prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: What county shares a border with the county where She Did It's performer was born?

The following are given passages.
Context 1: Passage 1:
Sant Martí d'Empúries
Sant Martí d'Empúries is an entity of the town of L'Escala  It is located next to the ruins of Empúries or Empòrion  Ancient Greeks established the settlement in the 6th century BC  It was the county seat until 1079 Empúries moved to Castelló d'Empúries place less exposed to attack 
Sant Martí d'Empúries is a staging point on the GR 92 long distance footpath, which roughly follows the length of the Mediterranean coast of Spain  Stage 5, to the north, takes a route behind the coast to the El Cortalet pond in the Parc Natural dels Aiguamolls de l'Empordà, a distance of 20 2 kilometres (12 6 mi)  Stage 6, to the south, follows the coast to l'Escala and then takes an inland route across the Montgri Massif to reach the next staging point of Torroella de Montgrí, a distance of 20 0 kilometres (12 4 mi) 

History
It was an inhabited place since the arrival of Greeks from Massalia, actual Marseille (France) in the 6th century BC  Greeks established a settlement there called it, Kypsela (Greek: Κύψελα)  At the ancient times there is a possibility that there was a temple of Artemis on the island It was Christianized by Saint Feliu, an African martyr who died in 304 in Girona  He was bishop between 516 and 693  Charlemagne mentions Ermenguer as first Count of Empúries in 812 
Passage 2:
British nationality law
The primary law governing nationality in the United Kingdom is the British Nationality Act 1981, which came into force on 1 January 1983  Regulations apply to the British Islands, which include the UK itself and the Crown dependencies, and the 14 British Overseas Territories 
The six classes of British nationality each have varying degrees of civil and political rights, due to the UK's historical status as a colonial empire  The principal class of British nationality is British citizenship, which is associated with the British Islands  British nationals associated with an overseas territory are British Overseas Territories citizens (BOTCs)  Almost all BOTCs (except for those from Akrotiri and Dhekelia) have also been British citizens since 2002  Individuals connected with former British colonies may hold residual forms of British nationality, which do not confer an automatic right of abode in the United Kingdom and generally may no longer be acquired  These residual nationalities are the statuses of British Overseas citizen, British subject, British National (Overseas), and British protected person 
All persons born in the British Islands before 1 January 1983 were automatically granted citizenship by birth regardless of the nationalities of their parents  Individuals born in those territories since that date only receive citizenship at birth if at least the mother is a British citizen or holds settled status  Foreign nationals may naturalise as British citizens after meeting a minimum residence requirement (usually five years) and acquiring settled status 
The United Kingdom was previously a member state of the European Union (EU) and British citizens held full EU citizenship  They had held automatic and permanent permission to live and work in any EU or European Free Trade Association (EFTA) country and were able to vote in elections to the European Parliament  Despite the UK's withdrawal from the union in 2020, British citizens continue to hold permanent permission to work and reside in the Republic of Ireland as part of the Common Travel Area 

Terminology
The distinction between the meaning of the terms citizenship and nationality is not always clear in the English language and differs by country  Generally, nationality refers to a person's legal belonging to a sovereign state and is the common term used in international treaties when addressing members of a country, while citizenship usually means the set of rights and duties a person has in that nation  This distinction is clearly defined in many non-English speaking countries but not in the Anglosphere  Historically, an individual associated with Britain was neither a national nor a citizen, but a British subject  British citizenship was not created until passage of the British Nationality Act 1981  This Act defined six types of nationality with varying degrees of civil and political rights, dependent on a person's connections with the United Kingdom, overseas territories, or former colonies  British citizens hold their status because of a close connection with the British Islands, usually through their own (or parents' or grandparents') birth, adoption, naturalisation, or registration as citizens of the UK 

Types of British nationality
There are six types of British nationality: any person who is a British citizen, British Overseas Territories citizen (BOTC), British Overseas citizen (BOC), British National (Overseas) (BN(O)), British subject, or British protected person is a British national  Of these statuses, only British citizenship grants automatic right of abode in the United Kingdom  British Overseas Territories are areas outside of the British Islands where the UK holds sovereignty  Since 2002, nearly all BOTCs also hold British citizenship, except for those associated with Akrotiri and Dhekelia The other four categories are residual nationality classes that generally cannot be acquired  BOCs are people connected with former British colonies who have no close ties to the UK or overseas territories  BN(O)s are Hong Kong residents who voluntarily registered for this status before the territory's transfer to China in 1997  British subjects hold their status through a connection either to former  British India or to what is now the Republic of Ireland as they existed before 1949  British protected persons come from areas controlled by the British Empire but were never formally incorporated as Crown territory; this includes protectorates, protected states, mandated territories, and Indian princely states 

History
Development from feudal allegiance
Before the concept of nationality was codified in legislation, inhabitants of English communities owed allegiance to their feudal lords, who were themselves vassals of the monarch  This system of loyalty, indirectly owed to the monarch personally, developed into a general establishment of subjecthood to the Crown  Calvin's Case in 1608 established the principle of jus soli, that all those who were born within Crown dominions were natural-born subjects  After passage of the Acts of Union 1707, English and Scottish subjects became British subjects  Similarly, the Kingdom of Ireland was merged with the Kingdom of Great Britain to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1801  Natural-born subjects were considered to owe perpetual allegiance to the Crown and could not voluntarily renounce British subject status until this was first permitted in 1870 Prior to 1708, foreigners could only be naturalised through Acts of Parliament  Protestants fleeing religious persecution in mainland Europe were allowed to naturalise as subjects in 1708, but this was quickly repealed in 1711 in response to the number of migrants exercising that ability  A standard administrative process was not introduced until 1844, when applicants were first able to acquire naturalisation grants from the Home Office  Despite the creation of this pathway, personalised naturalising legislation continued to be enacted until 1975 The monarch could personally make any individual a subject by royal prerogative  By this method, a foreigner became a denizen – although they were no longer considered an alien, they could not pass subject status to their children by descent and were barred from Crown service and public office  This mechanism was no longer used after 1873 Until the mid-19th century, it was unclear whether nationality regulations in the United Kingdom were applicable elsewhere in the British Empire  Individual colonies had each developed their own procedures and requirements for naturalisation, granting subject status at the discretion of the local governments  In 1847, Parliament formalised a clear distinction between subjects who were naturalised in the UK and those who became British subjects in other territories  Individuals who naturalised in the UK were deemed to have received the status by imperial naturalisation, which was valid throughout the Empire  Those naturalising in colonies were said to have gone through local naturalisation and were given subject status valid only within the relevant territory; a subject who locally naturalised in Canada was a British subject there, but not in England or New Zealand  When travelling outside of the Empire, British subjects who were locally naturalised in a colony were still entitled to imperial protection Certain territories that came under British jurisdiction were not formally incorporated as Crown territory proper  These included protectorates, protected states, mandated territories, and Indian princely states  Because domestic law treated these areas as foreign territory, birth in one of these areas did not automatically confer British subject status  Instead, most people associated with these territories were designated as British protected persons  British protected persons were treated as aliens in the United Kingdom, but both British subjects and protected persons could be issued British passports  Protected persons could not travel to the UK without first requesting permission, but were afforded the same consular protection as British subjects when travelling outside of the Empire 

Imperial common code
Parliament brought regulations for British subject status into codified statute law for the first time with passage of the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act 1914  British subject status was standardised as a common nationality across the Empire  Dominions that adopted Part II of this Act as part of local legislation were authorised to grant subject status to aliens by imperial naturalisation The 1914 regulations codified the doctrine of coverture into imperial nationality law, where a woman's consent to marry a foreigner was also assumed to be intent to denaturalise; British women who married foreign men automatically lost their British nationality  There were two exceptions to this: a wife married to a husband who lost his British subject status was able to retain British nationality by declaration, and a British-born widow or divorcée who had lost her British nationality through marriage could reacquire that status without meeting residence requirements after the dissolution or termination of her marriage By the end of the First World War, the Dominions had exercised increasing levels of autonomy in managing their own affairs and each by then had developed a distinct national identity  Britain formally recognised this at the 1926 Imperial Conference, jointly issuing the Balfour Declaration with all the Dominion heads of government, which stated that the United Kingdom and Dominions were autonomous and equal to each other within the British Commonwealth of Nations  Full legislative independence was granted to the Dominions with passage of the Statute of Westminster 1931 Women's rights groups throughout the Empire pressured the imperial government during this time to amend nationality regulations that tied a married woman's status to that of her husband  Because the government could no longer enforce legislative supremacy over the Dominions after 1931 and wanted to maintain a strong constitutional link to them through the common nationality code, it was unwilling to make major changes without unanimous agreement among the Dominions on this issue, which it did not have  Imperial legal uniformity was nevertheless eroded during the 1930s; New Zealand and Australia amended their laws in 1935 and 1936 to allow women denaturalised by marriage to retain their rights as British subjects, and Ireland changed its regulations in 1935 to cause no change to a woman's nationality after her marriage 

Irish independence
Irish resistance to the Union and desire for local self-governance led to the Irish War of Independence  Following the war, the island of Ireland was partitioned into two parts  Southern Ireland became the Irish Free State in 1922, while Northern Ireland remains part of the United Kingdom  Under the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, Northern Ireland was included in the Irish Free State on independence, but had the right to opt out of the new state within one month of its establishment  This option was exercised on 7 December 1922  The 24-hour period in which Northern Ireland was officially part of the Irish Free State meant that every person ordinarily resident in Northern Ireland on 6 December who fulfilled the citizenship provisions in the Constitution of the Irish Free State had automatically become an Irish citizen on that date At its inception, the Irish Free State gained independence as a Dominion within the British Empire  Imperial legislation at the time dictated that although individual Dominions could define a citizenship for their own citizens, that citizenship would only be effective within the local Dominion's borders  A Canadian, New Zealand, or Irish citizen who traveled outside of their own country would have been regarded as a British subject  This was reinforced by Article 3 of the 1922 Free State Constitution, which stated that Irish citizenship could be exercised "within the limits of the jurisdiction of the Irish Free State" When Free State authorities were first preparing to issue Irish passports in 1923, the British government insisted on the inclusion of some type of wording that described the holders of these passports as "British subjects"  The two sides could not reach agreement on this issue and when the Irish government began issuing passports in 1924, British authorities refused to accept these documents  British consular staff were instructed to confiscate any Irish passports that did not include the term "British subject" and replace them with British passports  This situation continued until 1930, when Irish passports were amended to describe its holders as "one of His Majesty's subjects of the Irish Free State"  Despite these disagreements, the two governments agreed not to establish border controls between their jurisdictions and all Irish citizens and British subjects continued to have the ability to move freely within the Common Travel Area  Although Irish citizens have not been considered British subjects under Irish law since 1935, the British government continued to treat virtually all Irish citizens as British subjects, except for those who had acquired Irish citizenship by naturalisation since the Free State had not incorporated Part II of the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act 1914 into its legislation 

Changing relationship with the Empire and Commonwealth
Diverging developments in Dominion legislation, as well as growing assertions of local national identity separate from that of Britain and the Empire, culminated with the creation of a substantive Canadian citizenship in 1946, breaking the system of a common imperial nationality  Combined with the approaching independence of India and Pakistan in 1947, comprehensive reform to nationality law was necessary at this point to address ideas that were incompatible with the previous system The British Nationality Act 1948 redefined British subject as any citizen of the United Kingdom, its colonies, or other Commonwealth countries  Commonwealth citizen was first defined in this Act to have the same meaning  This alternative term was necessary to retain a number of newly independent countries in the Commonwealth that wished to become republics rather than preserve the monarch as head of state  The change in naming also indicated a shift in the base theory to this aspect of British nationality; allegiance to the Crown was no longer a requirement to possess British subject status and the common status would be maintained by voluntary agreement among the various members of the Commonwealth British subject/Commonwealth citizen status co-existed with the citizenships of each Commonwealth country  A person born in Australia would be both an Australian citizen and a British subject  British subjects under the previous meaning who held that status on 1 January 1949 because of a connection with the United Kingdom or a remaining colony became Citizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies (CUKC)  CUKC status was the principal form of British nationality during this period of time There was also a category of people called British subjects without citizenship  Irish citizens who fulfilled certain requirements could file formal claims with the Home Secretary to remain British subjects under this definition  Additionally, those who did not qualify for CUKC status or citizenship in other Commonwealth countries, or were connected with a country that had not yet defined citizenship laws, would transitionally remain British subjects in this group 

Irish departure from the Commonwealth
Despite the accommodations for republics, Ireland ended its Commonwealth membership in 1948 when it formally declared itself a republic and removed the British monarch's remaining official functions in the Irish state  This was recognised by Britain after passage of the Ireland Act 1949  Although Irish citizens have no longer been defined as British subjects in British law since 1949, they continue to be treated as non-foreign in the United Kingdom and retain the same rights and privileges exercised by Commonwealth citizens; Irish citizens remain eligible to vote and stand for parliament in the UK The British Nationality Act 1948 unintentionally excluded certain British subjects associated with Ireland from acquiring CUKC status  The wording of that law did not take into account the 24-hour period during which Northern Ireland was part of the Irish Free State in 1922  Individuals born before 1922 in the area that became the Republic of Ireland to fathers also born in that area but were domiciled in Northern Ireland on Irish independence had nevertheless automatically acquired Irish citizenship  The Ireland Act 1949 specifically addresses this by deeming any person in such circumstances who had never registered for Irish citizenship and had not permanently resided in the Republic between 10 April 1935 and 1 January 1949 as a CUKC and having never ceased to be a British subject 

Restricting Commonwealth free movement
All British subjects under the reformed system initially continued to hold free movement rights in both the UK and Ireland  Non-white immigration into the UK was systemically discouraged, but strong economic conditions in Britain following the Second World War attracted an unprecedented wave of colonial migration  This entitlement was part of a wider initiative to preserve close relationships with certain Dominions and colonies (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa, and Southern Rhodesia) and to moderate nationalist attitudes within the Commonwealth  In response, Parliament imposed immigration controls on any subjects originating from outside the British Islands with the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962  This restriction was somewhat relaxed by the Immigration Act 1971 for patrials, subjects whose parents or grandparents were born in the United Kingdom, which gave effective preferential treatment to white Commonwealth citizens  Ireland mirrored this restriction and limited free movement only to people born on the islands of Great Britain or Ireland  However, individuals born in the UK since 1983 are only British citizens if at least one parent is already a British citizen  The Irish regulation created a legal anomaly where persons born in Britain without British citizenship nevertheless held an unrestricted right to settle in Ireland; this inconsistency was removed in 1999 In other parts of the Commonwealth, British subjects already did not have an automatic right to settle  Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and South Africa had immigration restrictions in place for British subjects from outside their jurisdictions targeted at non-white migrants since the late 19th century  After 1949, non-local British subjects under the new definition who were resident in these independent Commonwealth countries continued to retain certain privileges  This included eligibility to vote in elections, for preferred paths to citizenship, and for welfare benefits  British subjects were eligible to vote in New Zealand until 1975 and Australia until 1984 (though subjects on the electoral roll in that year are still eligible)  In Canada, voting eligibility was revoked at the federal level in 1975, but not fully phased out in provinces until 2006  All Commonwealth citizens remain eligible to vote and stand for public office in the UK 

Post-imperial redefinition of nationality classes
By the 1970s and 1980s, most colonies of the British Empire had become independent and remaining ties to the United Kingdom had been significantly weakened  The UK updated its nationality law to reflect the more modest boundaries of its remaining territory and possessions with the British Nationality Act 1981  CUKCs were reclassified in 1983 into different nationality groups based on their ancestry, birthplace, and immigration status: CUKCs who had right of abode in the United Kingdom became British citizens while those connected with a remaining colony became British Dependent Territories citizens (BDTCs)  Remaining CUKCs who were no longer associated with a British territory became British Overseas citizens  The definition of "British subject" became limited to include only the category of people previously called British subjects without citizenship who held that status through a connection with former British India or Ireland before 1949 

Former membership in the European Union
In 1973, the United Kingdom joined the European Communities (EC), a set of organisations that later developed into the European Union (EU)  British citizens were able to work in other EC/EU countries under the freedom of movement for workers established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome and participated in their first European Parliament elections in 1979  With the creation of European Union citizenship by the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, free movement rights were extended to all nationals of EU member states regardless of their employment status  The scope of these rights was further expanded with the establishment of the European Economic Area in 1994 to include any national of an EFTA member state except for Switzerland, which concluded a separate free movement agreement with the EU that came into force in 2002 Not all British nationals were EU citizens  Only British citizens, British Overseas Territories citizens connected with Gibraltar, and British subjects under the 1981 Act who held UK right of abode were defined as UK nationals for the purposes of EU law  Although the Crown dependencies were part of the European Union Customs Union, free movement of persons was never implemented in those territories  Following the UK's withdrawal from the EU on 31 January 2020, British nationals have no longer been EU citizens  Despite this, British citizens continue to have free movement in Ireland as part of the preexisting arrangement for the Common Travel Area While the UK was a member state of the EU, Cypriot and Maltese citizens held a particularly favoured status there  While non-EU Commonwealth citizens continued to need a residence visa to live in the UK, Cypriot and Maltese citizens were able to settle there and immediately hold full rights to political participation due to their status as both Commonwealth and EU citizens  This group of EU citizens (along with Irish citizens) domiciled in the UK were able to vote in the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum while all other non-British EU citizens could not 

Acquisition and loss of nationality
British citizenship
Prior to 1983, all Individuals born within the British Islands (the United Kingdom and Crown Dependencies) received British citizenship at birth regardless of the nationalities of their parents  Individuals born afterwards only receive citizenship at birth if at least one parent is a British citizen or considered to have settled status in the UK  Children born overseas are British citizens by descent if either parent is a citizen otherwise than by descent, subject to regulations  Adopted children are treated as if they were naturally born to the adopting parents at the time of adoption  Children born abroad to members of the British Armed Forces or British citizens on Crown service are treated as if they were born in the UK Children born in the UK to a resident Irish citizen at any time are always British citizens at birth  Since 1983, the status of a child born in the UK is dependent on whether their parents held British citizenship or settled status at the time of their birth  Irish citizens residing in the UK are deemed to hold settled status upon arrival  Regulations concerning settled status for other European Union (EU), European Economic Area (EEA), and Swiss citizens have changed greatly over time, affecting the status of their children born during the different regulatory periods  EU/EEA citizens living in the UK before 2 October 2000 were automatically considered to be settled  Between that date and 29 April 2006, EU/EEA citizens were required to apply for permanent residency  Swiss citizens became subject to the same regulations on 1 June 2002  From 30 April 2006 until 30 June 2021, EU/EEA and Swiss citizens living in the UK for at least five years automatically received permanent resident status  Permanent resident status for these citizens expired on 1 July 2021, after which they have been required to hold settled status through the European Union Settlement Scheme or another path Foreign nationals may naturalise as British citizens after residing in the UK for more than five years and possessing indefinite leave to remain (ILR) for at least one year  The residency requirement is reduced to three years if an applicant is married to a British citizen and they immediately become eligible for naturalisation after receiving ILR or equivalent  Applicants must demonstrate proficiency in the English, Welsh, or Scottish Gaelic languages and pass the Life in the United Kingdom test 

British Overseas Territories citizenship
Individuals born in a territory automatically receive BOTC status if at least one parent is a BOTC or has belonger status  Children born in an overseas territory to British citizen parents who are not settled in a territory are British citizens at birth, but not BOTCs  Parents do not necessarily need to be connected with the same overseas territory to pass on BOTC status  Alternatively, a child born in an overseas territory may be registered as a BOTC if either parent becomes a BOTC or settles in any overseas territory subsequent to birth  A child who lives in the same territory until age 10 and is not absent for more than 90 days in each year is also entitled to registration as a BOTC  Furthermore, an adopted child automatically become a BOTC on the effective day of adoption if either parent is a BOTC or has belonger status  In all cases that an individual is a British Overseas Territories citizen at birth or adoption within the territories, that person is a BOTC otherwise than by descent Individuals born outside of the territories are BOTCs by descent if either parent is a BOTC otherwise than by descent  Unmarried fathers cannot automatically pass on BOTC status, and it would be necessary for them to register children as BOTCs  If a parent is a BOTC by descent, additional requirements apply to register children as BOTCs  Parents in Crown service who have children abroad are exempted from these circumstances, and their children would be BOTCs otherwise than by descent, as if they had been born on their home territory Foreigners and non-BOTC British nationals may naturalise as British Overseas Territories citizens after residing in a territory for more than five years and possessing belonger status or permanent residency for more than one year  The residency requirement is reduced to three years if an applicant is married to a BOTC  All applicants for naturalisation and registration are normally considered by the governor of the relevant territory, but the Home Secretary retains discretionary authority to grant BOTC status  Since 2004, BOTC applicants aged 18 or older are required to take an oath of allegiance to the Sovereign and loyalty pledge to the relevant territory during their citizenship ceremonies All British Overseas Territories citizens other than those solely connected with Akrotiri and Dhekelia became British citizens on 21 May 2002, and children born on qualified overseas territories to dual BOTC-British citizens since that date are both BOTCs and British citizens otherwise than by descent  Prior to 2002, only BOTCs from Gibraltar and the Falkland Islands were given unrestricted access to citizenship  BOTCs naturalised after that date may also become British citizens by registration at the discretion of the Home Secretary  Becoming a British citizen has no effect on BOTC status; BOTCs may also simultaneously be British citizens 

Other nationality classes
It is generally not possible to acquire other forms of British nationality  British Overseas citizenship, British subjecthood, and British protected person status are only transferred by descent if an individual born to a parent holding one of these statuses would otherwise be stateless  British Overseas citizens retain their status by association with most former British colonies, British subjects are connected specifically with Ireland or British India before 1949, and British protected persons are associated with territories that were under British control but not formally incorporated as part of the British Empire  British National (Overseas) status was exclusively granted by voluntary registration to Hong Kong residents who had been British Dependent Territories citizens prior to the transfer of sovereignty to China in 1997 and cannot be newly acquired in any case  Noncitizen British nationals may become British citizens by registration, rather than naturalisation, after residing in the United Kingdom for more than five years and possessing ILR for more than one year 

