prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: When did the country, whose co-official language was used by the director of Group Portrait with a Lady, first attend the Olympics as an independent team?

The following are given passages.
Context 1: Passage 1:
Group Portrait with a Lady
Group Portrait with a Lady (German: Gruppenbild mit Dame) is a 1977 German-French drama film directed by Aleksandar Petrović  It was entered into the 1977 Cannes Film Festival  It is based on the novel of the same name  by German Nobel-Prize winning novelist Heinrich Böll 

Cast
Passage 2:
List of territorial entities where German is an official language
The following is a list of the countries and territories where German is an official language (also known as the Germanosphere)  It includes countries that have German as (one of) their nationwide official language(s), as well as dependent territories with German as a co-official language 

German as an official language
German is the official language of six countries, all of which lie in central and western Europe  These countries (with the addition of South Tyrol of Italy) also form the Council for German Orthography and are referred to as the German Sprachraum (German language area)  Since 2004, Meetings of German-speaking countries have been held annually with six participants: Germany, Austria, Belgium, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, and Switzerland:

Subdivisions of countries
While not official at the national level, German is a co-official language in subdivisions of the countries listed below  In each of these regions, German is an official language on the administrative level 

Other legal statuses
There are other political entities (countries as well as dependent entities) which acknowledge other legal statuses for the German language or one of its dialects  While these may cover minority rights, support of certain language facilities (schools, media, etc ), and the promotion of cultural protection/heritage, they do not encompass the establishment of German as an "official" language, i e , being required in public offices or administrative texts 
These countries include:

Brazil (German is a statewide cultural language in Espírito Santo and Rio Grande do Sul; Standard German official in 2 municipalities and non-standard German dialects official in 16 others)
Czech Republic (national minority language)
Denmark (minority language in Syddanmark, established with the Bonn-Copenhagen declarations, 1955)
Hungary (national minority language)
Namibia (national language; co-official language 1884–1990)
Poland (national minority language; also auxiliary language in 31 communes)
Romania (national minority language)
Russia (minority language in the Azovo German National District)
Slovakia (regional minority language)Although in France, the High German varieties of Alsatian and Moselle Franconian are identified as "regional languages" according to the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages of 1998, the French government has not yet ratified the treaty, and therefore those varieties have no official legal status Due to the German diaspora, other countries with sizable populations of (mostly bilingual) German L1 speakers include Argentina, Australia, Bolivia, Canada, Chile, Paraguay, as well as the United States  However, in none of these countries does German or a German variety have any legal status 

International institutions
German is an official language of the following international institutions:

International sports associations:
European Handball Federation (EHF)
Fédération Internationale de Bobsleigh et de Tobogganing (FIBT)
Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA)
Fédération Internationale de Luge de Course (FIL)
Fédération Internationale de Ski (FIS)
International Biathlon Union (IBU)
Union of European Football Associations (UEFA)

Notes
See also
German language in the Basic Law
Passage 3:
Aleksandar Petrović (film director)
Aleksandar "Saša" Petrović (14 January 1929 – 20 August 1994) was a Serbian film director  He was one of the major figures of the Yugoslav Black Wave  Two of his films were nominated for the Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film: Three in 1966 and I Even Met Happy Gypsies (Feather Gatherers) in 1967  The latter (original title "Skupljaci perja") was the first movie that presented the existence of Gypsies in society and everyday life; it was also the first full-feature film where Gypsies spoke their own language, Roma  Most roles were interpreted by real Gypsies; this was their movie  "As a child, I observed them and saw in these people faith and irrationality," said Petrović I Even Met Happy Gypsies won the FIPRESCI Prize and the Grand Prize of the Jury at the Cannes Film Festival; it also received a nomination for a Golden Globe  In 1967 Petrović was a member of the jury at the 17th Berlin International Film Festival One of his most famous films is It Rains in My Village  Petrović found inspiration for this film in Fyodor Dostoyevsky's novel The Possessed  The film was nominated for a Palme d'Or (Golden Palm) at the 1969 Cannes Film FestivalIn 1973, Petrović was forced to leave his post at the Belgrade Film Academy after being accused of holding anti-communist views by the communist government of Yugoslavia  In late December 1989, he joined the founding committee of the Democratic Party in Serbia, the first opposition anti-communist party in Serbia  He died at age 65 in Paris, France 
Petrović published several hundreds of articles and several books, including Novi film I: 1960-1965 and Novi film II: Crni film (1965-1970) 

Filmography
Passage 4:
Yugoslavia at the Olympics
Teams from Yugoslavia first participated at the Olympic Games in 1920  Previously, several athletes from Croatia, Slovenia and northern Serbian province Vojvodina had competed for Austria or Hungary when those countries were part of the Empire of Austria-Hungary  A small team of two athletes had competed distinctly for Serbia at the 1912 Summer Olympics 
Yugoslavia has been the designation for Olympic teams from three distinct national entities:

Kingdom of Yugoslavia (officially called the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes until 1929) from 1920 to 1936
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 1948 to the 1992 Winter Olympics
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, formed as a joint state by only Montenegro and Serbia after the breakup of Yugoslavia, from 1992 to 2002 (due to UN ban allowed to compete as Independent Olympic Participants at the 1992 Summer Olympics and was not allowed to compete at 1994 Winter Olympics)Two of the successor nations (Croatia and Slovenia) began to compete as independent teams at the Olympics starting at the 1992 Winter Games and Bosnia and Herzegovina at the 1992 Summer Games and as of the 2008 Summer Olympics, all six successor nations, former socialist republics, have participated independently  Kosovo, a former autonomous province, made its Olympic debut as an independent national team at the 2016 Summer Olympics 

Timeline of participation
The Yugoslav Olympic Committee was established in Zagreb in 1919 (recognized by the IOC in 1920), before moving to Belgrade in 1927, and it took the place of the Serbian Olympic Committee in the Association of National Olympic Committees  During the dissolution of Yugoslavia, several new committees were formed in the break-away countries  The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, consisting of the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro, participated at the Games since 1996  At the 1996 and 2000 Games, the nation was designated with the same code, Yugoslavia (YUG), as the defunct SFRY  It was rechartered as the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro in 2003 with there being no territorial changes  The Serbia and Montenegro (SCG) designation and code were used at the 2004 Games 

Hosted Games
Yugoslavia has hosted the Games on one occasion 

Medal tables
*Red border colour indicates the games were held on home soil 
*Yugoslavia hosted the 1984 Winter Olympics in Sarajevo, now part of Bosnia and Herzegovina 

List of medalists
Summer Olympics
As Federal Republic of YugoslaviaAs Independent Olympic Participants

Winter Olympics
See also
List of flag bearers for Yugoslavia at the Olympics
Category:Olympic competitors for Yugoslavia
Yugoslavia at the Paralympics
List of Yugoslav Olympic medalists
Passage 5:
Catalan language
Catalan (; autonym: català, Eastern Catalan: [kətəˈla]), known in the Valencian Community and Carche as Valencian (autonym: valencià), is a Western Romance language  It is the official language of Andorra, and an official language of two autonomous communities in eastern Spain: Catalonia and the Balearic Islands  It is also an official language in Valencia, where it is called Valencian  It has semi-official status in the Italian comune of Alghero, and it is spoken in the Pyrénées-Orientales department of France and in two further areas in eastern Spain: the eastern strip of Aragon and the Carche area in the Region of Murcia  The Catalan-speaking territories are often called the Països Catalans or "Catalan Countries" 
The language evolved from Vulgar Latin in the Middle Ages around the eastern Pyrenees  Nineteenth-century Spain saw a Catalan literary revival, culminating in the early 1900s 

Etymology and pronunciation
The word Catalan is derived from the territorial name of Catalonia, itself of disputed etymology  The main theory suggests that Catalunya (Latin Gathia Launia) derives from the name Gothia or Gauthia ("Land of the Goths"), since the origins of the Catalan counts, lords and people were found in the March of Gothia, whence Gothland > Gothlandia > Gothalania > Catalonia theoretically derived In English, the term referring to a person first appears in the mid 14th century as Catelaner, followed in the 15th century as Catellain (from French)  It is attested a language name since at least 1652  The word Catalan can be pronounced in English as ,  or  The endonym is pronounced [kətəˈla] in the Eastern Catalan dialects, and [kataˈla] in the Western dialects  In the Valencian Community and Carche, the term valencià [valensiˈa, ba-] is frequently used instead  Thus, the name "Valencian", although often employed for referring to the varieties specific to the Valencian Community and Carche, is also used by Valencians as a name for the language as a whole, synonymous with "Catalan"  Both uses of the term have their respective entries in the dictionaries by the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua and the Institut d'Estudis Catalans  See also status of Valencian below 

History
Middle Ages
By the 9th century, Catalan had evolved from Vulgar Latin on both sides of the eastern end of the Pyrenees, as well as the territories of the Roman province of Hispania Tarraconensis to the south  From the 8th century onwards the Catalan counts extended their territory southwards and westwards at the expense of the Muslims, bringing their language with them  This process was given definitive impetus with the separation of the County of Barcelona from the Carolingian Empire in 988 In the 11th century, documents written in macaronic Latin begin to show Catalan elements, with texts written almost completely in Romance appearing by 1080  Old Catalan shared many features with Gallo-Romance, diverging from Old Occitan between the 11th and 14th centuries During the 11th and 12th centuries the Catalan rulers expanded southward to the Ebro river, and in the 13th century they conquered the Land of Valencia and the Balearic Islands  The city of Alghero in Sardinia was repopulated with Catalan speakers in the 14th century  The language also reached Murcia, which became Spanish-speaking in the 15th century In the Low Middle Ages, Catalan went through a golden age, reaching a peak of maturity and cultural richness  Examples include the work of Majorcan polymath Ramon Llull (1232–1315), the Four Great Chronicles (13th–14th centuries), and the Valencian school of poetry culminating in Ausiàs March (1397–1459)  By the 15th century, the city of Valencia had become the sociocultural center of the Crown of Aragon, and Catalan was present all over the Mediterranean world  During this period, the Royal Chancery propagated a highly standardized language  Catalan was widely used as an official language in Sicily until the 15th century, and in Sardinia until the 17th  During this period, the language was what Costa Carreras terms "one of the 'great languages' of medieval Europe" Martorell's outstanding novel of chivalry Tirant lo Blanc (1490) shows a transition from Medieval to Renaissance values, something that can also be seen in Metge's work  The first book produced with movable type in the Iberian Peninsula was printed in Catalan 

Start of the modern era
Spain
With the union of the crowns of Castille and Aragon in 1479, the Spanish kings ruled over different kingdoms, each with its own cultural, linguistic and political particularities, and they had to swear by the Laws of each territory before the respective Parliaments  But after the War of the Spanish Succession, Spain became an Absolute monarchy under Philip V, which led to the assimilation of the Crown of Aragon by the Crown of Castile through the Nueva Planta decrees, as a first step in the creation of the Spanish nation-state; as in other contemporary European states, this meant the imposition of the political and cultural characteristics of the dominant groups  Since the political unification of 1714, Spanish assimilation policies towards national minorities have been a constant 

The process of assimilation began with secret instructions to the corregidores of the Catalan territory: they "will take the utmost care to introduce the Castilian language, for which purpose he will give the most temperate and disguised measures so that the effect is achieved, without the care being noticed " From there, actions in the service of assimilation, discreet or aggressive, were continued, and reached to the last detail, such as, in 1799, the Royal Certificate forbidding anyone to "represent, sing and dance pieces that were not in Spanish " Anyway, the use of Spanish gradually became more prestigious and marked the start of the decline of Catalan  Starting in the 16th century, Catalan literature came under the influence of Spanish, and the nobles, part of the urban and literary classes became bilingual 

France
With the Treaty of the Pyrenees (1659), Spain ceded the northern part of Catalonia to France, and soon thereafter the local Catalan varieties came under the influence of French, which in 1700 became the sole official language of the region Shortly after the French Revolution (1789), the French First Republic prohibited official use of, and enacted discriminating policies against, the regional languages of France, such as Catalan, Alsatian, Breton, Occitan, Flemish, and Basque 

France: 19th to 20th century
Following the French establishment of the colony of Algeria from 1830 onward, it received several waves of Catalan-speaking settlers  People from the Spanish Alicante province settled around Oran, whereas Algiers received immigration from Northern Catalonia and Menorca 
Their speech was known as patuet  By 1911, the number of Catalan speakers was around 100,000  After the declaration of independence of Algeria in 1962, almost all the Catalan speakers fled to Northern Catalonia (as Pieds-Noirs) or Alacant The government of France formally recognizes only French as an official language  Nevertheless, on 10 December 2007, the General Council of the Pyrénées-Orientales officially recognized Catalan as one of the languages of the department and seeks to further promote it in public life and education 

Spain: 18th to 20th century
In 1807, the Statistics Office of the French Ministry of the Interior asked the prefects for an official survey on the limits of the French language  The survey found that in Roussillon, almost only Catalan was spoken, and since Napoleon wanted to incorporate Catalonia into France, as happened in 1812, the consul in Barcelona was also asked  He declared that Catalan "is taught in schools, it is printed and spoken, not only among the lower class, but also among people of first quality, also in social gatherings, as in visits and congresses", indicating that it was spoken everywhere "with the exception of the royal courts"  He also indicated that Catalan was spoken "in the Kingdom of Valencia, in the islands of Mallorca, Menorca, Ibiza, Sardinia, Corsica and much of Sicily, in the Vall d "Aran and Cerdaña" The defeat of the pro-Habsburg coalition in the War of Spanish Succession (1714) initiated a series of laws which, among other centralizing measures, imposed the use of Spanish in legal documentation all over Spain  Because of this, use of the Catalan language declined into the 18th century 
However, the 19th century saw a Catalan literary revival (Renaixença), which has continued up to the present day  This period starts with Aribau's Ode to the Homeland (1833); followed in the second half of the 19th century, and the early 20th by the work of Verdaguer (poetry), Oller (realist novel), and Guimerà (drama)  In the 19th century, the region of Carche, in the province of Murcia was repopulated with Valencian speakers  Catalan spelling was standardized in 1913 and the language became official during the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939)  The Second Spanish Republic saw a brief period of tolerance, with most restrictions against Catalan lifted The Catalan language and culture were frowned upon during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and the subsequent decades in Francoist Catalonia  The Francoist dictatorship (1939–1975) imposed the use of Spanish in schools and in public administration in all of Spain  However, in 1944, it became mandatory by law for universities with Romance Philology to include the subject of Catalan Philology  Numerous and prestigious cultural contests were created to reward works produced in Catalan  In January 1944, the "Eugenio Nadal" award was created  In 1945, with the sponsorship and subsidy of the Government, the centenary of Mossèn Cinto Verdaguer was celebrated  In 1947 the Joan Martorell prize for novels in Catalan was awarded  In 1949, the Víctor Català award for short novels in Catalan and the Aedos awards for biographies, the Josep Ysart award for essays, and the Ossa Menor award, later renamed Carles Riba, were created  In 1951, a national prize was awarded to poetry in Catalan with the same financial amount as Spanish poetry  That same year, Selecta Editions was founded for works written in Catalan  And the Joanot Martorell is awarded to Josep Pla for his work El carrer estret  In subsequent years (50s, 60s and 70s) countless awards were born, such as the Lletra d'Or, Amadeu Oller for poetry, the Sant Jordi for novels (endowed with 150,000 pesetas), the Honor Award of Catalan Letters, the Verdaguer, the Josep Pla Prize, the Mercè Rodoreda Prize for short stories and narratives  The first Catalan-language TV show was broadcast during the Franco period, in 1964  The Francoist dictatorship (1939–1975) banned the use of Catalan in schools and in public administration  At the same time, oppression of the Catalan language and identity was carried out in schools, through governmental bodies, and in religious centers  Franco's desire for a homogenous Spanish population resonated with some Catalans in favor of his regime, primarily members of the upper class, who began to reject the use of Catalan  Despite all of these hardships, Catalan continued to be used privately within households, and it was able to survive Francisco Franco's dictatorship  Several prominent Catalan authors resisted the suppression through literature In addition to the loss of prestige for Catalan and its prohibition in schools, migration during the 1950s into Catalonia from other parts of Spain also contributed to the diminished use of the language  These migrants were often unaware of the existence of Catalan, and thus felt no need to learn or use it  Catalonia was the economic powerhouse of Spain, so these migrations continued to occur from all corners of the country  Employment opportunities were reduced for those who were not bilingual 

