Islands, and Guam announced plans to join Palau in a region-wide sanctuary that covers 2,000,000 square miles (5,200,000 km2) of ocean Kiribati, another Pacific island state, and the US operate Earth's largest marine reserve 

Americas
Honduras prohibited the taking of sharks in its national waters as of February 2010 The U S  bans shark finning on all U S -flagged vessels, forbids the taking 19 species of sharks including white, whale, and basking sharks and shares lists of illegal vessels with established fishing companies, helping them report illegal activities  The U S  also assesses the health of many of its shark populations and includes sharks in its various Fishery Management Plans  Hawaii has banned the sale and possession of shark fins  The states of California, Oregon and Washington are considering similar bans 

Africa
In 1991 South Africa became the first country in the world to declare great white sharks a legally protected species 

Europe
In February 2009, the European Commission proposed first-ever shark conservation rules for European waters, although these are not outright bans  EU countries account for one-third of global shark meat exports 
Shark steaks are increasingly served in restaurants  Shark parts are also used in lotions and leather sports shoes 

Asia
Taiwan banned shark finning in 2012 Israel - All elasmobranchs are fully protected in Israel's territorial waters, in the Mediterranean Sea and in the Gulf of Aqaba (northeastern Red Sea), since 2005, making these effective shark sanctuaries 

Shark fishery
After reaching about 0 9 million tonnes in 2003, catches of the “sharks, rays and chimaeras” group declined to 0 75 million tonnes in 2006, a drop of 15 percent , numbering some 100 million fish 

Drivers of the shark trade
Sharks are a common seafood in many places around the world, including China (shark-fin soup), Japan, Australia (fish and chips under the name flake), in India (under the name sora in Tamil language and Telugu language), and Icelanders eat Greenland sharks as hákarl 
The practice of live finning, where a fisherman removes the fin with a hot metal blade and releases the dying animal occurs with some frequency, but is  not a prevalent practice, with most fins taken with the entire animal  Around 80% of shark fins are derived as accidental by-catch, which are quickly sold to the market due to their high price  Shark finning has become a major trade within black markets all over the world with shark fins going at about $300/lb in 2009 European consumers consume dogfishes, smoothhounds, catsharks, makos, porbeagle and also skates and rays  However, the U S  FDA recommends that children and women who are or may be pregnant should refrain from eating shark 
For details see mercury in fish 
In the East Asian region, use of shark cartilage in preparing soups is considered a health tonic  Hong Kong imports it from North and South American countries, particularly for use in either a cooked format or to prepare boiled soup, as a health fad, by mixing it with herbals supplements 
Another large demand for shark cartilage is for manufacture of "Shark Cartilage Powder" or pills as a cure for cancer  The anti cancer claims of such powders marketed in many parts of the world has been discounted by the US Food and Drug Administration, Federal Trade Commissions and medical studies  In spite of such injunctions, the trade in this powder continues and the shark cartilage powder is still widely marketed as a cancer cure, stated to be selling at US$145 per gram  It is also stated that in Costa Rica, one single firm alone processed 235,000 sharks every month to manufacture cartilage pills Seafood Watch recommends that everyone avoid eating shark The majority of shark fisheries around the globe have little monitoring or management  With the rise in demand for shark products there is a greater pressure on fisheries  Sharks experience a long interval between birth and sexual maturity, such that many sharks never reach maturity  In some species, populations have declined by over 90% over the past 20–30 years with decline of 70% not unusual The practice of shark finning, attracts much controversy and regulations are being enacted to prevent it from occurring  The acclaimed 2007 documentary, Sharkwater exposed how sharks are being hunted to extinction, in part due to the massive Asian demand for shark fin soup 

See also
Grey nurse shark conservation
Shark Conservation Act
Sharkwater
Passage 4:
The Trouble with the Truth (song)
"The Trouble with the Truth" is a song written by Gary Nicholson, and recorded by American country music artist Patty Loveless  It was released in April 1997 as the fifth and final single and title track from her album  The Trouble with the Truth 
The song charted for 20 weeks on the Billboard Hot Country Singles and Tracks chart, reaching number 15 during the week of July 12, 1997 

Other versions
Joan Baez also cut a version of the song during an early 1990s recording session in Nashville, but the recording remained unissued until released in 2012 as a bonus track on the remastered rerelease of her 1992 album Play Me Backwards 

Chart positions
Passage 5:
Zeferino Martins
Zeferino Martins, also known as Ze Martins (born September 5, 1985) is an East Timorese footballer who plays as midfielder for Ad  Dili Oeste and the Timor-Leste national team 
Passage 6:
Sambas Regency
Sambas Regency is the most northerly regency in West Kalimantan Province of Indonesia  The regency is one of the original regencies in West Kalimantan, but on 20 April 1999 the southern districts were removed from Sambas Regency to form a new Bengkayang Regency (then including the town of Singkawang)  The residual regency now covers 6,394 70 km2, and had a population of 496,120 at the 2010 census and 629,905 at the 2020 census; the official estimate as at mid 2022 was 647,844  The principal town lies at Sambas 

History
The famous Sambas Treasure, a collection of 9th century Buddhist sculptures, was found near Sambas Town  It is now part of the British Museum's collection 
In the Sambas riots in 1999 Malays and Dayaks joined to massacre the Madurese during the conflict  Madurese were mutilated, raped, and killed by the Malays and Dayaks and 3,000 of them died in the massacres, with the Indonesian government doing little to stop the violence 

Adjoining Regencies and City
Population
At the 2010 census, Sambas Regency had a population of 496,120, which by the 2020 census had grown to 629,905 people, and by mid 2022 was estimated at 647,844 (consisting of 331,046 males and 316,798 females), with an average density of 101 3 people per km2 

Watershed
Sambas has three watersheds (total: 516,200 ha): the Sambas watershed (258,700 ha), the Paloh watershed (64,375 ha), and the Sebangkau watershed (193,125 ha) 

Administrative Districts
Sambas Regency consists of nineteen districts (kecamatan), tabulated below with their areas and their populations at the 2010 census and the 2020 census, and the official estimates as at mid 2022 (rounded to nearest 100 persons)  The table also includes the locations of the district administrative centres, the number of administrative villages in each district (all rural desa), and its post code 

List of Sambas Regents and Vice Regents
Passage 7:
Estanislau da Silva
Estanislau da Conceição Aleixo Maria da Silva (born 4 August 1952) is an East Timorese politician and a key member of Fretilin  He was acting Prime Minister from May 2007 to August 2007 
A member of Fretilin since 1974, Da Silva served on the diplomatic front for the East Timorese resistance during the years of the Indonesian occupation of Timor-Leste (1975 to 1999)  During the occupation, Da Silva resided in Mozambique (1976 to 1984), Portugal (1975 to 1976 and 1984 to 1985) and Australia (1985 to 1999), before returning to Timor-Leste in 1999 
After Timor-Leste achieved independence in 2002, Da Silva was appointed as the country's first Minister for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries  On 10 July 2006, he was sworn in as the First Deputy Prime Minister of Timor-Leste  He was sworn in as the acting Prime Minister on 19 May 2007 to replace José Ramos-Horta who had been elected President of the young nation  He left office when Xanana Gusmão was sworn in as Prime Minister on 8 August 2007, following the June 2007 parliamentary election 

Early life
Da Silva was born in Dili in 1952 to Luis da Silva and Genoveva Aleixo  He attended primary school from 1961-1962 to 1964-1965 in Fuiloro - Lautém district, and Dili Technical School from 1965-1966 to 1970-1971  Upon graduation from Dili Technical School, Da Silva went to Lisbon to pursue further training in electrical and mechanical engineering 

Political activities
Da Silva joined Fretilin in 1974 and was a founding member of the Fretilin External Branch in Lisbon 
In 1976, Da Silva interrupted his studies in Lisbon and was sent to Australia by the Fretilin leadership to lobby support for Timor-Leste's independence struggle  During that time, Australian supporters of Timor-Leste's independence struggle (Campaign for Independence of East Timor - CIET) requested that Da Silva assist Neville Cunningham and António Belo to operate and maintain a radio connection to the Fretilin leadership based in Timor-Leste  As Da Silva was not an Australian resident, he had to operate the radio secretly and spent six months in bush of Australia's Northern Territory  
In September 1976, Da Silva and Cunningham were tracked down and arrested by the Northern Territory Police Force and the radio link severed  Da Silva was released after a one-day trial and left Australia for Mozambique  The radio link was later re-established by Fretilin members and Australian supporters of Timor-Leste's struggle for independence 
Upon his return to Australia in 1985, Da Silva campaigned tirelessly for Timor-Leste's independence  This included speaking at public forums, organising demonstrations against the illegal Indonesian occupation, organising fundraising activities and lobbying MPs  Da Silva also maintained regular contact with the clandestine movement and the Fretilin leadership in Timor-Leste and assisted in helping people at risk of persecution escape Timor-Leste and settle in Australia  In 1994 he became the Fretilin representative in Australia 
Da Silva was voted into the Fretilin Central Committee in 1998 at the Fretilin National Conference held in Sydney, Australia  His mandate was renewed at the First National Congress in 2001 as well as the Second National Congress which was held in May 2006  He was elected chairperson in both events  He is also one of the 15 members of the National Political Commission of Fretilin which leads the work of the party between the Fretilin Central Committee meetings 
He was re-elected to a seat in parliament in the June 2007 parliamentary election as the ninth name on Fretilin's candidate list 