Renunciation and restoration
Any type of British nationality can be renounced by making a declaration to the Home Secretary, provided that the declarant possesses or intends to acquire another nationality  Former British citizens or BOTCs may subsequently apply for nationality restoration  Applicants who had originally renounced their British nationality in order to retain or acquire another nationality are entitled to register as British citizens or BOTCs once  Any subsequent renunciation and application for restoration, or someone applying for restoration who originally renounced their British nationality for a reason unrelated to acquiring or retaining an alternate nationality, would be subject to the discretionary approval of the Home Secretary 

Automatic loss of British nationality
British subjects (other than British subjects by virtue of a connection with the Republic of Ireland) and British protected persons lose British nationality upon acquiring any other form of nationality 

These provisions do not apply to British citizens 
British Overseas Territories citizens (BOTCs) who acquire another nationality do not lose their BOTC status but they may be liable to lose belonger status in their home territory under its immigration laws  Such persons are advised to contact the governor of that territory for information 
British Overseas citizens (BOCs) do not lose their BOC status upon acquisition of another citizenship, but any entitlement to registration as a British citizen on the grounds of having no other nationality no longer applies after acquiring another citizenship 

Deprivation of British nationality
The British government does not publish the number of people it strips of citizenship, but independent research by a lawyer-run website, in 2022, found at least 464 people's citizenship was revoked in the last 15 years  After the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 came into force British nationals could be deprived of their citizenship if and only if the Secretary of State was satisfied they were responsible for acts seriously prejudicial to the vital interests of the United Kingdom or an Overseas Territory This was extended under the Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Act 2006: people with dual nationality who are British nationals can be deprived of their British citizenship if the Secretary of State is satisfied that "deprivation is conducive to the public good", or if nationality was obtained by means of fraud, false representation or concealment of a material fact  Between 2006 and the end of 2021 at least 464 people have had their citizenship removed by the government since the law was introduced  There is a right of appeal  This provision has been in force since 16 June 2006 when the Immigration, Nationality and Asylum Act 2006 (Commencement No 1) Order 2006 brought it into force  Loss of British nationality in this way applies also to dual nationals who are British by birth  The Secretary of State may not deprive a person of British nationality, unless obtained by means of fraud, false representation or concealment of a material fact, if they are satisfied that the order would make a person stateless This provision was again modified by the Immigration Act 2014 so as not to require that a third country would actually grant nationality to a person; British nationality can be revoked if "the Secretary of State has reasonable grounds for believing that the person is able, under the law of a country or territory outside the United Kingdom, to become a national of such a country or territory "The powers to strip citizenship were initially very rarely used  Between 2010 and 2015, 33 dual nationals had been deprived of their British citizenship  In the two years to 2013 six people were deprived of citizenship; then in 2013, 18 people were deprived, increasing to 23 in 2014  In 2017, over 40 people had been deprived as of July (at this time increased numbers of British citizens went to join "Islamic State" and then tried to return) The Home Office does not issue information on these cases and is resistant to answering questions, for example under the Freedom of Information Act 2000  It appears that the government usually waits until the person has left Britain, then sends a warning notice to their British home and signs a deprivation order a day or two later  Appeals are heard at the highly secretive Special Immigration Appeals Commission (SIAC), where the government can submit evidence that cannot be seen or challenged by the appellant Home Secretary Sajid Javid said in 2018 that until then deprivation of nationality had been restricted to "terrorists who are a threat to the country", but that he intended to extend it to "those who are convicted of the most grave criminal offences"  The acting director of Liberty responded "The home secretary is taking us down a very dangerous road      making our criminals someone else’s problem is     the government washing its hands of its responsibilities     Banishment belongs in the dark ages "A Nationality and Borders Bill was introduced to the British House of Commons in July 2021, sponsored by the Home Office under Home Secretary Priti Patel  In November 2021, an amendment to the Bill was introduced which, if passed, would allow people to be deprived of British citizenship without being given notice  At the time the Home Office reiterated its position on citizenship: "British citizenship is a privilege, not a right" 

British citizenship ceremonies
From 1 January 2004, all new applicants for British citizenship by naturalisation or registration aged 18 or over if their application is successful must attend a citizenship ceremony and either make an affirmation or take an oath of allegiance to the monarch, and make a pledge to the UK 
Citizenship ceremonies are normally organised by:

local councils in England, Scotland, and Wales
the Northern Ireland Office
the governments of the Isle of Man, Jersey and Guernsey
the Governors of British Overseas Territories
British consular offices outside the United Kingdom and territories Persons from what is now the Republic of Ireland born before 1949 reclaiming British subject status under section 31 of the 1981 Act do not need to attend a citizenship ceremony  If such a person subsequently applies for British citizenship by registration or naturalisation, attendance at a ceremony is required 
For those who applied for British citizenship before 2004:

the oath of allegiance was administered privately through signing a witnessed form in front of a solicitor or other accredited person
those who already held British nationality (other than British protected persons) were exempt, as were those citizens of countries with the King as Head of State (such as Australia and Canada) 

See also
Visa policy of the United Kingdom
Visa requirements for British citizens
Visa requirements for British Nationals (Overseas)
Visa requirements for British Overseas citizens
Visa requirements for British Overseas Territories citizens

Notes
Passage 3:
She Did It
"She Did It" is a song written and originally recorded by Eric Carmen in 1977  Carmen's single was a Top 40 hit on the Billboard Hot 100 chart, reaching number 23  "She Did It" was covered in 1981 by actor and singer Michael Damian, who reached number 69 on the Hot 100 with his version 

Eric Carmen version
Background and release
"She Did It" was first recorded and performed by Eric Carmen  Released in August 1977, it was the first and greatest hit on Carmen's second solo LP, Boats Against the Current   It reached number 23 on the Billboard Hot 100 chart, number 15 on the Cashbox Top 100, and number 11 in Canada This ballad is an upbeat love song about finally finding the right person and experiencing love after being lonely for an extended period of time   It is a happy answer to Carmen's more melancholy hits the year before, "All By Myself" and "Never Gonna Fall in Love Again " It has been hailed as "the best Beach Boys song Brian Wilson never wrote "Back-up vocals for "She Did It" were provided by Bruce Johnston and Brian Wilson of the Beach Boys, whose 1968 hit "Do It Again" is credited by Carmen with being the initial inspiration for the song because of the 'did-its'  "She Did It" also features Burton Cummings, formerly of the Guess Who, and a guitar solo by Andrew Gold ("Lonely Boy"), featuring his distinctive harmonized lead guitar sound, and drumming by Toto's Jeff Porcaro   Carmen has stated that "She Did It" was in turn a source of inspiration for another song, the 1982 hit "Did It in a Minute" by Hall & Oates, with whom he was touring at the time their song became a hit The 45 rpm cover sheath for "She Did It" was a black and white of the full-color photo taken for the album, with manuscript lettering instead of the cursive text which appeared on the cover of the LP   The B side, "Someday," was omitted from the "Boats" LP, but was placed on Carmen's follow-up album, Change of Heart 
Two other songs penned and recorded by Carmen, "That's Rock 'n' Roll" and "Hey Deanie", but made into hits by Shaun Cassidy, charted concurrently with "She Did It" in late 1977, reaching numbers three and seven, respectively On the Canadian singles chart, "She Did It" spent four consecutive weeks at number 11  One of the songs blocking it from entering the Top 10 was Carmen's own composition, "That's Rock 'n' Roll," a number-one hit in Canada  "She Did It" ranks as the 104th biggest Canadian hit of 1977 Chicago radio superstation WLS, which gave the song much airplay, ranked "She Did It" as the 56th most popular hit of 1977 
It reached as high as number 6 (for two weeks) on their surveys of November 19 and 26, 1977  Other cities where the song was played heavily include Los Angeles, Sacramento, San Jose, Las Vegas, Oklahoma City and Dallas in the west, and Boston, Philadelphia, Richmond, Charlotte, Atlanta and New Orleans in the east, in addition to Ohio, Carmen's home base "She Did It" also performed particularly well in Vancouver, where radio station CKLG-AM 1070 ranked "She Did It" as the 27th biggest hit of the year   It peaked at number 3 for two weeks on their surveys of October 19 and 26, 1977 While not charting nationally in Australia, the song did become a Top 40 hit (#23) in the Sydney area on radio station 2SM 

Television performance
Carmen performed "She Did It" on The Midnight Special television program (season 6, episode 5) on October 14, 1977   The show was hosted by Marilyn McCoo & Billy Davis Jr 

Other appearances
"She Did It" was featured on several compilation albums featuring music from 1977 and 1978  It was included on "20 Monster Hits" by EMI, as well as appearing on other similar collections by Ronco and K-Tel   In 1993, it was included on My Crescent Love 2 – Afternoon AOR (BMG Victor) 
"She Did It" has been included on the following collections of Carmen's material:

The Best of Eric Carmen (1988)
Definitive Collection (1997)
The Essential Eric Carmen (2014)

Chart performance
Michael Damian version
Background and release
Almost four years after Eric Carmen's release of "She Did It," the song was covered by actor and singer Michael Damian   This version was Damian's debut single release   It was a non-album single from 1981 that reached number 69 on the Billboard Hot 100 chart and number 95 on the Cash Box Top 100 chart   It was released almost eight years before his subsequent hit, a cover of "Rock On," which reached number one in 1989  "She Did It" was backed with "I Love How You Love Me", a cover of the Paris Sisters 

Television performance
On April 11, 1981, Damian performed "She Did It" on the ABC-TV Saturday-afternoon program, American Bandstand 

Chart performance
Passage 4:
Krasnovishersky District
Krasnovishersky District (Russian: Краснови́шерский райо́н) is an administrative district (raion) of Perm Krai, Russia; one of the thirty-three in the krai  Municipally, it is incorporated as Krasnovishersky Municipal District  It is located in the northeast of the krai, in the valley of the Vishera River, and borders with the Komi Republic in the north, Sverdlovsk Oblast in the east, Cherdynsky District in the west, Solikamsky District in the south, and with the territory of the town of krai significance of Alexandrovsk in the southeast  The area of the district is 15,375 square kilometers (5,936 sq mi)  Its administrative center is the town of Krasnovishersk  Population:  22,554 (2010 Census); 27,871 (2002 Census); 30,827 (1989 Census)  The population of Krasnovishersk accounts for 71 4% of the district's total population 

Geography
The eastern part of the district is mostly mountainous, while the western part is mostly flat, with some hills with the height of about 190–220 meters (620–720 ft)  The highest point of Perm Krai, Mount Tulymsky Kamen, is located in the district  There are many rivers in the district, including the Vishera River with its tributaries the Yazva, the Vels, the Uls, and many others  The town of Krasnovishersk is located 320 kilometers (200 mi) from the city of Perm  Natural resources of the district include diamonds, gold, oil, natural gas, and others 
The climate is temperate continental  The average annual temperature is +0 1 °C (32 2 °F); annual precipitation is 550–700 millimeters (22–28 in)  Up to 87% of the district's territory is covered by forests  In the extreme northeast of the district the Vishera Nature Reserve is located 

History
The district was established on January 13, 1941  Until then, its territory was a part of Cherdynsky District  Krasnovishersk, the administrative center of the district, was granted town status on July 2, 1942 

Demographics
As of the 2002 Census, about 89 7% of district's population were Russians and 2 5% were the Komi people 

Economy
The industry of the district includes timber industry, pulp and paper mill, mining and food industry 

See also
Visherogorsk
Zagovorukha
Passage 5:
Thirukkanur
Thirukkanur is a village in the union territory of Puducherry, India  It is one of 16 villages located in Mannadipet commune panchayat of the Villianur taluk  It is bordered by the state of Tamil Nadu both to the east and west 
Thirukkanur has a primary health center, police station, post office, electricity office and registrar office   The area is mainly oriented to agriculture  Thirukkanur market is the only bazaar catering to the needs of about 20 nearby villages   There is no major industry within the purview area of the Thirukkanar Police Station 


== Notes ==
Passage 6:
Virginia, Lempira
Virginia (Spanish pronunciation: [biɾˈxinja]) is a municipality in the Honduran department of Lempira 
Virginia is located in Lempira Honduras and shares a border with El Salvador  Many Virginians travel to El Salvador to do their shopping, because the Honduran cities are far away from Virginia 
It is one of the smallest municipalities of the Lempira department  It is 15 km or 30 minutes away from Mapulaca if accessed through Gracias 

History
It was founded back in 1830  In the national division of 1889 it was one municipality of Candelaria 

Geography
It is situated in a semi flat place and surrounded by many hills   The predominant vegetation corresponds to the sub tropical dry forest  In the municipality capital there are some inclined streets 

Boundaries
Its boundaries are: 

North : Candelaria municipality 
South : El Salvador 
East  : Piraera municipality 
West  : Mapulaca municipality 
Surface Extents: 36 km2

Resources
Since it is on the border with El Salvador, it is much easier for people to go there to establish commercial activities  Also there are more and better jobs on the other side of the border, with the advantage of receiving their wages in US dollars  It is not an ideal location for coffee plantations, therefore corn and beans crops became important (even though they are for local consumption); followed by cattle raising  Like the rest of the department, it has electricity and mobile communication services 

Population
Population: The amount of inhabitants was 2,734 and according to INE Honduras estimates, there will be 2,574 in 2015 
Villages: 5
Settlements: 35

Demographics
At the time of the 2013 Honduras census, Virginia municipality had a population of 2,548  Of these, 97 06% were Mestizo, 2 90% Indigenous (2 86% Lenca) and 0 04% Black or Afro-Honduran 

Tourism
As for the remaining 15 km, although this dirt road is not in the best condition, it is still an easy drive  A half-hour visit will be enough to see all there is to see in the municipality capital  For those who are interested in rural and quiet towns, this is a good place to visit  Surprisingly, the mobile phone signal from El Salvador is stronger than the Honduran signal  Since it is near the Lempa River, the local pastime is going there to bathe  The local holidays and festivals attract many visitors 

Local Holidays: "Santa Lucia" day on December 13 
Passage 7:
The Definitive Collection (Eric Carmen album)
The Definitive Collection is a 1997 greatest hits album of all the singles released by Cleveland, Ohio singer-songwriter Eric Carmen  It features five hits by the Raspberries, a power pop group which he led in the early 1970s  It also contains his versions of two major hits which he wrote for Shaun Cassidy, two popular songs from the movie Dirty Dancing, and his greatest hit, "All By Myself", which peaked at No  2 on the Billboard Hot 100 on March 5, 1976 

Critical reception
Stephen Thomas Erlewine of AllMusic writes, "The Definitive Collection lives up to its title  Over the course of a single disc, the compilation features all of Eric Carmen's best-known songs and biggest hits"

Track listing
Musicians
Eric Carmen – Bass, Drums, Guitar, Acoustic Guitar, Electric Guitar, Rhythm Guitar, Harpsichord, Mellotron, Percussion, Piano, Electric Piano, Synthesizer, Tack Piano, Vocals, Background Vocals
Jim Bonfanti – Drums, Vocals
Mike Botts – Drums
Ollie E  Brown – Percussion
Wally Bryson – Guitar, Acoustic Guitar, Rhythm Guitar, Vocals
Charles Calello – Horn Arrangements
Tony Camillo – Horn Arrangements
Burton Cummings – Piano
– Percussion
Jimmie Haskell – Horn Arrangements
James Newton Howard – Synthesizer
Dan Hrdlicka – Guitar, Background Vocals
Bruce Johnston – Background Vocals
Steve Knill – Bass, Background Vocals
Danny Kortchmar – Acoustic Guitar
D  Dwight Krueger – Drums, Percussion, Background Vocals
Michael McBride – Drums, Percussion, Vocals, Background Vocals
Scott McCarl – Bass, Acoustic Guitar, Vocals
Tommy Morgan – Harmonica
Nigel Olsson – Drums, Background Vocals
Joe Porcaro – Drums, Percussion
Richard Reising – Guitar, Electric Guitar, Harpsichord, Synthesizer, Background Vocals
Valerie Carter – Background Vocals
Joe Chemay – Background Vocals
Curt Becher – Background Vocals
Brenda Russell – Background Vocals
Brian Russell – Background Vocals
Samantha Sang – Background Vocals
George Sipl – Organ, Synthesizer, Background Vocals
Dave Smalley – Bass, Rhythm Guitar, Vocals
Jai Winding – Piano, Electric Piano
Dave Wintour – Bass
Richie Zito – Electric Guitar

Production
Eric Carmen – Arranger, Producer
Bob Irwin – Compilation Producer, Mastering, Producer
Bob Gaudio – Producer
Jimmy Ienner – Executive Producer, Producer
Tom Rabstenek – Mastering
George Marino – Mastering
Greg Calbi – Mastering
Doug Sax – Mastering
Bernie Grundman – Mastering
Mark Howlett – Engineer
Tim Kramer – Engineer
Jim Bell – Engineer
Kevin Beamish – Engineer
Arnei Rosenberg – Engineer
Shelly Yakus – Engineer
Howard Steele – Engineer
Thom Wilson – Engineer
Jack Sherdel – Engineer
Dennis Kirk – Engineer
David Henson – Engineer
Don Gehman – Engineer
Larry Emerine – Engineer
Tony d'Amico – Engineer
Jim DeMain – Engineer, Remixing
Val Garay – Mixing
Joe Barbaria – Assistant Engineer
Rod O'Brien – Assistant Engineer
George Ybara – Assistant Engineer
Corky Stasiak – Assistant Engineer
David Thoener – Assistant Engineer
Kevin Herron – Assistant Engineer
Dennis Ferrante – Assistant Engineer
George Sipl – Remixing
Rita Karidis – Art DirectionTrack information and credits adapted from AllMusic and the album's liner notes 
Passage 8:
Swan Miara
Swan Miara (ساون میرا) is a village and union council (an administrative subdivision) of Mansehra District in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan  It is located in the south of the district where it borders Abbottabad District Formerly it was a part of the Princely State of Amb 
Passage 9:
States of Nigeria
Nigeria is a federation of 36 states and 1 federal capital territory  Each of the 36 states is a semi-autonomous political unit that shares powers with the federal government as enumerated under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria  The Federal Capital Territory (FCT), is the capital territory of Nigeria, and it is in this territory that the capital city of Abuja is located  The FCT is not a state but is administered by elected officials who are supervised by the federal government  Each state is subdivided into local government areas (LGAs)  There are 774 local governments in Nigeria  Under the constitution, the 36 states are co-equal but not supreme because sovereignty resides with the federal government  The constitution can be amended by the National Assembly, but each amendment must be ratified by two-thirds of the 36 states of the federation 

Current states and the Federal Capital Territory
Evolution of Nigerian states
Government
States of Nigeria have the right to organize and structure their individual governments in any way within the parameters set by the Constitution of Nigeria 

Legislature
At the state level, the legislature is unicameral, with the number of its members equal to three times the number of legislators it has in the Federal House of Representatives  It has the power to legislate on matters on the concurrent list 

Executive
At the state level, the head of the executive is the governor, who has the power to appoint people to the state executive council, subject to the advice and consent of the state house of assembly (legislature)  The head of a ministry at the state level is the commissioner, who is assisted by a permanent secretary, who is also a senior civil servant of the state 

Judiciary
The Judiciary is one of the co-equal arms of the state government concerned with the interpretation of the laws of the state government  The judiciary is headed by the chief justice of the state appointed by the governor subject to the approval of the state house of assembly 

Chronology
See also
List of Nigerian states by population
ISO 3166-2:NG
List of state governors of Nigeria

Notes
Sources
Gboyega Ajayi (2007)  The military and the Nigerian state, 1966–1993: a study of the strategies of political power control  Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World Press  ISBN 978-1-59221-568-3 
Solomon Akhere Benjamin (1999)  The 1996 state and local government reorganizations in Nigeria  Ibadan: Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research  ISBN 978-181-238-9 
Rotimi T  Suberu (1994)  1991 state and local government reorganizations in Nigeria  Ibadan: Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan  ISBN 978-2015-28-8 

External links
"New States of Nigeria"  Statoids 
Headline News in Nigeria Archived 2018-08-20 at the Wayback Machine StatesStates And Capital In Nigeria, Their Slogans & Current Governors A comprehensive list of all states in Nigeria and their current governors 
Passage 10:
Adaba (woreda)
Adaba (Oromo: Aadabbaa) is one of the Aanaas in the Oromia of Ethiopia; it shares the name of its administrative center, Adaba  Part of the West Arsi Zone, Adaba is bordered on the southwest by Nensebo, on the west by Dodola, on the northwest by the Shabelle River which separates it from the Gedeb Asasa, and on the east and south by Bale Zone 
Ulrich Braukämper theorizes that the name "Adaba" comes from a Hadiya subgroup mentioned in the Royal Chronicle of Zara Yaqob, where they are referred to as the "Hababo"  Braukämper has argued that the Hadiya kingdom prior to the 16th century included in this area, presenting a number of facts supporting his argument, as opposed to other experts who argue that it extended to the east 

Overview
The highest point in this woreda is Mount Darkeena; other notable peaks include Mount Doda and Mount Gamma; most rivers are tributaries of the Shabelle River and include the Meribo, Ieliso, Furuna, Ashiro and Mancha Kara  A survey of the land in this woreda shows that 16 9% is arable or cultivable, 23 3% pasture, 52 2% forest, and the remaining 7 6% is considered swampy, mountainous or otherwise unusable  Notable landmarks include Bale Mountains National Park  Linseed, sugar cane, cereals and fruits and vegetables are important cash crops Industry in the woreda includes 39 grain mills, 12 edible oil mills and 5 wood-working shops, as well as 91 wholesalers, 271 retailers and 153 service providers  There were 19 Farmers Associations with 43,154 members and 5 Farmers Service Cooperatives with 3454 members  Adaba has 6 kilometers of dry-weather and 91 all-weather road, for an average of road density of 42 kilometers per 1000 square kilometers 