Present day
Since the Spanish transition to democracy (1975–1982), Catalan has been institutionalized as an official language, language of education, and language of mass media; all of which have contributed to its increased prestige  In Catalonia, there is an unparalleled large bilingual European non-state linguistic community  The teaching of Catalan is mandatory in all schools, but it is possible to use Spanish for studying in the public education system of Catalonia in two situations – if the teacher assigned to a class chooses to use Spanish, or during the learning process of one or more recently arrived immigrant students  There is also some intergenerational shift towards Catalan More recently, several Spanish political forces have tried to increase the use of Spanish in the Catalan educational system  As a result, in May 2022 the Spanish Supreme Court urged the Catalan regional government to enforce a measure by which 25% of all lessons must be taught in Spanish According to the Statistical Institute of Catalonia, in 2013 the Catalan language is the second most commonly used in Catalonia, after Spanish, as a native or self-defining language: 7% of the population self-identifies with both Catalan and Spanish equally, 36 4% with Catalan and 47 5% only Spanish  In 2003 the same studies concluded no language preference for self-identification within the population above 15 years old: 5% self-identified with both languages, 44 3% with Catalan and 47 5% with Spanish  To promote use of Catalan, the Generalitat de Catalunya (Catalonia's official Autonomous government) spends part of its annual budget on the promotion of the use of Catalan in Catalonia and in other territories, with entities such as Consorci per a la Normalització Lingüística (Consortium for Linguistic Normalization)In Andorra, Catalan has always been the sole official language  Since the promulgation of the 1993 constitution, several policies favoring Catalan have been enforced, like Catalan medium education On the other hand, there are several language shift processes currently taking place  In the Northern Catalonia area of France, Catalan has followed the same trend as the other minority languages of France, with most of its native speakers being 60 or older (as of 2004)  Catalan is studied as a foreign language by 30% of the primary education students, and by 15% of the secondary  The cultural association La Bressola promotes a network of community-run schools engaged in Catalan language immersion programs 
In Alicante province, Catalan is being replaced by Spanish and in Alghero by Italian  There is also well ingrained diglossia in the Valencian Community, Ibiza, and to a lesser extent, in the rest of the Balearic islands During the 20th century many Catalans emigrated or went into exile to Venezuela, Mexico, Cuba, Argentina and other South American countries  They formed a large number of Catalan colonies that today continue to maintain the Catalan language  They also founded many Catalan casals (associations) 

Classification and relationship with other Romance languages
One classification of Catalan is given by Pèire Bèc:

Romance languages
Italo-Western languages
Western Romance languages
Gallo-Iberian languages
Gallo-Romance languages
Occitano-Romance languages
Catalan languageHowever, the ascription of Catalan to the Occitano-Romance branch of Gallo-Romance languages is not shared by all linguists and philologists, particularly among Spanish ones, such as Ramón Menéndez Pidal 
Catalan bears varying degrees of similarity to the linguistic varieties subsumed under the cover term Occitan language (see also differences between Occitan and Catalan and Gallo-Romance languages)  Thus, as it should be expected from closely related languages, Catalan today shares many traits with other Romance languages 

Relationship with other Romance languages
Some include Catalan in Occitan, as the linguistic distance between this language and some Occitan dialects (such as the Gascon language) is similar to the distance among different Occitan dialects  Catalan was considered a dialect of Occitan until the end of the 19th century and still today remains its closest relative Catalan shares many traits with the other neighboring Romance languages (Occitan, French, Italian, Sardinian as well as Spanish and Portuguese among others)  However, despite being spoken mostly on the Iberian Peninsula, Catalan has marked differences with the Iberian Romance group (Spanish and Portuguese) in terms of pronunciation, grammar, and especially vocabulary; it shows instead its closest affinity with languages native to France and northern Italy, particularly Occitan and to a lesser extent Gallo-Romance (Franco-Provençal, French, Gallo-Italian) According to Ethnologue, the lexical similarity between Catalan and other Romance languages is: 87% with Italian; 85% with Portuguese and Spanish; 76% with Ladin and Romansh; 75% with Sardinian; and 73% with Romanian 
During much of its history, and especially during the Francoist dictatorship (1939–1975), the Catalan language was ridiculed as a mere dialect of Spanish  This view, based on political and ideological considerations, has no linguistic validity  Spanish and Catalan have important differences in their sound systems, lexicon, and grammatical features, placing the language in features closer to Occitan (and French) There is evidence that, at least from the 2nd century a d , the vocabulary and phonology of Roman Tarraconensis was different from the rest of Roman Hispania  Differentiation arose generally because Spanish, Asturian, and Galician-Portuguese share certain peripheral archaisms (Spanish hervir, Asturian and Portuguese ferver vs  Catalan bullir, Occitan bolir "to boil") and innovatory regionalisms (Sp novillo, Ast nuviellu vs  Cat torell, Oc taurèl "bullock"), while Catalan has a shared history with the Western Romance innovative core, especially Occitan Like all Romance languages, Catalan has a handful of native words which are unique to it, or rare elsewhere  These include:

verbs: cōnfīgere 'to fasten; transfix' > confegir 'to compose, write up', congemināre > conjuminar 'to combine, conjugate', de-ex-somnitare > deixondar/-ir 'to wake; awaken', dēnsāre 'to thicken; crowd together' > desar 'to save, keep', īgnōrāre > enyorar 'to miss, yearn, pine for', indāgāre 'to investigate, track' > Old Catalan enagar 'to incite, induce', odiāre > OCat ujar 'to exhaust, fatigue', pācificāre > apaivagar 'to appease, mollify', repudiāre > rebutjar 'to reject, refuse';
nouns: brīsa > brisa 'pomace', buda > boga 'reedmace', catarrhu > cadarn 'catarrh', congesta > congesta 'snowdrift', dēlīrium > deler 'ardor, passion', fretu > freu 'brake', lābem > (a)llau 'avalanche', ōra > vora 'edge, border', pistrīce 'sawfish' > pestriu > pestiu 'thresher shark, smooth hound; ray', prūna 'live coal' > espurna 'spark', tardātiōnem > tardaó > tardor 'autumn' The Gothic superstrate produced different outcomes in Spanish and Catalan  For example, Catalan fang "mud" and rostir "to roast", of Germanic origin, contrast with Spanish lodo and asar, of Latin origin; whereas Catalan filosa "spinning wheel" and templa "temple", of Latin origin, contrast with Spanish rueca and sien, of Germanic origin The same happens with Arabic loanwords  Thus, Catalan alfàbia "large earthenware jar" and rajola "tile", of Arabic origin, contrast with Spanish tinaja and teja, of Latin origin; whereas Catalan oli "oil" and oliva "olive", of Latin origin, contrast with Spanish aceite and aceituna  However, the Arabic element in Spanish is generally much more prevalent Situated between two large linguistic blocks (Iberian Romance and Gallo-Romance), Catalan has many unique lexical choices, such as enyorar "to miss somebody", apaivagar "to calm somebody down", and rebutjar "reject" 

Geographic distribution
Catalan-speaking territories
Traditionally Catalan-speaking territories are sometimes called the Països Catalans (Catalan Countries), a denomination based on cultural affinity and common heritage, that has also had a subsequent political interpretation but no official status  Various interpretations of the term may include some or all of these regions 

Number of speakers
The number of people known to be fluent in Catalan varies depending on the sources used  A 2004 study did not count the total number of speakers, but estimated a total of 9–9 5 million by matching the percentage of speakers to the population of each area where Catalan is spoken  The web site of the Generalitat de Catalunya estimated that as of 2004 there were 9,118,882 speakers of Catalan  These figures only reflect potential speakers; today it is the native language of only 35 6% of the Catalan population  According to Ethnologue, Catalan had 4 1 million native speakers and 5 1 million second-language speakers in 2021 

According to a 2011 study the total number of Catalan speakers is over 9 8 million, with 5 9 million residing in Catalonia  More than half of them speak Catalan as a second language, with native speakers being about 4 4 million of those (more than 2 8 in Catalonia)  Very few Catalan monoglots exist; basically, virtually all of the Catalan speakers in Spain are bilingual speakers of Catalan and Spanish, with a sizable population of Spanish-only speakers of immigrant origin (typically born outside Catalonia or whose parents were both born outside Catalonia) existing in the major Catalan urban areas as well 
In Roussillon, only a minority of French Catalans speak Catalan nowadays, with French being the majority language for the inhabitants after a continued process of language shift  According to a 2019 survey by the Catalan government, 31 5% of the inhabitants of Catalonia have Catalan as first language at home whereas 52 7% have Spanish, 2 8% both Catalan and Spanish and 10 8% other languages Spanish is the most spoken language in Barcelona (according to the linguistic census held by the Government of Catalonia in 2013) and it is understood almost universally  According to this census of 2013 Catalan is also very commonly spoken in the city of 1,501,262: it is understood by 95% of the population, while 72 3% over the age of 2 can speak it (1,137,816), 79% can read it (1,246 555), and 53% can write it (835,080)  The proportion in Barcelona who can speak it, 72 3%, is lower than that of the overall Catalan population, of whom 81 2% over the age of 15 speak the language  Knowledge of Catalan has increased significantly in recent decades thanks to a language immersion educational system  An important social characteristic of the Catalan language is that all the areas where it is spoken are bilingual in practice: together with the French language in Roussillon, with Italian in Alghero, with Spanish and French in Andorra and with Spanish in the rest of the territories 

1 ^  The number of people who understand Catalan includes those who can speak it 
2 ^  Figures relate to all self-declared capable speakers, not just native speakers 

Level of knowledge
(% of the population 15 years old and older) 

Social use
(% of the population 15 years old and older) 

Native language
Phonology
Catalan phonology varies by dialect  Notable features include:
Marked contrast of the vowel pairs /ɛ e/ and /ɔ o/, as in other Western Romance languages, other than Spanish 
Lack of diphthongization of Latin short ĕ, ŏ, as in Galician and Portuguese, but unlike French, Spanish, or Italian 
Abundance of diphthongs containing /w/, as in Galician and Portuguese In contrast to other Romance languages, Catalan has many monosyllabic words, and these may end in a wide variety of consonants, including some consonant clusters  Additionally, Catalan has final obstruent devoicing, which gives rise to an abundance of such couplets as amic ("male friend") vs  amiga ("female friend") Central Catalan pronunciation is considered to be standard for the language  The descriptions below are mostly representative of this variety  For the differences in pronunciation between the different dialects, see the section on pronunciation of dialects in this article 

Vowels
Catalan has inherited the typical vowel system of Vulgar Latin, with seven stressed phonemes: /a ɛ e i ɔ o u/, a common feature in Western Romance, with the exception of Spanish  Balearic also has instances of stressed /ə/  Dialects differ in the different degrees of vowel reduction, and the incidence of the pair /ɛ e/ In Central Catalan, unstressed vowels reduce to three: /a e ɛ/ > [ə]; /o ɔ u/ > [u]; /i/ remains distinct  The other dialects have different vowel reduction processes (see the section pronunciation of dialects in this article) 

Consonants
The consonant system of Catalan is rather conservative 

/l/ has a velarized allophone in syllable coda position in most dialects  However, /l/ is velarized irrespective of position in Eastern dialects like Majorcan and standard Eastern Catalan 
/v/ occurs in Balearic, Algherese, standard Valencian and some areas in southern Catalonia  It has merged with /b/ elsewhere 
Voiced obstruents undergo final-obstruent devoicing: /b/ > [p], /d/ > [t], /ɡ/ > [k] 
Voiced stops become lenited to approximants in syllable onsets, after continuants: /b/ > [β], /d/ > [ð], /ɡ/ > [ɣ]  Exceptions include /d/ after lateral consonants, and /b/ after /f/  In coda position, these sounds are realized as stops, except in some Valencian dialects where they are lenited 
There is some confusion in the literature about the precise phonetic characteristics of /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /tʃ/, /dʒ/  Some sources describe them as "postalveolar"  Others as "back alveolo-palatal", implying that the characters ⟨ɕ ʑ tɕ dʑ⟩ would be more accurate  However, in all literature only the characters for palato-alveolar affricates and fricatives are used, even when the same sources use ⟨ɕ ʑ⟩ for other languages like Polish and Chinese 
The distribution of the two rhotics /r/ and /ɾ/ closely parallels that of Spanish  Between vowels, the two contrast, but they are otherwise in complementary distribution: in the onset of the first syllable in a word, [r] appears unless preceded by a consonant  Dialects vary in regards to rhotics in the coda with Western Catalan generally featuring [ɾ] and Central Catalan dialects featuring a weakly trilled [r] unless it precedes a vowel-initial word in the same prosodic unit, in which case [ɾ] appears 
In careful speech, /n/, /m/, /l/ may be geminated  Geminated /ʎ/ may also occur  Some analyze intervocalic [r] as the result of gemination of a single rhotic phoneme  This is similar to the common analysis of Spanish and Portuguese rhotics 

Phonological evolution
Sociolinguistics
Catalan sociolinguistics studies the situation of Catalan in the world and the different varieties that this language presents  It is a subdiscipline of Catalan philology and other affine studies and has as an objective to analyze the relation between the Catalan language, the speakers and the close reality (including the one of other languages in contact) 

Preferential subjects of study
Dialects of Catalan
Variations of Catalan by class, gender, profession, age and level of studies
Process of linguistic normalization
Relations between Catalan and Spanish or French
Perception on the language of Catalan speakers and non-speakers
Presence of Catalan in several fields: tagging, public function, media, professional sectors

Dialects
Overview
The dialects of the Catalan language feature a relative uniformity, especially when compared to other Romance languages; both in terms of vocabulary, semantics, syntax, morphology, and phonology  Mutual intelligibility between dialects is very high, estimates ranging from 90% to 95%  The only exception is the isolated idiosyncratic Algherese dialect Catalan is split in two major dialectal blocks: Eastern and Western  The main difference lies in the treatment of unstressed a and e; which have merged to /ə/ in Eastern dialects, but which remain distinct as /a/ and /e/ in Western dialects  There are a few other differences in pronunciation, verbal morphology, and vocabulary Western Catalan comprises the two dialects of Northwestern Catalan and Valencian; the Eastern block comprises four dialects: Central Catalan, Balearic, Rossellonese, and Algherese  Each dialect can be further subdivided in several subdialects  The terms "Catalan" and "Valencian" (respectively used in Catalonia and the Valencian Community) refer to two varieties of the same language  There are two institutions regulating the two standard varieties, the Institute of Catalan Studies in Catalonia and the Valencian Academy of the Language in the Valencian Community 
Central Catalan is considered the standard pronunciation of the language and has the largest number of speakers  It is spoken in the densely populated regions of the Barcelona province, the eastern half of the province of Tarragona, and most of the province of Girona Catalan has an inflectional grammar  Nouns have two genders (masculine, feminine), and two numbers (singular, plural)  Pronouns additionally can have a neuter gender, and some are also inflected for case and politeness, and can be combined in very complex ways  Verbs are split in several paradigms and are inflected for person, number, tense, aspect, mood, and gender  In terms of pronunciation, Catalan has many words ending in a wide variety of consonants and some consonant clusters, in contrast with many other Romance languages 