Education and professional career
Da Silva studied Agronomy at Eduardo Mondlane University, and worked at Marracuene state enterprise as the Chief Agronomist for the Mozambican government  He also attended the International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics in India for short training courses in agriculture systems for arid and semi arid regions 
Whilst in Australia, Da Silva continued his studies in agronomy at the University of Sydney, where he completed a post-graduate diploma in Agronomy in 1987  In 1988 Da Silva was employed by the New South Wales Agricultural Department at the Trangie Research Agricultural Centre and from 1994 to 1997 worked at the Australian Cotton Research Institute in Narrabri 
In 1999, Da Silva returned to Timor-Leste  He worked as a World Bank consultant for agriculture and later as Asian Development Bank project manager for infrastructure before becoming Minister for Agriculture during the second United Nations transitional government  In May 2002, upon the restoration of independence of Timor Leste, Da Silva became the Minister for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries 
In 2002, Da Silva completed a two-year post-graduate training course in management and leadership provided by the Asian Development Bank Institute in Tokyo, Japan 
Da Silva is a capable and respected administrator and the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries is one of the success stories of an independent Timor Leste  Under Da Silva, Timor-Leste's rice production increased every year except for in 2006 where the political crisis had a negative effect on the country's institutions and economy as a whole  During this time Timor-Leste's rice import dependency was reduced from two thirds to one third of domestic consumption 
Da Silva is fluent in English, Portuguese and Tetum 
Passage 8:
Indonesia–Timor Leste Commission of Truth and Friendship
The Indonesia–Timor Leste Commission on Truth and Friendship (more commonly known by its Portuguese acronym CVA, Comissão Verdade e Amizade) was a truth commission established jointly by the governments of Indonesia and East Timor in August 2005  The commission was officially created to investigate acts of violence that occurred around the independence referendum held in East Timor in 1999 and sought to find the "conclusive truth" behind the events  After holding private hearings and document reviews, the commission handed in the final report on July 15, 2008 to the presidents of both nations, and was fully endorsed by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, providing the first acknowledgement by the government of Indonesia of the human rights violations committed by state institutions in Timor  The commission is notable for being the first modern truth commission to be bilateral 

Background
East Timor was originally colonized by the Portuguese, and remained a colony up until the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974  East Timor declared independence soon afterwards, but Indonesia soon decided to intervene as it became clear that the government of the new state would most likely be leftist  The Indonesian government began Operation Komodo, which was intended to bring about the integration of the East Timorese territory  It began with a propaganda campaign, but after the outbreak of conflict in East Timor, the Indonesian military began a campaign on 7 October starting with an assault on a border post and accumulating with a full-scale invasion utilizing paratroopers and naval support  The United Nations quickly condemned the invasion via resolution, but due to resistance in the Security council, no further action was taken  The United States also tacitly gave their approval, as the dismantling of a pro-communist government helped advance the policy of containment being pursued by the government 
Indonesia occupied the territory for the following two decades  During the administration of the Habibie government, a referendum was held in the occupied area asking if the residents of the area wished to remain a part of Indonesia  Even before the referendum, there was harassment by militia groups in the area, with UN workers being attacked in Maliana  It soon became clear in the wake of the referendum that the referendum result would be overwhelmingly in favor of the "no" option on the ballot; this raised tensions to a boiling point, and within two hours of the announcement of the results, armed militia groups began attacking civilians  Militia continued to attack civilians as they withdrew from the country, and several massacres occurred as the troops filtered out of the area  A UN peacekeeping force known as INTERFET was deployed to stabilize the situation, made up of mostly Australian troops, and was withdrawn with the arrival of normal UN peacekeepers  East Timor eventually transitioned from a UN mandate to an independent country 

Report
The commission itself was announced in August 2006 and sought to establish "the conclusive truth regarding human rights violations to have occurred prior to, immediately after the Popular Consultation on 30 August 1999" as well as "prepare recommendations that can contribute to healing wounds of the past and strengthen friendship"  The timing of the commission's creation was criticized by some, as it was believed that it was created to intentionally subvert calls for an international tribunal to deal with the events surrounding the 1999 plebiscite  The commission's mandate allowed it to review documents pertaining to four other inquiries surrounding the events that predated it: "The Indonesian National Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights Violations in East Timor in 1999", "The Indonesian Ad Hoc Human Rights Court on East Timor", "The Special Panels for Serious Crimes", and "The Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation" The commission was made up of four members appointed from each nation, and these commissioners were instructed to conduct a document review and analyze previous trials and investigations into the subject, including the UN Special Panels for Serious Crimes and Serious Crime Units in Dili, and the report of the Commission of Reception, Truth and Reconciliation of Timor-Leste  The commission also stated its intent to research the "historical background, political dynamics, and institutional structures that shaped events before and during 1999" to "inform its conclusions with a broader understanding of the way in which the causes of the violence in 1999 were connected to previously established institutional structures and practices "Operating over three years, the commission gave its final report on July 15, 2008, and presented it to the Presidents of Indonesia and East Timor, concluding that "gross human rights violations in the form of crimes against humanity did occur in East Timor in 1999" and that "pro-autonomy militia groups, TNI, the Indonesian civil government, and Polri must all bear institutional responsibility", as well as stating that "from a moral and political perspective the respective states must accept state responsibility for the violations identified in the report " The commission also made recommendations that both nations begin institutional reform enhancing the strength of investigative and prosecuting bodies involved with investigations into the events, as well as forming joint security policy to ensure the safety of individuals in case of the recurrence of violence  It also noted the need to resolve other standing border and security issues between the two nations to allow for more cooperation  Notably, the report gave no recommendations of amnesty or rehabilitation  The report was endorsed by the president of Indonesia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, making it the first recognition of the Indonesian government's complicity in human rights violations in East Timor by Indonesia 

Reception
In Indonesia and Timor, the report was presented to both governments and accepted by both the Timorese and Indonesian governments  However, Timorese NGO Timor-Leste National Alliance for International Tribunal wrote an open letter in response to the commission's findings with several criticisms, including the lack of public consultation with victims and parliamentary approval of the commission, as well as noting that the commission assigned institutional responsibility rather than individual responsibility, "which is contrary to the principles of international laws which were ratified by the state of Timor-Leste and to Article 160 of its constitution which says that there must be a justice process for crimes against humanity ", as well as stating their belief that the CAVR was a more trustworthy and support worthy commission for the government to support Internationally, the report had a mixed reception  Some, such as the War Crimes Studies Center at the University of California, Berkeley, said that the commission could be seen as "widely acknowledged as credible and far-reaching ", noting that the Indonesian government's affirmation of the results was important and that the commission made arguments that "there was credible evidence to indicate that Timorese institutions were also responsible for illegal detentions and possibly other crimes "

See also
History of East Timor
Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor
Indonesian occupation of East Timor
Santa Cruz massacre
Context 3: Passage 1:
Daylight saving time
Daylight saving time (DST), also referred to as daylight savings time, daylight time (United States, Canada, and Australia), or summer time (United Kingdom, European Union, and others), is the practice of advancing clocks (typically by one hour) during warmer months so that darkness falls at a later clock time  The typical implementation of DST is to set clocks forward by one hour in either the late winter or spring ("spring forward"), and to set clocks back by one hour in the fall ("fall back") to return to standard time  As a result, there is one 23-hour day in early spring and one 25-hour day in the middle of autumn 
The idea of aligning waking hours to daylight hours to conserve candles was first proposed in 1784 by U S  polymath Benjamin Franklin  In a satirical letter to the editor of The Journal of Paris, Franklin suggested that waking up earlier in the summer would economize on candle usage; and calculated considerable savings  In 1895, New Zealand entomologist and astronomer George Hudson proposed the idea of changing clocks by two hours every spring to the Wellington Philosophical Society  In 1907, British resident William Willett presented the idea as a way to save energy  After some serious consideration, it was not implemented In 1908, Port Arthur in Ontario, Canada (today merged into Thunder Bay), started using DST  Starting on 30 April 1916, the German Empire and Austria-Hungary each organized the first nationwide implementation in their jurisdictions  Many countries have used DST at various times since then, particularly since the 1970s energy crisis  DST is generally not observed near the Equator, where sunrise and sunset times do not vary enough to justify it  Some countries observe it only in some regions: for example, parts of Australia observe it, while other parts do not  Conversely, it is not observed at some places at high latitudes, because there are wide variations in sunrise and sunset times and a one-hour shift would relatively not make much difference  The United States observes it, except for the states of Hawaii and Arizona (within the latter, however, the Navajo Nation does observe it, conforming to federal practice)  A minority of the world's population uses DST; Asia, Africa, and Latin America and the Caribbean generally do not 