Demographics
The 2007 national census reported a total population for this woreda of 138,717, of whom 68,775 were men and 69,942 were women; 12,099 or 8 72% of its population were urban dwellers  The majority of the inhabitants were Muslim, with 84 39% of the population reporting they observed this belief, while 14 46% of the population said they practiced Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity Based on figures published by the Central Statistical Agency in 2005, this woreda has an estimated total population of 138,232, of whom 70,638 were males and 67,594 were females; 17,875 or 12 93% of its population are urban dwellers, which is less than the Zone average of 13 5%  With an estimated area of 2,166 41 square kilometers, Adaba has an estimated population density of 63 8 people per square kilometer, which is greater than the Zone average of 27 The 1994 national census reported a total population for this woreda of 97,586, of whom 47,820 were men and 49,766 women; 9,997 or 10 24% of its population were urban dwellers at the time  The two largest ethnic groups reported in Adaba were the Oromo (93%), and the Amhara (5 49%); all other ethnic groups made up 1 51% of the population  oromo was spoken as a first language by 91 88%, and 7 49% spoke Amharic; the remaining 0 63% spoke all other primary languages reported  The majority of the inhabitants were Muslim, with 79 97% of the population having reported they practiced that belief, while 19 26% of the population said they professed Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity 


== Notes ==
Passage 11:
Cleveland, North Carolina
Cleveland is a town in the Cleveland Township of Rowan County, North Carolina, United States  The population was 871 at the 2010 census 

History
The town dates from 1831 but was not incorporated until 1833   The first post office in Cleveland, Cowansville, was established in 1831   By 1850, prior to the US Civil War and the completion of the Western Carolina Railroad, the town was named Rowan Mills   Rowan Mills was named for the five story flour mill that Osborn Giles Foard owned in Cleveland   The Rowan Mills Post Office served the area north of the rail line and extended into Scotch Irish Township after the Civil War in 1870   The town and post office kept the name Rowan Mills until 1876 when it was renamed Third Creek Station   In the 1880 U S  Census, there were 17 families and 89 persons living in the Village of Third Creek Station   It was not until 1884 that the townspeople renamed the town after Grover Cleveland, who is supposed to have visited the town during his presidential campaign 

Geography
Cleveland is located at 35°43′52″N 80°40′44″W (35 731021, -80 678963) According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of 1 5 square miles (3 9 km2), all  land 

Demographics
2020 census
As of the 2020 United States census, there were 846 people, 392 households, and 283 families residing in the town 

2010 census
As of the census of 2010, there were 871 people, 328 households, and 236 families residing in the town  The population density was 580 7 inhabitants per square mile (224 2/km2)  There were 377 housing units at an average density of 251 3 per square mile (97 0/km2)  The racial makeup of the town was 66 9% White, 24 1% African American, 5 4% from other races, and 3 6% from two or more races  Hispanic or Latino of any race were 6 5% of the population 
There were 328 households, out of which 34 1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 47 6% were married couples living together, 16 5% had a female householder with no husband present, and 28 0% were non-families  24 1% of all households were made up of individuals, and 9 4% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older  The average household size was 2 66 and the average family size was 3 10 
In the town, the population was spread out, with 28 4% under the age of 18, 7 2% from 18 to 24, 29 3% from 25 to 44, 23 4% from 45 to 64, and 11 7% who were 65 years of age or older  The median age was 34 8 years  For every 100 females, there were 95 3 males  For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 90 2 males 
The median income for a household in the town was $39,474, and the median income for a family was $58,000  Males had a median income of $51,000 versus $29,500 for females  The per capita income for the town was $19,506  About 13 1% of families and 20 5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 25 0% of those under age 18 and 8 9% of those age 65 or over 

Town twinning / sister city
Since February 8, 2008, Cleveland has been twinned with Killyleagh, Northern Ireland 

See also
Cleveland Township
2007 Freightliner wildcat strike
Passage 12:
Oak Lawn, Illinois
Oak Lawn is a village in Cook County, Illinois, United States   The population was 58,362 at the 2020 census  Oak Lawn is a suburb of Chicago, located southwest of the city  It shares borders with the city in two areas but is surrounded mostly by other suburbs 

History
Founding
In August 1835, James B  Campbell purchased the land stretching between Cicero Avenue and Central Avenue from 95th Street to 103rd Street  It is unclear what Campbell's intentions with the area were, but by 1840, he had lost a court battle with the Illinois State Bank and his land was sold in a public auction  John Simpson, a prominent figure in early Oak Lawn history, bought the northern half of the property in 1842  By 1859, the recently incorporated government of Worth Township paid for the construction of Black Oak Grove Road, an early name for 95th Street  Black Oak Grove is also the earliest known name of the area that would become Oak Lawn  It was later shortened to Black Oak or Black Oaks, but in 1882, the post office, train depot and surrounding community became known simply as Oak Lawn  Before this however, the area now known as Oak Lawn was, briefly during the early 1800s, called Agnes  It was also on some occasion referred to as Oak Park  Over the next two decades, the area grew in population as more homes were built and local business sprang into being  As the area continued to grow, many residents visited Englewood by train to shop  Oak Lawn residents also made income during early days by selling their farm and dairy products to various markets in Chicago 

Incorporation
In 1909, Oak Lawn was incorporated as a village  The following years, there were major improvements to local infrastructure and government services, such as the introduction of the police magistrate and village marshal, along with the building of a village hall and jailhouse  Electric lights were brought to 95th Street in 1911, the volunteer fire department began in 1923, Oak Lawn's first bank opened in 1925, and the Community High School District 218 was formed  The population had grown to 2,045 by 1930, and civic improvements were steadily made over the next decade  In 1934, a collection of one hundred books was the beginning of the Oak Lawn Public Library  By 1935, President Franklin D  Roosevelt created the Works Progress Administration as part of the New Deal, which supported a variety of public works, including libraries  With the help of a WPA grant, the new library opened its doors in 1936 

Post 1945
After World War II, with veterans returning home and taking advantage of the G I  Bill, Oak Lawn experienced a major population boom  Beginning in 1949, Oak Lawn Round-Up Days became an annual event and helped to promote the village  It started with 25,000 people, and the Western-themed celebration brought in over 100,000 attendees in 1952  In this year, Jack Brickhouse was master of ceremonies, and the parade was televised on WGN-TV  By 1957, Round-Up Days had become too large, and the next year a final scaled-down version was held In the 1950s, a village managerial government began, and a new library and fire station were constructed  By 1960, there were nearly 20,000 residents in Oak Lawn 
On April 21, 1967, a tornado touched down in Oak Lawn that is recorded as one of the worst to strike an urban area  Roughly 900 buildings were damaged or destroyed, and over 30 people were killed 
The town was rebuilt in the coming years, and witnessed further population growth, peaking at 63,500 between 1973 and 1976  However, there was a decrease in residents in the 1980s, and an aging population led to the closure of several schools during this time  In response, the village began a process of redevelopment to counteract the decrease  This redevelopment has focused primarily on businesses and structures in the core area of Oak Lawn, around 95th Street between Cicero Avenue and Central Avenue 

1967 tornado
On April 21, 1967, an F4 tornado touched down at 105th Street and Kean Avenue in Palos Hills, 5 miles (8 km) west of Oak Lawn  There were no deaths in Palos Hills, although a number of homes were destroyed and two transmission towers collapsed  After rising from the ground, the tornado touched down again at the Starlite Drive-In Theater at 6400 West 95th Street  With winds estimated to be over 200 miles per hour (320 km/h), the tornado tore through Oak Lawn, tossing cars and buses in the air  After cutting Oak Lawn Community High School in half, it caused damage to St  Gerald's and continued to 91st Street and Cicero Avenue, heavily damaging the Airway Trailer Park and the Oak Lawn Roller Rink before rising from ground level  It touched down again in nearby Hometown, Evergreen Park, and Chicago before dissipating over Lake Michigan  In just 16 minutes, the storm left a 16-mile (26 km) path of destruction and over 30 people dead 

Downtown redevelopment
Starting in 2002, downtown Oak Lawn (95th Street between Tulley Avenue and 55th Court) became the target of a massive redevelopment program; properties on the north and south sides of 95th Street were demolished  Eventually, several square blocks were leveled, making room for several multistory, high-end condominium complexes with retail space on the main floors  Part of the project was the expansion of the Metra commuter train station that houses a retail/office center and a new  children's museum  This complex also includes a multistory parking garage  Downtown Oak Lawn as seen today bears little resemblance to the downtown from 2002  It now features modern high-rise buildings, new shopping areas, a large contemporary Metra train station, and several new retail and service facilities 

Geography
According to the 2010 census, Oak Lawn has a total area of 8 59 square miles (22 25 km2), all land 

Demographics
As of the 2020 census there were 58,362 people, 21,154 households, and 13,544 families residing in the village  The population density was 6,809 24 inhabitants per square mile (2,629 06/km2)  There were 23,362 housing units at an average density of 2,725 70 per square mile (1,052 40/km2)  The racial makeup of the village was 68 31% White, 7 65% African American, 0 87% Native American, 2 83% Asian, 0 02% Pacific Islander, 9 43% from other races, and 10 89% from two or more races  Hispanic or Latino of any race were 22 56% of the population 
There were 21,154 households, out of which 48 24% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 46 89% were married couples living together, 11 64% had a female householder with no husband present, and 35 97% were non-families  32 16% of all households were made up of individuals, and 15 73% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older  The average household size was 3 33 and the average family size was 2 60 
The village's age distribution consisted of 21 7% under the age of 18, 7 0% from 18 to 24, 25 3% from 25 to 44, 27 6% from 45 to 64, and 18 5% who were 65 years of age or older  The median age was 41 0 years  For every 100 females, there were 96 5 males  For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91 8 males 
The median income for a household in the village was $69,352, and the median income for a family was $90,690  Males had a median income of $54,168 versus $38,363 for females  The per capita income for the village was $33,998  About 7 5% of families and 10 1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 13 2% of those under age 18 and 9 6% of those age 65 or over 

Parks and recreation
Oak Lawn maintains an expansive park system  From small corner play lots to the 38-acre (150,000 m2) Centennial Park, there are over 300 acres (1 2 km2) of parks, recreational facilities and open land  These include playgrounds, walking paths, baseball fields, basketball, volleyball and tennis courts, plus outdoor swimming pools, an indoor ice arena, two fitness centers, and an 18-hole golf course  Each area in Oak Lawn has its own recreational area, totaling 22 parks 

Education
Oak Lawn has public education schooling children from K–5 in its many elementary schools, including Kolb, Lieb, Harnew, Columbus Manor, Covington, Hannum, Hometown, Kolmar, and Sward  Oak Lawn has two public middle schools:  Simmons Middle School, and Oak Lawn-Hometown Middle School 
There are two public high schools, Oak Lawn Community High School and Harold L  Richards High School 
The Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Chicago operates Catholic schools  Catholic grammar schools include St  Germaine, St  Catherine, St  Linus, and St  Gerald  St  Louis de Montfort School closed in 2017 with 133 students that year 

Infrastructure
Stop sign program
In mid-2007, Oak Lawn began hanging additional messages to village stop signs in an attempt to have drivers obey the signs  The signs were the idea of the village President and local residents were encouraged to submit their own ideas  Found throughout the village, the signs garnered attention with the press and were not well received by residents, nor did they noticeably impact public safety  While considered humorous by some, many others considered it a publicity stunt at tax payer's expense The Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) and IDOT voiced their concerns about the use of these nonconforming stop signs and the village removed them in April 2008  Initially, the Village President refused to remove the signs until IDOT threatened to withhold millions of dollars in funding for infrastructure 

Notable people
Diandra Asbaty (born 1980), professional bowler; Team USA member and spokesperson for USBC
Brian Bogusevic (born 1984), former outfielder for Chicago Cubs
Tim Byrdak (born 1973), Major League Baseball pitcher 1998 to 2013; born in Oak Lawn
Kevin Cronin (born 1951), lead vocalist for rock band REO Speedwagon
David Diehl (born 1980), football player, two-time Super Bowl champion for New York Giants
Mark Donahue, football player, lineman for Cincinnati Bengals, two-time Consensus All-American at University of Michigan
Dan Donegan, guitarist for rock band Disturbed
John Joseph Duda, actor; born in Oak Lawn
Michael Flatley (born 1958), Irish step dancer; attended St  Linus and Brother Rice High School
Jack Gwynne, illusionist and actor, died in Oak Lawn (1969)
David A  Johnston, volcanologist, killed during 1980 Mount St  Helens eruption
Benn Jordan, recording artist known as The Flashbulb; attended Oak Lawn Community High School
C J  Kupec, basketball player, Oak Lawn High School star, played for Michigan and NBA's Los Angeles Lakers
Rob Mackowiak, player for several Major League Baseball teams
Bobby Madritsch, former pitcher for Seattle Mariners
Rory Markham, UFC and IFL mixed martial arts fighter
Mike Mollo, heavyweight boxer
Bryan Rekar, former pitcher for Colorado Rockies, Tampa Bay Devil Rays, and Kansas City Royals; born in Oak Lawn
Michael A  Ruddy, Illinois state representative and businessman, lived in Oak Lawn
Marc Rzepczynski, pitcher for Seattle Mariners; born in Oak Lawn
Dwyane Wade, former NBA player and three-time NBA champion with Miami Heat, attended Richards High School in Oak Lawn
Harry Yourell, Illinois state representative and businessman
Kanye West, musician, rapper, singer, songwriter, record producer, and fashion designer
Juice WRLD, rapper, died in Oak Lawn (2019)
Passage 13:
Gold Hill, North Carolina
Gold Hill is an unincorporated community and census-designated place (CDP) in southeastern Rowan County, North Carolina, United States near the Cabarrus County line  It was first listed as a CDP in the 2020 census with a population of 372  It is situated near the Yadkin River and is served by U S  Highway 52 and Old Beatty Ford Road  Gold was found in this small town outside Salisbury in the 19th century 

Mining
Gold was first discovered in what would become the town of Gold Hill in southeastern Rowan County in 1824  $6 million in gold was mined here prior to the Civil War and a mint was located in Charlotte as a result  In the 1840s, Gold Hill was "a raucous mining camp town with a considerable number of saloons and brothels " The Barnhardt shaft, named for Col  George Barnhardt of the Reed Mine (NC State Historic Site) family, was opened in 1842 and reached a depth of 435 feet  The Earnhardt/Randolph Mine Shaft was opened in 1843 across the street from the Barnhardt Mine and reached a depth of 850 feet becoming the deepest gold mine in the United States  The Barnhardt and Randolph mines together were described as "the richest and most productive gold mines east of the Mississippi"  Gold Hill was incorporated in 1843 and had a population of 3000 people and a total of 23 mines in the Gold Hill Mining District  The California Gold Rush and the American Civil War significantly reduced the mining activity  Although some mining occurred in the years following the Civil War a greater resurgence of mining began with the purchase of the Gold Hill Mines and the establishment of 'The New Gold Hill Mining Company' based in London, England  Considerable profits were realized with gold being shipped to England during the period of 1880-1900  Production came to an end by 1915 

Tourist attraction
The town's first Founders' Day, which was not called by that name, took place in 1989 and was not intended to become an annual event, but it ended up being so popular that a steering committee was formed for the purpose of starting a foundation to find and preserve the town's heritage  The Historic Gold Hill and Mines Foundation, Inc  began in 1992, and that year, a second Founders' Day took place  Gold Hill Mines Historic Park began with a donation of 16 acres by Billie Johnson and was dedicated in 1993; by the 25th Founders' Day it was 70 acres  Founders' Day became an annual event on the fourth Saturday in September, and they were moved from the fire department to the park located  at 735 St  Stephens Church Road E H  Montgomery General Store, Mauney’s Store, the jail and a rock wall date back to the 1840s  Several buildings were moved to and restored for what has been described as a "re-creation" of a historic village  A gas station built in 1928 was moved from U S  52 in 1998  The File Store from Craven, North Carolina near Salisbury was built in 1906 and moved to Gold Hill in 2001  A miner's cabin was moved to Gold Hill in 2011 and became a bakery The Daniel Isenhour House and Farm was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2000 Website: https://historicgoldhill org

Demographics
2020 census
Note: the US Census treats Hispanic/Latino as an ethnic category  This table excludes Latinos from the racial categories and assigns them to a separate category  Hispanics/Latinos can be of any race 
Context 3: Passage 1:
Zeferino Martins
Zeferino Martins, also known as Ze Martins (born September 5, 1985) is an East Timorese footballer who plays as midfielder for Ad  Dili Oeste and the Timor-Leste national team 
Passage 2:
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1264
United Nations Security Council resolution 1264, adopted unanimously on 15 September 1999, after recalling previous resolutions on East Timor (Timor-Leste), the Council authorised the establishment of the multinational International Force for East Timor (INTERFET) to restore peace and security in the territory, facilitate humanitarian assistance and protect the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) The Security Council welcomed the successful conduct of the East Timor Special Autonomy Referendum on 30 August 1999, in which the East Timorese people voted for independence from Indonesia  Meanwhile, there was concern about the deteriorating security situation and the violence that had displaced many residents  Attacks also took place against UNAMET and other international and national humanitarian personnel and this had particularly affected vulnerable groups  There were reports of widespread violations of international humanitarian and human rights law across East Timor, and Indonesia had accepted the presence of a United Nations international peacekeeping force in the region Acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the Council condemned the violence in East Timor, called for those responsible to be brought to justice and emphasised the need for immediate unrestricted humanitarian assistance to the area  In this regard, it authorised the establishment of an Australian-led multinational force under joint command with the task of restoring peace, protecting the UNAMET mission and assisting in humanitarian operations using all necessary measures  The force consisted of 8,000 personnel from 17 countries  The Government of Indonesia, which had temporary responsibility for the security of East Timor, would co-operate with the multinational force or INTERFET 
The resolution noted that part of the agreement between Indonesia and Portugal on the future of East Timor stipulated a peaceful and orderly transfer of authority in East Timor to the United Nations and INTERFET was asked to support the process  The multinational force would be present in East Timor for four months until replaced by a United Nations peacekeeping force and would be required to submit periodic reports on its progress Finally, the Secretary-General was asked to make preparations for a transitional administration in East Timor that would include a peacekeeping operation during the implementation phase following the referendum 

See also
1999 East Timorese crisis
Indonesian occupation of East Timor
List of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1201 to 1300 (1998–2000)
United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor
Passage 3:
Kiwil
Wildan Delta known as Kiwil (born August 10, 1972) is an Indonesian actor and comedian of Minangkabau descent  His first film appearance was in the horror film Tiren: Mati Kemaren in 2008 

Career
Kiwil began his career as a stand-up comedian and film actor in Indonesia  He has since appeared in the films Tulalit, Paku Kuntilanak, Setan Budeg, and Nenek Gayung  Kiwil also become one of the cast of the Indonesian comedy show Yuk Keep Smile 

Personal life
Wildan Delta was born on August 10, 1972, in Jakarta  Kiwil married his first wife, Rochimah, on February 28, 1998, and they have four sons  His second wife is Meggy Wulandari 

Filmography
Film
Television
Passage 4:
List of Ramon Magsaysay Award winners
The Ramon Magsaysay Award (Filipino: Gawad Ramon Magsaysay) is an annual award established to perpetuate former Philippine President Ramon Magsaysay's example of integrity in governance, courageous service to the people, and pragmatic idealism within a democratic society  The prize was established in April 1957 by the trustees of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund based in New York City with the concurrence of the Philippine government  It is often called the "Nobel Prize of Asia" 

History
In May 1957, seven prominent Filipinos were named to the founding board of trustees of the Ramon Magsaysay Award Foundation, the non-profit corporation tasked with implementing the awards program  Later on, the board of trustees diversified and included prominent Asians from all over the Asian continent and outlying islands  The Ramon Magsaysay Award Foundation gives the prize to Asian individuals achieving excellence in their respective fields 
The award is named after Ramon Magsaysay, the seventh president of the Republic of the Philippines after World War II  This has generated criticism due to allegations of brutal suppression of dissent and subserviency to the US government during Magsaysay's tenure as defence secretary and president 

Award categories
The award recognizes and honors individuals and organizations in Asia regardless of race, creed, sex, or nationality, who have achieved distinction in their respective fields and have helped others generously without anticipating public recognition   
The awards used to be given in six categories, five of which were discontinued in 2009:

Government Service (1958–2008)
Public Service (1958–2008)
Community Leadership (1958–2008)
Journalism, Literature, and Creative Communication Arts (1958–2008)
Peace and International Understanding (1958–2008)
Emergent Leadership (2001– )
Uncategorized (2009– )

Awardees
The winners of the Ramon Magsaysay Awards come from different parts of Asia, although there are some instances where the winners came from countries outside Asia who had served, worked or accomplished something in different Asian countries  As of 2021, recipients have come from twenty-two Asian countries 
The following is a partial list of the awardees of the Ramon Magsaysay Award  Awardees' individual nationality or country of origin and citizenship are indicated 
Starting 2009, the Award is no longer being given in fixed categories except for Emergent Leadership 

Government Service (1958–2008)
Public Service (1958–2008)
Community Leadership (1958–2008)
Journalism, Literature, and the Creative Communication Arts (1958–2008)
Peace and International Understanding (1958–2008)
Emergent Leadership (2001–present)
Uncategorized (2009–present)
Passage 5:
The Trouble with the Truth (song)
"The Trouble with the Truth" is a song written by Gary Nicholson, and recorded by American country music artist Patty Loveless  It was released in April 1997 as the fifth and final single and title track from her album  The Trouble with the Truth 
The song charted for 20 weeks on the Billboard Hot Country Singles and Tracks chart, reaching number 15 during the week of July 12, 1997 