Pronunciation
Vowels
Catalan has inherited the typical vowel system of Vulgar Latin, with seven stressed phonemes: /a ɛ e i ɔ o u/, a common feature in Western Romance, except Spanish  Balearic has also instances of stressed /ə/  Dialects differ in the different degrees of vowel reduction, and the incidence of the pair /ɛ e/ In Eastern Catalan (except Majorcan), unstressed vowels reduce to three: /a e ɛ/ > [ə]; /o ɔ u/ > [u]; /i/ remains distinct  There are a few instances of unreduced [e], [o] in some words  Algherese has lowered [ə] to [a] 
In Majorcan, unstressed vowels reduce to four: /a e ɛ/ follow the Eastern Catalan reduction pattern; however /o ɔ/ reduce to [o], with /u/ remaining distinct, as in Western Catalan In Western Catalan, unstressed vowels reduce to five: /e ɛ/ > [e]; /o ɔ/ > [o]; /a u i/ remain distinct  This reduction pattern, inherited from Proto-Romance, is also found in Italian and Portuguese  Some Western dialects present further reduction or vowel harmony in some cases Central, Western, and Balearic differ in the lexical incidence of stressed /e/ and /ɛ/  Usually, words with /ɛ/ in Central Catalan correspond to /ə/ in Balearic and /e/ in Western Catalan  Words with /e/ in Balearic almost always have /e/ in Central and Western Catalan as well  As a result, Central Catalan has a much higher incidence of /ɛ/ 

Consonants
Morphology
Western Catalan: In verbs, the ending for 1st-person present indicative is -e in verbs of the 1st conjugation and -∅ in verbs of the 2nd and 3rd conjugations in most of the Valencian Community, or -o in all verb conjugations in the Northern Valencian Community and Western Catalonia E g  parle, tem, sent (Valencian); parlo, temo, sento (Northwestern Catalan) 
Eastern Catalan: In verbs, the ending for 1st-person present indicative is -o, -i, or -∅ in all conjugations  E g  parlo (Central), parl (Balearic), and parli (Northern), all meaning ('I speak') 

Western Catalan: In verbs, the inchoative endings are -isc/-esc, -ix, -ixen, -isca/-esca 
Eastern Catalan: In verbs, the inchoative endings are -eixo, -eix, -eixen, -eixi 
Western Catalan: In nouns and adjectives, maintenance of /n/ of medieval plurals in proparoxytone words E g  hòmens 'men', jóvens 'youth' 
Eastern Catalan: In nouns and adjectives, loss of /n/ of medieval plurals in proparoxytone words E g  homes 'men', joves 'youth' (Ibicencan, however, follows the model of Western Catalan in this case) 

Vocabulary
Despite its relative lexical unity, the two dialectal blocks of Catalan (Eastern and Western) show some differences in word choices  Any lexical divergence within any of the two groups can be explained as an archaism  Also, usually Central Catalan acts as an innovative element 

Standards
Standard Catalan, virtually accepted by all speakers, is mostly based on Eastern Catalan, which is the most widely used dialect  Nevertheless, the standards of the Valencian Community and the Balearics admit alternative forms, mostly traditional ones, which are not current in eastern Catalonia The most notable difference between both standards is some tonic ⟨e⟩ accentuation, for instance: francès, anglès (IEC) – francés, anglés (AVL)  Nevertheless, AVL's standard keeps the grave accent ⟨è⟩, while pronouncing it as /e/ rather than /ɛ/, in some words like: què ('what'), or València  Other divergences include the use of ⟨tl⟩ (AVL) in some words instead of ⟨tll⟩ like in ametla/ametlla ('almond'), espatla/espatlla ('back'), the use of elided demonstratives (este 'this', eixe 'that') in the same level as reinforced ones (aquest, aqueix) or the use of many verbal forms common in Valencian, and some of these common in the rest of Western Catalan too, like subjunctive mood or inchoative conjugation in -ix- at the same level as -eix- or the priority use of -e morpheme in 1st person singular in present indicative (-ar verbs): jo compre instead of jo compro ('I buy') 
In the Balearic Islands, IEC's standard is used but adapted for the Balearic dialect by the University of the Balearic Islands's philological section  In this way, for instance, IEC says it is correct writing cantam as much as cantem ('we sing'), but the university says that the priority form in the Balearic Islands must be cantam in all fields  Another feature of the Balearic standard is the non-ending in the 1st person singular present indicative: jo compr ('I buy'), jo tem ('I fear'), jo dorm ('I sleep') 
In Alghero, the IEC has adapted its standard to the Algherese dialect  In this standard one can find, among other features: the definite article lo instead of el, special possessive pronouns and determinants la mia ('mine'), lo sou/la sua ('his/her'), lo tou/la tua ('yours'), and so on, the use of -v- /v/ in the imperfect tense in all conjugations: cantava, creixiva, llegiva; the use of many archaic words, usual words in Algherese: manco instead of menys ('less'), calqui u instead of algú ('someone'), qual/quala instead of quin/quina ('which'), and so on; and the adaptation of weak pronouns 
In 2011, the Aragonese government passed a decree approving the statutes of a new language regulator of Catalan in La Franja (the so-called Catalan-speaking areas of Aragon) as originally provided for by Law 10/2009  The new entity, designated as Acadèmia Aragonesa del Català, shall allow a facultative education in Catalan and a standardization of the Catalan language in La Franja 

Status of Valencian
Valencian is classified as a Western dialect, along with the northwestern varieties spoken in Western Catalonia (provinces of Lleida and the western half of Tarragona)  Central Catalan has 90% to 95% inherent intelligibility for speakers of Valencian Linguists, including Valencian scholars, deal with Catalan and Valencian as the same language  The official regulating body of the language of the Valencian Community, the Valencian Academy of Language (Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, AVL) declares the linguistic unity between Valencian and Catalan varieties 

The AVL, created by the Valencian parliament, is in charge of dictating the official rules governing the use of Valencian, and its standard is based on the Norms of Castelló (Normes de Castelló)  Currently, everyone who writes in Valencian uses this standard, except the Royal Academy of Valencian Culture (Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana, RACV), which uses for Valencian an independent standard 
Despite the position of the official organizations, an opinion poll carried out between 2001 and 2004 showed that the majority of the Valencian people consider Valencian different from Catalan  This position is promoted by people who do not use Valencian regularly  Furthermore, the data indicates that younger generations educated in Valencian are much less likely to hold these views  A minority of Valencian scholars active in fields other than linguistics defends the position of the Royal Academy of Valencian Culture (Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana, RACV), which uses for Valencian a standard independent from Catalan This clash of opinions has sparked much controversy  For example, during the drafting of the European Constitution in 2004, the Spanish government supplied the EU with translations of the text into Basque, Galician, Catalan, and Valencian, but the latter two were identical 

Vocabulary
Word choices
Despite its relative lexical unity, the two dialectal blocks of Catalan (Eastern and Western) show some differences in word choices  Any lexical divergence within any of the two groups can be explained as an archaism  Also, usually Central Catalan acts as an innovative element Literary Catalan allows the use of words from different dialects, except those of very restricted use  However, from the 19th century onwards, there has been a tendency towards favoring words of Northern dialects to the detriment of others, even though nowadays there is a greater freedom of choice 

Latin and Greek loanwords
Like other languages, Catalan has a large list of loanwords from Greek and Latin  This process started very early, and one can find such examples in Ramon Llull's work  In the 14th and 15th centuries Catalan had a far greater number of Greco-Latin loanwords than other Romance languages, as is attested for example in Roís de Corella's writings  The incorporation of learned, or "bookish" words from its own ancestor language, Latin, into Catalan is arguably another form of lexical borrowing through the influence of written language and the liturgical language of the Church  Throughout the Middle Ages and into the early modern period, most literate Catalan speakers were also literate in Latin; and thus they easily adopted Latin words into their writing—and eventually speech—in Catalan 

Word formation
The process of morphological derivation in Catalan follows the same principles as the other Romance languages, where agglutination is common  Many times, several affixes are appended to a preexisting lexeme, and some sound alternations can occur, for example elèctric [əˈlɛktrik] ("electrical") vs  electricitat [ələktrisiˈtat]  Prefixes are usually appended to verbs, as in preveure ("foresee") There is greater regularity in the process of word-compounding, where one can find compounded words formed much like those in English 

Writing system
Catalan uses the Latin script, with some added symbols and digraphs  The Catalan orthography is systematic and largely phonologically based  Standardization of Catalan was among the topics discussed during the First International Congress of the Catalan Language, held in Barcelona October 1906  Subsequently, the Philological Section of the Institut d'Estudis Catalans (IEC, founded in 1911) published the Normes ortogràfiques in 1913 under the direction of Antoni Maria Alcover and Pompeu Fabra  In 1932, Valencian writers and intellectuals gathered in Castelló de la Plana to make a formal adoption of the so-called Normes de Castelló, a set of guidelines following Pompeu Fabra's Catalan language norms 

Grammar
The grammar of Catalan is similar to other Romance languages  Features include:
Use of definite and indefinite articles 
Nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and articles are inflected for gender (masculine and feminine), and number (singular and plural)  There is no case inflexion, except in pronouns 
Verbs are highly inflected for person, number, tense, aspect, and mood (including a subjunctive) 
There are no modal auxiliaries 
Word order is freer than in English 

Gender and number inflection
In gender inflection, the most notable feature is (compared to Portuguese, Spanish or Italian), the loss of the typical masculine suffix -o  Thus, the alternance of -o/-a, has been replaced by ø/-a  There are only a few exceptions, like minso/minsa ("scarce")  Many not completely predictable morphological alternations may occur, such as:
Affrication: boig/boja ("insane") vs  lleig/lletja ("ugly")
Loss of n: pla/plana ("flat") vs  segon/segona ("second")
Final obstruent devoicing: sentit/sentida ("felt") vs  dit/dita ("said")Catalan has few suppletive couplets, like Italian and Spanish, and unlike French  Thus, Catalan has noi/noia ("boy"/"girl") and gall/gallina ("cock"/"hen"), whereas French has garçon/fille and coq/poule There is a tendency to abandon traditionally gender-invariable adjectives in favor of marked ones, something prevalent in Occitan and French  Thus, one can find bullent/bullenta ("boiling") in contrast with traditional bullent/bullent As in the other Western Romance languages, the main plural expression is the suffix -s, which may create morphological alternations similar to the ones found in gender inflection, albeit more rarely  The most important one is the addition of -o- before certain consonant groups, a phonetic phenomenon that does not affect feminine forms: el pols/els polsos ("the pulse"/"the pulses") vs  la pols/les pols ("the dust"/"the dusts") 

Determiners
The inflection of determinatives is complex, specially because of the high number of elisions, but is similar to the neighboring languages  Catalan has more contractions of preposition + article than Spanish, like dels ("of + the [plural]"), but not as many as Italian (which has sul, col, nel, etc ) Central Catalan has abandoned almost completely unstressed possessives (mon, etc ) in favor of constructions of article + stressed forms (el meu, etc ), a feature shared with Italian 

Personal pronouns
The morphology of Catalan personal pronouns is complex, especially in unstressed forms, which are numerous (13 distinct forms, compared to 11 in Spanish or 9 in Italian)  Features include the gender-neutral ho and the great degree of freedom when combining different unstressed pronouns (65 combinations) Catalan pronouns exhibit T–V distinction, like all other Romance languages (and most European languages, but not Modern English)  This feature implies the use of a different set of second person pronouns for formality 
This flexibility allows Catalan to use extraposition extensively, much more than French or Spanish  Thus, Catalan can have m'hi recomanaren ("they recommended me to him"), whereas in French one must say ils m'ont recommandé à lui, and Spanish me recomendaron a él  This allows the placement of almost any nominal term as a sentence topic, without having to use so often the passive voice (as in French or English), or identifying the direct object with a preposition (as in Spanish) 

Verbs
Like all the Romance languages, Catalan verbal inflection is more complex than the nominal  Suffixation is omnipresent, whereas morphological alternations play a secondary role  Vowel alternances are active, as well as infixation and suppletion  However, these are not as productive as in Spanish, and are mostly restricted to irregular verbs The Catalan verbal system is basically common to all Western Romance, except that most dialects have replaced the synthetic indicative perfect with a periphrastic form of anar ("to go") + infinitive Catalan verbs are traditionally divided into three conjugations, with vowel themes -a-, -e-, -i-, the last two being split into two subtypes  However, this division is mostly theoretical  Only the first conjugation is nowadays productive (with about 3500 common verbs), whereas the third (the subtype of servir, with about 700 common verbs) is semiproductive  The verbs of the second conjugation are fewer than 100, and it is not possible to create new ones, except by compounding 

Syntax
The grammar of Catalan follows the general pattern of Western Romance languages  The primary word order is subject–verb–object  However, word order is very flexible  Commonly, verb-subject constructions are used to achieve a semantic effect  The sentence "The train has arrived" could be translated as Ha arribat el tren or El tren ha arribat  Both sentences mean "the train has arrived", but the former puts a focus on the train, while the latter puts a focus on the arrival  This subtle distinction is described as "what you might say while waiting in the station" versus "what you might say on the train "

Catalan names
In Spain, every person officially has two surnames, one of which is the father's first surname and the other is the mother's first surname  The law contemplates the possibility of joining both surnames with the Catalan conjunction i ("and") 

Sample text
Selected text from Manuel de Pedrolo's 1970 novel Un amor fora ciutat ("A love affair outside the city") 

See also
Notes
Passage 6:
Serbian language
Serbian (српски / srpski, pronounced [sr̩̂pskiː]) is the standardized variety of the Serbo-Croatian language mainly used by Serbs  It is the official and national language of Serbia, one of the three official languages of Bosnia and Herzegovina and co-official in Montenegro and Kosovo  It is a recognized minority language in Croatia, North Macedonia, Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic 
Standard Serbian is based on the most widespread dialect of Serbo-Croatian, Shtokavian (more specifically on the dialects of Šumadija-Vojvodina and Eastern Herzegovina), which is also the basis of standard Croatian, Bosnian, and Montenegrin varieties and therefore the Declaration on the Common Language of Croats, Bosniaks, Serbs, and Montenegrins was issued in 2017  The other dialect spoken by Serbs is Torlakian in southeastern Serbia, which is transitional to Macedonian and Bulgarian 
Serbian is practically the only European standard language whose speakers are fully functionally digraphic, using both Cyrillic and Latin alphabets  The Serbian Cyrillic alphabet was devised in 1814 by Serbian linguist Vuk Karadžić, who created it based on phonemic principles  The Latin alphabet used for Serbian (latinica) was designed by the Croatian linguist Ljudevit Gaj in the 1830s based on the Czech system with a one-to-one grapheme-phoneme correlation between the Cyrillic and Latin orthographies, resulting in a parallel system 

Classification
Serbian is a standardized variety of Serbo-Croatian, a Slavic language (Indo-European), of the South Slavic subgroup  Other standardized forms of Serbo-Croatian are Bosnian, Croatian, and Montenegrin  "An examination of all the major 'levels' of language shows that BCS is clearly a single language with a single grammatical system " It has lower intelligibility with the Eastern South Slavic languages Bulgarian and Macedonian, than with Slovene (Slovene is part of the Western South Slavic subgroup, but there are still significant differences in vocabulary, grammar and pronunciation to the standardized forms of Serbo-Croatian, although it is closer to the Kajkavian and Chakavian dialects of Serbo-Croatian) 

Geographic distribution
Figures of speakers according to countries:

Serbia: 6,540,699 (official language)
Bosnia and Herzegovina: 1,086,027 (co-official language)
Germany: 568,240
Austria: 350,000
Montenegro: 265,890 (language in official use)
Switzerland: 186,000
United States: 172,874
Sweden: 120,000
Italy: 106,498
Kosovo: est  70 000–100 000 (co-official language)
Canada: 72,690
Australia: 55,114
Croatia: 52,879 (recognized minority language)
Slovenia: 38,964
North Macedonia: 24,773 (recognized minority language)
Romania: 22,518 (recognized minority language)

Status in Montenegro
Serbian was the official language of Montenegro until October 2007 when the new Constitution of Montenegro replaced the Constitution of 1992  Amid opposition from pro-Serbian parties, Montenegrin was made the sole official language of the country, and Serbian was given the status of a language in official use along with Bosnian, Albanian, and Croatian In the 2011 Montenegrin census, 42 88% declared Serbian to be their native language, while Montenegrin was declared by 36 97% of the population 

Differences between standard Serbian and standard Croatian and Bosnian
Writing system
Standard Serbian language uses both Cyrillic (ћирилица, ćirilica) and Latin script (latinica, латиница)  Serbian is a rare example of synchronic digraphia, a situation where all literate members of a society have two interchangeable writing systems available to them  Media and publishers typically select one alphabet or the other  In general, the alphabets are used interchangeably; except in the legal sphere, where Cyrillic is required, there is no context where one alphabet or another predominates 
Although Serbian language authorities have recognized the official status of both scripts in contemporary Standard Serbian for more than half of a century now, due to historical reasons, the Cyrillic script was made the official script of Serbia's administration by the 2006 Constitution The Latin script continues to be used in official contexts, although the government has indicated its desire to phase out this practice due to national sentiment  The Ministry of Culture believes that Cyrillic is the "identity script" of the Serbian nation However, the law does not regulate scripts in standard language, or standard language itself by any means, leaving the choice of script as a matter of personal preference and to the free will in all aspects of life (publishing, media, trade and commerce, etc ), except in government paperwork production and in official written communication with state officials, which have to be in Cyrillic 

Usage
To most Serbians, the Latin script tends to imply a cosmopolitan or neutral attitude, while Cyrillic appeals to a more traditional or vintage sensibility In media, the public broadcaster, Radio Television of Serbia, predominantly uses the Cyrillic script whereas the privately run broadcasters, like RTV Pink, predominantly use the Latin script  Newspapers can be found in both scripts 
In the public sphere, with logos, outdoor signage and retail packaging, the Latin script predominates, although both scripts are commonly seen  The Serbian government has encouraged increasing the use of Cyrillic in these contexts  Larger signs, especially those put up by the government, will often feature both alphabets; if the sign has English on it, then usually only Cyrillic is used for the Serbian text 
A survey from 2014 showed that 47% of the Serbian population favors the Latin alphabet whereas 36% favors the Cyrillic one Latin script has become more and more popular in Serbia, as it is easier to input on phones and computers 

Alphabetic order
The sort order of the ćirilica (ћирилица) alphabet:

Cyrillic order called Azbuka (азбука): А Б В Г Д Ђ Е Ж З И Ј К Л Љ М Н Њ О П Р С Т Ћ У Ф Х Ц Ч Џ ШThe sort order of the latinica (латиница) alphabet:

Latin order called Abeceda (абецеда): A B C Č Ć D Dž Đ E F G H I J K L Lj M N Nj O P R S Š T U V Z Ž

Grammar
Serbian is a highly inflected language, with grammatical morphology for nouns, pronouns and adjectives as well as verbs 

Nouns
Serbian nouns are classified into three declensional types, denoted largely by their nominative case endings as "-a" type, "-i" and "-e" type  Into each of these declensional types may fall nouns of any of three genders: masculine, feminine or neuter  Each noun may be inflected to represent the noun's grammatical case, of which Serbian has seven:

Nominative
Genitive
Dative
Accusative
Vocative
Instrumental
LocativeNouns are further inflected to represent the noun's number, singular or plural 

Pronouns
Pronouns, when used, are inflected along the same case and number morphology as nouns  Serbian is a pro-drop language, meaning that pronouns may be omitted from a sentence when their meaning is easily inferred from the text  In cases where pronouns may be dropped, they may also be used to add emphasis  For example:

Adjectives
Adjectives in Serbian may be placed before or after the noun they modify, but must agree in number, gender and case with the modified noun 

Verbs
Serbian verbs are conjugated in four past forms—perfect, aorist, imperfect, and pluperfect—of which the last two have a very limited use (imperfect is still used in some dialects, but the majority of native Serbian speakers consider it archaic), one future tense (also known as the first future tense, as opposed to the second future tense or the future exact, which is considered a tense of the conditional mood by some contemporary linguists), and one present tense  These are the tenses of the indicative mood  Apart from the indicative mood, there is also the imperative mood  The conditional mood has two more tenses: the first conditional (commonly used in conditional clauses, both for possible and impossible conditional clauses) and the second conditional (without use in the spoken language—it should be used for impossible conditional clauses)  Serbian has active and passive voice 
As for the non-finite verb forms, Serbian has one infinitive, two adjectival participles (the active and the passive), and two adverbial participles (the present and the past) 

Vocabulary
Most Serbian words are of native Slavic lexical stock, tracing back to the Proto-Slavic language  There are many loanwords from different languages, reflecting cultural interaction throughout history  Notable loanwords were borrowed from Greek, Latin, Italian, Turkish, Hungarian, English, Russian, German, Czech and French 

Serbian literature
Serbian literature emerged in the Middle Ages, and included such works as Miroslavljevo jevanđelje (Miroslav's Gospel) in 1186 and Dušanov zakonik (Dušan's Code) in 1349  Little secular medieval literature has been preserved, but what there is shows that it was in accord with its time; for example, the Serbian Alexandride, a book about Alexander the Great, and a translation of Tristan and Iseult into Serbian  Although not belonging to the literature proper, the corpus of Serbian literacy in the 14th and 15th centuries contains numerous legal, commercial and administrative texts with marked presence of Serbian vernacular juxtaposed on the matrix of Serbian Church Slavonic 
By the beginning of the 14th century the Serbo-Croatian language, which was so rigorously proscribed by earlier local laws, becomes the dominant language of the Republic of Ragusa  However, despite her wealthy citizens speaking the Serbo-Croatian dialect of Dubrovnik in their family circles, they sent their children to Florentine schools to become perfectly fluent in Italian  Since the beginning of the 13th century, the entire official correspondence of Dubrovnik with states in the hinterland was conducted in Serbian In the mid-15th century, Serbia was conquered by the Ottoman Empire and for the next 400 years there was no opportunity for the creation of secular written literature  However, some of the greatest literary works in Serbian come from this time, in the form of oral literature, the most notable form being epic poetry  The epic poems were mainly written down in the 19th century, and preserved in oral tradition up to the 1950s, a few centuries or even a millennium longer than by most other "epic folks"  Goethe and Jacob Grimm learned Serbian in order to read Serbian epic poetry in the original  By the end of the 18th century, the written literature had become estranged from the spoken language  In the second half of the 18th century, the new language appeared, called Slavonic-Serbian  This artificial idiom superseded the works of poets and historians like Gavrilo Stefanović Venclović, who wrote in essentially modern Serbian in the 1720s  These vernacular compositions have remained cloistered from the general public and received due attention only with the advent of modern literary historians and writers like Milorad Pavić  In the early 19th century, Vuk Stefanović Karadžić promoted the spoken language of the people as a literary norm 

Dialects
The dialects of Serbo-Croatian, regarded Serbian (traditionally spoken in Serbia), include:

Šumadija–Vojvodina (Ekavian, Neo-Shtokavian): central and northern Serbia
Eastern Herzegovinian (Ijekavian, Neo-Shtokavian): southwestern Serbia, western half of Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia
Kosovo–Resava (Ekavian, Old-Shtokavian): eastern central Serbia, central Kosovo
Smederevo–Vršac (Ekavian, Old-Shtokavian): east-central Serbia
Prizren–Timok (transitional Torlakian): southeastern Serbia, southern Kosovo
Zeta–Raška (Ijekavian, Old-Shtokavian): eastern half of Montenegro, southwestern Serbia

Dictionaries
Vuk Karadžić's Srpski rječnik, first published in 1818, is the earliest dictionary of modern literary Serbian  The Rječnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika (I–XXIII), published by the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts from 1880 to 1976, is the only general historical dictionary of Serbo-Croatian  Its first editor was Đuro Daničić, followed by Pero Budmani and the famous Vukovian Tomislav Maretić  The sources of this dictionary are, especially in the first volumes, mainly Štokavian  There are older, pre-standard dictionaries, such as the 1791 German–Serbian dictionary or 15th century Arabic-Persian-Greek-Serbian Conversation Textbook 

Standard dictionaries
Dictionary of Serbo-Croatian Literary and Vernacular Language (Rečnik srpskohrvatskog književnog i narodnog jezika) is the biggest dictionary of Serbian (and Serbo-Croatian as a whole) and still unfinished  Starting in 1959, 21 volumes were published as of 2020 and about 40 are expected by the time it is finished 
Dictionary of Serbo-Croatian Literary Language (Rečnik srpskohrvatskoga književnog jezika) in six volumes in 1967–1976, started as a common project of Matica srpska (published in Cyrillic) and Matica hrvatska (published in Latin)  Only the first three volumes were published by Matica hrvatska due to negative feedback from Croatian linguists 
Dictionary of the Serbian language (Rečnik srpskoga jezika; ISBN 978-86-7946-004-2) in one volume, published in 2007 by Matica srpska, which on more than 1500 pages in A4 format explains more than 85,000 entries 

Etymological dictionaries
The standard and the only completed etymological dictionary of Serbian is the "Skok", written by the Croatian linguist Petar Skok: Etimologijski rječnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika ("Etymological Dictionary of Croatian or Serbian")  I-IV  Zagreb 1971–1974 
There is also a new monumental Etimološki rečnik srpskog jezika (Etymological Dictionary of Serbian)  So far, two volumes have been published: I (with words on A-), and II (Ba-Bd) 
There are specialized etymological dictionaries for German, Italian, Croatian, Turkish, Greek, Hungarian, Russian, English and other loanwords (cf  chapter word origin) 

Dialectal dictionaries
Kosovsko-resavski dialect dictionaries:
Gliša Elezović, Rečnik kosovsko-metohiskog dijalekta I-II  1932/1935 
Prizren-Timok (Torlakian) dialect dictionaries:
Brana Mitrović, Rečnik leskovačkog govora  Leskovac 1984 
Nikola Živković, Rečnik pirotskog govora  Pirot, 1987 
Miodrag Marković, Rečnik crnorečkog govora I-II  1986/1993 
Jakša Dinić, Rečnik timočkog govora I-III 1988–1992 
Jakša Dinić, Timocki dijalekatski recnik, (Institut za srpski jezik, Monografije 4; ISBN 978-86-82873-17-4) Beograd 2008,
Momčilo Zlatanović, Rečnik govora južne Srbije  Vranje, 1998, 1–491 
East-Herzegovinian dialect dictionaries:
Milija Stanić, Uskočki rečnik I–II  Beograd 1990/1991 
Miloš Vujičić, Rečnik govora Prošćenja kod Mojkovca  Podgorica, 1995 
Srđan Musić, Romanizmi u severozapadnoj Boki Kotorskoj  1972 
Svetozar Gagović, Iz leksike Pive  Beograd 2004 
Zeta-Pešter dialect:
Rada Stijović, Iz leksike Vasojevića  1990 
Drago Ćupić – Željko Ćupić, Rečnik govora Zagarača  1997 
Vesna Lipovac-Radulović, Romanizmi u Crnoj Gori – jugoistočni dio Boke Kotorske  Cetinje – Titograd, 1981 
Vesna Lipovac-Radulović, Romanizmi u Budvi i Paštrovićima  Novi Sad 1997 
Others:
Rečnik srpskih govora Vojvodine  Novi Sad 
Mile Tomić, Rečnik radimskog govora – dijaspora, Rumunija  1989 

Sample text
Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in Serbian, written in the Cyrillic script:
Сва људска бића рађају се слободна и једнака у достојанству и правима  Она су обдарена разумом и свешћу и треба једни према другима да поступају у духу братства 
Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in Serbian, written in the Latin alphabet:
Sva ljudska bića rađaju se slobodna i jednaka u dostojanstvu i pravima  Ona su obdarena razumom i svešću i treba jedni prema drugima da postupaju u duhu bratstva 
Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in English:
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights  They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood 

See also
Context 2: Passage 1:
The Trouble with the Truth (song)
"The Trouble with the Truth" is a song written by Gary Nicholson, and recorded by American country music artist Patty Loveless  It was released in April 1997 as the fifth and final single and title track from her album  The Trouble with the Truth 
The song charted for 20 weeks on the Billboard Hot Country Singles and Tracks chart, reaching number 15 during the week of July 12, 1997 

Other versions
Joan Baez also cut a version of the song during an early 1990s recording session in Nashville, but the recording remained unissued until released in 2012 as a bonus track on the remastered rerelease of her 1992 album Play Me Backwards 

Chart positions
Passage 2:
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1264
United Nations Security Council resolution 1264, adopted unanimously on 15 September 1999, after recalling previous resolutions on East Timor (Timor-Leste), the Council authorised the establishment of the multinational International Force for East Timor (INTERFET) to restore peace and security in the territory, facilitate humanitarian assistance and protect the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) The Security Council welcomed the successful conduct of the East Timor Special Autonomy Referendum on 30 August 1999, in which the East Timorese people voted for independence from Indonesia  Meanwhile, there was concern about the deteriorating security situation and the violence that had displaced many residents  Attacks also took place against UNAMET and other international and national humanitarian personnel and this had particularly affected vulnerable groups  There were reports of widespread violations of international humanitarian and human rights law across East Timor, and Indonesia had accepted the presence of a United Nations international peacekeeping force in the region Acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the Council condemned the violence in East Timor, called for those responsible to be brought to justice and emphasised the need for immediate unrestricted humanitarian assistance to the area  In this regard, it authorised the establishment of an Australian-led multinational force under joint command with the task of restoring peace, protecting the UNAMET mission and assisting in humanitarian operations using all necessary measures  The force consisted of 8,000 personnel from 17 countries  The Government of Indonesia, which had temporary responsibility for the security of East Timor, would co-operate with the multinational force or INTERFET 
The resolution noted that part of the agreement between Indonesia and Portugal on the future of East Timor stipulated a peaceful and orderly transfer of authority in East Timor to the United Nations and INTERFET was asked to support the process  The multinational force would be present in East Timor for four months until replaced by a United Nations peacekeeping force and would be required to submit periodic reports on its progress Finally, the Secretary-General was asked to make preparations for a transitional administration in East Timor that would include a peacekeeping operation during the implementation phase following the referendum 

See also
1999 East Timorese crisis
Indonesian occupation of East Timor
List of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1201 to 1300 (1998–2000)
United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor
Passage 3:
The Truth About Men
The Truth About Men is the eighth studio album by American country music artist Tracy Byrd  Released in 2003 as the third and final album for RCA Nashville, it features the singles "The Truth About Men", "Drinkin' Bone", and "How'd I Wind Up in Jamaica"  Before its release, Byrd charted in the country top 40 with the single "Lately (Been Dreamin' 'bout Babies)", which does not appear on the album 
The track "Making Memories of Us" was later recorded by The Notorious Cherry Bombs on their self-titled debut album, and again by Keith Urban on his 2004 album Be Here  Urban's rendition of the song was a Number One hit on the country music charts in 2005 