Rationale
Industrialized societies usually follow a clock-based schedule for daily activities that do not change throughout the course of the year  The time of day that individuals begin and end work or school, and the coordination of mass transit, for example, usually remain constant year-round  In contrast, an agrarian society's daily routines for work and personal conduct are more likely governed by the length of daylight hours and by solar time, which change seasonally because of the Earth's axial tilt  North and south of the tropics, daylight lasts longer in summer and shorter in winter, with the effect becoming greater the farther one moves away from the equator 
After synchronously resetting all clocks in a region to one hour ahead of standard time in spring in anticipation of longer daylight hours, individuals following a clock-based schedule will be awakened an hour earlier in the solar day than they would have otherwise  They will begin and complete daily work routines an hour earlier: in most cases they will have an extra hour of daylight available to them after their workday activities Proponents of daylight saving time argue that most people prefer a greater increase in daylight hours after the typical "nine to five" workday  Supporters have also argued that DST decreases energy consumption by reducing the need for lighting and heating, but the actual effect on overall energy use is heavily disputed The shift in apparent time is also motivated by practicality  In American temperate latitudes, for example, the sun rises around 04:30 at the summer solstice and sets around 19:30  Since most people are asleep at 04:30, it is seen as more practical to treat 04:30 as if it is 05:30, thereby allowing people to wake closer to the sunrise and be active in the evening light 
Because sunrise and sunset times become significantly out of phase with standard working hours at higher latitudes (such as Iceland, Scandinavia, and Alaska), the manipulation of time would have little effect on daily life, and thus is not practiced DST is similarly of little use for locations near the Equator, because these regions see only a small variation in daylight in the course of the year 

Variation within a time zone
The effect of Daylight Savings Time also varies according to how far east or west the location is within its time zone, with locations farther east inside the time zone benefiting more from DST than locations farther west in the same time zone  In spite of a width spanning thousands of miles, all of China is located within a single time zone per government mandate, minimizing any potential benefit of Daylight Savings Time there 

History
Ancient civilizations adjusted daily schedules to the sun more flexibly than DST does, often dividing daylight into 12 hours regardless of daytime, so that each daylight hour became progressively longer during spring and shorter during autumn  For example, the Romans kept time with water clocks that had different scales for different months of the year; at Rome's latitude, the third hour from sunrise (hora tertia) started at 09:02 solar time and lasted 44 minutes at the winter solstice, but at the summer solstice it started at 06:58 and lasted 75 minutes  From the 14th century onward, equal-length civil hours supplanted unequal ones, so civil time no longer varied by season  Unequal hours are still used in a few traditional settings, such as monasteries of Mount Athos and in Jewish ceremonies Benjamin Franklin published the proverb "early to bed and early to rise makes a man healthy, wealthy, and wise," and published a letter in the Journal de Paris during his time as an American envoy to France (1776–1785) suggesting that Parisians economize on candles by rising earlier to use morning sunlight  This 1784 satire proposed taxing window shutters, rationing candles, and waking the public by ringing church bells and firing cannons at sunrise  Despite common misconception, Franklin did not actually propose DST; 18th-century Europe did not even keep precise schedules  However, this changed as rail transport and communication networks required a standardization of time unknown in Franklin's day In 1810, the Spanish National Assembly Cortes of Cádiz issued a regulation that moved certain meeting times forward by one hour from 1 May to 30 September in recognition of seasonal changes, but it did not change the clocks  It also acknowledged that private businesses were in the practice of changing their opening hours to suit daylight conditions, but they did so of their own volition 
 
New Zealand entomologist George Hudson first proposed modern DST  His shift-work job gave him leisure time to collect insects and led him to value after-hours daylight  In 1895, he presented a paper to the Wellington Philosophical Society proposing a two-hour daylight-saving shift, and considerable interest was expressed in Christchurch; he followed up with an 1898 paper  Many publications credit the DST proposal to prominent English builder and outdoorsman William Willett, who independently conceived DST in 1905 during a pre-breakfast ride when he observed how many Londoners slept through a large part of a summer day  Willett also was an avid golfer who disliked cutting short his round at dusk  His solution was to advance the clock during the summer months, and he published the proposal two years later  Liberal Party member of parliament Robert Pearce took up the proposal, introducing the first Daylight Saving Bill to the British House of Commons on 12 February 1908  A select committee was set up to examine the issue, but Pearce's bill did not become law and several other bills failed in the following years  Willett lobbied for the proposal in the UK until his death in 1915 

Port Arthur, Ontario, Canada, was the first city in the world to enact DST, on 1 July 1908  This was followed by Orillia, Ontario, introduced by William Sword Frost while mayor from 1911 to 1912  The first states to adopt DST (German: Sommerzeit) nationally were those of the German Empire and its World War I ally Austria-Hungary commencing 30 April 1916, as a way to conserve coal during wartime  Britain, most of its allies, and many European neutrals soon followed  Russia and a few other countries waited until the next year, and the United States adopted daylight saving in 1918  Most jurisdictions abandoned DST in the years after the war ended in 1918, with exceptions including Canada, the United Kingdom, France, Ireland, and the United States  It became common during World War II (some countries adopted double summer time), and was standardized in the U S  by federal law in 1966, and widely adopted in Europe from the 1970s as a result of the 1970s energy crisis  Since then, the world has seen many enactments, adjustments, and repeals It is a common myth in the United States that DST was first implemented for the benefit of farmers  In reality, farmers have been one of the strongest lobbying groups against DST since it was first implemented  The factors that influence farming schedules, such as morning dew and dairy cattle's readiness to be milked, are ultimately dictated by the sun, so the time change introduces unnecessary challenges DST was first implemented in the US with the Standard Time Act of 1918, a wartime measure for seven months during World War I in the interest of adding more daylight hours to conserve energy resources  Year-round DST, or "War Time", was implemented again during World War II  After the war, local jurisdictions were free to choose if and when to observe DST until the Uniform Time Act which standardized DST in 1966   Permanent daylight saving time was enacted for the winter of 1974, but there were complaints of children going to school in the dark and working people commuting and starting their work day in pitch darkness during the winter months, and it was repealed a year later 

Procedure
The relevant authorities usually schedule clock changes to occur at (or soon after) midnight, and on a weekend, in order to lessen disruption to weekday schedules  A one-hour change is usual, but twenty-minute and two-hour changes have been used in the past  In all countries that observe daylight saving time seasonally (i e  during summer and not winter), the clock is advanced from standard time to daylight saving time in the spring, and they are turned back from daylight saving time to standard time in the autumn  
For a midnight change in spring, a digital display of local time would appear to jump from 23:59:59 9 to 01:00:00 0  For the same clock in autumn, the local time would appear to repeat the hour preceding midnight, i e  it would jump from 23:59:59 9 to 23:00:00 0 
In most countries that observe seasonal daylight saving time, the time reverts in winter to "standard time"  An exception exists in Ireland, where its winter clock has the same offset (UTC±00:00) and legal name as that in Britain (Greenwich Mean Time)—but while its summer clock also has the same offset as Britain's (UTC+01:00), its legal name is Irish Standard Time as opposed to British Summer Time Since 2019 Morocco observes daylight saving time every month but Ramadan  During the holy month (the date of which is determined by the lunar calendar and thus moves annually with regard to the Gregorian calendar), the country's civil clocks observe Western European Time (UTC+00:00, which geographically overlaps most of the nation)  At the close of that month, its clocks are turned forward to Western European Summer Time (UTC+01:00) The time at which to change clocks differs across jurisdictions  Members of the European Union conduct a coordinated change, changing all zones at the same instant, at 01:00 Coordinated Universal Time (UTC), which means that it changes at 02:00 Central European Time (CET), equivalent to 03:00 Eastern European Time (EET)  As a result, the time differences across European time zones remain constant  North America coordination of the clock change differs, in that each jurisdiction change at 02:00 local time, which temporarily creates an imbalance with the next time zone (until it adjusts its time, one hour later, at 2 AM there)  For example, Mountain Time is for one hour in the spring two hours ahead of Pacific Time instead of the usual one hour ahead, and instead of one hour in the autumn, briefly zero hours ahead of Pacific Time 
The dates on which clocks change vary with location and year; consequently, the time differences between regions also vary throughout the year  For example, Central European Time is usually six hours ahead of North American Eastern Time, except for a few weeks in March and October/November, while the United Kingdom and mainland Chile could be five hours apart during the northern summer, three hours during the southern summer, and four hours for a few weeks per year  Since 1996, European Summer Time has been observed from the last Sunday in March to the last Sunday in October; previously the rules were not uniform across the European Union  Starting in 2007, most of the United States and Canada observed DST from the second Sunday in March to the first Sunday in November, almost two-thirds of the year  Moreover, the beginning and ending dates are roughly reversed between the northern and southern hemispheres because spring and autumn are displaced six months  For example, mainland Chile observes DST from the second Saturday in October to the second Saturday in March, with transitions at 24:00 local time  In some countries time is governed by regional jurisdictions within the country such that some jurisdictions change and others do not; this is currently the case in Australia, Canada, and the United States From year to year, the dates on which to change clock may also move for political or social reasons  The Uniform Time Act of 1966 formalized the United States' period of daylight saving time observation as lasting six months (it was previously declared locally); this period was extended to seven months in 1986, and then to eight months in 2005  The 2005 extension was motivated in part by lobbyists from the candy industry, seeking to increase profits by including Halloween (31 October) within the daylight saving time period  In recent history, Australian state jurisdictions not only changed at different local times but sometimes on different dates  For example, in 2008 most states there that observed daylight saving time changed clocks forward on 5 October, but Western Australia changed on 26 October 