Other versions
Joan Baez also cut a version of the song during an early 1990s recording session in Nashville, but the recording remained unissued until released in 2012 as a bonus track on the remastered rerelease of her 1992 album Play Me Backwards 

Chart positions
Passage 6:
Johan Ferrier
Johan Henri Eliza Ferrier (12 May 1910 – 4 January 2010) was a Surinamese politician who served as the 1st president of Suriname from 1975 to 1980  He was also the country's last governor-general before independence, serving from 1968 to 1975, before becoming the first president upon independence from the Netherlands in 1975 
He was named the twentieth century's most important politician in Suriname in 1999 

Early life
Ferrier was born in 1910 in Suriname's largest city and capital, Paramaribo  He trained as a teacher  In 1946 he assisted in the establishment of the country's National Party, while Suriname was a colony of the Netherlands 

Scouting
Ferrier was co-founder of the Boy Scouts van Suriname and its first Chief Scout  At age 16 he was a teacher in the Saramacca District and founded his first Scout Group  This group still exists and now bears the name "De Johan Ferrier groep, de groep 2 Oranje Dassers" 

Politics
In 1946, Ferrier was one of the founding members of the National Party of Suriname  Ferrier was a member of the National Council from 1946 until 1948  He then went to Amsterdam in the Netherlands to learn education theory  In 1950, he received his doctorate  When he went back to Suriname, which had by then become an autonomous country within the Kingdom of the Netherlands, he continued to study and to have a career in education  He served as both prime minister and interior minister for a three-year period from 1955 until 1958  He also spent time as Suriname's head of education  From 1968 until 1975 he retained the post of governor   On 25 November 1975, Suriname was made independent, and Ferrier was sworn in as the first president of the country  Dési Bouterse's 1980 coup d'état prompted Ferrier to resign within six months Prime Minister Henk Chin A Sen succeeded Ferrier as president   Ferrier was made a Grand Cordon in the Honorary Order of the Yellow Star by Chin A Sen on 3 September 1980   His wife was also made a Grand Officer in the Honorary Order of the Palm 

Later life
Ferrier then accompanied his relatives to live in the Netherlands  He lived with them in Oegstgeest  Ferrier used to tell stories about the spider Anansi on Dutch children's television  In 1986, Het Grote Anansi Boek, a picture book was released with illustrations by Noni Lichtveld  The original release was monochrome  In 2010, it was re-released in colour His daughter, Kathleen Ferrier, is a former member of the House of Representatives of the Netherlands for the Christian Democratic Appeal  In 2005, Ferrier's memoirs Last Governor, First President: The Century of Johan Ferrier, Surinamese were published  The Dutch Queen gave him a knighthood  An obituary in the national morning daily De Volkskrant said he had claimed: "Even in the darkest days, I kept my optimism" 

Death
Ferrier died from heart failure while sleeping at home in Oegstgeest at the age of 99, four months before his 100th birthday  His body was found in the early morning on 4 January 2010 Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands paid tribute  Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende said Ferrier was "an authoritative and wise statesman"  Politician and diplomat Jan Pronk paid tribute to his work at uniting divisions Ferrier was buried on 11 January 2010, in the Dutch town of Oegstgeest, where he had been living since 1980 

Johan Ferrier Fund
On 12 May 2010, the day Ferrier would have celebrated his 100th birthday, the Johan Ferrier Fund was officially launched  The fund strives to follow in his footsteps in supporting Surinamese projects with educational and cultural goals  The Johan Ferrier Fund is an initiative of his daughter Joan Ferrier, who first presented the fund in the presence of her father in September 2009 
Passage 7:
My Little Pony: Friendship Is Magic (season 8)
The eighth season of the animated television series My Little Pony: Friendship Is Magic, developed by Lauren Faust, originally aired on the Discovery Family channel in the United States  The series is based on Hasbro's My Little Pony line of toys and animated works and is often referred by collectors to be the fourth generation, or "G4", of the My Little Pony franchise  Season 8 of the series premiered on March 24, 2018, on Discovery Family, an American pay television channel partly owned by Hasbro, and concluded on October 13 
The season focuses on Twilight running her newly established School of Friendship to teach ponies and creatures from Equestria and beyond about the benefits of friendship with her friends serving as the teachers  However, one of the students, a seemingly innocent pegasus filly named Cozy Glow, is secretly plotting against them 

Development
On May 25, 2017, supervising director Jim Miller announced via Twitter an eighth season for the series  At Hasbro's first self-themed convention (aptly named HasCon) on September 9, an animatic from an upcoming episode was shown On February 8, 2018, Discovery Family's March press release states that this season, "viewers will witness major milestones featuring the introduction of Starlight Glimmer’s parents and Princess Celestia's big acting debut  Additionally, the Mane 6’s Twilight Sparkle, Rarity, Applejack, Pinkie Pie, Rainbow Dash and Fluttershy are accompanied by six new creatures including Ocellus the Changeling, Silverstream the Hippogriff/Seapony, Smolder the Dragon, Gallus the Griffin, Yona the Yak and Sandbar the Pony, joining them on epic adventures throughout new and familiar lands such as Mount Aris, Everfree Forest, Las Pegasus and more  Fan-favorite characters Maud Pie, Spike, the Cutie Mark Crusaders, Queen Chrysalis and Discord return with exciting storylines and a whole lot of magic!"

Cast
Main
Tara Strong as Twilight Sparkle
Rebecca Shoichet as Twilight Sparkle (singing voice)
Tabitha St  Germain as Rarity
Kazumi Evans as Rarity (singing voice)
Ashleigh Ball as Applejack and Rainbow Dash
Andrea Libman as Fluttershy and Pinkie Pie
Shannon Chan-Kent as Pinkie Pie (singing voice)
Cathy Weseluck as Spike

Recurring
Minor
Single roles
Multiple roles
Ingrid Nilson as Maud Pie, Limestone Pie, and Marble Pie
Peter New as Big McIntosh and Goldie Delicious
Tabitha St  Germain as Granny Smith, Mrs  Cake, Princess Flurry Heart, and Muffins
Kathleen Barr as Queen Chrysalis and Trixie Lulamoon

Notes
Guest stars
Single roles
Multiple roles
Tariq Leslie as Big Bucks and Hoo'Far

Episodes
Directors for each episode are Denny Lu and Mike Myhre

Notes
Songs
DVD release
Equestria Daily reported that while Shout! Factory has not yet released season 8 on DVD or Blu-ray in North America, Myth Entertainment released the entire season on DVD in Malaysia themselves on December 18, 2019 
Passage 8:
East Timor
East Timor ( (listen)), also known as Timor-Leste (; Portuguese pronunciation: [tiˈmoɾ ˈlɛʃtɨ]), officially the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, is a country in Southeast Asia  It comprises the eastern half of the island of Timor, of which the western half is administered by Indonesia, the exclave of Oecusse on the island's north-western half, and the minor islands of Atauro and Jaco  Australia is the country's southern neighbour, separated by the Timor Sea  The country's size is 14,874 square kilometres (5,743 sq mi)  Dili is its capital and largest city 
East Timor came under Portuguese influence in the sixteenth century, remaining a Portuguese colony until 1975  Internal conflict preceded a unilateral declaration of independence and an Indonesian invasion and annexation  Resistance continued throughout Indonesian rule, and, in 1999, a United Nations–sponsored act of self-determination led to Indonesia relinquishing control of the territory  On 20 May 2002, as Timor-Leste, it became the first new sovereign state of the 21st century  That same year, relations with Indonesia were established and normalized, with Indonesia also supporting East Timor's accession into ASEAN  
The national government runs on a semi-presidential system, with the popularly elected president sharing power with a prime minister appointed by the National Parliament  Power is centralised under the national government, although many local leaders have informal influence  The country maintains a policy of international cooperation, and is a member of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, an observer of the Pacific Islands Forum, and an applicant for ASEAN membership  The country remains relatively poor, with an economy that relies heavily on natural resources, especially oil, and foreign aid 
The total population is over 1 1 million, and is heavily skewed towards young people due to a high fertility rate  Education has led to increasing literacy over the past half-century, especially in the two official languages of Portuguese and Tetum  High ethnic and linguistic diversity is reflected by the 30 indigenous languages spoken in the country  The majority of the population is Catholic, which exists alongside strong local traditions, especially in rural areas 

Name
"Timor" is derived from timur, meaning 'east' in Malay, thus resulting in a tautological place name meaning 'East East'  In Indonesian, this results in the name Timor Timur  (this name only refers to the former de facto Indonesian province, Timor Leste is used instead to refer this country)  In Portuguese, the country is called Timor-Leste (Leste meaning 'east')  In Tetum it is Timór Lorosa'e (Lorosa'e can be literally translated as 'where the sun rises') The official names under its constitution are "Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste" in English, "República Democrática de Timor-Leste" in Portuguese, and "Repúblika Demokrátika Timór-Leste" in Tetum  The official short form of the name is "Timor-Leste", and it uses the ISO codes TLS & TL 

History
Prehistory and Classical era
Cultural remains at Jerimalai on the eastern tip of East Timor have been dated to 42,000 years ago  The first known inhabitants are those who arrived during the Australo-Melanesian migration through the region, likely bringing the precursors to today's Papuan languages  A later migration of Austroasiatic-speakers is suspected, although no such languages remain  The arrival of Austronesian peoples brought new languages, and merged with existing cultures on the island  Timorese origin myths recount settlers sailing around the eastern end of the island before landing in the south  These people are sometimes noted as being from the Malay Peninsula or the Minangkabau highlands of Sumatra  Austronesian migration to Timor may be associated with the development of agriculture on the island While information is limited about the political system of Timor during this period, the island had developed an interconnected series of polities governed by customary law  Small communities, centred around a particular sacred house, were part of wider sucos (or principalities), which were themselves part of larger kingdoms led by a liurai  Authority within these kingdoms was held by two individuals, with the worldly power of the liurai balanced by the spiritual power of a rai nain, who was generally associated with the primary sacred house of the kingdom  These polities were numerous and saw shifting alliances and relations, but many were stable enough that they survived from initial European documentation in the 16th century until the end of Portuguese rule : 11–15 From perhaps the thirteenth century, the island exported sandalwood,: 267  which was valued both for its use in crafting and as a source of perfume  Timor was included in Southeast Asian, Chinese, and Indian trading networks by the fourteenth century, exporting sandalwood, honey, and wax  The island was recorded by the Majapahit Empire as a source of tribute : 89  It was sandalwood that attracted European explorers to the island in the early sixteenth century  Early European presence was limited to trade, with the first Portuguese settlement being on the nearby island of Solor : 90

Portuguese era (1769–1975)
Early Portuguese presence on Timor was very limited; trade was directed through Portuguese settlements on nearby islands  Only in the 17th century did they establish a more direct presence on the island, a consequence of being driven out of other islands by the Dutch : 267  After Solor was lost in 1613 the Portuguese moved to Flores  In 1646 the capital moved to Kupang on Timor's west, before Kupang too was lost to the Dutch in 1652  The Portuguese then moved to Lifau, in what is now East Timor's Oecusse exclave : 90  Effective European occupation in the east of the island only began in 1769, when the city of Dili was founded, although actual control remained highly limited  A definitive border between the Dutch and Portuguese parts of the island was established by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 1914 and remains the international boundary between the successor states Indonesia and East Timor, respectively For the Portuguese, East Timor remained little more than a neglected trading post, with minimal investment in infrastructure and education, until the late nineteenth century  Even when Portugal established actual control over the interior of its colony, investment remained minimal : 269, 273  Sandalwood continued to be the main export crop and coffee exports became significant in the mid-nineteenth century At the beginning of the twentieth century, a faltering domestic economy prompted the Portuguese to extract greater wealth from its colonies, which was met with East Timorese resistance  The colony was seen as an economic burden during the Great Depression and received little support or management from Portugal : 269 During World War II, Dili was occupied by the Allies in 1941, and later by the Japanese beginning in 1942  The mountainous interior of the colony became the scene of a guerrilla campaign, known as the Battle of Timor  Waged by East Timorese volunteers and Allied forces against the Japanese, the struggle killed between 40,000 and 70,000 East Timorese civilians  The Japanese eventually drove the last of the Australian and Allied forces out in early 1943  Portuguese control resumed, however, after Japanese surrender at the end of World War II Portugal began investment in the colony in the 1950s, funding education and promoting coffee exports, but the economy did not improve substantially and infrastructure improvements were limited : 269  Growth rates remained low, near 2%  Following the 1974 Portuguese revolution, Portugal effectively abandoned its colony in Timor, and civil war between East Timorese political parties broke out in 1975 
The Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) resisted a Timorese Democratic Union (UDT) coup attempt in August 1975, and unilaterally declared independence on 28 November 1975  Fearing a communist state within the Indonesian archipelago, the Indonesian military launched an invasion of East Timor in December 1975  Indonesia declared East Timor its 27th province on 17 July 1976  The United Nations Security Council opposed the invasion, and the territory's nominal status in the UN remained as "non-self-governing territory under Portuguese administration" 

Indonesian occupation (1975–1999)
Fretilin resisted the invasion, initially as an army, holding territory until November 1978, and then as a guerrilla resistance  The Indonesian occupation of Timor was marked by violence and brutality  A detailed statistical report prepared for the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor cited a minimum of 102,800 conflict-related deaths in the period between 1974 and 1999, including approximately 18,600 killings and 84,200 excess deaths from hunger and illness  The total number of conflict-related deaths during this period is difficult to determine due to a lack of data  One estimate based on Portuguese, Indonesian, and Catholic Church data suggests it may have been as high as 200,000  Repression and restrictions counteracted improvements in health and education infrastructure and services, meaning there was little overall improvement in living standards; economic growth mostly benefited immigrants from elsewhere in Indonesia : 271  A huge expansion of education was intended to increase Indonesian language use and internal security as much as it was for development The 1991 massacre of more than 200 demonstrators by the Indonesian military was a turning point for the independence cause, and brought increased international pressure on Indonesia  Following the resignation of Indonesian President Suharto, the new President BJ Habibie, prompted by a letter from Australian Prime Minister John Howard, decided to hold a referendum on independence  A UN-sponsored agreement between Indonesia and Portugal allowed for a UN-supervised popular referendum in August 1999  A clear vote for independence was met with a punitive campaign of violence by East Timorese pro-integration militias supported by elements of the Indonesian military  In response, the Indonesian government allowed a multinational peacekeeping force, INTERFET, to restore order and aid East Timorese refugees and internally displaced persons  On 25 October 1999, the administration of East Timor was taken over by the UN through the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET)  INTERFET deployment ended in February 2000 with the transfer of military command to the UN 

Contemporary era
On 30 August 2001, the East Timorese voted in their first election organised by the UN to elect members of the Constituent Assembly  On 22 March 2002, the Constituent Assembly approved the Constitution  By May 2002, more than 205,000 refugees had returned  On 20 May 2002, the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of East Timor came into force and East Timor was recognised as independent by the UN  The Constituent Assembly was renamed the National Parliament, and Xanana Gusmão was elected as the country's first president  On 27 September 2002 the country became a UN member state In 2006, a crisis of unrest and factional fighting forced 155,000 people to flee their homes; the United Nations sent in security forces to restore order  The following year, Gusmão declined to run for another term  While there were minor incidents in the build-up to the mid-year presidential elections, the process was peaceful overall and José Ramos-Horta was elected president  In June 2007, Gusmão ran in the parliamentary elections and became prime minister at the head of the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) party  In February 2008, Ramos-Horta was critically injured in an attempted assassination; Prime Minister Gusmão also faced gunfire separately but escaped unharmed  Australian reinforcements were immediately sent to help keep order  In March 2011, the UN handed over operational control of the police force to the East Timor authorities  The United Nations ended its peacekeeping mission on 31 December 2012 Francisco Guterres of the centre-left Fretilin party became president in May 2017  The leader of Fretilin, Mari Alkatiri, formed a coalition government after the July 2017 parliamentary election



ground_truth: Cabarrus County

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: In which borough was Callum McManaman born?

The following are given passages.
Context 2: Passage 1:
British nationality law
The primary law governing nationality in the United Kingdom is the British Nationality Act 1981, which came into force on 1 January 1983  Regulations apply to the British Islands, which include the UK itself and the Crown dependencies, and the 14 British Overseas Territories 
The six classes of British nationality each have varying degrees of civil and political rights, due to the UK's historical status as a colonial empire  The principal class of British nationality is British citizenship, which is associated with the British Islands  British nationals associated with an overseas territory are British Overseas Territories citizens (BOTCs)  Almost all BOTCs (except for those from Akrotiri and Dhekelia) have also been British citizens since 2002  Individuals connected with former British colonies may hold residual forms of British nationality, which do not confer an automatic right of abode in the United Kingdom and generally may no longer be acquired  These residual nationalities are the statuses of British Overseas citizen, British subject, British National (Overseas), and British protected person 
All persons born in the British Islands before 1 January 1983 were automatically granted citizenship by birth regardless of the nationalities of their parents  Individuals born in those territories since that date only receive citizenship at birth if at least the mother is a British citizen or holds settled status  Foreign nationals may naturalise as British citizens after meeting a minimum residence requirement (usually five years) and acquiring settled status 
The United Kingdom was previously a member state of the European Union (EU) and British citizens held full EU citizenship  They had held automatic and permanent permission to live and work in any EU or European Free Trade Association (EFTA) country and were able to vote in elections to the European Parliament  Despite the UK's withdrawal from the union in 2020, British citizens continue to hold permanent permission to work and reside in the Republic of Ireland as part of the Common Travel Area 

Terminology
The distinction between the meaning of the terms citizenship and nationality is not always clear in the English language and differs by country  Generally, nationality refers to a person's legal belonging to a sovereign state and is the common term used in international treaties when addressing members of a country, while citizenship usually means the set of rights and duties a person has in that nation  This distinction is clearly defined in many non-English speaking countries but not in the Anglosphere  Historically, an individual associated with Britain was neither a national nor a citizen, but a British subject  British citizenship was not created until passage of the British Nationality Act 1981  This Act defined six types of nationality with varying degrees of civil and political rights, dependent on a person's connections with the United Kingdom, overseas territories, or former colonies  British citizens hold their status because of a close connection with the British Islands, usually through their own (or parents' or grandparents') birth, adoption, naturalisation, or registration as citizens of the UK 

Types of British nationality
There are six types of British nationality: any person who is a British citizen, British Overseas Territories citizen (BOTC), British Overseas citizen (BOC), British National (Overseas) (BN(O)), British subject, or British protected person is a British national  Of these statuses, only British citizenship grants automatic right of abode in the United Kingdom  British Overseas Territories are areas outside of the British Islands where the UK holds sovereignty  Since 2002, nearly all BOTCs also hold British citizenship, except for those associated with Akrotiri and Dhekelia The other four categories are residual nationality classes that generally cannot be acquired  BOCs are people connected with former British colonies who have no close ties to the UK or overseas territories  BN(O)s are Hong Kong residents who voluntarily registered for this status before the territory's transfer to China in 1997  British subjects hold their status through a connection either to former  British India or to what is now the Republic of Ireland as they existed before 1949  British protected persons come from areas controlled by the British Empire but were never formally incorporated as Crown territory; this includes protectorates, protected states, mandated territories, and Indian princely states 

History
Development from feudal allegiance
Before the concept of nationality was codified in legislation, inhabitants of English communities owed allegiance to their feudal lords, who were themselves vassals of the monarch  This system of loyalty, indirectly owed to the monarch personally, developed into a general establishment of subjecthood to the Crown  Calvin's Case in 1608 established the principle of jus soli, that all those who were born within Crown dominions were natural-born subjects  After passage of the Acts of Union 1707, English and Scottish subjects became British subjects  Similarly, the Kingdom of Ireland was merged with the Kingdom of Great Britain to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1801  Natural-born subjects were considered to owe perpetual allegiance to the Crown and could not voluntarily renounce British subject status until this was first permitted in 1870 Prior to 1708, foreigners could only be naturalised through Acts of Parliament  Protestants fleeing religious persecution in mainland Europe were allowed to naturalise as subjects in 1708, but this was quickly repealed in 1711 in response to the number of migrants exercising that ability  A standard administrative process was not introduced until 1844, when applicants were first able to acquire naturalisation grants from the Home Office  Despite the creation of this pathway, personalised naturalising legislation continued to be enacted until 1975 The monarch could personally make any individual a subject by royal prerogative  By this method, a foreigner became a denizen – although they were no longer considered an alien, they could not pass subject status to their children by descent and were barred from Crown service and public office  This mechanism was no longer used after 1873 Until the mid-19th century, it was unclear whether nationality regulations in the United Kingdom were applicable elsewhere in the British Empire  Individual colonies had each developed their own procedures and requirements for naturalisation, granting subject status at the discretion of the local governments  In 1847, Parliament formalised a clear distinction between subjects who were naturalised in the UK and those who became British subjects in other territories  Individuals who naturalised in the UK were deemed to have received the status by imperial naturalisation, which was valid throughout the Empire  Those naturalising in colonies were said to have gone through local naturalisation and were given subject status valid only within the relevant territory; a subject who locally naturalised in Canada was a British subject there, but not in England or New Zealand  When travelling outside of the Empire, British subjects who were locally naturalised in a colony were still entitled to imperial protection Certain territories that came under British jurisdiction were not formally incorporated as Crown territory proper  These included protectorates, protected states, mandated territories, and Indian princely states  Because domestic law treated these areas as foreign territory, birth in one of these areas did not automatically confer British subject status  Instead, most people associated with these territories were designated as British protected persons  British protected persons were treated as aliens in the United Kingdom, but both British subjects and protected persons could be issued British passports  Protected persons could not travel to the UK without first requesting permission, but were afforded the same consular protection as British subjects when travelling outside of the Empire 