Track listing
Personnel
Tracy Byrd - lead vocals
Billy Carpenter - drums
Johnny Lee Carpenter - fiddle
Britt Godwin - electric guitar
Larry Shelton - trumpet
Stacy Clark - trumpet
Lisa Cochran - background vocals
Jim Cox - piano
Eric Darken - percussion
Randall Dennis - piano
Dan Dugmore - dobro, steel guitar
Stuart Duncan - fiddle
Paul Franklin - steel guitar
Troy Gentry - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
Andy Griggs - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
Aubrey Haynie - fiddle, mandolin
Wes Hightower - background vocals
John Hobbs - piano
John Barlow Jarvis - Hammond organ, piano, synthesizer
Troy Lancaster - electric guitar
Paul Leim - drums, percussion
B  James Lowry - acoustic guitar
Liana Manis - background vocals
Jay Dee Maness - steel guitar
Brent Mason - electric guitar
Mark Matoska - steel guitar
Eddie Montgomery - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
John J  Moore - bass guitar, background vocals
John Robinson - drums
John Wesley Ryles - background vocals
Blake Shelton - vocals on "The Truth About Men"
Leland Sklar - bass guitar
Carey Stone - electric guitar
Michael Thompson - electric guitar
Neil Thrasher - background vocals
Billy Joe Walker Jr  - acoustic guitar, electric guitar
Gabe Witcher - fiddle
Glenn Worf - bass guitar
Reggie Young - electric guitar

Charts
Passage 4:
Indonesia–Timor Leste Commission of Truth and Friendship
The Indonesia–Timor Leste Commission on Truth and Friendship (more commonly known by its Portuguese acronym CVA, Comissão Verdade e Amizade) was a truth commission established jointly by the governments of Indonesia and East Timor in August 2005  The commission was officially created to investigate acts of violence that occurred around the independence referendum held in East Timor in 1999 and sought to find the "conclusive truth" behind the events  After holding private hearings and document reviews, the commission handed in the final report on July 15, 2008 to the presidents of both nations, and was fully endorsed by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, providing the first acknowledgement by the government of Indonesia of the human rights violations committed by state institutions in Timor  The commission is notable for being the first modern truth commission to be bilateral 

Background
East Timor was originally colonized by the Portuguese, and remained a colony up until the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974  East Timor declared independence soon afterwards, but Indonesia soon decided to intervene as it became clear that the government of the new state would most likely be leftist  The Indonesian government began Operation Komodo, which was intended to bring about the integration of the East Timorese territory  It began with a propaganda campaign, but after the outbreak of conflict in East Timor, the Indonesian military began a campaign on 7 October starting with an assault on a border post and accumulating with a full-scale invasion utilizing paratroopers and naval support  The United Nations quickly condemned the invasion via resolution, but due to resistance in the Security council, no further action was taken  The United States also tacitly gave their approval, as the dismantling of a pro-communist government helped advance the policy of containment being pursued by the government 
Indonesia occupied the territory for the following two decades  During the administration of the Habibie government, a referendum was held in the occupied area asking if the residents of the area wished to remain a part of Indonesia  Even before the referendum, there was harassment by militia groups in the area, with UN workers being attacked in Maliana  It soon became clear in the wake of the referendum that the referendum result would be overwhelmingly in favor of the "no" option on the ballot; this raised tensions to a boiling point, and within two hours of the announcement of the results, armed militia groups began attacking civilians  Militia continued to attack civilians as they withdrew from the country, and several massacres occurred as the troops filtered out of the area  A UN peacekeeping force known as INTERFET was deployed to stabilize the situation, made up of mostly Australian troops, and was withdrawn with the arrival of normal UN peacekeepers  East Timor eventually transitioned from a UN mandate to an independent country 

Report
The commission itself was announced in August 2006 and sought to establish "the conclusive truth regarding human rights violations to have occurred prior to, immediately after the Popular Consultation on 30 August 1999" as well as "prepare recommendations that can contribute to healing wounds of the past and strengthen friendship"  The timing of the commission's creation was criticized by some, as it was believed that it was created to intentionally subvert calls for an international tribunal to deal with the events surrounding the 1999 plebiscite  The commission's mandate allowed it to review documents pertaining to four other inquiries surrounding the events that predated it: "The Indonesian National Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights Violations in East Timor in 1999", "The Indonesian Ad Hoc Human Rights Court on East Timor", "The Special Panels for Serious Crimes", and "The Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation" The commission was made up of four members appointed from each nation, and these commissioners were instructed to conduct a document review and analyze previous trials and investigations into the subject, including the UN Special Panels for Serious Crimes and Serious Crime Units in Dili, and the report of the Commission of Reception, Truth and Reconciliation of Timor-Leste  The commission also stated its intent to research the "historical background, political dynamics, and institutional structures that shaped events before and during 1999" to "inform its conclusions with a broader understanding of the way in which the causes of the violence in 1999 were connected to previously established institutional structures and practices "Operating over three years, the commission gave its final report on July 15, 2008, and presented it to the Presidents of Indonesia and East Timor, concluding that "gross human rights violations in the form of crimes against humanity did occur in East Timor in 1999" and that "pro-autonomy militia groups, TNI, the Indonesian civil government, and Polri must all bear institutional responsibility", as well as stating that "from a moral and political perspective the respective states must accept state responsibility for the violations identified in the report " The commission also made recommendations that both nations begin institutional reform enhancing the strength of investigative and prosecuting bodies involved with investigations into the events, as well as forming joint security policy to ensure the safety of individuals in case of the recurrence of violence  It also noted the need to resolve other standing border and security issues between the two nations to allow for more cooperation  Notably, the report gave no recommendations of amnesty or rehabilitation  The report was endorsed by the president of Indonesia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, making it the first recognition of the Indonesian government's complicity in human rights violations in East Timor by Indonesia 

Reception
In Indonesia and Timor, the report was presented to both governments and accepted by both the Timorese and Indonesian governments  However, Timorese NGO Timor-Leste National Alliance for International Tribunal wrote an open letter in response to the commission's findings with several criticisms, including the lack of public consultation with victims and parliamentary approval of the commission, as well as noting that the commission assigned institutional responsibility rather than individual responsibility, "which is contrary to the principles of international laws which were ratified by the state of Timor-Leste and to Article 160 of its constitution which says that there must be a justice process for crimes against humanity ", as well as stating their belief that the CAVR was a more trustworthy and support worthy commission for the government to support Internationally, the report had a mixed reception  Some, such as the War Crimes Studies Center at the University of California, Berkeley, said that the commission could be seen as "widely acknowledged as credible and far-reaching ", noting that the Indonesian government's affirmation of the results was important and that the commission made arguments that "there was credible evidence to indicate that Timorese institutions were also responsible for illegal detentions and possibly other crimes "

See also
History of East Timor
Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor
Indonesian occupation of East Timor
Santa Cruz massacre
Passage 5:
Johan Ferrier
Johan Henri Eliza Ferrier (12 May 1910 – 4 January 2010) was a Surinamese politician who served as the 1st president of Suriname from 1975 to 1980  He was also the country's last governor-general before independence, serving from 1968 to 1975, before becoming the first president upon independence from the Netherlands in 1975 
He was named the twentieth century's most important politician in Suriname in 1999 

Early life
Ferrier was born in 1910 in Suriname's largest city and capital, Paramaribo  He trained as a teacher  In 1946 he assisted in the establishment of the country's National Party, while Suriname was a colony of the Netherlands 

Scouting
Ferrier was co-founder of the Boy Scouts van Suriname and its first Chief Scout  At age 16 he was a teacher in the Saramacca District and founded his first Scout Group  This group still exists and now bears the name "De Johan Ferrier groep, de groep 2 Oranje Dassers" 

Politics
In 1946, Ferrier was one of the founding members of the National Party of Suriname  Ferrier was a member of the National Council from 1946 until 1948  He then went to Amsterdam in the Netherlands to learn education theory  In 1950, he received his doctorate  When he went back to Suriname, which had by then become an autonomous country within the Kingdom of the Netherlands, he continued to study and to have a career in education  He served as both prime minister and interior minister for a three-year period from 1955 until 1958  He also spent time as Suriname's head of education  From 1968 until 1975 he retained the post of governor   On 25 November 1975, Suriname was made independent, and Ferrier was sworn in as the first president of the country  Dési Bouterse's 1980 coup d'état prompted Ferrier to resign within six months Prime Minister Henk Chin A Sen succeeded Ferrier as president   Ferrier was made a Grand Cordon in the Honorary Order of the Yellow Star by Chin A Sen on 3 September 1980   His wife was also made a Grand Officer in the Honorary Order of the Palm 

Later life
Ferrier then accompanied his relatives to live in the Netherlands  He lived with them in Oegstgeest  Ferrier used to tell stories about the spider Anansi on Dutch children's television  In 1986, Het Grote Anansi Boek, a picture book was released with illustrations by Noni Lichtveld  The original release was monochrome  In 2010, it was re-released in colour His daughter, Kathleen Ferrier, is a former member of the House of Representatives of the Netherlands for the Christian Democratic Appeal  In 2005, Ferrier's memoirs Last Governor, First President: The Century of Johan Ferrier, Surinamese were published  The Dutch Queen gave him a knighthood  An obituary in the national morning daily De Volkskrant said he had claimed: "Even in the darkest days, I kept my optimism" 

Death
Ferrier died from heart failure while sleeping at home in Oegstgeest at the age of 99, four months before his 100th birthday  His body was found in the early morning on 4 January 2010 Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands paid tribute  Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende said Ferrier was "an authoritative and wise statesman"  Politician and diplomat Jan Pronk paid tribute to his work at uniting divisions Ferrier was buried on 11 January 2010, in the Dutch town of Oegstgeest, where he had been living since 1980 

Johan Ferrier Fund
On 12 May 2010, the day Ferrier would have celebrated his 100th birthday, the Johan Ferrier Fund was officially launched  The fund strives to follow in his footsteps in supporting Surinamese projects with educational and cultural goals  The Johan Ferrier Fund is an initiative of his daughter Joan Ferrier, who first presented the fund in the presence of her father in September 2009 
Passage 6:
East Timor
East Timor ( (listen)), also known as Timor-Leste (; Portuguese pronunciation: [tiˈmoɾ ˈlɛʃtɨ]), officially the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, is a country in Southeast Asia  It comprises the eastern half of the island of Timor, of which the western half is administered by Indonesia, the exclave of Oecusse on the island's north-western half, and the minor islands of Atauro and Jaco  Australia is the country's southern neighbour, separated by the Timor Sea  The country's size is 14,874 square kilometres (5,743 sq mi)  Dili is its capital and largest city 
East Timor came under Portuguese influence in the sixteenth century, remaining a Portuguese colony until 1975  Internal conflict preceded a unilateral declaration of independence and an Indonesian invasion and annexation  Resistance continued throughout Indonesian rule, and, in 1999, a United Nations–sponsored act of self-determination led to Indonesia relinquishing control of the territory  On 20 May 2002, as Timor-Leste, it became the first new sovereign state of the 21st century  That same year, relations with Indonesia were established and normalized, with Indonesia also supporting East Timor's accession into ASEAN  
The national government runs on a semi-presidential system, with the popularly elected president sharing power with a prime minister appointed by the National Parliament  Power is centralised under the national government, although many local leaders have informal influence  The country maintains a policy of international cooperation, and is a member of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, an observer of the Pacific Islands Forum, and an applicant for ASEAN membership  The country remains relatively poor, with an economy that relies heavily on natural resources, especially oil, and foreign aid 
The total population is over 1 1 million, and is heavily skewed towards young people due to a high fertility rate  Education has led to increasing literacy over the past half-century, especially in the two official languages of Portuguese and Tetum  High ethnic and linguistic diversity is reflected by the 30 indigenous languages spoken in the country  The majority of the population is Catholic, which exists alongside strong local traditions, especially in rural areas 

Name
"Timor" is derived from timur, meaning 'east' in Malay, thus resulting in a tautological place name meaning 'East East'  In Indonesian, this results in the name Timor Timur  (this name only refers to the former de facto Indonesian province, Timor Leste is used instead to refer this country)  In Portuguese, the country is called Timor-Leste (Leste meaning 'east')  In Tetum it is Timór Lorosa'e (Lorosa'e can be literally translated as 'where the sun rises') The official names under its constitution are "Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste" in English, "República Democrática de Timor-Leste" in Portuguese, and "Repúblika Demokrátika Timór-Leste" in Tetum  The official short form of the name is "Timor-Leste", and it uses the ISO codes TLS & TL 

History
Prehistory and Classical era
Cultural remains at Jerimalai on the eastern tip of East Timor have been dated to 42,000 years ago  The first known inhabitants are those who arrived during the Australo-Melanesian migration through the region, likely bringing the precursors to today's Papuan languages  A later migration of Austroasiatic-speakers is suspected, although no such languages remain  The arrival of Austronesian peoples brought new languages, and merged with existing cultures on the island  Timorese origin myths recount settlers sailing around the eastern end of the island before landing in the south  These people are sometimes noted as being from the Malay Peninsula or the Minangkabau highlands of Sumatra  Austronesian migration to Timor may be associated with the development of agriculture on the island While information is limited about the political system of Timor during this period, the island had developed an interconnected series of polities governed by customary law  Small communities, centred around a particular sacred house, were part of wider sucos (or principalities), which were themselves part of larger kingdoms led by a liurai  Authority within these kingdoms was held by two individuals, with the worldly power of the liurai balanced by the spiritual power of a rai nain, who was generally associated with the primary sacred house of the kingdom  These polities were numerous and saw shifting alliances and relations, but many were stable enough that they survived from initial European documentation in the 16th century until the end of Portuguese rule : 11–15 From perhaps the thirteenth century, the island exported sandalwood,: 267  which was valued both for its use in crafting and as a source of perfume  Timor was included in Southeast Asian, Chinese, and Indian trading networks by the fourteenth century, exporting sandalwood, honey, and wax  The island was recorded by the Majapahit Empire as a source of tribute : 89  It was sandalwood that attracted European explorers to the island in the early sixteenth century  Early European presence was limited to trade, with the first Portuguese settlement being on the nearby island of Solor : 90

Portuguese era (1769–1975)
Early Portuguese presence on Timor was very limited; trade was directed through Portuguese settlements on nearby islands  Only in the 17th century did they establish a more direct presence on the island, a consequence of being driven out of other islands by the Dutch : 267  After Solor was lost in 1613 the Portuguese moved to Flores  In 1646 the capital moved to Kupang on Timor's west, before Kupang too was lost to the Dutch in 1652  The Portuguese then moved to Lifau, in what is now East Timor's Oecusse exclave : 90  Effective European occupation in the east of the island only began in 1769, when the city of Dili was founded, although actual control remained highly limited  A definitive border between the Dutch and Portuguese parts of the island was established by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 1914 and remains the international boundary between the successor states Indonesia and East Timor, respectively For the Portuguese, East Timor remained little more than a neglected trading post, with minimal investment in infrastructure and education, until the late nineteenth century  Even when Portugal established actual control over the interior of its colony, investment remained minimal : 269, 273  Sandalwood continued to be the main export crop and coffee exports became significant in the mid-nineteenth century At the beginning of the twentieth century, a faltering domestic economy prompted the Portuguese to extract greater wealth from its colonies, which was met with East Timorese resistance  The colony was seen as an economic burden during the Great Depression and received little support or management from Portugal : 269 During World War II, Dili was occupied by the Allies in 1941, and later by the Japanese beginning in 1942  The mountainous interior of the colony became the scene of a guerrilla campaign, known as the Battle of Timor  Waged by East Timorese volunteers and Allied forces against the Japanese, the struggle killed between 40,000 and 70,000 East Timorese civilians  The Japanese eventually drove the last of the Australian and Allied forces out in early 1943  Portuguese control resumed, however, after Japanese surrender at the end of World War II Portugal began investment in the colony in the 1950s, funding education and promoting coffee exports, but the economy did not improve substantially and infrastructure improvements were limited : 269  Growth rates remained low, near 2%  Following the 1974 Portuguese revolution, Portugal effectively abandoned its colony in Timor, and civil war between East Timorese political parties broke out in 1975 
The Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) resisted a Timorese Democratic Union (UDT) coup attempt in August 1975, and unilaterally declared independence on 28 November 1975  Fearing a communist state within the Indonesian archipelago, the Indonesian military launched an invasion of East Timor in December 1975  Indonesia declared East Timor its 27th province on 17 July 1976  The United Nations Security Council opposed the invasion, and the territory's nominal status in the UN remained as "non-self-governing territory under Portuguese administration" 