Politics, religion and sport
The concept of daylight saving has caused controversy since its early proposals  Winston Churchill argued that it enlarges "the opportunities for the pursuit of health and happiness among the millions of people who live in this country" and pundits have dubbed it "Daylight Slaving Time"  Retailing, sports, and tourism interests have historically favored daylight saving, while agricultural and evening-entertainment interests (and some religious groups) have opposed it; energy crises and war prompted its initial adoption The fate of Willett's 1907 proposal illustrates several political issues  It attracted many supporters, including Arthur Balfour, Churchill, David Lloyd George, Ramsay MacDonald, King Edward VII (who used half-hour DST or "Sandringham time" at Sandringham), the managing director of Harrods, and the manager of the National Bank Ltd  However, the opposition proved stronger, including Prime Minister H  H  Asquith, William Christie (the Astronomer Royal), George Darwin, Napier Shaw (director of the Meteorological Office), many agricultural organizations, and theatre-owners  After many hearings, a parliamentary committee vote narrowly rejected the proposal in 1909  Willett's allies introduced similar bills every year from 1911 through 1914, to no avail  People in the US demonstrated even more skepticism; Andrew Peters introduced a DST bill to the House of Representatives in May 1909, but it soon died in committee 

Germany together with its allies led the way in introducing DST (German: Sommerzeit) during World War I on 30 April 1916, aiming to alleviate hardships due to wartime coal shortages and air-raid blackouts  The political equation changed in other countries; the United Kingdom used DST first on 21 May 1916  US retailing and manufacturing interests—led by Pittsburgh industrialist Robert Garland—soon began lobbying for DST, but railroads opposed the idea  The USA's 1917 entry into the war overcame objections, and DST started in 1918 The end of World War I brought change in DST use  Farmers continued to dislike DST, and many countries repealed it—like Germany itself, which dropped DST from 1919 to 1939 and from 1950 to 1979  Britain proved an exception; it retained DST nationwide but adjusted transition dates over the years for several reasons, including special rules during the 1920s and 1930s to avoid clock shifts on Easter mornings  As of 2009 summer time began annually on the last Sunday in March under a European Community directive, which may be Easter Sunday (as in 2016)  In the U S , Congress repealed DST after 1919  President Woodrow Wilson—an avid golfer like Willett—vetoed the repeal twice, but his second veto was overridden  Only a few U S  cities retained DST locally, including New York (so that its financial exchanges could maintain an hour of arbitrage trading with London), and Chicago and Cleveland (to keep pace with New York)  Wilson's successor as president, Warren G  Harding, opposed DST as a "deception", reasoning that people should instead get up and go to work earlier in the summer  He ordered District of Columbia federal employees to start work at 8 am rather than 9 am during the summer of 1922  Some businesses followed suit, though many others did not; the experiment was not repeated Since Germany's adoption of DST in 1916, the world has seen many enactments, adjustments, and repeals of DST, with similar politics involved  The history of time in the United States features DST during both world wars, but no standardization of peacetime DST until 1966  St  Paul and Minneapolis, Minnesota, kept different times for two weeks in May 1965: the capital city decided to switch to daylight saving time, while Minneapolis opted to follow the later date set by state law  In the mid-1980s, Clorox and 7-Eleven provided the primary funding for the Daylight Saving Time Coalition behind the 1987 extension to U S  DST  Both senators from Idaho, Larry Craig and Mike Crapo, voted for it based on the premise that fast-food restaurants sell more French fries (made from Idaho potatoes) during DST A referendum on the introduction of daylight saving took place in Queensland, Australia, in 1992, after a three-year trial of daylight saving  It was defeated with a 54 5% "no" vote, with regional and rural areas strongly opposed, and those in the metropolitan southeast in favor In 2003, the United Kingdom's Royal Society for the Prevention of Accidents supported a proposal to observe year-round daylight saving time, but it has been opposed by some industries, by some postal workers and farmers, and particularly by those living in the northern regions of the UK In 2005 the Sporting Goods Manufacturers Association and the National Association of Convenience Stores successfully lobbied for the 2007 extension to U S  DST In December 2008 the Daylight Saving for South East Queensland (DS4SEQ) political party was officially registered in Queensland, advocating the implementation of a dual-time-zone arrangement for daylight saving in South East Queensland, while the rest of the state maintained standard time  DS4SEQ contested the March 2009 Queensland state election with 32 candidates and received one percent of the statewide primary vote, equating to around 2 5% across the 32 electorates contested  After a three-year trial, more than 55% of Western Australians voted against DST in 2009, with rural areas strongly opposed  Queensland Independent member Peter Wellington introduced the Daylight Saving for South East Queensland Referendum Bill 2010 into the Queensland parliament on 14 April 2010, after being approached by the DS4SEQ political party, calling for a referendum at the next state election on the introduction of daylight saving into South East Queensland under a dual-time-zone arrangement  The Queensland parliament rejected Wellington's bill on 15 June 2011 Russia declared in 2011 that it would stay in DST all year long (UTC+4:00); Belarus followed with a similar declaration  (The Soviet Union had operated under permanent "summer time" from 1930 to at least 1982 ) Russia's plan generated widespread complaints due to the dark of winter-time mornings, and thus was abandoned in 2014  The country changed its clocks to standard time (UTC+3:00) on 26 October 2014, intending to stay there permanently In the United States, Arizona (with the exception of the Navajo Nation), Hawaii, and the five populated territories (American Samoa, Guam, Puerto Rico, the Northern Mariana Islands, and the US Virgin Islands) do not participate in daylight saving time  Indiana only began participating in daylight saving time as recently as 2006  Since 2018, Florida Republican Senator Marco Rubio has repeatedly filed bills to extend daylight saving time permanently into winter, without success Mexico observed summertime daylight saving time starting in 1996  In late 2022, the nation's clocks "fell back" for the last time, in restoration of permanent standard time 

Religion
Some religious groups and individuals have opposed DST on religious grounds  For religious Muslims and Jews it makes religious practices such as prayer and fasting more difficult or inconvenient 
Some Muslim countries, such as Morocco, have temporarily abandoned DST during Ramadan In Israel, DST has been a point of contention between the religious and secular, resulting in fluctuations over the years, and a shorter DST period than in the EU and US  Religious Jews prefer a shorter DST due to DST delaying the time for morning prayers, thus conflicting with standard working and business hours  Additionally, DST is ended before Yom Kippur (a 25-hour fast day starting and ending at sunset, much of which is spent praying in synagogue until the fast ends at sunset) since DST would result in the day ending later, which many feel makes it more difficult In the US, Orthodox Jewish groups have opposed extensions to DST, as well as a 2022 bipartisan bill that would make DST permanent, saying it will "interfere with the ability of members of our community to engage in congregational prayers and get to their places of work on time "

Effects
Proponents of DST generally argue that it saves energy, promotes outdoor leisure activity in the evening (in summer), and is therefore good for physical and psychological health, reduces traffic accidents, reduces crime or is good for business  Opponents argue the actual energy savings are inconclusive A 2017 meta-analysis of 44 studies found that DST leads to electricity savings of 0 3% during the days when DST applies  Several studies have suggested that DST increases motor fuel consumption, but a 2008 United States Department of Energy report found no significant increase in motor gasoline consumption due to the 2007 United States extension of DST  An early goal of DST was to reduce evening usage of incandescent lighting, once a primary use of electricity  Although energy conservation remains an important goal, energy usage patterns have greatly changed since then  Electricity use is greatly affected by geography, climate, and economics, so the results of a study conducted in one place may not be relevant to another country or climate Later sunset times from DST are thought to affect behavior; for example, increasing participation in after-school sports programs or outdoor afternoon sports such as golf, and attendance at professional sporting events  Advocates of daylight saving time argue that having more hours of daylight between the end of a typical workday and evening induces people to consume other goods and services Many farmers oppose DST, particularly dairy farmers as the milking patterns of their cows do not change with the time



ground_truth: Richard Stallman

rms

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Who is the president of the newly declared independent country that is part of the Commission of Truth and Friendship with the country where Sambas is located?