Imperial common code
Parliament brought regulations for British subject status into codified statute law for the first time with passage of the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act 1914  British subject status was standardised as a common nationality across the Empire  Dominions that adopted Part II of this Act as part of local legislation were authorised to grant subject status to aliens by imperial naturalisation The 1914 regulations codified the doctrine of coverture into imperial nationality law, where a woman's consent to marry a foreigner was also assumed to be intent to denaturalise; British women who married foreign men automatically lost their British nationality  There were two exceptions to this: a wife married to a husband who lost his British subject status was able to retain British nationality by declaration, and a British-born widow or divorcée who had lost her British nationality through marriage could reacquire that status without meeting residence requirements after the dissolution or termination of her marriage By the end of the First World War, the Dominions had exercised increasing levels of autonomy in managing their own affairs and each by then had developed a distinct national identity  Britain formally recognised this at the 1926 Imperial Conference, jointly issuing the Balfour Declaration with all the Dominion heads of government, which stated that the United Kingdom and Dominions were autonomous and equal to each other within the British Commonwealth of Nations  Full legislative independence was granted to the Dominions with passage of the Statute of Westminster 1931 Women's rights groups throughout the Empire pressured the imperial government during this time to amend nationality regulations that tied a married woman's status to that of her husband  Because the government could no longer enforce legislative supremacy over the Dominions after 1931 and wanted to maintain a strong constitutional link to them through the common nationality code, it was unwilling to make major changes without unanimous agreement among the Dominions on this issue, which it did not have  Imperial legal uniformity was nevertheless eroded during the 1930s; New Zealand and Australia amended their laws in 1935 and 1936 to allow women denaturalised by marriage to retain their rights as British subjects, and Ireland changed its regulations in 1935 to cause no change to a woman's nationality after her marriage 

Irish independence
Irish resistance to the Union and desire for local self-governance led to the Irish War of Independence  Following the war, the island of Ireland was partitioned into two parts  Southern Ireland became the Irish Free State in 1922, while Northern Ireland remains part of the United Kingdom  Under the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, Northern Ireland was included in the Irish Free State on independence, but had the right to opt out of the new state within one month of its establishment  This option was exercised on 7 December 1922  The 24-hour period in which Northern Ireland was officially part of the Irish Free State meant that every person ordinarily resident in Northern Ireland on 6 December who fulfilled the citizenship provisions in the Constitution of the Irish Free State had automatically become an Irish citizen on that date At its inception, the Irish Free State gained independence as a Dominion within the British Empire  Imperial legislation at the time dictated that although individual Dominions could define a citizenship for their own citizens, that citizenship would only be effective within the local Dominion's borders  A Canadian, New Zealand, or Irish citizen who traveled outside of their own country would have been regarded as a British subject  This was reinforced by Article 3 of the 1922 Free State Constitution, which stated that Irish citizenship could be exercised "within the limits of the jurisdiction of the Irish Free State" When Free State authorities were first preparing to issue Irish passports in 1923, the British government insisted on the inclusion of some type of wording that described the holders of these passports as "British subjects"  The two sides could not reach agreement on this issue and when the Irish government began issuing passports in 1924, British authorities refused to accept these documents  British consular staff were instructed to confiscate any Irish passports that did not include the term "British subject" and replace them with British passports  This situation continued until 1930, when Irish passports were amended to describe its holders as "one of His Majesty's subjects of the Irish Free State"  Despite these disagreements, the two governments agreed not to establish border controls between their jurisdictions and all Irish citizens and British subjects continued to have the ability to move freely within the Common Travel Area  Although Irish citizens have not been considered British subjects under Irish law since 1935, the British government continued to treat virtually all Irish citizens as British subjects, except for those who had acquired Irish citizenship by naturalisation since the Free State had not incorporated Part II of the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act 1914 into its legislation 

Changing relationship with the Empire and Commonwealth
Diverging developments in Dominion legislation, as well as growing assertions of local national identity separate from that of Britain and the Empire, culminated with the creation of a substantive Canadian citizenship in 1946, breaking the system of a common imperial nationality  Combined with the approaching independence of India and Pakistan in 1947, comprehensive reform to nationality law was necessary at this point to address ideas that were incompatible with the previous system The British Nationality Act 1948 redefined British subject as any citizen of the United Kingdom, its colonies, or other Commonwealth countries  Commonwealth citizen was first defined in this Act to have the same meaning  This alternative term was necessary to retain a number of newly independent countries in the Commonwealth that wished to become republics rather than preserve the monarch as head of state  The change in naming also indicated a shift in the base theory to this aspect of British nationality; allegiance to the Crown was no longer a requirement to possess British subject status and the common status would be maintained by voluntary agreement among the various members of the Commonwealth British subject/Commonwealth citizen status co-existed with the citizenships of each Commonwealth country  A person born in Australia would be both an Australian citizen and a British subject  British subjects under the previous meaning who held that status on 1 January 1949 because of a connection with the United Kingdom or a remaining colony became Citizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies (CUKC)  CUKC status was the principal form of British nationality during this period of time There was also a category of people called British subjects without citizenship  Irish citizens who fulfilled certain requirements could file formal claims with the Home Secretary to remain British subjects under this definition  Additionally, those who did not qualify for CUKC status or citizenship in other Commonwealth countries, or were connected with a country that had not yet defined citizenship laws, would transitionally remain British subjects in this group 

Irish departure from the Commonwealth
Despite the accommodations for republics, Ireland ended its Commonwealth membership in 1948 when it formally declared itself a republic and removed the British monarch's remaining official functions in the Irish state  This was recognised by Britain after passage of the Ireland Act 1949  Although Irish citizens have no longer been defined as British subjects in British law since 1949, they continue to be treated as non-foreign in the United Kingdom and retain the same rights and privileges exercised by Commonwealth citizens; Irish citizens remain eligible to vote and stand for parliament in the UK The British Nationality Act 1948 unintentionally excluded certain British subjects associated with Ireland from acquiring CUKC status  The wording of that law did not take into account the 24-hour period during which Northern Ireland was part of the Irish Free State in 1922  Individuals born before 1922 in the area that became the Republic of Ireland to fathers also born in that area but were domiciled in Northern Ireland on Irish independence had nevertheless automatically acquired Irish citizenship  The Ireland Act 1949 specifically addresses this by deeming any person in such circumstances who had never registered for Irish citizenship and had not permanently resided in the Republic between 10 April 1935 and 1 January 1949 as a CUKC and having never ceased to be a British subject 

Restricting Commonwealth free movement
All British subjects under the reformed system initially continued to hold free movement rights in both the UK and Ireland  Non-white immigration into the UK was systemically discouraged, but strong economic conditions in Britain following the Second World War attracted an unprecedented wave of colonial migration  This entitlement was part of a wider initiative to preserve close relationships with certain Dominions and colonies (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa, and Southern Rhodesia) and to moderate nationalist attitudes within the Commonwealth  In response, Parliament imposed immigration controls on any subjects originating from outside the British Islands with the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962  This restriction was somewhat relaxed by the Immigration Act 1971 for patrials, subjects whose parents or grandparents were born in the United Kingdom, which gave effective preferential treatment to white Commonwealth citizens  Ireland mirrored this restriction and limited free movement only to people born on the islands of Great Britain or Ireland  However, individuals born in the UK since 1983 are only British citizens if at least one parent is already a British citizen  The Irish regulation created a legal anomaly where persons born in Britain without British citizenship nevertheless held an unrestricted right to settle in Ireland; this inconsistency was removed in 1999 In other parts of the Commonwealth, British subjects already did not have an automatic right to settle  Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and South Africa had immigration restrictions in place for British subjects from outside their jurisdictions targeted at non-white migrants since the late 19th century  After 1949, non-local British subjects under the new definition who were resident in these independent Commonwealth countries continued to retain certain privileges  This included eligibility to vote in elections, for preferred paths to citizenship, and for welfare benefits  British subjects were eligible to vote in New Zealand until 1975 and Australia until 1984 (though subjects on the electoral roll in that year are still eligible)  In Canada, voting eligibility was revoked at the federal level in 1975, but not fully phased out in provinces until 2006  All Commonwealth citizens remain eligible to vote and stand for public office in the UK 

Post-imperial redefinition of nationality classes
By the 1970s and 1980s, most colonies of the British Empire had become independent and remaining ties to the United Kingdom had been significantly weakened  The UK updated its nationality law to reflect the more modest boundaries of its remaining territory and possessions with the British Nationality Act 1981  CUKCs were reclassified in 1983 into different nationality groups based on their ancestry, birthplace, and immigration status: CUKCs who had right of abode in the United Kingdom became British citizens while those connected with a remaining colony became British Dependent Territories citizens (BDTCs)  Remaining CUKCs who were no longer associated with a British territory became British Overseas citizens  The definition of "British subject" became limited to include only the category of people previously called British subjects without citizenship who held that status through a connection with former British India or Ireland before 1949 

Former membership in the European Union
In 1973, the United Kingdom joined the European Communities (EC), a set of organisations that later developed into the European Union (EU)  British citizens were able to work in other EC/EU countries under the freedom of movement for workers established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome and participated in their first European Parliament elections in 1979  With the creation of European Union citizenship by the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, free movement rights were extended to all nationals of EU member states regardless of their employment status  The scope of these rights was further expanded with the establishment of the European Economic Area in 1994 to include any national of an EFTA member state except for Switzerland, which concluded a separate free movement agreement with the EU that came into force in 2002 Not all British nationals were EU citizens  Only British citizens, British Overseas Territories citizens connected with Gibraltar, and British subjects under the 1981 Act who held UK right of abode were defined as UK nationals for the purposes of EU law  Although the Crown dependencies were part of the European Union Customs Union, free movement of persons was never implemented in those territories  Following the UK's withdrawal from the EU on 31 January 2020, British nationals have no longer been EU citizens  Despite this, British citizens continue to have free movement in Ireland as part of the preexisting arrangement for the Common Travel Area While the UK was a member state of the EU, Cypriot and Maltese citizens held a particularly favoured status there  While non-EU Commonwealth citizens continued to need a residence visa to live in the UK, Cypriot and Maltese citizens were able to settle there and immediately hold full rights to political participation due to their status as both Commonwealth and EU citizens  This group of EU citizens (along with Irish citizens) domiciled in the UK were able to vote in the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum while all other non-British EU citizens could not 

Acquisition and loss of nationality
British citizenship
Prior to 1983, all Individuals born within the British Islands (the United Kingdom and Crown Dependencies) received British citizenship at birth regardless of the nationalities of their parents  Individuals born afterwards only receive citizenship at birth if at least one parent is a British citizen or considered to have settled status in the UK  Children born overseas are British citizens by descent if either parent is a citizen otherwise than by descent, subject to regulations  Adopted children are treated as if they were naturally born to the adopting parents at the time of adoption  Children born abroad to members of the British Armed Forces or British citizens on Crown service are treated as if they were born in the UK Children born in the UK to a resident Irish citizen at any time are always British citizens at birth  Since 1983, the status of a child born in the UK is dependent on whether their parents held British citizenship or settled status at the time of their birth  Irish citizens residing in the UK are deemed to hold settled status upon arrival  Regulations concerning settled status for other European Union (EU), European Economic Area (EEA), and Swiss citizens have changed greatly over time, affecting the status of their children born during the different regulatory periods  EU/EEA citizens living in the UK before 2 October 2000 were automatically considered to be settled  Between that date and 29 April 2006, EU/EEA citizens were required to apply for permanent residency  Swiss citizens became subject to the same regulations on 1 June 2002  From 30 April 2006 until 30 June 2021, EU/EEA and Swiss citizens living in the UK for at least five years automatically received permanent resident status  Permanent resident status for these citizens expired on 1 July 2021, after which they have been required to hold settled status through the European Union Settlement Scheme or another path Foreign nationals may naturalise as British citizens after residing in the UK for more than five years and possessing indefinite leave to remain (ILR) for at least one year  The residency requirement is reduced to three years if an applicant is married to a British citizen and they immediately become eligible for naturalisation after receiving ILR or equivalent  Applicants must demonstrate proficiency in the English, Welsh, or Scottish Gaelic languages and pass the Life in the United Kingdom test 

British Overseas Territories citizenship
Individuals born in a territory automatically receive BOTC status if at least one parent is a BOTC or has belonger status  Children born in an overseas territory to British citizen parents who are not settled in a territory are British citizens at birth, but not BOTCs  Parents do not necessarily need to be connected with the same overseas territory to pass on BOTC status  Alternatively, a child born in an overseas territory may be registered as a BOTC if either parent becomes a BOTC or settles in any overseas territory subsequent to birth  A child who lives in the same territory until age 10 and is not absent for more than 90 days in each year is also entitled to registration as a BOTC  Furthermore, an adopted child automatically become a BOTC on the effective day of adoption if either parent is a BOTC or has belonger status  In all cases that an individual is a British Overseas Territories citizen at birth or adoption within the territories, that person is a BOTC otherwise than by descent Individuals born outside of the territories are BOTCs by descent if either parent is a BOTC otherwise than by descent  Unmarried fathers cannot automatically pass on BOTC status, and it would be necessary for them to register children as BOTCs  If a parent is a BOTC by descent, additional requirements apply to register children as BOTCs  Parents in Crown service who have children abroad are exempted from these circumstances, and their children would be BOTCs otherwise than by descent, as if they had been born on their home territory Foreigners and non-BOTC British nationals may naturalise as British Overseas Territories citizens after residing in a territory for more than five years and possessing belonger status or permanent residency for more than one year  The residency requirement is reduced to three years if an applicant is married to a BOTC  All applicants for naturalisation and registration are normally considered by the governor of the relevant territory, but the Home Secretary retains discretionary authority to grant BOTC status  Since 2004, BOTC applicants aged 18 or older are required to take an oath of allegiance to the Sovereign and loyalty pledge to the relevant territory during their citizenship ceremonies All British Overseas Territories citizens other than those solely connected with Akrotiri and Dhekelia became British citizens on 21 May 2002, and children born on qualified overseas territories to dual BOTC-British citizens since that date are both BOTCs and British citizens otherwise than by descent  Prior to 2002, only BOTCs from Gibraltar and the Falkland Islands were given unrestricted access to citizenship  BOTCs naturalised after that date may also become British citizens by registration at the discretion of the Home Secretary  Becoming a British citizen has no effect on BOTC status; BOTCs may also simultaneously be British citizens 

Other nationality classes
It is generally not possible to acquire other forms of British nationality  British Overseas citizenship, British subjecthood, and British protected person status are only transferred by descent if an individual born to a parent holding one of these statuses would otherwise be stateless  British Overseas citizens retain their status by association with most former British colonies, British subjects are connected specifically with Ireland or British India before 1949, and British protected persons are associated with territories that were under British control but not formally incorporated as part of the British Empire  British National (Overseas) status was exclusively granted by voluntary registration to Hong Kong residents who had been British Dependent Territories citizens prior to the transfer of sovereignty to China in 1997 and cannot be newly acquired in any case  Noncitizen British nationals may become British citizens by registration, rather than naturalisation, after residing in the United Kingdom for more than five years and possessing ILR for more than one year 

Renunciation and restoration
Any type of British nationality can be renounced by making a declaration to the Home Secretary, provided that the declarant possesses or intends to acquire another nationality  Former British citizens or BOTCs may subsequently apply for nationality restoration  Applicants who had originally renounced their British nationality in order to retain or acquire another nationality are entitled to register as British citizens or BOTCs once  Any subsequent renunciation and application for restoration, or someone applying for restoration who originally renounced their British nationality for a reason unrelated to acquiring or retaining an alternate nationality, would be subject to the discretionary approval of the Home Secretary 

Automatic loss of British nationality
British subjects (other than British subjects by virtue of a connection with the Republic of Ireland) and British protected persons lose British nationality upon acquiring any other form of nationality 

These provisions do not apply to British citizens 
British Overseas Territories citizens (BOTCs) who acquire another nationality do not lose their BOTC status but they may be liable to lose belonger status in their home territory under its immigration laws  Such persons are advised to contact the governor of that territory for information 
British Overseas citizens (BOCs) do not lose their BOC status upon acquisition of another citizenship, but any entitlement to registration as a British citizen on the grounds of having no other nationality no longer applies after acquiring another citizenship 

Deprivation of British nationality
The British government does not publish the number of people it strips of citizenship, but independent research by a lawyer-run website, in 2022, found at least 464 people's citizenship was revoked in the last 15 years  After the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 came into force British nationals could be deprived of their citizenship if and only if the Secretary of State was satisfied they were responsible for acts seriously prejudicial to the vital interests of the United Kingdom or an Overseas Territory This was extended under the Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Act 2006: people with dual nationality who are British nationals can be deprived of their British citizenship if the Secretary of State is satisfied that "deprivation is conducive to the public good", or if nationality was obtained by means of fraud, false representation or concealment of a material fact  Between 2006 and the end of 2021 at least 464 people have had their citizenship removed by the government since the law was introduced  There is a right of appeal  This provision has been in force since 16 June 2006 when the Immigration, Nationality and Asylum Act 2006 (Commencement No 1) Order 2006 brought it into force  Loss of British nationality in this way applies also to dual nationals who are British by birth  The Secretary of State may not deprive a person of British nationality, unless obtained by means of fraud, false representation or concealment of a material fact, if they are satisfied that the order would make a person stateless This provision was again modified by the Immigration Act 2014 so as not to require that a third country would actually grant nationality to a person; British nationality can be revoked if "the Secretary of State has reasonable grounds for believing that the person is able, under the law of a country or territory outside the United Kingdom, to become a national of such a country or territory "The powers to strip citizenship were initially very rarely used  Between 2010 and 2015, 33 dual nationals had been deprived of their British citizenship  In the two years to 2013 six people were deprived of citizenship; then in 2013, 18 people were deprived, increasing to 23 in 2014  In 2017, over 40 people had been deprived as of July (at this time increased numbers of British citizens went to join "Islamic State" and then tried to return) The Home Office does not issue information on these cases and is resistant to answering questions, for example under the Freedom of Information Act 2000  It appears that the government usually waits until the person has left Britain, then sends a warning notice to their British home and signs a deprivation order a day or two later  Appeals are heard at the highly secretive Special Immigration Appeals Commission (SIAC), where the government can submit evidence that cannot be seen or challenged by the appellant Home Secretary Sajid Javid said in 2018 that until then deprivation of nationality had been restricted to "terrorists who are a threat to the country", but that he intended to extend it to "those who are convicted of the most grave criminal offences"  The acting director of Liberty responded "The home secretary is taking us down a very dangerous road      making our criminals someone else’s problem is     the government washing its hands of its responsibilities     Banishment belongs in the dark ages "A Nationality and Borders Bill was introduced to the British House of Commons in July 2021, sponsored by the Home Office under Home Secretary Priti Patel  In November 2021, an amendment to the Bill was introduced which, if passed, would allow people to be deprived of British citizenship without being given notice  At the time the Home Office reiterated its position on citizenship: "British citizenship is a privilege, not a right" 

British citizenship ceremonies
From 1 January 2004, all new applicants for British citizenship by naturalisation or registration aged 18 or over if their application is successful must attend a citizenship ceremony and either make an affirmation or take an oath of allegiance to the monarch, and make a pledge to the UK 
Citizenship ceremonies are normally organised by:

local councils in England, Scotland, and Wales
the Northern Ireland Office
the governments of the Isle of Man, Jersey and Guernsey
the Governors of British Overseas Territories
British consular offices outside the United Kingdom and territories Persons from what is now the Republic of Ireland born before 1949 reclaiming British subject status under section 31 of the 1981 Act do not need to attend a citizenship ceremony  If such a person subsequently applies for British citizenship by registration or naturalisation, attendance at a ceremony is required 
For those who applied for British citizenship before 2004:

the oath of allegiance was administered privately through signing a witnessed form in front of a solicitor or other accredited person
those who already held British nationality (other than British protected persons) were exempt, as were those citizens of countries with the King as Head of State (such as Australia and Canada) 

See also
Visa policy of the United Kingdom
Visa requirements for British citizens
Visa requirements for British Nationals (Overseas)
Visa requirements for British Overseas citizens
Visa requirements for British Overseas Territories citizens

Notes
Passage 2:
Pangi Territory
Pangi Territory is an administrative area in Maniema Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo  The  headquarters is the town of Pangi 
The Elila River flows through Pangi territory, entering the Lualaba River to the west 
The territory is divided into the Babene chiefdom and the Beia, Ikama, Wakabango and Wasongola sectors 
Most of the territory is inhabited by the Lega people, as are the adjoining Mwenga and Shabunda territories 
As of 1972 there were still a few Pygmies living among the Baziri tribe of Lega people 
Before independence the territory had 97,380 inhabitants of whom 35,518 were in urban and mining agglomerations 
Passage 3:
Love and War in the Apennines
Love and War in the Apennines is a 1971 Second World War memoir (with some changes of names and people and places, and some composite characters) by Eric Newby  In the United States the title was changed to When the Snow Comes, They Will Take You Away  It was dramatised as the 2001 film In Love and War starring Callum Blue and Barbora Bobuľová 

Overview
After the Armistice between Italy and Allied armed forces in 1943, the author left the prisoner-of-war camp in which he had been held for a year, PG 49 at Fontanellato, and evaded the Germans by going to ground high in the mountains and forests south of the Po River  In enforced isolation, he was sheltered and protected by an informal and highly courageous network of Italian peasants  Newby writes a powerful account of these idiosyncratic and selfless people and also of their bleak and very basic lifestyle  He undergoes a series of bizarre, funny and often dangerous incidents, and in the process meets Wanda, a local girl who later becomes his wife 

Summary
Newby takes part in a Special Boat Service operation on the east coast of Sicily  He and his colleagues fail to make their rendezvous with a British submarine and are picked up by a fishing boat 
Newby is imprisoned in an orphanage at Fontanellato in the Po valley  With the Armistizio, the Italians let the English prisoners escape  Because Newby has a broken ankle he is abandoned and is hidden in a farmer's hay loft until an Italian doctor takes him to the hospital  Here he is visited by Wanda, the daughter of a Slovene teacher, who gives him Italian lessons in exchange for English lessons and they fall in love  The Germans discover he is there but Newby escapes and hides, moving from one house to another 
Newby is nearly captured and moves into the mountains to stay with a shepherd; villagers build him a camouflaged cave  Further exciting adventures follow, and a meeting with Wanda 