Indonesian occupation (1975–1999)
Fretilin resisted the invasion, initially as an army, holding territory until November 1978, and then as a guerrilla resistance  The Indonesian occupation of Timor was marked by violence and brutality  A detailed statistical report prepared for the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor cited a minimum of 102,800 conflict-related deaths in the period between 1974 and 1999, including approximately 18,600 killings and 84,200 excess deaths from hunger and illness  The total number of conflict-related deaths during this period is difficult to determine due to a lack of data  One estimate based on Portuguese, Indonesian, and Catholic Church data suggests it may have been as high as 200,000  Repression and restrictions counteracted improvements in health and education infrastructure and services, meaning there was little overall improvement in living standards; economic growth mostly benefited immigrants from elsewhere in Indonesia : 271  A huge expansion of education was intended to increase Indonesian language use and internal security as much as it was for development The 1991 massacre of more than 200 demonstrators by the Indonesian military was a turning point for the independence cause, and brought increased international pressure on Indonesia  Following the resignation of Indonesian President Suharto, the new President BJ Habibie, prompted by a letter from Australian Prime Minister John Howard, decided to hold a referendum on independence  A UN-sponsored agreement between Indonesia and Portugal allowed for a UN-supervised popular referendum in August 1999  A clear vote for independence was met with a punitive campaign of violence by East Timorese pro-integration militias supported by elements of the Indonesian military  In response, the Indonesian government allowed a multinational peacekeeping force, INTERFET, to restore order and aid East Timorese refugees and internally displaced persons  On 25 October 1999, the administration of East Timor was taken over by the UN through the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET)  INTERFET deployment ended in February 2000 with the transfer of military command to the UN 

Contemporary era
On 30 August 2001, the East Timorese voted in their first election organised by the UN to elect members of the Constituent Assembly  On 22 March 2002, the Constituent Assembly approved the Constitution  By May 2002, more than 205,000 refugees had returned  On 20 May 2002, the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of East Timor came into force and East Timor was recognised as independent by the UN  The Constituent Assembly was renamed the National Parliament, and Xanana Gusmão was elected as the country's first president  On 27 September 2002 the country became a UN member state In 2006, a crisis of unrest and factional fighting forced 155,000 people to flee their homes; the United Nations sent in security forces to restore order  The following year, Gusmão declined to run for another term  While there were minor incidents in the build-up to the mid-year presidential elections, the process was peaceful overall and José Ramos-Horta was elected president  In June 2007, Gusmão ran in the parliamentary elections and became prime minister at the head of the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) party  In February 2008, Ramos-Horta was critically injured in an attempted assassination; Prime Minister Gusmão also faced gunfire separately but escaped unharmed  Australian reinforcements were immediately sent to help keep order  In March 2011, the UN handed over operational control of the police force to the East Timor authorities  The United Nations ended its peacekeeping mission on 31 December 2012 Francisco Guterres of the centre-left Fretilin party became president in May 2017  The leader of Fretilin, Mari Alkatiri, formed a coalition government after the July 2017 parliamentary election  This government soon fell, leading to a second general election in May 2018  In June 2018, former president and independence fighter, Taur Matan Ruak, became the new prime minister  José Ramos-Horta again became president on 20 May 2022 after winning the April 2022 presidential election runoff against Francisco Guterres 

Politics and government
The political system of East Timor is semi-presidential, based upon the Portuguese system : 175  The constitution establishes both this separation of executive powers between the president and the prime minister; and the separation of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary : 12  Individuals are not allowed to participate in both the legislature and the executive branch  The legislature is intended to provide a check on the executive; in practice the executive has maintained control of the legislature under all political parties, reflecting the dominance of individual leaders within political parties and coalitions : 174  The executive, through the council of ministers, also holds some formal legislative powers : 175  The judiciary operates independently, although there are instances of executive interference : 13, 39  Some courts shift between locations, to improve access for those in more isolated areas  Despite political rhetoric, the constitution and democratic institutions have been followed by politicians, and changes of government are peaceful : 15, 42  Elections are run by an independent body,: 216  and turnout is high, ranging from around 70% to 85% : 17  The political system has wide public acceptance : 17 : 106 The head of state of East Timor is the president of the republic, who is elected by popular vote for a five-year term,: 244  and can serve a maximum of two terms  Formally, the directly elected president holds relatively limited powers compared to those in similar systems, with no power over the appointment and dismissal of the prime minister and the council of ministers  However, as they are directly elected, past presidents have wielded great informal power and influence : 175  The president does have the power to veto government legislation, initiate referendums, and to dissolve parliament in the event that it is unable to form a government or pass a budget : 244  If the president vetoes a legislative action, the parliament can overturn the veto with a two-thirds majority : 10  The prime minister is chosen by the parliament, with the president appointing the leader of the majority party or coalition as prime minister of East Timor and the cabinet on the proposal of the latter : 10  As head of government, the prime minister presides over the cabinet 

Representatives in the unicameral National Parliament are elected by popular vote to a five-year term  The number of seats can vary from a minimum of fifty-two to a maximum of sixty-five  Parties must achieve 3% of the vote to enter parliament, with seats for qualifying parties allocated using the D'Hondt method  Elections occur within the framework of a competitive multi-party system  Upon independence, power was held by the Fretilin political party, which was formed shortly before the Indonesian invasion and led its resistance  Given its history, Fretilin viewed itself as the natural party of government and supported a multi-party system, expecting the development of a dominant-party system  Support from the United Nations and the international community, both before and after independence, allowed the nascent political system to survive shocks such as the 2006 crisis : 173 Candidates in parliamentary elections run in a single national district in a party-list system  One in three of all candidates presented by political parties must be women  This system promotes a diversity of political parties, but gives voters little influence over the individual candidates selected by each party : 175–176  Women hold more than a third of parliamentary seats, with parties required by law to run female candidates, but they are less prominent at other levels and within party leadership Political divisions exist along class lines and along geographical lines  There is broadly a divide between eastern and western areas of the country, stemming from differences that arose under Indonesian rule  Fretilin in particular is strongly linked to the Eastern areas : 176–177  Political parties are more closely associated with prominent personalities more than with ideology : 16  The National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction became the main opposition to Fretilin, following its establishment to allow Xanana Gusmão to run for Prime Minister in the 2007 parliamentary elections : 168–169  While both major parties have been relatively stable, they remain led by an "old guard" of individuals who came to prominence during the resistance against Indonesia : 175 : 10–11 Politics and administration is centred in the capital Dili, with the national government responsible for most civil services : 9, 36  Oecusse, separated from the rest of the country by Indonesian territory, is a special administrative region with some autonomy : 180  The National Police of East Timor and Timor Leste Defence Force have held a monopoly on violence since 2008 and very few guns are present outside of these organisations : 8  While there are allegations of abuse of power, there is some judicial oversight of police and public trust in the institution has grown  An active civil society functions independently of the government, as do media outlets : 11–12  Civil society organisations are concentrated in the capital, including student groups  Due to the structure of the economy, there are no powerful trade unions : 17  The Catholic Church has strong influence in the country : 40

Foreign relations and military
International cooperation has always been important to East Timor; donor funds made up 80% of the budget before oil revenues began to replace them : 42–44  International forces also provided security, with five UN missions sent to the country from 1999  The final one, the United Nations Integrated Mission in East Timor, began after the 2006 East Timorese crisis and concluded in 2012 : 4, 14 East Timor formally applied to join ASEAN in 2011,: 42–44  and was granted observer status and accepted "in principle" in November 2022  Despite the nationalist political leadership promoting closer ties with Melanesian states, the country has targeted ASEAN membership since before its independence, with its leaders stating that joining Pacific bodies would have precluded ASEAN membership  ASEAN membership was sought for economic and security reasons, including to improve the relationship with Indonesia  Nonetheless, the process has been slow due to a lack of support from some ASEAN states : 10–11  East Timor is thus an observer to the Pacific Islands Forum and the Melanesian Spearhead Group  More broadly, the country is a leader within the Group of Seven Plus (g7+), an organisation of fragile states  It is also a member of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries : 42–44 Continuing bilateral donors include Australia, Portugal, Germany, and Japan, and East Timor has a reputation for effectively and transparently using donor funds  Good relations with Australia and with Indonesia are a policy goal for the government, despite historical and more-recent tensions  These countries are important economic partners and provide most transport links to the country : 42–44  China has also increased its presence by contributing to infrastructure in Dili : 12 The relationship with Australia was dominated from before independence by disputes over natural resources in the ocean between them, hampering the establishment of a mutually agreed border  The dominance of Australian hard power led East Timor to utilise public diplomacy and forums for international law to push their case  The dispute was resolved in 2018 following negotiations at the Permanent Court of Arbitration, when a maritime boundary between the two was established along with an agreement on natural resource revenues The Timor Leste Defence Force (F-FDTL) was established in 2001, replacing Falintil, and was restructured following the events of 2006  It is responsible not only for safeguarding against external threats, but also for addressing violent crime, a role it shares with the National Police of East Timor  These forces remain small: 2,200 soldiers in the regular army and 80 in a naval component  A single aircraft and seven patrol boats are operated, and there are plans to expand the naval component  There is some military cooperation with Australia, Portugal, and the United States 

Administrative divisions
East Timor is divided into fourteen municipalities, which in turn are subdivided into 64 administrative posts, 442 sucos (villages), and 2,225 aldeias (hamlets)  The municipalities are: Aileu, Ainaro, Atauro, Baucau, Bobonaro, Cova Lima, Dili, Ermera, Lautém, Liquiçá, Manatuto, Manufahi, Oecusse, and Viqueque The existing system of municipalities and administrative posts was established during Portuguese rule : 3  While decentralisation is mentioned in the constitution, administrative powers generally remain with the national government operating out of Dili : 2  Upon independence there was debate about how to implement decentralisation; various proposed models would create different levels of administration between the sucos and the central government  In most proposals, there were no specific provisions for suco-level governance, and they were expected to continue to exist as mostly traditional spaces, identifying communities rather than being part of the civil administration  In the end, the existing districts were kept and renamed municipalities in 2009, and received very few powers : 88–92  In 2016 changes were made so that each municipality is led by a civil servant appointed by the central government  This civil servant is advised by locally elected leaders : 4, 7  The isolated Oecusse municipality, which has a strong identity and is fully surrounded by Indonesian territory, is specified by Articles 5 and 71 of the 2002 constitution to be governed by a special administrative policy and economic regime  Law 3/2014 of 18 June 2014 implemented this constitutional provision, which went into effect in January 2015, turning Oecusse into a Special Administrative Region  The region began operating its own civil service in June 2015  In January 2022 the island of Atauro, formerly an Administrative Post of Dili, became its own municipality Administration in the lowest levels of the administrative system of East Timor, the aldeias and sucos, generally reflects traditional customs,: 1  reflecting community identity and relationships between local households : 4  Sucos generally contain 2,000 to 3,000 inhabitants  Their long persistence and links to local governance means the sucos are the level of government that is linked to community identities, rather than any high level of administration : 89  Such relationships, however, are associated specifically with the kinship groups within that land, rather than the land itself : 52–53  Relationships between sucos also reflect customary practices, for example through the reciprocal exchanging of support for local initiatives : 9  Laws passed in 2004 provided for the election of some suco officials, but assigned these positions no formal powers  An updated law in 2009 established the expected mandate of these positions, although it continued to leave them outside of the formal state system, reliant on municipal governments to provide formal administration and services : 94–97  Further clarification was given in 2016, which entrenched the treatment of sucos and aldeias more as communities than formal levels of administration  Despite this lack of formal association with the state, suco leaders hold great influence and are often seen by their community as representatives of the state  They have responsibilities usually associated with civic administration : 7–10

Geography
Located in between Southeast Asia and the South Pacific,: 2  the island of Timor is the largest of the Lesser Sunda Islands, which lie within the Malay archipelago : 1  The island is surrounded by the Ombai and Wetar Straits of the rougher Banda Sea in the north, and the calmer Timor Sea in the south : 2  East Timor shares the island with Indonesia, with Indonesian territory separating the Oecusse exclave from the rest of the country  The island of Atauro lies north of the mainland,: 2  with the fourth area being the small island of Jaco  The Savu Sea lies north of Oecusse : 1  The country is about 265 kilometres (165 mi) long and 97 kilometres (60 mi) wide, with a total land area of 14,874 square kilometres (5,743 sq mi) : 1  This territory is situated between 8′15S – 10′30S latitude and 125′50E – 127′30E longitude : 2  The country's coastline covers around 700 kilometres (430 mi),: 27  while the main land border with Indonesia is 125 kilometres (78 mi) long, and the Oecusse land border is around 100 kilometres (62 mi) long : 1  Maritime borders exist with Australia to the south and Indonesia elsewhere  East Timor has an exclusive economic zone of 77,051 km2 (29,750 sq mi) The interior of the country is mountainous,: 2  with ridges of inactive volcanic mountains extending along the island : 2  Almost half of the country has a slope of at least 40%  The south is slightly less mountainous, and has some plains near the coastline : 2  The highest point is Tatamailau (also known as Mount Ramelau) at 2,963 metres (9,721 ft)  Most rivers dry up at least partially during the dry season : 2  Outside of some coastal areas and river valleys, the soil is shallow and prone to erosion, and its quality is poor : 13 : 2  The capital and largest city is Dili  The second-largest city is the eastern town of Baucau : 22 

The climate is tropical with relatively stable temperatures throughout the year  A wet season lasts from December to May throughout the country, and lasts slightly longer in the south: 5  and the interior due to the effect of a monsoon from Australia : 2  During this period, rainfall can reach 222–252 millimetres (8 7–9 9 in) per month  In the dry season, it drops to 12–18 millimetres (0 47–0 71 in) : 5  The country is vulnerable to flooding and landslides that occur as a result of heavy rain, especially when rainfall levels are increased by the La Niña effect : 13  The mountainous interior is cooler than the coasts  Coastal areas are heavily dependent on groundwater, which faces pressure from mismanagement, deforestation, and climate change : 14  While the temperature is thought to have experienced a small increase due to climate change, there has been little change in annual rainfall : 6 Coastal ecosystems around the country are diverse and varied, with vary spatially between the north and south coastlines, as well as between the eastern tip and areas more to the west  These ecosystems include coral reefs, as the country's waters are part of the Coral Triangle biodiversity hotspot : 28  The easternmost area of East Timor consists of the Paitchau Range and the Lake Ira Lalaro area, which contains the country's first conservation area, the Nino Konis Santana National Park  It contains the last remaining tropical dry forested area within the country  It hosts a number of unique plant and animal species and is sparsely populated  The northern coast is characterised by a number of coral reef systems that have been determined to be at risk There are around 41,000 terrestrial plant species in the country  Forests covered 35% of East Timor's land in the mid 2010s : 1  The forests of the northern coast, central uplands, and southern coast are distinct : 2  East Timor is home to the Timor and Wetar deciduous forests ecoregion  There is some environmental protection in law, but it has not been a government priority : 27 : 10–14  In addition to climate change, local ecosystems are threatened by deforestation, land degradation, overfishing, and pollution : 2–3