The following are given passages.
Context 3:  and others whose hours are set by the sun  There is concern for schoolchildren who are out in the darkness during the morning due to late sunrises  DST also hurts prime-time television broadcast ratings, drive-ins and other theaters It has been argued that clock shifts correlate with decreased economic efficiency, and that in 2000 the daylight-saving effect implied an estimated one-day loss of $31 billion on U S  stock exchanges, Others have asserted that the observed results depend on methodology and disputed the findings, though the original authors have refuted points raised by disputers 

Health
There are measurable adverse effects of time-shifts on human health  It has been shown to disrupt human circadian rhythms, negatively affecting human health in the process, and that the yearly DST time-shifts can increase health risks such as heart attack, and traffic accidents A 2017 study in the American Economic Journal: Applied Economics estimated that "the transition into DST caused over 30 deaths at a social cost of $275 million annually", primarily by increasing sleep deprivation A correlation between clock shifts and increase in traffic accidents has been observed in North America and the UK but not in Finland or Sweden  Four reports have found that this effect is smaller than the overall reduction in traffic fatalities  In 2018, the European Parliament, reviewing a possible abolition of DST, approved a more in-depth evaluation examining the disruption of the human body's circadian rhythms which provided evidence suggesting the existence of an association between DST time-shifts and a modest increase of occurrence of acute myocardial infarction, especially in the first week after the spring shift  However a Netherlands study found, against the majority of investigations, contrary or minimal effect  Year-round standard time (not year-round DST) is proposed by some to be the preferred option for public health and safety  Clock shifts were found to increase the risk of heart attack by 10 percent, and to disrupt sleep and reduce its efficiency  Effects on seasonal adaptation of the circadian rhythm can be severe and last for weeks 

Social relations
DST likely reduces some kinds of crime, such as robbery and sexual assault, as fewer potential victims are outdoors after dusk  Artificial outdoor lighting has a marginal and sometimes even contradictory influence on crime and fear of crime In 2022, a publication of three replicating studies of individuals, between individuals, and transecting societies, demonstrated that sleep loss affects the human motivation to help others, which in its fMRI findings is "associated with deactivation of key nodes within the social cognition brain network that facilitates prosociality " Furthermore, they detected, through analysis of over 3 million real-world charitable donations, that loss of sleep inflicted by the transition to Daylight Saving Time reduces altruistic giving compared to controls (being states not implementing DST)  They conclude that implications for cooperative, civil society are "non-trivial" Another study, which also examined sleep manipulation due to the shift to daylight saving time in the spring, analyzed archival data from judicial punishment imposed by U S  federal courts which showed sleep-deprived judges exact more severe penalties 

Inconvenience
DST's clock shifts have the disadvantage of complexity  People must remember to change their clocks; this can be time-consuming, particularly for mechanical clocks that cannot be moved backward safely  People who work across time zone boundaries need to keep track of multiple DST rules, as not all locations observe DST or observe it the same way  The length of the calendar day becomes variable; it is no longer always 24 hours  Disruption to meetings, travel, broadcasts, billing systems, and records management is common, and can be expensive  During an autumn transition from 02:00 to 01:00, a clock reads times from 01:00:00 through 01:59:59 twice, possibly leading to confusion 

Remediation
Some clock-shift problems could be avoided by adjusting clocks continuously or at least more gradually—for example, Willett at first suggested weekly 20-minute transitions—but this would add complexity and has never been implemented  DST inherits and can magnify the disadvantages of standard time  For example, when reading a sundial, one must compensate for it along with time zone and natural discrepancies  Also, sun-exposure guidelines such as avoiding the sun within two hours of noon become less accurate when DST is in effect Andrew D  Huberman, a professor of neurobiology at Stanford University, suggests viewing sunlight before the sun is overhead & exercise, ideally outside, before 2 pm the day following the clock adjustment  This applies regardless of if the sky were to be covered by clouds 

Terminology
As explained by Richard Meade in the English Journal of the (American) National Council of Teachers of English, the form daylight savings time (with an "s") was already in 1978 much more common than the older form daylight saving time in American English ("the change has been virtually accomplished")  Nevertheless, even dictionaries such as Merriam-Webster's, American Heritage, and Oxford, which describe actual usage instead of prescribing outdated usage (and therefore also list the newer form), still list the older form first  This is because the older form is still very common in print and preferred by many editors  ("Although daylight saving time is considered correct, daylight savings time (with an "s") is commonly used ") The first two words are sometimes hyphenated (daylight-saving(s) time)  Merriam-Webster's also lists the forms daylight saving (without "time"), daylight savings (without "time"), and daylight time  The Oxford Dictionary of American Usage and Style explains the development and current situation as follows: "Although the singular form daylight saving time is the original one, dating from the early 20th century—and is preferred by some usage critics—the plural form is now extremely common in AmE  [   ] The rise of daylight savings time appears to have resulted from the avoidance of a miscue: when saving is used, readers might puzzle momentarily over whether saving is a gerund (the saving of daylight) or a participle (the time for saving)  [   ] Using savings as the adjective—as in savings account or savings bond—makes perfect sense  More than that, it ought to be accepted as the better form "In Britain, Willett's 1907 proposal used the term daylight saving, but by 1911 the term summer time replaced daylight saving time in draft legislation  The same or similar expressions are used in many other languages: Sommerzeit in German, zomertijd in Dutch, kesäaika in Finnish, horario de verano or hora de verano in Spanish, and heure d'été in French The name of local time typically changes when DST is observed  American English replaces standard with daylight: for example, Pacific Standard Time (PST) becomes Pacific Daylight Time (PDT)  In the United Kingdom, the standard term for UK time when advanced by one hour is British Summer Time (BST), and British English typically inserts summer into other time zone names, e g  Central European Time (CET) becomes Central European Summer Time (CEST) 

The North American English mnemonic "spring forward, fall back" (also "spring ahead    ", "spring up    ", and "    fall behind") helps people remember in which direction to shift the clocks 

Computing
Changes to DST rules cause problems in existing computer installations  For example, the 2007 change to DST rules in North America required that many computer systems be upgraded, with the greatest onus on e-mail and calendar programs  The upgrades required a significant effort by corporate information technologists Some applications standardize on UTC to avoid problems with clock shifts and time zone differences  Likewise, most modern operating systems internally handle and store all times as UTC and only convert to local time for display However, even if UTC is used internally, the systems still require external leap second updates and time zone information to correctly calculate local time as needed  Many systems in use today base their date/time calculations from data derived from the tz database also known as zoneinfo 

IANA time zone database
The tz database maps a name to the named location's historical and predicted clock shifts  This database is used by many computer software systems, including most Unix-like operating systems, Java, and the Oracle RDBMS; HP's "tztab" database is similar but incompatible  When temporal authorities change DST rules, zoneinfo updates are installed as part of ordinary system maintenance  In Unix-like systems the TZ environment variable specifies the location name, as in TZ=':America/New_York'  In many of those systems there is also a system-wide setting that is applied if the TZ environment variable is not set: this setting is controlled by the contents of the /etc/localtime file, which is usually a symbolic link or hard link to one of the zoneinfo files  Internal time is stored in time-zone-independent Unix time; the TZ is used by each of potentially many simultaneous users and processes to independently localize time display 
Older or stripped-down systems may support only the TZ values required by POSIX, which specify at most one start and end rule explicitly in the value  For example, TZ='EST5EDT,M3 2 0/02:00,M11 1 0/02:00' specifies time for the eastern United States starting in 2007  Such a TZ value must be changed whenever DST rules change, and the new value applies to all years, mishandling some older timestamps 

Permanent daylight saving time
A move to permanent daylight saving time (staying on summer hours all year with no time shifts) is sometimes advocated and is currently implemented in some jurisdictions such as Argentina, Belarus, Iceland, Kyrgyzstan, Morocco, Namibia, Saskatchewan, Singapore, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Yukon  Although Saskatchewan follows Central Standard Time, its capital city Regina experiences solar noon close to 13:00, in effect putting the city on permanent daylight time  Similarly, Yukon is classified as being in the Mountain Time Zone, though in effect it observes permanent Pacific Daylight Time to align with the Pacific time zone in summer, but local solar noon in the capital Whitehorse occurs nearer to 14:00, in effect putting Whitehorse on "double daylight time" 
The United Kingdom and Ireland put clocks forward by an extra hour during World War II and experimented with year-round summer time between 1968 and 1971  Russia switched to permanent DST from 2011 to 2014, but the move proved unpopular because of the extremely late winter sunrises; in 2014, Russia switched permanently back to standard time  However, the change to permanent DST has proven popular in Turkey, with the Minister of Energy and Natural Resources saying the practice saves "millions in energy costs and reduces depression and anxiety levels associated with short exposure to daylight" In September 2018, the European Commission proposed to end seasonal clock changes as of 2019  Member states would have the option of observing either daylight saving time all year round or standard time all year round  In March 2019, the European Parliament approved the commission's proposal, while deferring implementation from 2019 until 2021  In response to this proposition, the European Sleep Research Society stated "installing permanent Central European Time (CET, standard time or 'wintertime') is the best option for public health " As of October 2020, the decision has not been confirmed by the Council of the European Union  The council has asked the commission to produce a detailed assessment of its effects, but the Commission considers that the onus is on the Member States to find a common position in Council  As a result, progress on the issue is effectively blocked In the United States, several states have enacted legislation to implement permanent DST, but the bills would require Congress to change federal law in order to take effect  The Uniform Time Act of 1966 permits states to opt out of DST and observe permanent standard time, it does not permit permanent DST  Florida senator Marco Rubio in particular has promoted changing the federal law to implement permanent DST, with the support of the Florida Chamber of Commerce seeking to boost evening revenue  In 2022, Rubio's "Sunshine Protection Act" passed the United States Senate without committee review by way of voice consent, with many senators afterward stating they were unaware of the vote or its topic  The bill was stopped in the U S  House, where questions were raised as to whether permanent DST or standard time would be more beneficial Advocates cite the same advantages as normal DST without the problems associated with the twice yearly time shifts  Additional benefits have also been cited, including safer roadways, boosting the tourism industry, and energy savings  Detractors cite the relatively late sunrises, particularly in winter, that year-round DST entails Some experts in circadian rhythms and sleep health recommend year-round standard time as the preferred option for public health and safety  Several chronobiology societies have published position papers against adopting DST permanently  A paper by the Society for Research on Biological Rhythms states: "based on comparisons of large populations living in DST or ST or on western versus eastern edges of time zones, the advantages of permanent ST outweigh switching to DST annually or permanently " The World Federation of Societies for Chronobiology stated that "the scientific literature strongly argues against the switching between DST and Standard Time and even more so against adopting DST permanently " The American Academy of Sleep Medicine (AASM) holds the position that "seasonal time changes should be abolished in favor of a fixed, national, year-round standard time," and that "standard time is a better option than daylight saving time for our health, mood and well-being " The AASM's position is endorsed by 20 other nonprofits, including the American College of Chest Physicians, National Safety Council, and National PTA Current public opinion polls show mixed results  Surveys reported between 2021 and 2022 by the National Sleep Foundation, YouGov, CBS, and Monmouth University indicate more Americans would prefer permanent DST  A 2019 survey by National Opinion Research Center and a 2021 survey by the Associated Press indicate more Americans would prefer permanent Standard Time  The National Sleep Foundation, YouGov, and Monmouth University polls leaned significantly in favor of seeing Daylight Saving Time made permanent  The Monmouth University poll reported 44% preferring year-round DST and 13% preferring year-round standard time  In 1973 and 1974, NORC found 79% of Americans to be in favor of permanent DST before its implementation during the Oil Crisis, and only 42% to support permanent DST the following February 