Reception
The New York Times wrote of Love and War that "His memoir of that time became one of his most acclaimed books" The novelist Simon Mawer, writing on the NPR website, describes the book as follows:
Read the book and you are there in the Italian mountains with him: You can feel the stony soil, smell the wood smoke in the air, sense the snow on the wind  He conjures up the stubborn, fatalistic, bloody-minded locals who risked their lives for him so vividly that they seem to be standing in front of you  You share his fears and his hopes  He makes you laugh and he makes you weep  It's quite an achievement for an author commonly labeled as a travel writer  — Simon Mawer
Travel writer John Gimlette, writing in The Guardian, comments that "For sheer charm, there's nothing quite like Eric Newby's Love and War in the Apennines " He adds that while it is plainly a celebration of Italy, "At a more profound level, it's a beautifully philanthropic yet unsentimental work  However miserable the times and awkward the place, Newby's characters are usually endearing, and often complex "

Sources
Love and War in the Apennines, Picador (1983) ISBN 978-0-330-28024-2
Passage 4:
Essex County Park Commission Administration Building
The Essex County Park Commission Administration Building is located in Newark, Essex County, New Jersey, United States  The building was built in 1916 and was added to the National Register of Historic Places on November 11, 1977 

See also
National Register of Historic Places listings in Essex County, New Jersey
Essex County Park System, New Jersey
Passage 5:
Tumaraa
Tumaraa is a commune of French Polynesia, an overseas territory of France in the Pacific Ocean  The commune of Tumaraa is located on the island of Raiatea, in the administrative subdivision of the Leeward Islands, themselves part of the Society Islands  At the 2017 census it had a population of 3,721, making it the least populous commune on Raiatea Tumaraa consists of the following associated communes:

Fetuna
Tehurui
Tevaitoa
VaiaauThe administrative centre of the commune is the settlement of Tevaitoa  The tallest mountain on Raiatea - Mont Temehani - is located within Tumaraa 
Passage 6:
Callum McManaman
Callum Henry McManaman (born 25 April 1991) is an English professional footballer who plays as a winger for EFL League One side Wigan Athletic 
Born in Whiston, Merseyside, lived and brought up in Rainhill, Merseyside, McManaman began his youth career at Everton before being released in 2007 and joining Wigan Athletic  He made his first team debut in 2009, and was the man of the match as they won the FA Cup in 2013  In January 2015, he joined West Bromwich Albion for £4 75 million 
On 13 October 2020, McManaman signed a two-year contract with A-League club Melbourne Victory ahead of the 2020–21 A-League season  In June 2023, he rejoined Wigan Athletic for his third spell at the club 

Club career
Wigan Athletic
McManaman was born in Huyton  He grew up as an Everton supporter, and joined the club's youth system when he was seven years old  After being released by the club at the age of sixteen, he signed for Wigan Athletic on a free transfer in 2007  He made his debut for the reserves toward the end of the 2007–08 season  He became a regular in the reserve team during the second half of the following season, appearing ten times and scoring four goals  He then made his first team debut on 24 May 2009 in a Premier League match against Portsmouth, becoming Wigan's youngest-ever player to play in the Premier League In July 2009, he signed his first professional contract with the club  McManaman remained in the reserve team during the 2009–10 season, scoring twice in a 5–0 win against Burnley  Although he did not appear in the first team, he earned a contract extension McManaman was an unused substitute in the first team at the start of the 2010–11 season, but Wigan manager Roberto Martínez felt the player was not yet ready for Premier League football  On 30 November 2010, he made his first appearance in over 18 months when he came on as a substitute in a League Cup match against Arsenal  Martínez suggested the player would feature more regularly later in the season  He scored his first goal for Wigan in his first start for the club against Hull City in the FA Cup on 8 January 2011  In April 2011, he extended his contract for a further two years, keeping him at the club until 2013 On 17 October 2011, McManaman joined Blackpool in a three-month loan deal  He made his debut a day later, appearing as a substitute against Doncaster Rovers, and made his first start for the club in the following game against Nottingham Forest  On 3 December 2011, he scored his first league goal in a 1–0 win against Reading 
After he returned from his loan spell at Blackpool, McManaman scored against Swindon Town in the FA Cup on 7 January 2012  He returned to Premier League football at the DW Stadium on 16 January 2012 as an 81st-minute substitute in a single-goal defeat to Manchester City McManaman scored as a substitute in the 89th minute in Wigan's first League Cup game of the 2012–13 season, capping off a 1–4 win over Nottingham Forest  In January 2013, he signed a new contract with Wigan until 2016  On 17 February 2013, in the fifth round of the FA Cup, McManaman scored one goal and was named man-of-the-match in a 4–1 win against Huddersfield Town, helping Wigan reach the quarter-finals for the first time in 26 years  In that quarter-final match, he scored against his former club Everton, at Goodison Park, in a 3–0 win that sent Wigan to the semi-finals at Wembley After the Everton game, McManaman made his first Premier League start against Newcastle United on 17 March 2013  His challenge on Massadio Haïdara in that game was the subject of a two-day review by The Football Association; the Association concluded it lacked the authority to penalise McManaman retrospectively  On 23 March 2013, The Daily Telegraph reported that the McManaman situation had prompted the FA "    to raise the issue with the other 'stakeholders' involved in setting disciplinary guidelines     at the end of the season "On 27 April 2013, he scored his first Premier League goal for Wigan in a 2–2 draw against Tottenham Hotspur  A week later, he scored the winning goal in a 3–2 win against West Bromwich Albion  On 11 May, he was named man-of-the-match in the FA Cup Final, leading Wigan to a 1–0 victory over Manchester City 

West Bromwich Albion
On 28 January 2015, McManaman signed for Premier League club West Bromwich Albion on a three-and-a-half-year contract for £4 75 million  He was the first signing for the club by Tony Pulis On 27 December 2016, McManaman signed for Championship club Sheffield Wednesday on loan for the remainder of the season  He played in their first match of 2017 against Wolverhampton Wanderers on 2 January 

Sunderland
McManaman signed for Championship club Sunderland on 31 August 2017 on a two-year contract for an undisclosed fee  He scored his first goal for Sunderland with a 96th-minute equaliser in a 3–3 draw with Middlesbrough on 24 February 2018 

Return to Wigan Athletic
On 20 July 2018, McManaman returned to his boyhood club Wigan Athletic for an undisclosed fee, signing onto a one-year rolling contract 

Luton Town
On 4 June 2019, McManaman signed for newly promoted Championship club Luton Town on a free transfer  He was released at the end of the 2019–20 season 

Melbourne Victory
On 13 October 2020, McManaman signed a two-year contract with A-League club Melbourne Victory ahead of the 2020–21 A-League season  In July 2021, he was released by Melbourne Victory, with one-year left on his contract 

Tranmere Rovers
On 9 July, it was announced that McManaman had made a return to English football, signing with League Two side Tranmere Rovers on a one-year deal  McManaman was released at the end of the 2021–22 season 

Third spell at Wigan Athletic
On 30 June 2023, McManaman returned to League One side Wigan Athletic for a third spell in his career, signing a one-year deal 

International career
McManaman is available to represent England and the Republic of Ireland, through Irish ancestry In June 2011, McManaman, along with teammate Lee Nicholls, was included in the England under-20s squad for the 2011 FIFA U-20 World Cup, the first time a Wigan Athletic player has been involved in the tournament  He made his debut in a group match – a 0–0 draw against North Korea, and went on to play in all of England's games during the tournament before the team were knocked out by Nigeria 
On 14 May, he was called up for the first time to the England Under 21s for the 2013 UEFA European Under-21 Football Championship in Israel  However, he was ruled out of the tournament due to an ankle injury picked up in a game against Arsenal on the same day 

Personal life
McManaman is a distant relative of former Liverpool, Real Madrid, Manchester City and England player Steve McManaman 

Career statistics
As of end of 2021–22 season

Honours
Wigan Athletic

FA Cup: 2012–13
Passage 7:
Minsk Region
Minsk Region, also known as Minsk Oblast or Minsk Voblasts (Belarusian: Мі́нская во́бласць, romanized: Minskaja voblasć, IPA: [ˈmʲinskaja ˈvobɫasʲtsʲ]; Russian: Минская о́бласть, romanized: Minskaya oblast), is one of the regions of Belarus  Its administrative center is Minsk, although it is a separate administrative territorial entity of Belarus  As of 2011, the region's population is 1,411,500 

Geography
Minsk Region covers a total of 39,900 km2, about 19 44% of the national total area  Lake Narach, the largest lake in the country, is located in the northern part of the region  There are four other large lakes in this region: Svir (8th largest), Myadel (11th largest), Syalyava (14th largest) and Myastro (15th largest)  It is the only region of Belarus whose border is not part of the international border of Belarus 

History
Beginning the 10th century, the territory of the current Minsk Region was part of Kievan Rus', the Principality of Polotsk, and later it was included in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania  With the unification of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Kingdom of Poland, the territory became part of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth 
In 1793, as a result of the second partition of Polish territory, the area was annexed by Russia as the Minsk Region  During the collapse of the Russian Empire due to the Civil War, the western part was annexed to Poland in 1921, while the east became Soviet Belarus 
The Minsk region was established on 15 January 1938, based on the amendment of the Constitutional Law of the USSR  As of 20 February 1938, the area included 20 districts   Following the Soviet invasion of Poland on September 17, 1939, the former Eastern lands of the Second Polish Republic were annexed in accordance with the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact partitioning Poland and added to the Minsk Region 
On 20 September 1944, by the decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the Gressky, Kopyl, Krasnoslobodski, Luban, Slutsky, Starobin, Starodorozhski districts and the city of Sluck were removed from the Minsk region and transferred to the newly formed Bobruisk Region 
On 8 January 1954, by the decree of the USSR Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, the Nesvizhski and Stolbtsovsky districts from the abolished Baranovichi Region, as well as the Glusk, Gressky, Kopyl, Krasnoslobodski, Luban, Slutsky, Starobin, Starodorozhski districts and the city of Sluck from the abolished Bobruisk Region, were added to the Minsk Region 
In 1960, following the abolition of Molodechno Region, its southern part became the northern part of the Minsk Region 

Tourism
The number of travel agencies in Minsk Region grew from twelve in 2000 to seventy in 2010  The most popular tourist destinations of the region are Zaslavskoye Lake, the Zhdanovichi area which has health resorts, Nesvizh Palace and its surroundings, as well as the alpine ski resorts of Logoysk and Silichi 

Administrative subdivisions
The Minsk Region comprises 22 districts (raions), 307 selsovets, 22 cities, 8 city municipalities, and 20 urban-type settlements 

Districts of Minsk Region
Cities and towns
Population of cities and towns in Minsk Region

Demographics
See also
Administrative divisions of Belarus
Villages in Minsk Region
Passage 8:
List of territorial entities where English is an official language
The following is a list of countries and territories where English is an official language—that is, a language used in citizen interactions with government officials  As of 2020, there were 58 sovereign states and 28 non-sovereign entities where English was an official language  Many administrative divisions have declared English an official language at the local or regional level 
Most states where English is an official language are former territories of the British Empire  Exceptions include Rwanda and Burundi, which were formerly German and then Belgian colonies; Cameroon, where only part of national territory was under British mandate; and Liberia, the Philippines, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Marshall Islands, and Palau, which were American territories  English is the sole official language of the Commonwealth of Nations and of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)  English is one of the official languages of the United Nations, the European Union, NAFTA, the African Union, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, the Caribbean Community, the Union of South American Nations, and many other international organisations  Although English is not de jure an official language at the national level in the United States, most states and territories within the United States have English as an official language, and only Puerto Rico uses a language other than English as a primary working language The United Kingdom, the United States, Australia, and New Zealand, where the overwhelming majority of native English speakers reside, do not have English as an official language de jure, but English is considered their de facto official language because it dominates in these countries 

Sovereign states
Countries where English is a de jure official language
Countries where English is a predominant language conventionally spoken by both the government and main population, despite it having no de jure official status at national level
Countries where English is a de facto working language in government or education, but it is not recognized as de jure official, nor a primary language spoken by the main population
Non-sovereign entities
Non-sovereign entities where English is a de jure official language
Non-sovereign entities where English is a de facto official language
Non-sovereign entities where English is a de facto official, but not a primary language
Country subdivisions
In these country subdivisions, English has de jure official status, but English is not official in their respective countries at the national level 

See also
English-only movement
Anglo-America
Commonwealth of Nations
Member states of the Commonwealth of Nations
British Overseas Territories
English-speaking world
List of countries by English-speaking population
List of languages by total number of speakers
British Empire

Footnotes
Passage 9:
Whiston, Merseyside
Whiston is a town and civil parish within the Metropolitan Borough of Knowsley in Merseyside, England  Previously recorded within the historic county of Lancashire, it is located eight miles (ten kilometres) east of Liverpool  The population was 13,629 at the 2001 Census, increasing to 14,263 at the 2011 Census A new village, Halsnead Garden Village, was approved with government support in 2017 and will be located in the Halsnead area of the town  The new village will contain over 1,500 houses, a primary school, a country park, and various community and leisure facilities  Construction is estimated to cost around £270 million 

History
The first record of Whiston comes in 1245, being rendered as "Quistan" and being within the West Derby Hundred in Lancashire  Archeological evidence such as a neolithic polished hand-axe and mesolithic tool fragments suggest that the region was host to pre-historic settlement up to 12,000 years, ago while other archaeological finds include remnants of a Roman tile workshop in nearby Tarbock and a medieval shovel head The main industry of Whiston's earlier documented history is agriculture, with the first recorded mill in the area being held by local lord Henry Travers from 1190  By 1521, the first documentation of coal mining is made, which would in time become Whiston's primary industry  By 1700, the coalfields of Whiston, Prescot, and Sutton were producing 25,000-50,000 tonnes of coal annually, and this would only increase as the Industrial Revolution progressed and the Whiston area became host to tens of collieries over the 18th and 19th Centuries The Church of St  Nicholas on Windy Arbor Road was consecrated on 30 July 1868  It hosts a war memorial, designed by Sir Giles Gilbert Scott, which was struck by lightning in 1928  The memorial was replaced in 1932 Whiston was previously host to Halsnead Hall, a neoclassical manor that housed the Willis family, chief landholders in Whiston from 1684 until the auctioning of their estate in 1929  Halsnead Hall, demolished in 1932 and now the site of Halsnead static caravan park, was designed by the renowned architect Sir John Soane  Before its demolition, it was the sole example of Soane's work in either Lancashire or Cheshire 

Governance
Prior to boundary changes in 2016, Whiston consisted of the Whiston North and Whiston South wards of the Metropolitan Borough of Knowsley  The North and South wards were separated by the Liverpool to Manchester Railway, which runs directly through the town  The former borough wards of North and South are still used in the form of Town Council wards, but for the purposes of Borough representation, Whiston elects three councillors via the combined ward of Whiston and Cronton Whiston lent its name to and was formerly the headquarters of the Whiston Rural District within the County of Lancashire before the Local Government Act 1972  Today, Whiston Town Council oversees parish level administration 

Transport
Whiston is crossed by the historic Liverpool to Manchester Railway, and is served by Whiston railway station with services to Liverpool and Manchester, operated by Northern  Local bus routes to Runcorn, Liverpool, St Helens and Huyton also serve the town  These are operated by, among other smaller local providers, Stagecoach and Arriva 

Health
St Helens and Knowsley Teaching Hospitals NHS Trust operates Whiston Hospital  The hospital supports the primary maternity department for the Knowsley and St Helens boroughs, alongside a regional Burns and Plastic Surgery Unit serving North West England, North Wales and the Isle of Man  The Trust is a member organisation of the teaching hospital system partnered with the University of Liverpool, Liverpool John Moores University and Edge Hill University 

Industries
Local industry includes Glen Dimplex Home Appliances, producing kitchen appliances and employing approximately 1,000 people 

Education
Primary education
St Luke's Catholic Primary School
Halsnead Primary School
Whiston Willis Primary School
St Leo's & Southmead Catholic Primary School

Secondary education
In 2010, two of Whiston's secondary schools were closed and redeveloped under the Labour Party governments 'Building Schools for the Future' scheme  This £150 million programme created seven new 'Centres for Learning' to replace the ten existing secondary schools within the Knowsley borough 
Knowsley Higher Side Comprehensive School, Cumber Lane Constructed in 1964, Knowsley Higher Side Comprehensive School was one of the first comprehensive schools in the local area, purpose built under the Labour Party's education reforms to formally abolish the tripartite system of education; to amalgamate grammar, technical and secondary modern schools into one appropriately named Comprehensive System  
In March 2010, after serving the local area for 46 years, Higher Side Comprehensive School was permanently closed and subsequently demolished to make way for the new St Edmund Arrowsmith Catholic Centre for Learning which was constructed on vacant land behind Higher Side's main buildings  The land on which Higher Side once stood now serves as a car park and recreational area for staff and pupils of the new St Edmund Arrowsmith 
The only remaining building of the former Higher Side School site is the former Whiston & Prescot City Learning Centre (CLC), now St Edmund Arrowsmith Science Hub  The building was originally constructed and opened in 2000  Pupils of the school who were still enrolled at Higher Side at the time its closure were transferred to its replacement Knowsley Park Centre for Learning (now The Prescot School) based on Knowsley Park Lane, Prescot 

St Edmund Arrowsmith Catholic Academy, Whiston, Cumber Lane Closed, relocated and rebuilt behind the former Knowsley Higher Side Comprehensive School on Cumber Lane  Renamed as 'St Edmund Arrowsmith Catholic Centre for Learning' for a while  The original St Edmund Arrowsmith Building on Scotchbarn Lane was retained for several years and redeveloped as a youth training academy, but has also since been demolished 

Notable people
Alan Allport, historian
Peter Briggs, screenwriter
Melanie C, singer, "Sporty Spice" of the Spice Girls
Martin Dwyer, jockey
Steven Gerrard, footballer
Steve Hampson, rugby league player
Jamie Harrison, cricketer
Craig Hignett, footballer
Martin Kelly, footballer
David Leather, cricketer
Stuart Maconie, radio presenter and author
Kym Marsh, actress and singer
Conor McAleny, footballer
Dave McCabe, lead singer and guitarist of The Zutons
Natalie McCool, songwriter and musician
Rachel McDowall, actress
James Roby, rugby league player
Willy Russell, screenwriter and playwright
Matty Smith, rugby league player
William Snowden, cricketer
Mark Ward, footballer

See also
List of hospitals in England
Listed buildings in Whiston, Merseyside
Passage 10:
States of Nigeria
Nigeria is a federation of 36 states and 1 federal capital territory  Each of the 36 states is a semi-autonomous political unit that shares powers with the federal government as enumerated under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria  The Federal Capital Territory (FCT), is the capital territory of Nigeria, and it is in this territory that the capital city of Abuja is located  The FCT is not a state but is administered by elected officials who are supervised by the federal government  Each state is subdivided into local government areas (LGAs)  There are 774 local governments in Nigeria  Under the constitution, the 36 states are co-equal but not supreme because sovereignty resides with the federal government  The constitution can be amended by the National Assembly, but each amendment must be ratified by two-thirds of the 36 states of the federation 

Current states and the Federal Capital Territory
Evolution of Nigerian states
Government
States of Nigeria have the right to organize and structure their individual governments in any way within the parameters set by the Constitution of Nigeria 

Legislature
At the state level, the legislature is unicameral, with the number of its members equal to three times the number of legislators it has in the Federal House of Representatives  It has the power to legislate on matters on the concurrent list 

Executive
At the state level, the head of the executive is the governor, who has the power to appoint people to the state executive council, subject to the advice and consent of the state house of assembly (legislature)  The head of a ministry at the state level is the commissioner, who is assisted by a permanent secretary, who is also a senior civil servant of the state 

Judiciary
The Judiciary is one of the co-equal arms of the state government concerned with the interpretation of the laws of the state government  The judiciary is headed by the chief justice of the state appointed by the governor subject to the approval of the state house of assembly 

Chronology
See also
List of Nigerian states by population
ISO 3166-2:NG
List of state governors of Nigeria

Notes
Sources
Gboyega Ajayi (2007)  The military and the Nigerian state, 1966–1993: a study of the strategies of political power control  Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World Press  ISBN 978-1-59221-568-3 
Solomon Akhere Benjamin (1999)  The 1996 state and local government reorganizations in Nigeria  Ibadan: Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research  ISBN 978-181-238-9 
Rotimi T  Suberu (1994)  1991 state and local government reorganizations in Nigeria  Ibadan: Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan  ISBN 978-2015-28-8 

External links
"New States of Nigeria"  Statoids 
Headline News in Nigeria Archived 2018-08-20 at the Wayback Machine StatesStates And Capital In Nigeria, Their Slogans & Current Governors A comprehensive list of all states in Nigeria and their current governors 
Passage 11:
Sant Martí d'Empúries
Sant Martí d'Empúries is an entity of the town of L'Escala  It is located next to the ruins of Empúries or Empòrion  Ancient Greeks established the settlement in the 6th century BC  It was the county seat until 1079 Empúries moved to Castelló d'Empúries place less exposed to attack 
Sant Martí d'Empúries is a staging point on the GR 92 long distance footpath, which roughly follows the length of the Mediterranean coast of Spain  Stage 5, to the north, takes a route behind the coast to the El Cortalet pond in the Parc Natural dels Aiguamolls de l'Empordà, a distance of 20 2 kilometres (12 6 mi)  Stage 6, to the south, follows the coast to l'Escala and then takes an inland route across the Montgri Massif to reach the next staging point of Torroella de Montgrí, a distance of 20 0 kilometres (12 4 mi) 