Economy
The economy of East Timor is a market economy, although it is dependent upon the export of a few commodities and has a large public sector  Internally, market operations are limited by widespread poverty : 20  The country uses the United States dollar, producing its own coins to facilitate smaller transactions  The economy is generally open to foreign investment, although a prohibition on foreigners owning land means many require a local partner in the country : 20  Competition is limited by the small size of the economy, rather than any government barriers  There are far more imports than exports,: 21  and prices for goods are often higher than in nearby countries : 27  Inflation is strongly affected by government spending : 257  Growth has been slow, averaging just 2 5% per year from 2011 to 2021 : 24 Most of the country is very poor, with just more than 40% living under the national poverty line  This poverty is especially prevalent in rural areas, where many are subsistence farmers or fishermen  Even in urban areas, the majority are poor  Overall, women are poorer than men, often being employed in lower-paying careers : 18  Malnutrition is common, with over half of children showing stunted growth : 255  While 91% of married working age (15–49) men were employed as of 2016, only 43% of married working age women were  There are small disparities in favour of men in terms of home and land ownership and owning a bank account : 14  The eastern three municipalities, which contain around a quarter of the population, has less poverty than the western areas, which contain 50% of the population : 214 Sixty-six per cent of families are in part supported by subsistence activities; however, the country as a whole does not produce enough food to be self-sustaining, and thus relies on imports : 16  Agricultural work carries the implication of poverty, and the sector receives little investment from the government : 260  Ninety-four per cent of domestic fish catch comes from the ocean, especially coastal fisheries : 17  Those in the capital of Dili are on average better off, although they remain poor by international standards : 257  The small size of the private sector means the government is often the customer of public businesses  A quarter of the national population works in the informal economy, with the official public and private sectors employing 9% each : 18  Of those of working age, around 23% are in the formal sector, 21% are students, and 27% are subsistence farmers and fishers : 21  The economy is mostly cash-based, with little commercial credit available from banks : 11–12  Remittances from overseas workers add up to around $100 million annually : 257 

This poverty belies significant wealth in terms of natural resources, which at the time of independence had per capita value equivalent to the wealth of an upper-middle income country  Over half of this was in oil, and over a quarter natural gas  The Timor-Leste Petroleum Fund was established in 2005 to turn these non-renewable resources into a more sustainable form of wealth : 4–6  From 2005 to 2021, $23 billion earned from oil sales has entered the fund  $8 billion has been generated from investments, while $12 billion has been spent : 30  A decrease in oil and gas reserves led to decreasing HDI beginning in 2010 : 18–19  Eighty per cent of government spending comes from this fund, which as of 2021 had $19 billion, 10 times greater than the size of the national budget  As oil income has decreased, the fund is at risk of being exhausted  Withdrawals have exceeded sustainable levels almost every year since 2009 : 23  Resources within the Bayu-Undan field are expected to soon run out, while extracting those within the so far undeveloped Greater Sunrise field has proven technically and politically challenging  Remaining potential reserves are also losing value as oil and gas become less favoured sources of energy : 264–272 The country's economy is dependent on government spending and, to a lesser extent, assistance from foreign donors  Government spending decreased beginning in 2012, which had knock-on effects in the private sector over the following years  The government and its state-owned oil company often invest in large private projects  Decreasing government spending was matched with a decrease in GDP growth : 18  After the petroleum fund, the second largest source of government income is taxes  Tax revenue is less than 8% of GDP, lower than many other countries in the region and with similarly sized economies  Other government income comes from 23 "autonomous agencies", which include port authorities, infrastructure companies, and the National University of East Timor : 13, 28–309  Overall, government spending remains among the highest in the world,: 12  although investment into education, health, and water infrastructure is negligible : 260 

Private sector development has lagged due to human capital shortages, infrastructure weakness, an incomplete legal system, and an inefficient regulatory environment  Property rights remain ill-defined, with conflicting titles from Portuguese and Indonesian rule, as well as needing to accommodate traditional customary rights : 23  As of 2010, 87 7% of urban (321,043 people) and 18 9% of rural (821,459 people) households have electricity, for an overall average of 38 2%  The private sector shrank between 2014 and 2018, despite a growing working age population  Agriculture and manufacturing are less productive per capita than at independence : 255–256  Non-oil economic sectors have failed to develop, and growth in construction and administration is dependent on oil revenue : 256  The dependence on oil shows some aspects of a resource curse  Coffee made up 90% of all non-fossil fuel exports from 2013 to 2019, with all such exports totalling to around US$20 million annually : 257  In 2017, the country was visited by 75,000 tourists 

Demographics
East Timor recorded a population of 1,183,643 in its 2015 census  The population lives mainly along the coastline, where all urban areas are located : 27  Those in urban areas generally have more formal education, employment prospects, and healthcare  While a strong gender disparity exists throughout the country, it is less severe in the urban capital  The wealthy minority often go abroad for health, education and other purposes : 25  The population is young, with the median age being under 20 : 29  In particular, a large proportion of the population (almost 45% in 2015) are males between the ages of 15 and 24, the third largest male 'youth bulge' in the world : 212 The Government of Timor-Leste's website lists the English-language demonym for East Timor as Timorese  Other reference sources list it as East Timorese  The word Maubere formerly used by the Portuguese to refer to native East Timorese and often employed as synonymous with the illiterate and uneducated, was adopted by Fretilin as a term of pride Healthcare received 6% of the national budget in 2021 : 24  From 1990 to 2019 life expectancy rose from 48 5 to 69 5  Expected years of schooling rose from 9 8 to 12 4 between 2000 and 2010, while mean years of schooling rose from 2 8 to 4 4  Progress since 2010 for these has been limited  Gross national income per capita similarly peaked in 2010, and has decreased since : 3  As of 2016, 45 8% of East Timorese were impoverished, 16 3% severely so : 6  The fertility rate, which at the time of independence was the highest in the world at 7 8, dropped to 4 2 by 2016  It is relatively higher in rural areas, and among poorer: 3  and less literate households  As of 2016, the average household size was 5 3, with 41% of people aged under 15, and 18% of households headed by women : 2  Infant mortality stood at 30 per 1,000, down from 60 per 1,000 in 2003 : 7  46% of children under 5 showed stunted growth, down from 58% in 2010  Working age adult obesity increased from 5% to 10% during the same time period  As of 2016, 40% of children, 23% of women, and 13% of men had anemia : 11

Ethnicity and language
Timorese communities are not strictly defined by ethnic background or linguistic group  Separate communities may share ethnicity or language, and many areas show overlaps and hybridisation between ethnic and linguistic groups : 44  Familial relations and descent, which are interlinked with sacred house affiliation, are a more important indicator of identity : 47  Each family group generally identifies with a single language or dialect : 49  With this immense local variation in mind, there is a broad cultural and identity distinction between the east (Bacau, Lautém, and Viqueque Municipalities) and the west of the country, a product of history more than it is of linguistic and ethnic differences,: 45–47  although it is very loosely associated with the two language groups : 142–143  There is a small mestiço population of mixed Portuguese and local descent  There is a small Chinese minority, most of whom are Hakka  Many Chinese left in the mid-1970s, but a significant number have also returned to East Timor following the end of Indonesian occupation  East Timor has a small community of Timorese Indian, specifically Goan descent, as well as historical immigration from Africa and Yemen Likely reflecting the mixed origins of the different ethnolinguistic groups of the island, the indigenous languages fall into two language families: Austronesian and Papuan : 10  Depending on how they are classified, there are up to 19 indigenous languages with up to 30 dialects : 136  Aside from Tetum, Ethnologue lists the following indigenous languages: Adabe, Baikeno, Bunak, Fataluku, Galoli, Habun, Idaté, Kairui-Midiki, Kemak, Lakalei, Makasae, Makuv'a, Mambae, Nauete, Tukudede, and Waima'a  According to the Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger, there are six endangered languages in East Timor: Adabe, Habu, Kairui-Midiki, Maku'a, Naueti, and Waima'a  The largest Malayo-Polynesian group is the Tetum, mostly around Dili or the western border  Other Malayo-Polynesian languages with native speakers of more than 40,000 are Mambai in the central mountains south of Dili, Baikeno in Oecusse, Kemak in the north-west interior, and Tokodede on the northwest coast  The main Papuan languages spoken are Bunak in the centre of Timor, especially within Bobonaro Municipality; Makasae in the eastern Baucau and Viqueque municipalities; and Fataluku in the eastern Lautém Municipality : 43  The 2015 census found that the most commonly spoken mother tongues were Tetum Prasa (mother tongue for 30 6% of the population), Mambai (16 6%), Makasai (10 5%), Tetum Terik (6 05%), Baikenu (5 87%), Kemak (5 85%), Bunak (5 48%), Tokodede (3 97%), and Fataluku (3 52%)  Other indigenous languages accounted for 10 47%, while 1 09% of the population spoke foreign languages natively East Timor's two official languages are Portuguese and Tetum  In addition, English and Indonesian are designated by the constitution as "working languages" : 3  This is within the Final and Transitional Provisions, which do not set a final date  In 2012, 35% could speak, read, and write Portuguese, which is up significantly from less than 5% in the 2006 UN Development Report  Portuguese is recovering as it has now been made the main official language of Timor, and is being taught in most schools  The use of Portuguese for government information and in the court system provides some barriers to access for those who do not speak it  Tetum is also not understood by everyone in the country : 11  According to the Observatory of the Portuguese Language, the East Timorese literacy rate was 77 8% in Tetum, 55 6% in Indonesian, and 39 3% in Portuguese, and that the primary literacy rate increased from 73% in 2009 to 83% in 2012  According to the 2015 census, 50% of the population between the ages of 14 and 24 can speak and understand Portuguese  The 2015 census found around 15% of those over the age of five were literate in English 

Education
East Timor's adult literacy rate was 68% among adults, and 84% among those aged 15–24, as of 2021  It is slightly higher among women than men : 27  More girls than boys attend school, although some drop out upon reaching puberty : 25  As of 2016 22% of working age women (15–49) and 19% of working age men had no education, 15% of women and 18% of men had some primary education, 52% of women and 51% of men had some secondary education, and 11% of women and 12% of men had higher education  Overall, 75% of women and 82% of men were literate : 2  Primary schools exist throughout the country, although the quality of materials and teaching is often poor  Secondary schools are generally limited to municipal capitals  Education takes up 10% of the national budget : 27  The country's main university is the National University of East Timor  There are also four colleges Since independence, both Indonesian and Tetum have lost ground as media of instruction, while Portuguese has increased: in 2001 only 8 4% of primary school and 6 8% of secondary school students attended a Portuguese-medium school; by 2005 this had increased to 81 6% for primary and 46 3% for secondary schools  Indonesian formerly played a considerable role in education, being used by 73 7% of all secondary school students as a medium of instruction, but by 2005 Portuguese was used by most schools in Baucau, Manatuto, as well as the capital district  Portugal provides support to about 3% of the public schools in East Timor, focused on those in urban areas, further encouraging the use of the Portuguese language : 28

Religion
While the Constitution of East Timor enshrines the principles of freedom of religion and separation of church and state, Section 45 Comma 1 also acknowledges "the participation of the Catholic Church in the process of national liberation" in its preamble  Upon independence, the country joined the Philippines to become the only two predominantly Catholic states in Asia, although nearby parts of eastern Indonesia such as Flores and parts of Western New Guinea also have Catholic majorities According to the 2015 census, 97 57% of the population is Catholic; 1 96% Protestant; 0 24% Muslim; 0 08% Traditional; 0 05% Buddhist; 0 02% Hindu, and 0 08% other religions  A 2016 survey conducted by the Demographic and Health Survey programme showed that Catholics made up 98 3% of the population, Protestants 1 2%, and Muslims 0 3% The number of churches grew from 100 in 1974 to more than 800 in 1994, with Church membership having grown considerably under Indonesian rule as Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, requires all citizens to believe in one God and does not recognise traditional beliefs  East Timorese animist belief systems did not fit with Indonesia's constitutional monotheism, resulting in mass conversions to Christianity  Portuguese clergy were replaced with Indonesian priests and Latin and Portuguese mass was replaced by Indonesian mass  While just 20% of East Timorese called themselves Catholics at the time of the 1975 invasion, the figure surged to reach 95% by the end of the first decade after the invasion  The Roman Catholic Church divides East Timor into three dioceses: the Archdiocese of Díli, the Diocese of Baucau, and the Diocese of Maliana  In rural areas, Roman Catholicism is syncretised with local animist beliefs  The number of Protestants and Muslims declined significantly after September 1999, as these groups were disproportionately represented among supporters of integration with Indonesia  Fewer than half of previous Protestant congregations existed after September 1999, and many Protestants were among those who remained in West Timor 

Culture
The many cultures within East Timor stem from the several waves of Austronesian and Melanesian migration that led to the current population, with unique identities and traditions developing within each petty kingdom  Portuguese authorities built upon traditional structures, blending Portuguese influence into the existing political and social systems : 91–92  The presence of the Catholic Church created a point of commonality across the various ethnic groups, despite full conversion remaining limited  The Portuguese language also provided common linkages, even if direct Portuguese impact was limited : 97–98  Under Indonesian rule, resistance strengthened cultural links to Catholicism and the Portuguese language  At the same time, Indonesian cultural influence was spread through schools and administration : 98–99 The preservation of traditional beliefs in the face of Indonesian attempts to suppress them became linked to the creation of the country's national identity : 7–13  This national identity only began to emerge at the very end of Portuguese rule, and further developed during Indonesian rule : 134–136  Following independence, a civic identity began to develop  This was most clearly expressed through enthusiasm for national-level democracy,: 155–156  and was reflected in politics through a shift from resistance narratives to development ones : 3  The capital has developed a more cosmopolitan culture, while rural areas maintain stronger traditional practices : 30  Internal migration into urban areas, especially Dili, creates cultural links between these areas and rural hinterlands  Those in urban areas often continue to identify with a specific rural area, even those with multiple generations born in Dili : 53–54 The presence of so many ethnic and linguistic groups means cultural practices vary across the country : 11  These practices reflect historical social structures and practices, where political leaders were regarded as having spiritual powers  Ancestry was an important part of cultural practices, and partly signified leadership  Leaders often had influence over land use, and these leaders continue to play an informal role in land disputes and other aspects of community practice today  An important traditional concept is lulik, or sacredness  Some lulik ceremonies continue to reflect animist beliefs, for example through divination ceremonies which vary throughout the country  Sacred status can also be associated with objects, such as Portuguese flags which have been passed down within families : 7–13 

Community life is centred around sacred houses (Uma Lulik), physical structures which serve as a representative symbol and identifier for each community : 47–49  The architectural style of these houses varies between different parts of the country, although following widespread destruction by Indonesian forces many were rebuilt with cheap modern materials : 22–25  The house as a concept extends beyond the physical object to the surrounding community : 92–93, 96  Kinship systems exist within and between houses  Traditional leaders, who stem from historically important families, retain key roles in administering justice and resolving disputes through methods that vary between communities : 47–49  Such leaders are often elected to official leadership positions, merging cultural and historical status with modern political status : 52  The concept of being part of a communal house has been extended to the nation, with Parliament serving as the national sacred house : 96 Art styles vary throughout the various ethnolinguistic groups of the island  Nonetheless, similar artistic motifs are present throughout, such as large animals and particular geometric patterns  Some art is traditionally associated with particular genders  For example, the Tais textiles that play a widespread role in traditional life throughout the island are traditionally handwoven by women  Different tais patterns are associated with different communities, and more broadly with linguistic groups : 137  Many buildings within central Dili maintain historical Portuguese architecture : I-5 Traditional rituals remain important, often mixed in with more modern aspects : 137  A strong oral history is highlighted in individuals able to recite long stories or poetry  This history, or Lia nain, passes down traditional knowledge : 16  There remains a strong tradition of poetry  Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, for example, is a distinguished poet, earning the moniker "poet warrior" In the field of cinema, East Timor released its first feature-length film, a period thriller titled Beatriz's War, in 2013  Shot with a limited budget by a mix of local filmmakers and a volunteer Australian film crew, the film depicted East Timorese life under Indonesian occupation in the 1970s, with producer Lurdes Pires acknowledging their aim to diverge from the government's "friendship and forgiveness" policy for its past conflicts by telling a story of truth-seeking and justice 