See also
Daylight saving time by country
Daylight saving time in Africa
Daylight saving time in Asia
Summer time in Europe
Daylight saving time in the Americas
Daylight saving time in Oceania
Analysis of daylight saving time
Winter time (clock lag)

Notes
Passage 2:
International Day of the World's Indigenous Peoples
The International Day of the World's Indigenous Peoples is observed on 9 August each year to raise awareness and protect the rights of the world's indigenous population  This event also recognizes the achievements and contributions that indigenous people make to improve world issues such as environmental protection  It was first pronounced by the United Nations General Assembly in December 1994, marking the day of the first meeting of the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations of the Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights in 1982 

History
In December 1992 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted a resolution to make 1993  the International Year of the World's Indigenous Peoples The International Day of the World's Indigenous Peoples was first pronounced by the UN General Assembly in December 1994, to be celebrated every year during the first International Decade of the World's Indigenous Peoples (1995–2004)  In 2004, the Assembly proclaimed a Second International Decade, from 2005–2015, with the theme of "A Decade for Action and Dignity"  People from different nations are encouraged to participate in observing the day to spread the UN's message on indigenous peoples  Activities may include educational forums and classroom activities to gain an appreciation and a better understanding of indigenous peoples By resolution 49/214 of 23 December 1994, the United Nations General Assembly decided that the International Day of the World's Indigenous People shall be observed on 9 August every year during the International Decade of the World's Indigenous People  The date marks the day of the first meeting, in 1982, of the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations of the Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights 

International Year of Indigenous Languages 2019
In the year 2016, it was reported that about 2,680 indigenous languages were in danger and on the verge of becoming extinct  Hence, UN designated 2019 to be the International Year of Indigenous Languages to persuade, convince and create awareness to people about indigenous languages 

Symbols
Artwork by Rebang Dewan, a Chakma boy from Bangladesh, was chosen as the visual identifier of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues  It has also been seen on material to promote the International Day of the World's Indigenous Peoples  It features two ears of green leaves facing each other and a globe resembling planet earth  Within the globe is a picture of a handshake (two different hands) in the middle and above the handshake is a landscape background  The handshake and the landscape background are encapsulated by blue at the top and bottom within the globe 

Celebration in Canada
International Day of the World's Indigenous Peoples is celebrated as an all nations community celebration with artists, speakers, poets, performers, and a wide range of vendors and community service booths in Kingston, Ontario, by Ollin 

Celebration in Taiwan
In 2016, the administration under President Tsai Ing-wen approved a proposal that designated 1 August as Indigenous Peoples' Day in Taiwan  In celebration of the special day, President Tsai issued an official apology to the country's aboriginal people and outlined steps to further promote legislation and involve organizations related to aboriginal causes, like the Presidential Office's Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee  The government hopes the day will remind the public of the diverse ethnic groups in Taiwan by bringing greater respect for indigenous peoples' cultures and history and promoting their rights 

See also
Indigenous peoples
Indigenous Peoples' Day
National Indigenous Peoples Day
Passage 3:
The Loneliest Planet
The Loneliest Planet is a 2011 German-American film written and directed by Julia Loktev, starring Gael García Bernal, Hani Furstenberg, and Georgian actor Bidzina Gujabidze  The plot centers around a young couple who travel with a local guide through a twisted backpacking trip across the Georgian wilderness 
The film had its international premiere at the 2011 Locarno International Film Festival followed by its North American premiere at the 2011 Toronto International Film Festival  It then went on to be featured during the New York Film Festival, the BFI London Film Festival, and the 2011 AFI Fest in Los Angeles, where it won the Grand Jury Prize  On March 24, 2012, The Loneliest Planet was awarded the top prize of "Lady Harimaguada de Oro" (The Golden Lady) at the Las Palmas de Gran Canaria International Film Festival, where actress Hani Furstenberg also won for Best Actress  On April 14, 2012, the film also won the Golden Tulip International Competition award at the 31st International Istanbul Film Festival On October 11, 2011, it was announced that Sundance Selects, a division of IFC Films, had acquired North American distribution rights  The film's theatrical release in the United States was on October 26, 2012 
The film is adapted from McSweeney's writer Tom Bissell's short story "Expensive Trips Nowhere," published in his collection God Lives in St  Petersburg 

Plot
Alex (Gael García Bernal) and Nica (Hani Furstenberg) are in love and engaged to be married  They are seasoned travelers on a trip in the country of Georgia, formerly a republic of the Soviet Union  They hire a local guide (Bidzina Gujabidze) to take them backpacking through the breathtaking scenery of the Caucasus Mountains 
While on their journey, they meet an older man with two boys on their route; he is suspicious of the two foreigners  After a short conversation with their guide, the older man suddenly aims a hunting rifle aggressively at Alex and Nica at point-blank range   For a moment, Alex's reaction is to shield himself behind Nica  He immediately regains his composure and pushes himself in front of Nica to face the stranger's gun, while their guide in turn persuades the stranger to lower his gun and go on his way  A seemingly traumatized Nica walks away on her own 
A few scenes show the couple not speaking or walking together while on their journey to the mountains, although Alex repeatedly attempts to reconnect with Nica  At one point, they cross a stream where Nica accidentally falls only to be saved by the local guide  Alex tries to offer a shivering Nica some help, but she rebuffs him  At night, the local guide tells Nica the story of his failed marriage, and they kiss  Soon after, Nica returns to Alex and the couple have sex  At dawn, the trio start packing up their camps, and it remains ambiguous as to whether or not the couple have finally reconciled 

Cast
Gael García Bernal as Alex
Hani Furstenberg as Nica
Bidzina Gujabidze as local guide
Amiran Gudrshauri as kebab seller

Reception
The film was well-received by critics  The film holds a "certified fresh" approval rating of 70% on review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes, based on 62 reviews with an average of 6 9/10  The website's critical consensus reads, "The source material that inspired The Loneliest Planet may be brief, but this adaptation of a Tom Bissell short story compensates with studious, finely detailed filmmaking, haunting visuals, and thought-provoking subtext " On Metacritic, the film has a weighted average score of 76 out of 100, based on 19 critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews" A O  Scott of The New York Times called The Loneliest Planet, "gripping and haunting, but also coy and elusive "Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun-Times gave it 2 out of 4 and wrote: "All of this grows tiresome  We're given no particular reason at the outset of The Loneliest Planet to care about these people, our interest doesn't grow along the way, the landscape grows repetitive  



ground_truth: Francisco Guterres

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: At what local time does the country where Fuser and Alberto meet the indigenous couple traveling to look for work change their clocks for DST?

The following are given passages.
Context 3:  "
Passage 4:
Le Défenseur du Temps
Le Défenseur du Temps (The Defender of Time) is a large mechanical work of art in the form of a clock created by the French artist Jacques Monestier 

Description
Le Défenseur du Temps is a clock made of automata  Close to the dial, a man perched on a rock with a sword and shield fights against a bird, a dragon, and a crab which respectively represent air, earth, and water  As originally designed, every hour from 9 am to 10 pm, he fights one of the three animals chosen randomly by a program  At noon, 6 pm, and 10pm, all three animals attack at the same time 
The time is announced by three strokes  While the man fights, he is accompanied by sounds of breaking waves, rumbling earth or the sound of wind, depending on the animal chosen 
Le Défenseur du temps is 4 meters high and weighs about 1 ton  The characters, animals and the clock face are hammered brass and gold leaf  The rock on which they sit is composed of oxidized brass  In its original configuration, a master electronic quartz circuit board controlled the random attacks chance, and used six cam timers and five tape recorders 

Location
Le Défenseur du temps is located at 8 rue Bernard de Clairvaux, in the Quartier de l'Horloge in Paris' 3rd arrondissement  The area around the clock owes its name to this work 

History
Le Défenseur du temps was commissioned in 1975 by COGEDIM  The scales of the dragon were made by Louis Desouches, and the construction of the steel structure was by Alain Moirod 
The clock was partially installed in September 1979  It was formally dedicated on 8 October 1979 by the Mayor of Paris, Jacques Chirac The clock underwent restoration in 1995  The master clock's quartz crystal was replaced by a radio clock, and the tape recorders were replaced by a compact disc player  Without funding for maintenance, the clock has been stopped since July 1, 2003 In February 2022, the clock was taken down and the restoration of the clock has begun to take place  The Defenseur Du Temps should be fixed and reinstalled by March 2023 