History
It was an inhabited place since the arrival of Greeks from Massalia, actual Marseille (France) in the 6th century BC  Greeks established a settlement there called it, Kypsela (Greek: Κύψελα)  At the ancient times there is a possibility that there was a temple of Artemis on the island It was Christianized by Saint Feliu, an African martyr who died in 304 in Girona  He was bishop between 516 and 693  Charlemagne mentions Ermenguer as first Count of Empúries in 812 
Passage 12:
Cyprus Popular Bank
Cyprus Popular Bank (from 2006 to 2011 known as Marfin Popular Bank) was the second-largest banking group in Cyprus behind the Bank of Cyprus until it was 'shuttered' in March 2013 and split into two parts  The 'good' Cypriot part was merged into the Bank of Cyprus (including insured deposits under 100,000 Euro) and the 'bad' part or legacy entity holds all the overseas operations as well as uninsured deposits above 100,000 Euro, old shares and bonds  The uninsured depositors were subject to a bail-in and became the new shareholders of the legacy entity   As at May 2017, the legacy entity is one of the largest shareholders of Bank of Cyprus with 4 8% but does not hold a board seat  All the overseas operations, of the now defunct Cyprus Popular Bank, are also held by the legacy entity, until they are sold by the Special Administrator, at first Ms Andri Antoniadou, who ran the legacy entity for two years, from March 2013 until 3 March 2015  She tendered her resignation due to disagreements, with the Governor of the Central Bank of Cyprus and the Central Bank Board members, who amended the lawyers of the legacy entity, without consulting her  Veteran banker Chris Pavlou who is an expert in Treasury and risk management took over as Special Administrator of the legacy entity in April 2015 until December 2016  The legacy entity is pursuing legal action against former major shareholder Marfin Investment Group 
Its shares were listed on the Cyprus Stock Exchange and the Athens Stock Exchange  CPB had a network of more than 295 branches in Cyprus, Russia, Ukraine, Romania, Serbia, the UK and Malta  The bank had applied to open a representative office in Beijing, People's Republic of China Trading on the island as Laiki Bank (Laiki being the Greek word for Popular), as of September 2012 it held a 16% share of the market in loans and a 14 4% share of deposits   The Bank made a series of large loans, many to Greek companies prior to and during their financial crisis  What followed has been described as "billions handed out in bad loans created a financial time-bomb"  After the bank collapsed, it was rescued by the Cypriot government, which took 84% ownership on 30 June 2012 and as of March 2013 it is being dismantled as part of the 2012–2013 Cypriot financial crisis 

History
In 1901, four leading citizens of Limassol—Agathoclis Francoudis, Ioannis Kyriakides, Christodoulos Sozos and Neoklis Ioannides—established the Popular Savings Bank of Limassol to encourage saving among the workforce  More than two decades later, in 1924, the bank changed its name from the Popular Savings Bank of Limassol to the Popular Bank of Limassol  The bank also became the first company in Cyprus to register as a public-traded company 
Then in 1967, the Popular Bank of Limassol changed its name to Cyprus Popular Bank (CPB) to reflect the bank’s expansion beyond Limassol  Expansion beyond Limassol followed quickly, with the establishment of its first branches in Nicosia,  Famagusta (1969), and Paphos and Larnaca (1970)  Also in 1970, Midland Bank acquired 22% of the company's shares, making Midland a major shareholder in CPB  The next year CPB relocated its headquarters from Limassol to Nicosia 

1974 CPB established its first London branch 
1983 CPB acquired all the Cyprus operations of Grindlays Bank located in the area under government control 
1992 CPB opened the first branch of European Popular Bank in Athens  CPB owned 58% of the shares of the bank; other shareholders included HSBC (formerly Midland Bank) and Greek and Cypriot investors  CPB retained branches in Heraklion and Thessaloniki
1995 CPB opened its first representative offices in South Africa and in Toronto, Ontario, Canada 
1996 CPB opened its first representative offices in Australia 
1997 CPB opened its first representative offices in Serbia and in Russia ("Rosprombank")
1998 CPB establishes a representative office in New York  (NY State Banking Dept says State chartered) 
2000 The Cyprus Popular Bank Group changed its name to Laiki Group 
2001 The Laiki Group established a subsidiary in Australia with five branches 
2005 The Group established Laiki Bank (Guernsey), and purchased Bank Centrobank in Serbia 
2006 The Greek Marfin Investment Group acquired HSBC's shares in Laiki Bank, establishing a strong minority share position   Subsequently, the Marfin Investment Group through more acquisitions managed to take control of Laiki Bank, which it re-branded as Marfin Popular Bank   In Greece, the Marfin Group consolidated Egnatia, Laiki and Marfin to form Marfin Egnatia Bank, which is the 95%-owned Greek subsidiary of Marfin Popular Bank 
2007 The bank announced the planned takeover of 50 12% of the share capital of AS SBM Pank, a bank in Estonia MPB also acquired 99 2% of the shares of Marine Transport Bank Ukraine for US$156 million  This bank was founded in 1993 as Marine Trade Bank and changed its name to Marine Transport Bank in 1996  It has its headquarters in the Odesa region and has 86 branches 
Lastly, MPB acquired 43% of the share capital of Lombard Bank Malta for €48 million from Banca della Svizzera Italiana (BSI) of Lugano  CPB now holds c  49% of Lombard Bank Malta In 2007, the bank announced a multi-million financial deal to sponsor the football First Division in Cyprus until 2010 
2008 Marfin Popular Bank completed its acquisition of 50 4% of the shares of CJSC RPB Holding, parent company of the Rossisysky Promishlenny Bank (Rosprombank), for €83 million  The acquisition makes Marfin the first Greek or Cypriot bank to acquire control of a bank in Russia 
In 2010, they launched a new mobile banking and mobile trading service  In the same year, the company was selected as the bank of the year in Cyprus by the Banker 
2010 MPB sold 85% of Laiki Bank Australia to Bank of Beirut  The Australian bank received a new name, Beirut Hellenic Bank  At the time, the bank had a branch in Adelaide, four branches in Melbourne and five branches in Sydney 
2011 MPB sold the majority of its shareholding in its Estonian subsidiary and returned to its historic name of Cyprus Popular Bank (CPB) 
In 2012 CPB converted its Greek subsidiary into a branch of the parent bank 
The 2012–2013 Cypriot financial crisis resulted in financial difficulties at CPB  The Cypriot state recapitalized CPB on 30 June 2012 with the result that the government acquired 84% of the bank's equity  This increased the bank's core tier 1 capital ratio towards 9%, the level mandated by the European Banking Authority 
In early 2013 CPB renamed its Greek branches to CPB Bank and on 26 March the bank sold them to Piraeus Bank  Laiki was split into a good and bad bank, the good bank (Cyprus operations) merged with Bank of Cyprus and the bad bank is in the process of being sold and finally shuttered  The board and CEO were replaced on 27 March  The bad bank was being run by a Special Administrator Ms Andri Antoniadou who was acting CEO until 3 March 2015  Veteran banker Chris Pavlou took over as Special Administrator in April 2015 until December 2016 In 2018 European Court dismisses compensation claim in Cyprus 2013 deposit-grab 
Passage 13:
Dunbar Hospital
The Dunbar Hospital was the first hospital for the black community in Detroit, Michigan  It is located at 580 Frederick Street, and is currently the administrative headquarters of the Detroit Medical Society  It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1979 

Building construction and description
The building housing the Dunbar Hospital was built in 1892 by the Guy W  Vinton Company as a home for real estate developer Charles W  Warren  The home was constructed in a fashionable 19th century residential district The structure is a three-story home of mixed Romanesque Revival and Queen Anne style, built of red brick and rough-cut ashlar  The entrance is through a recessed, arched first-floor porch and the second story has a double-arch brick balcony  The roof is slate, with a bay-windowed gabled dormer surmounting the front façade 

Founding of the Dunbar Hospital
In 1894, Dr  James W  Ames, a graduate of both Straight University and Howard University, arrived in Detroit after a stint of teaching in New Orleans  He quickly became influential in both Detroit's white community and its then-small black community  Detroit's mayor at the time was Hazen Pingree  During his subsequent re-election campaign, Pingree actively courted the black vote, in part by supporting Ames's bid for election to the Michigan state legislature The nationally famous black poet Paul Laurence Dunbar, popular in both the black and white community, visited Detroit and lent his voice to those supporting Pingree, penning the poem, "Vote for Pingree and Vote for Bread " Both Ames and Pingree won their respective elections, and Ames spent the next two years in the legislature  He was the last black elected until the 1920s Two decades later, in the years following World War I, the black population of Detroit soared  In 1910, fewer than 6000 blacks called the city home; in 1917 more than 30,000 blacks lived in Detroit  The increase in black residents led to a crisis in health care  Hospitals were still segregated, and physicians like Ames were required to ask permission to admit black patients  Often black patients were simply denied care  The increase in the black population threatened to overwhelm the city's 30 black doctors In 1918, Ames led the group of 30 black physicians to form the Allied Medical Society  The area around Frederick street was at the cusp of becoming the center of social and cultural life for Detroit's black community, and the AMS purchased the Warren home on Frederick They opened their own non-profit hospital in the building, the first in the city to serve the black community, as well as an associated nursing school  The hospital was named for the poet Dunbar, who had died in 1906  The hospital had 27 beds and an operating room 

Later history
In 1928, demand led Dunbar Hospital to move from its first home to a larger facility several blocks to the east  The facility was renamed Parkside Hospital, and continued in operation until 1962  Soon after Dunbar moved from its home on Frederick, Charles Diggs Sr , who was later the first African-American Democratic state senator, purchased the home  Diggs's son, Charles C  Diggs Jr , served in the Michigan State Senate from 1951 to 1954 and the U S  House of Representatives from 1954 to 1980  In 1978, the Detroit Medical Society (the successor to the Allied Medical Society) purchased and restored the building  It now serves as their administrative headquarters and a museum 
Context 3:  This government soon fell, leading to a second general election in May 2018  In June 2018, former president and independence fighter, Taur Matan Ruak, became the new prime minister  José Ramos-Horta again became president on 20 May 2022 after winning the April 2022 presidential election runoff against Francisco Guterres 

Politics and government
The political system of East Timor is semi-presidential, based upon the Portuguese system : 175  The constitution establishes both this separation of executive powers between the president and the prime minister; and the separation of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary : 12  Individuals are not allowed to participate in both the legislature and the executive branch  The legislature is intended to provide a check on the executive; in practice the executive has maintained control of the legislature under all political parties, reflecting the dominance of individual leaders within political parties and coalitions : 174  The executive, through the council of ministers, also holds some formal legislative powers : 175  The judiciary operates independently, although there are instances of executive interference : 13, 39  Some courts shift between locations, to improve access for those in more isolated areas  Despite political rhetoric, the constitution and democratic institutions have been followed by politicians, and changes of government are peaceful : 15, 42  Elections are run by an independent body,: 216  and turnout is high, ranging from around 70% to 85% : 17  The political system has wide public acceptance : 17 : 106 The head of state of East Timor is the president of the republic, who is elected by popular vote for a five-year term,: 244  and can serve a maximum of two terms  Formally, the directly elected president holds relatively limited powers compared to those in similar systems, with no power over the appointment and dismissal of the prime minister and the council of ministers  However, as they are directly elected, past presidents have wielded great informal power and influence : 175  The president does have the power to veto government legislation, initiate referendums, and to dissolve parliament in the event that it is unable to form a government or pass a budget : 244  If the president vetoes a legislative action, the parliament can overturn the veto with a two-thirds majority : 10  The prime minister is chosen by the parliament, with the president appointing the leader of the majority party or coalition as prime minister of East Timor and the cabinet on the proposal of the latter : 10  As head of government, the prime minister presides over the cabinet 

Representatives in the unicameral National Parliament are elected by popular vote to a five-year term  The number of seats can vary from a minimum of fifty-two to a maximum of sixty-five  Parties must achieve 3% of the vote to enter parliament, with seats for qualifying parties allocated using the D'Hondt method  Elections occur within the framework of a competitive multi-party system  Upon independence, power was held by the Fretilin political party, which was formed shortly before the Indonesian invasion and led its resistance  Given its history, Fretilin viewed itself as the natural party of government and supported a multi-party system, expecting the development of a dominant-party system  Support from the United Nations and the international community, both before and after independence, allowed the nascent political system to survive shocks such as the 2006 crisis : 173 Candidates in parliamentary elections run in a single national district in a party-list system  One in three of all candidates presented by political parties must be women  This system promotes a diversity of political parties, but gives voters little influence over the individual candidates selected by each party : 175–176  Women hold more than a third of parliamentary seats, with parties required by law to run female candidates, but they are less prominent at other levels and within party leadership Political divisions exist along class lines and along geographical lines  There is broadly a divide between eastern and western areas of the country, stemming from differences that arose under Indonesian rule  Fretilin in particular is strongly linked to the Eastern areas : 176–177  Political parties are more closely associated with prominent personalities more than with ideology : 16  The National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction became the main opposition to Fretilin, following its establishment to allow Xanana Gusmão to run for Prime Minister in the 2007 parliamentary elections : 168–169  While both major parties have been relatively stable, they remain led by an "old guard" of individuals who came to prominence during the resistance against Indonesia : 175 : 10–11 Politics and administration is centred in the capital Dili, with the national government responsible for most civil services : 9, 36  Oecusse, separated from the rest of the country by Indonesian territory, is a special administrative region with some autonomy : 180  The National Police of East Timor and Timor Leste Defence Force have held a monopoly on violence since 2008 and very few guns are present outside of these organisations : 8  While there are allegations of abuse of power, there is some judicial oversight of police and public trust in the institution has grown  An active civil society functions independently of the government, as do media outlets : 11–12  Civil society organisations are concentrated in the capital, including student groups  Due to the structure of the economy, there are no powerful trade unions : 17  The Catholic Church has strong influence in the country : 40

Foreign relations and military
International cooperation has always been important to East Timor; donor funds made up 80% of the budget before oil revenues began to replace them : 42–44  International forces also provided security, with five UN missions sent to the country from 1999  The final one, the United Nations Integrated Mission in East Timor, began after the 2006 East Timorese crisis and concluded in 2012 : 4, 14 East Timor formally applied to join ASEAN in 2011,: 42–44  and was granted observer status and accepted "in principle" in November 2022  Despite the nationalist political leadership promoting closer ties with Melanesian states, the country has targeted ASEAN membership since before its independence, with its leaders stating that joining Pacific bodies would have precluded ASEAN membership  ASEAN membership was sought for economic and security reasons, including to improve the relationship with Indonesia  Nonetheless, the process has been slow due to a lack of support from some ASEAN states : 10–11  East Timor is thus an observer to the Pacific Islands Forum and the Melanesian Spearhead Group  More broadly, the country is a leader within the Group of Seven Plus (g7+), an organisation of fragile states  It is also a member of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries : 42–44 Continuing bilateral donors include Australia, Portugal, Germany, and Japan, and East Timor has a reputation for effectively and transparently using donor funds  Good relations with Australia and with Indonesia are a policy goal for the government, despite historical and more-recent tensions  These countries are important economic partners and provide most transport links to the country : 42–44  China has also increased its presence by contributing to infrastructure in Dili : 12 The relationship with Australia was dominated from before independence by disputes over natural resources in the ocean between them, hampering the establishment of a mutually agreed border  The dominance of Australian hard power led East Timor to utilise public diplomacy and forums for international law to push their case  The dispute was resolved in 2018 following negotiations at the Permanent Court of Arbitration, when a maritime boundary between the two was established along with an agreement on natural resource revenues The Timor Leste Defence Force (F-FDTL) was established in 2001, replacing Falintil, and was restructured following the events of 2006  It is responsible not only for safeguarding against external threats, but also for addressing violent crime, a role it shares with the National Police of East Timor  These forces remain small: 2,200 soldiers in the regular army and 80 in a naval component  A single aircraft and seven patrol boats are operated, and there are plans to expand the naval component  There is some military cooperation with Australia, Portugal, and the United States 

Administrative divisions
East Timor is divided into fourteen municipalities, which in turn are subdivided into 64 administrative posts, 442 sucos (villages), and 2,225 aldeias (hamlets)  The municipalities are: Aileu, Ainaro, Atauro, Baucau, Bobonaro, Cova Lima, Dili, Ermera, Lautém, Liquiçá, Manatuto, Manufahi, Oecusse, and Viqueque The existing system of municipalities and administrative posts was established during Portuguese rule : 3  While decentralisation is mentioned in the constitution, administrative powers generally remain with the national government operating out of Dili : 2  Upon independence there was debate about how to implement decentralisation; various proposed models would create different levels of administration between the sucos and the central government  In most proposals, there were no specific provisions for suco-level governance, and they were expected to continue to exist as mostly traditional spaces, identifying communities rather than being part of the civil administration  In the end, the existing districts were kept and renamed municipalities in 2009, and received very few powers : 88–92  In 2016 changes were made so that each municipality is led by a civil servant appointed by the central government  This civil servant is advised by locally elected leaders : 4, 7  The isolated Oecusse municipality, which has a strong identity and is fully surrounded by Indonesian territory, is specified by Articles 5 and 71 of the 2002 constitution to be governed by a special administrative policy and economic regime  Law 3/2014 of 18 June 2014 implemented this constitutional provision, which went into effect in January 2015, turning Oecusse into a Special Administrative Region  The region began operating its own civil service in June 2015  In January 2022 the island of Atauro, formerly an Administrative Post of Dili, became its own municipality Administration in the lowest levels of the administrative system of East Timor, the aldeias and sucos, generally reflects traditional customs,: 1  reflecting community identity and relationships between local households : 4  Sucos generally contain 2,000 to 3,000 inhabitants  Their long persistence and links to local governance means the sucos are the level of government that is linked to community identities, rather than any high level of administration : 89  Such relationships, however, are associated specifically with the kinship groups within that land, rather than the land itself : 52–53  Relationships between sucos also reflect customary practices, for example through the reciprocal exchanging of support for local initiatives : 9  Laws passed in 2004 provided for the election of some suco officials, but assigned these positions no formal powers  An updated law in 2009 established the expected mandate of these positions, although it continued to leave them outside of the formal state system, reliant on municipal governments to provide formal administration and services : 94–97  Further clarification was given in 2016, which entrenched the treatment of sucos and aldeias more as communities than formal levels of administration  Despite this lack of formal association with the state, suco leaders hold great influence and are often seen by their community as representatives of the state  They have responsibilities usually associated with civic administration : 7–10

Geography
Located in between Southeast Asia and the South Pacific,: 2  the island of Timor is the largest of the Lesser Sunda Islands, which lie within the Malay archipelago : 1  The island is surrounded by the Ombai and Wetar Straits of the rougher Banda Sea in the north, and the calmer Timor Sea in the south : 2  East Timor shares the island with Indonesia, with Indonesian territory separating the Oecusse exclave from the rest of the country  The island of Atauro lies north of the mainland,: 2  with the fourth area being the small island of Jaco  The Savu Sea lies north of Oecusse : 1  The country is about 265 kilometres (165 mi) long and 97 kilometres (60 mi) wide, with a total land area of 14,874 square kilometres (5,743 sq mi) : 1  This territory is situated between 8′15S – 10′30S latitude and 125′50E – 127′30E longitude : 2  The country's coastline covers around 700 kilometres (430 mi),: 27  while the main land border with Indonesia is 125 kilometres (78 mi) long, and the Oecusse land border is around 100 kilometres (62 mi) long : 1  Maritime borders exist with Australia to the south and Indonesia elsewhere  East Timor has an exclusive economic zone of 77,051 km2 (29,750 sq mi) The interior of the country is mountainous,: 2  with ridges of inactive volcanic mountains extending along the island : 2  Almost half of the country has a slope of at least 40%  The south is slightly less mountainous, and has some plains near the coastline : 2  The highest point is Tatamailau (also known as Mount Ramelau) at 2,963 metres (9,721 ft)  Most rivers dry up at least partially during the dry season : 2  Outside of some coastal areas and river valleys, the soil is shallow and prone to erosion, and its quality is poor : 13 : 2  The capital and largest city is Dili  The second-largest city is the eastern town of Baucau : 22 

The climate is tropical with relatively stable temperatures throughout the year  A wet season lasts from December to May throughout the country, and lasts slightly longer in the south: 5  and the interior due to the effect of a monsoon from Australia : 2  During this period, rainfall can reach 222–252 millimetres (8 7–9 9 in) per month  In the dry season, it drops to 12–18 millimetres (0 47–0 71 in) : 5  The country is vulnerable to flooding and landslides that occur as a result of heavy rain, especially when rainfall levels are increased by the La Niña effect : 13  The mountainous interior is cooler than the coasts  Coastal areas are heavily dependent on groundwater, which faces pressure from mismanagement, deforestation, and climate change : 14  While the temperature is thought to have experienced a small increase due to climate change, there has been little change in annual rainfall : 6 Coastal ecosystems around the country are diverse and varied, with vary spatially between the north and south coastlines, as well as between the eastern tip and areas more to the west  These ecosystems include coral reefs, as the country's waters are part of the Coral Triangle biodiversity hotspot : 28  The easternmost area of East Timor consists of the Paitchau Range and the Lake Ira Lalaro area, which contains the country's first conservation area, the Nino Konis Santana National Park  It contains the last remaining tropical dry forested area within the country  It hosts a number of unique plant and animal species and is sparsely populated  The northern coast is characterised by a number of coral reef systems that have been determined to be at risk There are around 41,000 terrestrial plant species in the country  Forests covered 35% of East Timor's land in the mid 2010s : 1  The forests of the northern coast, central uplands, and southern coast are distinct : 2  East Timor is home to the Timor and Wetar deciduous forests ecoregion  There is some environmental protection in law, but it has not been a government priority : 27 : 10–14  In addition to climate change, local ecosystems are threatened by deforestation, land degradation, overfishing, and pollution : 2–3