External links
Conception et réalisation du "Défenseur du Temps"
Le Defenseur du Temps clock
Passage 5:
The Motorcycle Diaries (film)
The Motorcycle Diaries (Spanish: Diarios de motocicleta) is a 2004 biopic about the journey and written memoir of the 23-year-old Ernesto Guevara, who would several years later become internationally known as the Marxist guerrilla leader and revolutionary leader Che Guevara  The film recounts the 1952 expedition, initially by motorcycle, across South America by Guevara and his friend Alberto Granado  As well as being a road movie, the film is a coming-of-age film; as the adventure, initially centered on youthful hedonism, unfolds, Guevara discovers himself transformed by his observations on the life of the impoverished indigenous peasantry  Through the characters they encounter on their continental trek, Guevara and Granado witness first hand the injustices that the destitute face and are exposed to people and social classes they would have never encountered otherwise  To their surprise, the road presents to them both a genuine and captivating picture of Latin American identity  As a result, the trip also plants the initial seed of radicalization within Guevara, who would later challenge the continent's endemic economic inequalities and political repression 
The screenplay is based primarily on Guevara's trip diary of the same name, with additional context supplied by Traveling with Che Guevara: The Making of a Revolutionary by Alberto Granado  Guevara is played by Gael García Bernal (who previously played Che in the 2002 miniseries Fidel), and Granado by the Argentine actor Rodrigo de la Serna, who incidentally is a second cousin to the real-life Guevara on his maternal side  Directed by Brazilian director Walter Salles and written by Puerto Rican playwright José Rivera, the film was an international co-production among production companies from Argentina, the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, Chile, Peru and France  The film's executive producers were Robert Redford, Paul Webster, and Rebecca Yeldham; the producers were Edgard Tenenbaum, Michael Nozik, and Karen Tenkhoff; and the co-producers were Daniel Burman and Diego Dubcovsky 

Plot
The Che of The Motorcycle Diaries is more akin to Jack Kerouac or Neal Cassady than Marx or Lenin "
In 1952, a semester before Ernesto "Fuser" Guevara is due to complete his medical degree, he and his older friend Alberto Granado, a biochemist, leave Buenos Aires to travel across South America  While there is a goal at the end of their journey - they intend to work in a leper colony in Peru - the main purpose is initially fun and adventure  They desire to see as much of Latin America as they can, more than 14,000 kilometres (8,700 mi) in just four and a half months, while Granado's purpose is also to bed as many women as will fall for his pickup lines  Their initial method of transport is Granado's dilapidated Norton 500 motorcycle christened La Poderosa ("The Mighty One") 
Their planned route is ambitious, bringing them north across the Andes, along the coast of Chile, through the Atacama Desert and into the Peruvian Amazon in order to reach Venezuela just in time for Granado's 30th birthday on 2 April  However, due to La Poderosa's breakdown, they are forced to travel at a much slower pace, often walking, and do not make it to Caracas until July 
During their expedition, Guevara and Granado encounter the poverty of the indigenous peasants, and the movie assumes a greater seriousness once the men gain a better sense of the disparity between the "haves" (to which they belong) and the obviously exploited "have-nots" (who make up the majority of those they encounter) by travelling on foot  In Chile, for instance, they encounter a penniless and persecuted couple forced onto the road because of their communist beliefs  In a fire-lit scene, Guevara and Granado ashamedly admit to the couple that they are not out looking for work as well  The duo then accompanies the couple to the Chuquicamata copper mine, where Guevara becomes angry at the treatment of the workers 
However, it is a visit to the ancient Incan ruins of Machu Picchu in Peru that solidifies something in Guevara  His musings are then somberly refocused to how an indigenous civilization capable of building such beauty could be destroyed by the creators of the eventually polluted urban decay of nearby Lima Later, in Peru, they volunteer for three weeks at the San Pablo leper colony  There, Guevara observes both literally and metaphorically the division of society, as the staff live on the north side of a river, separated from the deprived lepers living across the river to the south  To demonstrate his solidarity, and his medical belief that leprosy is not contagious, Guevara refuses to wear rubber gloves during his visit as the head nun requires, choosing instead to shake bare hands and interact normally with the surprised leper patients 
At the end of the film, after his sojourn at the leper colony, Guevara confirms his nascent egalitarian, revolutionary impulses, while making a birthday toast, which is also his first political speech  In it, he invokes a pan-Latin American identity that transcends the arbitrary boundaries of both nation and race  These encounters with social injustice transform the way Guevara sees the world and his purposes in it, and by implication motivates his later political activities as a Marxist revolutionary 
Guevara makes his symbolic "final journey" at night when, despite the danger and his asthma, he swims across the river that separates the two societies of the leper colony, to spend the night in a leper shack, instead of in the doctors' cabins  Later, as they bid each other farewell at an airport, Granado reveals that his birthday was not 2 April, but rather 8 August, and that the aforementioned goal was simply a motivator: Guevara replies that he knew all along  The film closes with an appearance by the real 82-year-old Alberto Granado, along with pictures from the actual journey and a brief mention of Che Guevara's eventual 1967 CIA-assisted execution in the Bolivian jungle 

Cast
Development
The film shows what we were, which was two young men - boys, really - who went looking for adventure and found the truth and tragedy of our homeland 
Gael García Bernal agreed to reprise his role as young Che Guevara having previously portrayed him in the television film Fidel (2002 film)  To prepare for the role, he went through six months of intense preparation  This groundwork included reading "every biography" about Guevara, traveling to Cuba to speak with Guevara's family, and consulting with Guevara's then still living travel partner Alberto Granado  Despite being in his eighties, Granado was also taken on as an adviser by Salles, and enthusiastically followed the film crew as they retraced his former journey 

Moreover, García Bernal (who is Mexican) adopted an Argentine accent and spent 14 weeks reading the works of José Martí, 
Karl Marx and Pablo Neruda (Guevara's favorite poet)  García Bernal told reporters "I feel a lot of responsibility  I want to do it well because of what Che represents to the world  He is a Romantic  He had a political consciousness that changed Latin America " According to García Bernal, the role crystallized his "own sense of duty" because Guevara "decided to live on the side of the mistreated, to live on the side of the people who have no justice - and no voice " In surmising the similarities between his transformation and Guevara's, García Bernal posits that "my generation is awakening, and we're discovering a world full of incredible injustice "Granado later stated that he appreciated the film's effort "to dig beneath the "mythical Che", whose defiant image appears on T-shirts and posters around the world, "to reveal the flawed, flesh-and-blood Ernesto beneath "

Film locales
We were re-enacting a journey that was done 50 years ago, and what's surprising is that the social problems of Latin America are the same  Which is heartbreaking in a way, but it also makes you feel how important it is to tell the story "
In a journey that lasts eight months, the partners travel over 14,000 kilometers (8,700 miles), from Argentina through Chile, Peru, and Colombia to Venezuela  Key locations along the journey described in the film include: in Argentina: Buenos Aires, Miramar, Villa Gesell, San Martín de los Andes, Lago Frías, Patagonia and Nahuel Huapi Lake; in Chile: Temuco, Los Angeles, Valparaiso, the Atacama desert, and Chuquicamata; in Peru: Cuzco, Machu Picchu, Lima, The San Pablo Leper Colony; as well as Leticia, Colombia and Caracas, Venezuela 
Reviewer Nick Cowen of The Daily Telegraph described the scenery as "visually stunning" while remarking that "the cinematography of fog-cloaked mountains, lush, green forests and sunburnt deserts is breathtakingly beautiful enough to serve as a travel advert for the entire continent "

Tourist trails
The Observer reported that shortly after the film's release, tour operators in the region received a surge of inquiries, with some of them even offering Che Guevara-themed trips, where travellers could "follow in the footsteps of the revolutionary icon "The crew filmed in the same San Pablo Leper Colony that Guevara himself had visited  According to Bernal, 85% of the people suffering leprosy in the film were actual lepers, with some of them having lived there when Che and Granado worked at the colony  In fact, when Granado returned with the film crew to the leprosarium of San Pablo, he found some of the people he had treated half a century earlier, remarking that "It was wonderful and amazing that they could still remember me " Granado was also pleased that buildings constructed for the scenes shot at the leprosarium were afterwards used by the patients themselves The scene which features Guevara's character swimming across to the other side of the river was filmed during three nights in which Bernal swam across the actual Amazon River 

Soundtrack
The score for The Motorcycle Diaries was composed by Gustavo Santaolalla  The film's soundtrack was released on the Deutsche Grammophon label in 2004 

Distribution
The film was first presented at the Sundance Film Festival on 15 January 2004  Granado had an invitation to the Sundance premiere, but he was refused an entry Visa by the United States  Later it was featured at the 2004 Cannes Film Festival on 19 May, and Granado was able to attend The film later screened at many other film festivals, including: the Auckland International Film Festival, New Zealand; the Copenhagen International Film Festival, Denmark; the Espoo Film Festival, Finland; the Telluride Film Festival, United States; the Toronto International Film Festival, Canada; the Vancouver International Film Festival, Canada; the Celebrating Literature in Cinema Film Festival Frankfurt, Germany; and the Morelia Film Festival, Mexico 
Release datesUnited States: 15 January 2004 (premiere at Sundance Film Festival)
France: 7 July 2004
Argentina: 29 July 2004
United Kingdom: 27 August 2004
United States: 24 September 2004
Chile:  21 October 2004
Germany: 28 October 2004