Economy
The economy of East Timor is a market economy, although it is dependent upon the export of a few commodities and has a large public sector  Internally, market operations are limited by widespread poverty : 20  The country uses the United States dollar, producing its own coins to facilitate smaller transactions  The economy is generally open to foreign investment, although a prohibition on foreigners owning land means many require a local partner in the country : 20  Competition is limited by the small size of the economy, rather than any government barriers  There are far more imports than exports,: 21  and prices for goods are often higher than in nearby countries : 27  Inflation is strongly affected by government spending : 257  Growth has been slow, averaging just 2 5% per year from 2011 to 2021 : 24 Most of the country is very poor, with just more than 40% living under the national poverty line  This poverty is especially prevalent in rural areas, where many are subsistence farmers or fishermen  Even in urban areas, the majority are poor  Overall, women are poorer than men, often being employed in lower-paying careers : 18  Malnutrition is common, with over half of children showing stunted growth : 255  While 91% of married working age (15–49) men were employed as of 2016, only 43% of married working age women were  There are small disparities in favour of men in terms of home and land ownership and owning a bank account : 14  The eastern three municipalities, which contain around a quarter of the population, has less poverty than the western areas, which contain 50% of the population : 214 Sixty-six per cent of families are in part supported by subsistence activities; however, the country as a whole does not produce enough food to be self-sustaining, and thus relies on imports : 16  Agricultural work carries the implication of poverty, and the sector receives little investment from the government : 260  Ninety-four per cent of domestic fish catch comes from the ocean, especially coastal fisheries : 17  Those in the capital of Dili are on average better off, although they remain poor by international standards : 257  The small size of the private sector means the government is often the customer of public businesses  A quarter of the national population works in the informal economy, with the official public and private sectors employing 9% each : 18  Of those of working age, around 23% are in the formal sector, 21% are students, and 27% are subsistence farmers and fishers : 21  The economy is mostly cash-based, with little commercial credit available from banks : 11–12  Remittances from overseas workers add up to around $100 million annually : 257 

This poverty belies significant wealth in terms of natural resources, which at the time of independence had per capita value equivalent to the wealth of an upper-middle income country  Over half of this was in oil, and over a quarter natural gas  The Timor-Leste Petroleum Fund was established in 2005 to turn these non-renewable resources into a more sustainable form of wealth : 4–6  From 2005 to 2021, $23 billion earned from oil sales has entered the fund  $8 billion has been generated from investments, while $12 billion has been spent : 30  A decrease in oil and gas reserves led to decreasing HDI beginning in 2010 : 18–19  Eighty per cent of government spending comes from this fund, which as of 2021 had $19 billion, 10 times greater than the size of the national budget  As oil income has decreased, the fund is at risk of being exhausted  Withdrawals have exceeded sustainable levels almost every year since 2009 : 23  Resources within the Bayu-Undan field are expected to soon run out, while extracting those within the so far undeveloped Greater Sunrise field has proven technically and politically challenging  Remaining potential reserves are also losing value as oil and gas become less favoured sources of energy : 264–272 The country's economy is dependent on government spending and, to a lesser extent, assistance from foreign donors  Government spending decreased beginning in 2012, which had knock-on effects in the private sector over the following years  The government and its state-owned oil company often invest in large private projects  Decreasing government spending was matched with a decrease in GDP growth : 18  After the petroleum fund, the second largest source of government income is taxes  Tax revenue is less than 8% of GDP, lower than many other countries in the region and with similarly sized economies  Other government income comes from 23 "autonomous agencies", which include port authorities, infrastructure companies, and the National University of East Timor : 13, 28–309  Overall, government spending remains among the highest in the world,: 12  although investment into education, health, and water infrastructure is negligible : 260 

Private sector development has lagged due to human capital shortages, infrastructure weakness, an incomplete legal system, and an inefficient regulatory environment  Property rights remain ill-defined, with conflicting titles from Portuguese and Indonesian rule, as well as needing to accommodate traditional customary rights : 23  As of 2010, 87 7% of urban (321,043 people) and 18 9% of rural (821,459 people) households have electricity, for an overall average of 38 2%  The private sector shrank between 2014 and 2018, despite a growing working age population  Agriculture and manufacturing are less productive per capita than at independence : 255–256  Non-oil economic sectors have failed to develop, and growth in construction and administration is dependent on oil revenue : 256  The dependence on oil shows some aspects of a resource curse  Coffee made up 90% of all non-fossil fuel exports from 2013 to 2019, with all such exports totalling to around US$20 million annually : 257  In 2017, the country was visited by 75,000 tourists



ground_truth: Knowsley

Metropolitan Borough of Knowsley

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Kiwil's birth country participated in a Commission of Truth and Friendship. Who is the president of the other country that participated?

The following are given passages.
Context 3: 

Demographics
East Timor recorded a population of 1,183,643 in its 2015 census  The population lives mainly along the coastline, where all urban areas are located : 27  Those in urban areas generally have more formal education, employment prospects, and healthcare  While a strong gender disparity exists throughout the country, it is less severe in the urban capital  The wealthy minority often go abroad for health, education and other purposes : 25  The population is young, with the median age being under 20 : 29  In particular, a large proportion of the population (almost 45% in 2015) are males between the ages of 15 and 24, the third largest male 'youth bulge' in the world : 212 The Government of Timor-Leste's website lists the English-language demonym for East Timor as Timorese  Other reference sources list it as East Timorese  The word Maubere formerly used by the Portuguese to refer to native East Timorese and often employed as synonymous with the illiterate and uneducated, was adopted by Fretilin as a term of pride Healthcare received 6% of the national budget in 2021 : 24  From 1990 to 2019 life expectancy rose from 48 5 to 69 5  Expected years of schooling rose from 9 8 to 12 4 between 2000 and 2010, while mean years of schooling rose from 2 8 to 4 4  Progress since 2010 for these has been limited  Gross national income per capita similarly peaked in 2010, and has decreased since : 3  As of 2016, 45 8% of East Timorese were impoverished, 16 3% severely so : 6  The fertility rate, which at the time of independence was the highest in the world at 7 8, dropped to 4 2 by 2016  It is relatively higher in rural areas, and among poorer: 3  and less literate households  As of 2016, the average household size was 5 3, with 41% of people aged under 15, and 18% of households headed by women : 2  Infant mortality stood at 30 per 1,000, down from 60 per 1,000 in 2003 : 7  46% of children under 5 showed stunted growth, down from 58% in 2010  Working age adult obesity increased from 5% to 10% during the same time period  As of 2016, 40% of children, 23% of women, and 13% of men had anemia : 11

Ethnicity and language
Timorese communities are not strictly defined by ethnic background or linguistic group  Separate communities may share ethnicity or language, and many areas show overlaps and hybridisation between ethnic and linguistic groups : 44  Familial relations and descent, which are interlinked with sacred house affiliation, are a more important indicator of identity : 47  Each family group generally identifies with a single language or dialect : 49  With this immense local variation in mind, there is a broad cultural and identity distinction between the east (Bacau, Lautém, and Viqueque Municipalities) and the west of the country, a product of history more than it is of linguistic and ethnic differences,: 45–47  although it is very loosely associated with the two language groups : 142–143  There is a small mestiço population of mixed Portuguese and local descent  There is a small Chinese minority, most of whom are Hakka  Many Chinese left in the mid-1970s, but a significant number have also returned to East Timor following the end of Indonesian occupation  East Timor has a small community of Timorese Indian, specifically Goan descent, as well as historical immigration from Africa and Yemen Likely reflecting the mixed origins of the different ethnolinguistic groups of the island, the indigenous languages fall into two language families: Austronesian and Papuan : 10  Depending on how they are classified, there are up to 19 indigenous languages with up to 30 dialects : 136  Aside from Tetum, Ethnologue lists the following indigenous languages: Adabe, Baikeno, Bunak, Fataluku, Galoli, Habun, Idaté, Kairui-Midiki, Kemak, Lakalei, Makasae, Makuv'a, Mambae, Nauete, Tukudede, and Waima'a  According to the Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger, there are six endangered languages in East Timor: Adabe, Habu, Kairui-Midiki, Maku'a, Naueti, and Waima'a  The largest Malayo-Polynesian group is the Tetum, mostly around Dili or the western border  Other Malayo-Polynesian languages with native speakers of more than 40,000 are Mambai in the central mountains south of Dili, Baikeno in Oecusse, Kemak in the north-west interior, and Tokodede on the northwest coast  The main Papuan languages spoken are Bunak in the centre of Timor, especially within Bobonaro Municipality; Makasae in the eastern Baucau and Viqueque municipalities; and Fataluku in the eastern Lautém Municipality : 43  The 2015 census found that the most commonly spoken mother tongues were Tetum Prasa (mother tongue for 30 6% of the population), Mambai (16 6%), Makasai (10 5%), Tetum Terik (6 05%), Baikenu (5 87%), Kemak (5 85%), Bunak (5 48%), Tokodede (3 97%), and Fataluku (3 52%)  Other indigenous languages accounted for 10 47%, while 1 09% of the population spoke foreign languages natively East Timor's two official languages are Portuguese and Tetum  In addition, English and Indonesian are designated by the constitution as "working languages" : 3  This is within the Final and Transitional Provisions, which do not set a final date  In 2012, 35% could speak, read, and write Portuguese, which is up significantly from less than 5% in the 2006 UN Development Report  Portuguese is recovering as it has now been made the main official language of Timor, and is being taught in most schools  The use of Portuguese for government information and in the court system provides some barriers to access for those who do not speak it  Tetum is also not understood by everyone in the country : 11  According to the Observatory of the Portuguese Language, the East Timorese literacy rate was 77 8% in Tetum, 55 6% in Indonesian, and 39 3% in Portuguese, and that the primary literacy rate increased from 73% in 2009 to 83% in 2012  According to the 2015 census, 50% of the population between the ages of 14 and 24 can speak and understand Portuguese  The 2015 census found around 15% of those over the age of five were literate in English 

Education
East Timor's adult literacy rate was 68% among adults, and 84% among those aged 15–24, as of 2021  It is slightly higher among women than men : 27  More girls than boys attend school, although some drop out upon reaching puberty : 25  As of 2016 22% of working age women (15–49) and 19% of working age men had no education, 15% of women and 18% of men had some primary education, 52% of women and 51% of men had some secondary education, and 11% of women and 12% of men had higher education  Overall, 75% of women and 82% of men were literate : 2  Primary schools exist throughout the country, although the quality of materials and teaching is often poor  Secondary schools are generally limited to municipal capitals  Education takes up 10% of the national budget : 27  The country's main university is the National University of East Timor  There are also four colleges Since independence, both Indonesian and Tetum have lost ground as media of instruction, while Portuguese has increased: in 2001 only 8 4% of primary school and 6 8% of secondary school students attended a Portuguese-medium school; by 2005 this had increased to 81 6% for primary and 46 3% for secondary schools  Indonesian formerly played a considerable role in education, being used by 73 7% of all secondary school students as a medium of instruction, but by 2005 Portuguese was used by most schools in Baucau, Manatuto, as well as the capital district  Portugal provides support to about 3% of the public schools in East Timor, focused on those in urban areas, further encouraging the use of the Portuguese language : 28

Religion
While the Constitution of East Timor enshrines the principles of freedom of religion and separation of church and state, Section 45 Comma 1 also acknowledges "the participation of the Catholic Church in the process of national liberation" in its preamble  Upon independence, the country joined the Philippines to become the only two predominantly Catholic states in Asia, although nearby parts of eastern Indonesia such as Flores and parts of Western New Guinea also have Catholic majorities According to the 2015 census, 97 57% of the population is Catholic; 1 96% Protestant; 0 24% Muslim; 0 08% Traditional; 0 05% Buddhist; 0 02% Hindu, and 0 08% other religions  A 2016 survey conducted by the Demographic and Health Survey programme showed that Catholics made up 98 3% of the population, Protestants 1 2%, and Muslims 0 3% The number of churches grew from 100 in 1974 to more than 800 in 1994, with Church membership having grown considerably under Indonesian rule as Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, requires all citizens to believe in one God and does not recognise traditional beliefs  East Timorese animist belief systems did not fit with Indonesia's constitutional monotheism, resulting in mass conversions to Christianity  Portuguese clergy were replaced with Indonesian priests and Latin and Portuguese mass was replaced by Indonesian mass  While just 20% of East Timorese called themselves Catholics at the time of the 1975 invasion, the figure surged to reach 95% by the end of the first decade after the invasion  The Roman Catholic Church divides East Timor into three dioceses: the Archdiocese of Díli, the Diocese of Baucau, and the Diocese of Maliana  In rural areas, Roman Catholicism is syncretised with local animist beliefs  The number of Protestants and Muslims declined significantly after September 1999, as these groups were disproportionately represented among supporters of integration with Indonesia  Fewer than half of previous Protestant congregations existed after September 1999, and many Protestants were among those who remained in West Timor 

Culture
The many cultures within East Timor stem from the several waves of Austronesian and Melanesian migration that led to the current population, with unique identities and traditions developing within each petty kingdom  Portuguese authorities built upon traditional structures, blending Portuguese influence into the existing political and social systems : 91–92  The presence of the Catholic Church created a point of commonality across the various ethnic groups, despite full conversion remaining limited  The Portuguese language also provided common linkages, even if direct Portuguese impact was limited : 97–98  Under Indonesian rule, resistance strengthened cultural links to Catholicism and the Portuguese language  At the same time, Indonesian cultural influence was spread through schools and administration : 98–99 The preservation of traditional beliefs in the face of Indonesian attempts to suppress them became linked to the creation of the country's national identity : 7–13  This national identity only began to emerge at the very end of Portuguese rule, and further developed during Indonesian rule : 134–136  Following independence, a civic identity began to develop  This was most clearly expressed through enthusiasm for national-level democracy,: 155–156  and was reflected in politics through a shift from resistance narratives to development ones : 3  The capital has developed a more cosmopolitan culture, while rural areas maintain stronger traditional practices : 30  Internal migration into urban areas, especially Dili, creates cultural links between these areas and rural hinterlands  Those in urban areas often continue to identify with a specific rural area, even those with multiple generations born in Dili : 53–54 The presence of so many ethnic and linguistic groups means cultural practices vary across the country : 11  These practices reflect historical social structures and practices, where political leaders were regarded as having spiritual powers  Ancestry was an important part of cultural practices, and partly signified leadership  Leaders often had influence over land use, and these leaders continue to play an informal role in land disputes and other aspects of community practice today  An important traditional concept is lulik, or sacredness  Some lulik ceremonies continue to reflect animist beliefs, for example through divination ceremonies which vary throughout the country  Sacred status can also be associated with objects, such as Portuguese flags which have been passed down within families : 7–13 

Community life is centred around sacred houses (Uma Lulik), physical structures which serve as a representative symbol and identifier for each community : 47–49  The architectural style of these houses varies between different parts of the country, although following widespread destruction by Indonesian forces many were rebuilt with cheap modern materials : 22–25  The house as a concept extends beyond the physical object to the surrounding community : 92–93, 96  Kinship systems exist within and between houses  Traditional leaders, who stem from historically important families, retain key roles in administering justice and resolving disputes through methods that vary between communities : 47–49  Such leaders are often elected to official leadership positions, merging cultural and historical status with modern political status : 52  The concept of being part of a communal house has been extended to the nation, with Parliament serving as the national sacred house : 96 Art styles vary throughout the various ethnolinguistic groups of the island  Nonetheless, similar artistic motifs are present throughout, such as large animals and particular geometric patterns  Some art is traditionally associated with particular genders  For example, the Tais textiles that play a widespread role in traditional life throughout the island are traditionally handwoven by women  Different tais patterns are associated with different communities, and more broadly with linguistic groups : 137  Many buildings within central Dili maintain historical Portuguese architecture : I-5 Traditional rituals remain important, often mixed in with more modern aspects : 137  A strong oral history is highlighted in individuals able to recite long stories or poetry  This history, or Lia nain, passes down traditional knowledge : 16  There remains a strong tradition of poetry  Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, for example, is a distinguished poet, earning the moniker "poet warrior" In the field of cinema, East Timor released its first feature-length film, a period thriller titled Beatriz's War, in 2013  Shot with a limited budget by a mix of local filmmakers and a volunteer Australian film crew, the film depicted East Timorese life under Indonesian occupation in the 1970s, with producer Lurdes Pires acknowledging their aim to diverge from the government's "friendship and forgiveness" policy for its past conflicts by telling a story of truth-seeking and justice 

See also
Outline of East Timor
Index of East Timor-related articles
List of topics on the Portuguese Empire in the East
Passage 9:
Indonesia–Timor Leste Commission of Truth and Friendship
The Indonesia–Timor Leste Commission on Truth and Friendship (more commonly known by its Portuguese acronym CVA, Comissão Verdade e Amizade) was a truth commission established jointly by the governments of Indonesia and East Timor in August 2005  The commission was officially created to investigate acts of violence that occurred around the independence referendum held in East Timor in 1999 and sought to find the "conclusive truth" behind the events  After holding private hearings and document reviews, the commission handed in the final report on July 15, 2008 to the presidents of both nations, and was fully endorsed by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, providing the first acknowledgement by the government of Indonesia of the human rights violations committed by state institutions in Timor  The commission is notable for being the first modern truth commission to be bilateral 

Background
East Timor was originally colonized by the Portuguese, and remained a colony up until the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974  East Timor declared independence soon afterwards, but Indonesia soon decided to intervene as it became clear that the government of the new state would most likely be leftist  The Indonesian government began Operation Komodo, which was intended to bring about the integration of the East Timorese territory  It began with a propaganda campaign, but after the outbreak of conflict in East Timor, the Indonesian military began a campaign on 7 October starting with an assault on a border post and accumulating with a full-scale invasion utilizing paratroopers and naval support  The United Nations quickly condemned the invasion via resolution, but due to resistance in the Security council, no further action was taken  The United States also tacitly gave their approval, as the dismantling of a pro-communist government helped advance the policy of containment being pursued by the government 
Indonesia occupied the territory for the following two decades  During the administration of the Habibie government, a referendum was held in the occupied area asking if the residents of the area wished to remain a part of Indonesia  Even before the referendum, there was harassment by militia groups in the area, with UN workers being attacked in Maliana  It soon became clear in the wake of the referendum that the referendum result would be overwhelmingly in favor of the "no" option on the ballot; this raised tensions to a boiling point, and within two hours of the announcement of the results, armed militia groups began attacking civilians  Militia continued to attack civilians as they withdrew from the country, and several massacres occurred as the troops filtered out of the area  A UN peacekeeping force known as INTERFET was deployed to stabilize the situation, made up of mostly Australian troops, and was withdrawn with the arrival of normal UN peacekeepers  East Timor eventually transitioned from a UN mandate to an independent country 

Report
The commission itself was announced in August 2006 and sought to establish "the conclusive truth regarding human rights violations to have occurred prior to, immediately after the Popular Consultation on 30 August 1999" as well as "prepare recommendations that can contribute to healing wounds of the past and strengthen friendship"  The timing of the commission's creation was criticized by some, as it was believed that it was created to intentionally subvert calls for an international tribunal to deal with the events surrounding the 1999 plebiscite  The commission's mandate allowed it to review documents pertaining to four other inquiries surrounding the events that predated it: "The Indonesian National Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights Violations in East Timor in 1999", "The Indonesian Ad Hoc Human Rights Court on East Timor", "The Special Panels for Serious Crimes", and "The Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation" The commission was made up of four members appointed from each nation, and these commissioners were instructed to conduct a document review and analyze previous trials and investigations into the subject, including the UN Special Panels for Serious Crimes and Serious Crime Units in Dili, and the report of the Commission of Reception, Truth and Reconciliation of Timor-Leste  The commission also stated its intent to research the "historical background, political dynamics, and institutional structures that shaped events before and during 1999" to "inform its conclusions with a broader understanding of the way in which the causes of the violence in 1999 were connected to previously established institutional structures and practices "Operating over three years, the commission gave its final report on July 15, 2008, and presented it to the Presidents of Indonesia and East Timor, concluding that "gross human rights violations in the form of crimes against humanity did occur in East Timor in 1999" and that "pro-autonomy militia groups, TNI, the Indonesian civil government, and Polri must all bear institutional responsibility", as well as stating that "from a moral and political perspective the respective states must accept state responsibility for the violations identified in the report " The commission also made recommendations that both nations begin institutional reform enhancing the strength of investigative and prosecuting bodies involved with investigations into the events, as well as forming joint security policy to ensure the safety of individuals in case of the recurrence of violence  It also noted the need to resolve other standing border and security issues between the two nations to allow for more cooperation  Notably, the report gave no recommendations of amnesty or rehabilitation  The report was endorsed by the president of Indonesia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, making it the first recognition of the Indonesian government's complicity in human rights violations in East Timor by Indonesia 

Reception
In Indonesia and Timor, the report was presented to both governments and accepted by both the Timorese and Indonesian governments  However, Timorese NGO Timor-Leste National Alliance for International Tribunal wrote an open letter in response to the commission's findings with several criticisms, including the lack of public consultation with victims and parliamentary approval of the commission, as well as noting that the commission assigned institutional responsibility rather than individual responsibility, "which is contrary to the principles of international laws which were ratified by the state of Timor-Leste and to Article 160 of its constitution which says that there must be a justice process for crimes against humanity ", as well as stating their belief that the CAVR was a more trustworthy and support worthy commission for the government to support Internationally, the report had a mixed reception  Some, such as the War Crimes Studies Center at the University of California, Berkeley, said that the commission could be seen as "widely acknowledged as credible and far-reaching ", noting that the Indonesian government's affirmation of the results was important and that the commission made arguments that "there was credible evidence to indicate that Timorese institutions were also responsible for illegal detentions and possibly other crimes "

See also
History of East Timor
Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor
Indonesian occupation of East Timor
Santa Cruz massacre



ground_truth: Francisco Guterres