Critical reception
The Motorcycle Diaries may not provide any satisfactory answers as to how a 23-year-old medical student went on to become arguably the most famous revolutionary of the latter half of the 20th Century, but it has an undeniable charm in that it imbues the memories of youth with a sense of altruism and purity – which are complemented by the scenery  It's an incomplete portrait to be sure, but it's a gorgeous depiction of two best friends riding unknowingly into the history books "
The Motorcycle Diaries was released to very positive reviews by critics, and received a standing ovation at the 2004 Sundance Film Festival  The New York Times film critic, A O  Scott, wrote that "in Mr  Salles's hands what might have been a schematic story of political awakening becomes a lyrical exploration of the sensations and perceptions from which a political understanding of the world emerges " Gregory Weinkauf of the Dallas Observer espoused that the film "delivers as both biography and road movie, and proves itself a deceptively humble epic, an illuminating part of the Che legacy " Claudia Puig of USA Today postulated that "the movie achieves an impressive blend of emotional resonance and light entertainment" while describing it as "more coming-of-age story than biopic" and "a transformative adventure well worth watching " Keri Petersen of The Gainesville Sun referred to the film as "a gorgeous, poetic adventure "Paula Nechak of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer praised director Salles by remarking that he "presents the evolutionary course of a young man who coincidentally became the dorm-room poster boy for an idealistic generation, and captures the lovely, heart-and-eye-opening ode to youthful possibility with affection and compassion " Washington Post critic Desson Thomson lent praise for the film's starring actor by observing that "what Bernal and this well-wrought movie conveys so well is the charisma that would soon become a part of human history, and yes, T-shirts "Among the film's few detractors was Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun-Times, who described the film's positive reviews as "a matter of political correctness, I think; it is uncool to be against Che Guevara " Ebert also criticized the film's characterization: "seen simply as a film, The Motorcycle Diaries is attenuated and tedious  We understand that Ernesto and Alberto are friends, but that's about all we find out about them; they develop none of the complexities of other on-the-road couples    Nothing is startling or poetic " Jessica Winter of The Village Voice also criticized the film's simplistic representation of the peasantry, describing "the young men's encounters with conscience-pricking, generically noble locals" who are occasionally assembled "to face the camera in a still life of heroic, art-directed suffering"  The film also received criticism for its positive representation of Guevara as a youthful idealist  Anthony Daniels, an outspoken critic of Guevara's, argued that the film helps to continue his wrongful glorification, noting "The film is thus the cinematic equivalent of the Che Guevara T-shirt; it is morally monstrous and emotionally trivial " Frans Weiser agreed, saying that the film's narrative is dominated by reductive images of Guevara as an idealistic, loveable rogue Online review aggregator Metacritic gives the film a score of 75 out of 100 based on 37 reviews, indicating "generally favorable reviews"  Meanwhile, Rotten Tomatoes records an 83% approval rating based on 157 reviews, with an average rating of 7 5/10  The website's critical consensus reads, "The Motorcycle Diaries is heartfelt and profound in its rendering of the formative experiences that turn Ernesto "Che" Guevara into a famous revolutionary " Furthermore, British historian Alex von Tunzelmann, who reviews films at The Guardian for historical accuracy, graded the film an A− in "History", while giving the film a B in "Entertainment"  After comparing scenes from the film to the actual diaries, Tunzelmann posited that "The Motorcycle Diaries gets a lot right, it's an entertaining and accurate portrayal of the formative youth of a revolutionary icon "

Awards won
Cannes Film Festival: François Chalais Award, Walter Salles; Prize of the Ecumenical Jury, Walter Salles; Technical Grand Prize, Eric Gautier; 2004 
Donostia-San Sebastián International Film Festival: Audience Award Walter Salles; 2004 
Academy Awards: Oscar; Best Achievement in Music Written for Motion Pictures, Original Song; Jorge Drexler; for the song "Al otro lado del río"; 2005 
Argentine Film Critics Association Awards: Best Actor, Rodrigo de la Serna; Best Music, Gustavo Santaolalla; Best Adapted Screenplay, Jose Rivera; 2005 
British Academy of Film and Television Arts: Best Film Not in the English Language, Michael Nozik, Edgard Tenenbaum, Karen Tenkhoff, Walter Salles; Anthony Asquith Award for Film Music, Gustavo Santaolalla; 2005 
Goya Awards: Goya; Best Adapted Screenplay, José Rivera; 2005 
Independent Spirit Awards: Independent Spirit Award; Best Cinematography, Eric Gautier; Best Debut Performance, Rodrigo de la Serna; 2005 

Related films
Passage 6:
Noon
Noon (or midday) is 12 o'clock in the daytime  It is written as 12 noon, 12:00 m  (for meridiem, literally 12:00 midday), 12 p m  (for post meridiem, literally "after midday"), 12 pm, or 12:00 (using a 24-hour clock) or 1200 (military time) 
Solar noon is the time when the Sun appears to contact the local celestial meridian  This is when the Sun reaches its apparent highest point in the sky, at 12 noon apparent solar time and can be observed using a sundial  The local or clock time of solar noon depends on the longitude and date, with Daylight Saving Time tending to place solar noon closer to 1:00pm 

Etymology
The word noon is derived from Latin nona hora, the ninth canonical hour of the day, in reference to the Western Christian liturgical term none, one of the seven fixed prayer times in traditional Christian denominations  The Roman and Western European medieval monastic day began at 6:00 a m  (06:00) at the equinox by modern timekeeping, so the ninth hour started at what is now 3:00 p m  (15:00) at the equinox  In English, the meaning of the word shifted to midday and the time gradually moved back to 12:00 local time – that is, not taking into account the modern invention of time zones  The change began in the 12th century and was fixed by the 14th century 

Solar noon
Solar noon, also known as the local apparent solar noon and Sun transit time (informally high noon), is the moment when the Sun contacts the observer's meridian (culmination or meridian transit), reaching its highest position above the horizon on that day and casting the shortest shadow  This is also the origin of the terms ante meridiem (a m ) and post meridiem (p m ), as noted below  The Sun is directly overhead at solar noon at the Equator on the equinoxes, at the Tropic of Cancer (latitude 23°26′10 4″ N) on the June solstice and at the Tropic of Capricorn (23°26′10 4″ S) on the December solstice  In the Northern Hemisphere, north of the Tropic of Cancer, the Sun is due south of the observer at solar noon; in the Southern Hemisphere, south of the Tropic of Capricorn, it is due north 
The elapsed time from the local solar noon of one day to the next is exactly 24 hours on only four instances in any given year  This occurs when the effects of Earth's obliquity of ecliptic and its orbital speed around the Sun offset each other  These four days for the current epoch are centered on 11 February, 13 May, 26 July, and 3 November  It occurs at only one particular line of longitude in each instance  This line varies year to year, since Earth's true year is not an integer number of days  This event time and location also varies due to Earth's orbit being gravitationally perturbed by the planets  These four 24-hour days occur in both hemispheres simultaneously  The precise UTC times for these four days also mark when the opposite line of longitude, 180° away, experiences precisely 24 hours from local midnight to local midnight the next day  Thus, four varying great circles of longitude define from year to year when a 24-hour day (noon to noon or midnight to midnight) occurs 
The two longest time spans from noon to noon occur twice each year, around 20 June (24 hours plus 13 seconds) and 21 December (24 hours plus 30 seconds) 
The shortest time spans occur twice each year, around 25 March (24 hours minus 18 seconds) and 13 September (24 hours minus 22 seconds) 
For the same reasons, solar noon and "clock noon" are usually not the same  The equation of time shows that the reading of a clock at solar noon will be higher or lower than 12:00 by as much as 16 minutes  Additionally, due to the political nature of time zones, as well as the application of daylight saving time, it can be off by more than an hour 

Nomenclature
In the US, noon is commonly indicated by 12 p m , and midnight by 12 a m  While some argue that such usage is "improper" based on the Latin meaning (a m  stands for ante meridiem and p m  for post meridiem, meaning "before midday" and "after midday" respectively), digital clocks are unable to display anything else, and an arbitrary decision must be made  An earlier standard of indicating noon as "12M" or "12m" (for "meridies"), which was specified in the U S  GPO Government Style Manual, has fallen into relative obscurity; the current edition of the GPO makes no mention of it  However, due to the lack of an international standard, the use of "12 a m " and "12 p m " can be confusing  Common alternative methods of representing these times are:

to use a 24-hour clock (00:00 and 12:00, 24:00; but never 24:01)
to use "12 noon" or "12 midnight" (though "12 midnight" may still present ambiguity regarding the specific date)
to specify midnight as between two successive days or dates (as in "midnight Saturday/Sunday" or "midnight December 14/15")
to avoid those specific times and to use "11:59 p m " or "12:01 a m " instead  (This is common in the travel industry to avoid confusion to passengers' schedules, especially train and plane schedules )

See also
Afternoon
Analemma
Dipleidoscope
Hour angle
Solar azimuth angle

Notes



ground_truth: 24:00