See also
Outline of East Timor
Index of East Timor-related articles
List of topics on the Portuguese Empire in the East
Passage 7:
Ambelau
Ambelau or Ambalau is a volcanic island in the Banda Sea within Maluku Islands of Indonesia  The island forms an administrative district (Indonesian: Kecamatan Ambalau) which is part of the South Buru Regency (Indonesian: Kabupaten Buru Selatan) of Maluku province (Indonesian: Provinsi Maluku), Indonesia  It has a land area of 201 7 km2, and had a population of 6,846 at the 2010 Census; the official estimate as at mid 2022 was 9,170  The administrative center is Wailua, a settlement located at the south of the island  About half of the island's population is composed of indigenous Ambelau people who speak the Ambelau language; the other half are mostly immigrants from the nearby Maluku Islands and Java 

Geography and geology
The island is located in the Banda Sea at the southern entrance to the strait Manipa, about 20 km south-east of the larger island of Buru  It has a relatively smooth oval shape with a minor extension in the south-eastern part and the maximum diameter of about 10 km The island is of volcanic origin, and is composed of Cenozoic sedimentary rocks  The relief is mostly mountainous, with the highest points at 608 m (Mt  Baula) and 559 m (Mt  Nona) in the western area  The island rises vertically from the sea, and flat parts are found only on the southern and eastern coasts  Much of the territory, especially in mountainous areas, is covered with wet tropical forests  The island is located in a seismically active zone with frequent earthquakes; two significant recent earthquakes occurred in August 2006 and January 2016 when eight people were hurt and about 120 houses were damaged in two villages  Flora and fauna of the island are diverse and are similar to that of Buru  There are abundant coral reefs off the coast of Ambelau 

Administration
The island belongs to the Indonesian province of Maluku  Until 1999 the island belonged to the Central Maluku Regency (Indonesian: Kabupaten Maluku Tengah), then to the Buru Regency (Indonesian: Kabupaten Buru), in which it was isolated into a separate administrative district (Kecamatan Ambalau)  In 2008, when the South Buru Regency split up from the Buru Regency, the island became part of it, maintaining its kecamatan status  The island is divided into seven administrative units of lower rank, called village (Indonesian: desa) or settlement (Indonesian: kelurahan), namely Kampung Baru, Lumoy, Masawoy, Selasi, Siwar, Ulima and Elara Phonetics of the local languages reduces the vowel in the second syllable of the island name  As a result, Western sources refer to it as Ambelau, whereas modern Indonesian sources spell the name as Ambalau, particularly in official documents and on the official website of the Buru and South Buru regencies 

Population
The majority of Ambalau's population (6,846 at the 2010 census, rising to 9,170 as at mid 2022) resides on the coastal plains, in the settlements of Kampung Baru (969), Lumoy (1,209), Masawoy (750), Selasi (606), Siwar (890), Ulima (970) and Elara (1,452)  About half of the population are indigenous Ambelau people, and another half are immigrants from other Maluku Islands belonging to Sulawesi (mainly Bugis) and Javanese ethnicities  The latter moved to the island mainly through the large-scale transmigration programs supported by both the Dutch colonial administration in the 1900s and the Indonesian authorities in the 1950s–1990s  The individual ethnic groups speak different languages and dialects in everyday life, for example Ambelau language  However, most adults have knowledge of the national Indonesian language and use it in public or in communication with other tribes  By religion, most Ambalau residents are Sunni Muslims, with a small part of Christians and with some remnants of traditional local beliefs 

Economy
Agriculture dominates the local economy  Cultivation of rice – the most common crop of the region – is hindered on Ambelau by the hilly terrain and abundance of the wild pig Buru babirusa damaging the crops (which is rarely hunted because of the Muslim traditions)  The small terrains of fertile land on the coast are used to grow maize, sago sweet potato, cocoa, coconut, allspice and nutmeg  Tuna fishing is practiced by the villages of Masawoy and Ulimo  Some agricultural and fish products are exported to the nearby Buru islands, mainly on the markets of the town Namlea 

History
In the pre-colonial period the island was densely populated by the indigenous Ambelau people  In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the Sultanate of Ternate declared its sovereignty over the island; however, this had little more than symbolic meaning as the island never came under its direct control  The Portuguese adventurers who entered the archipelago at the end of the 16th century concluded an agreement with Ternate on the joint development of Ambalau, but little came of this arrangement  Ambalau fell into the zone of influence of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) by the middle of the 17th century  It is known that in the 1660s the island was often raided by pirates from Papua, who captured islanders for sale into slavery  It was their systematic attacks on Ambalau that prompted the VOC to send several punitive expeditions against Papua  However, the main interest of the VOC was in the spice trade, and active economic exploitation of a small inaccessible island was considered unprofitable  The VOC concentrated plantations on a few well-developed and well-protected, and by the end of the 17th century had relocated significant part of the local population to neighboring Buru as labor on its clove plantations   In administrative terms, Ambalau was included in the Governorate of Ambon, whose leader was based in Ambon and who reported directly to the Governor-General of the Netherlands East Indies 
The island did not receive significant attention in the later stage of Dutch colonization either  After the capture of the Netherlands East Indies by Japan during World War II in 1942, Ambalau, together with the rest of the Moluccas, was assigned to the zone of occupation of the Japanese 2nd Fleet  The occupation formally ended in August 1945; however, the newly proclaimed Republic of Indonesia was unable to establish its power in such a remote region, and in early 1946 the Netherlands regained control of Ambalau without resistance  A few months later, Ambalau, along with all the Moluccas, Sulawesi and the Lesser Sunda Islands, was included in the quasi-independent State of East Indonesia  In December 1949  The decision to incorporate East Indonesia into the Republic of Indonesia in April 1950 was opposed by many inhabitants, leading to the proclamation of the Republic of South Moluccas, which included Ambalau  The succession was crushed by the Indonesian military by the end of 1950 and Ambalau was proclaimed part of the Republic of Indonesia 
Passage 8:
Zeferino Martins
Zeferino Martins, also known as Ze Martins (born September 5, 1985) is an East Timorese footballer who plays as midfielder for Ad  Dili Oeste and the Timor-Leste national team 
Context 3: Passage 1:
Arsenal F C 
Arsenal Football Club is an English professional football club based in Islington, London  Arsenal play in the Premier League, the top flight of English football  The club has won 13 league titles (including one unbeaten title), a record 14 FA Cups, two League Cups, 16 FA Community Shields, one European Cup Winners' Cup, and one Inter-Cities Fairs Cup  In terms of trophies won, it is the third-most successful club in English football 
Arsenal was the first club from the South of England to join the Football League in 1893, and they reached the First Division in 1904  Relegated only once, in 1913, they continue the longest streak in the top division, and have won the second-most top-flight matches in English football history  In the 1930s, Arsenal won five League Championships and two FA Cups, and another FA Cup and two Championships after the war  In 1970–71, they won their first League and FA Cup Double  Between 1989 and 2005, they won five League titles and five FA Cups, including two more Doubles  They completed the 20th century with the highest average league position  Between 1998 and 2017, Arsenal qualified for the UEFA Champions League for nineteen consecutive seasons 
Herbert Chapman, who changed the fortunes of Arsenal forever, won the club its first silverware, and his legacy led the club to dominate the 1930s decade  He helped introduce the WM formation, floodlights, and shirt numbers; he also added the white sleeves and brighter red to the club's jersey  Arsène Wenger is the longest-serving manager and won the most trophies  He won a record seven FA Cups, and his title-winning team set an English record for the longest top-flight unbeaten league run at 49 games between 2003 and 2004, receiving the nickname The Invincibles 
In 1886, munitions workers at the Royal Arsenal in Woolwich founded the club as Dial Square  In 1913 the club crossed the city to Arsenal Stadium in Highbury, becoming close neighbours of Tottenham Hotspur, and creating the North London derby  In 2006, they moved to the nearby Emirates Stadium  With an annual revenue of £367 1m in the 2021–22 season, Arsenal was estimated to be worth US$2 26 billion by Forbes, making it the world's tenth most valuable football club, while it is one of the most followed on social media  The motto of the club has long been Victoria Concordia Crescit, Latin for "Victory Through Harmony" 

History
1886–1919: from Dial Square to Arsenal
In October 1886, Scotsman David Danskin and fifteen fellow munitions workers in Woolwich formed Dial Square Football Club, named after a workshop at the heart of the Royal Arsenal complex  Each member contributed sixpence and Danskin also added three shillings to help form the club  Dial Square played their first match on 11 December 1886 against Eastern Wanderers and won 6–0  The club had renamed to Royal Arsenal by January 1887, and its first home was Plumstead Common, though they spent most of their time playing at the Manor Ground  Their first trophies were the Kent Senior Cup and London Charity Cup in 1889–90 and the London Senior Cup in 1890–91; these were the only county association trophies Arsenal won during their time in South East London  In 1891, Royal Arsenal became the first London club to turn professional Royal Arsenal renamed for a second time upon becoming a limited liability company in 1893  They registered their new name, Woolwich Arsenal, with The Football League when the club ascended later that year : 5–21  Woolwich Arsenal was the first southern member of The Football League, starting out in the Second Division and reaching the First Division in 1904  Falling attendances, due to financial difficulties among the munitions workers and the arrival of more accessible football clubs elsewhere in the city, led the club close to bankruptcy by 1910 : 112–149  Businessmen Henry Norris and William Hall became involved in the club, and sought to move them elsewhere : 22–42 
In 1913, soon after relegation back to the Second Division, the club moved across the river to the new Arsenal Stadium in Highbury  In 1919, The Football League controversially voted to promote The Arsenal, instead of relegated local rivals Tottenham Hotspur, into the newly enlarged First Division, despite only finishing fifth in the Second Division's last pre-war season of 1914–15  Later that year, The Arsenal started dropping "The" in official documents, gradually shifting its name for the final time towards Arsenal, as it is generally known today 

1919–1953: Bank of England club
With a new home and First Division football, attendances were more than double those at the Manor Ground, and Arsenal's budget grew rapidly  Their location and record-breaking salary offer lured star Huddersfield Town manager Herbert Chapman in 1925  Over the next five years, Chapman built a new Arsenal  He appointed an enduring new trainer Tom Whittaker, implemented Charlie Buchan's new twist on the nascent WM formation, captured young players like Cliff Bastin and Eddie Hapgood, and lavished Highbury's income on stars like David Jack and Alex James  With record-breaking spending and gate receipts, Arsenal quickly became known as the Bank of England club Transformed, Chapman's Arsenal claimed their first national trophy, the FA Cup in 1930, and League Championships followed in 1930–31 and 1932–33  Chapman also presided over off the pitch changes: white sleeves and shirt numbers were added to the kit; a Tube station was named after the club; and the first of two opulent, Art Deco stands was completed, with some of the first floodlights in English football  Suddenly, in the middle of the 1933–34 season, Chapman died of pneumonia  His work was left to Joe Shaw and George Allison, who saw out a hat-trick with the 1933–34 and 1934–35 titles, and then won the 1936 FA Cup and 1937–38 title 
World War II meant The Football League was suspended for seven years, but Arsenal returned to win it in the second post-war season, 1947–48  This was Tom Whittaker's first season as manager, after his promotion to succeed Allison, and the club had equalled the champions of England record  They won a third FA Cup in 1950, and then won a record-breaking seventh championship in 1952–53  However, the war had taken its toll on Arsenal  The club had had more players killed than any top flight club, and debt from reconstructing the North Bank Stand bled Arsenal's resources 

1953–1986: mediocrity, Mee and Neill
Arsenal were not to win the League or the FA Cup for another 18 years  The '53 Champions squad had aged, and the club failed to attract strong enough replacements  Although Arsenal were competitive during these years, their fortunes had waned; the club spent most of the 1950s and 1960s in mid-table mediocrity  Even former England captain Billy Wright could not bring the club any success as manager, in a stint between 1962 and 1966 Arsenal tentatively appointed club physiotherapist Bertie Mee as acting manager in 1966  With new assistant Don Howe and new players such as Bob McNab and George Graham, Mee led Arsenal to their first League Cup finals, in 1967–68 and 1968–69  Next season saw a breakthrough, with Arsenal's first competitive European trophy, the 1969–70 Inter-Cities Fairs Cup  The season after, Arsenal achieved an even greater triumph with their first League and FA Cup double, and a new champions of England record  This marked a premature high point of the decade; the Double-winning side was soon broken up and the rest of the decade was characterised by a series of near misses, with Arsenal finishing as FA Cup runners up in 1972, and First Division runners-up in 1972–73 Former player Terry Neill succeeded Mee in 1976  At the age of 34, he became the youngest Arsenal manager to date  With new signings like Malcolm Macdonald and Pat Jennings, and a crop of talent in the side like Liam Brady and Frank Stapleton, the club reached a trio of FA Cup finals (1978 FA Cup, 1979 FA Cup and 1980 FA Cup), and lost the 1980 European Cup Winners' Cup Final on penalties  The club's only trophy during this time was the 1979 FA Cup, achieved with a last-minute 3–2 victory over Manchester United, in a final is widely regarded as a classic 

1986–1996: George Graham
One of Mee's double winners, George Graham, returned as manager in 1986, with Arsenal winning their first League Cup in 1987, Graham's first season in charge  New signings Nigel Winterburn, Lee Dixon and Steve Bould had joined the club by 1988 to complete the "famous Back Four", led by homegrown player Tony Adams  They immediately won the 1988 Football League Centenary Trophy, and followed it with the 1988–89 Football League title, snatched with a last-minute goal in the final game of the season against fellow title challengers Liverpool  Graham's Arsenal won another title in 1990–91, losing only one match, won the FA Cup and League Cup double in 1993, and the European Cup Winners' Cup in 1994  Graham's reputation was tarnished when he was found to have taken kickbacks from agent Rune Hauge for signing certain players, and he was dismissed in 1995  His replacement, Bruce Rioch, lasted for only one season, leaving the club after a dispute with the board of directors 

1996–2018: Wenger years
The club metamorphosed during the tenure of French manager Arsène Wenger, who was appointed in 1996  Attacking football, an overhaul of dietary and fitness practices, and efficiency with money
have defined his reign  Accumulating key players from Wenger's homeland, such as Patrick Vieira and Thierry Henry, Arsenal won a second League and Cup double in 1997–98 and a third in 2001–02  In addition, the club reached the final of the 1999–2000 UEFA Cup, were victorious in the 2003 and 2005 FA Cup finals, and won the Premier League in 2003–04 without losing a single match, an achievement which earned the side the nickname "The Invincibles"  This feat came within a run of 49 league matches unbeaten from 7 May 2003 to 24 October 2004, a national record Arsenal finished in either first or second place in the league in eight of Wenger's first nine seasons at the club, although they never won the title in two consecutive seasons 
The club had never progressed beyond the quarter-finals of the Champions League until 2005–06; in that season they became the first club from London to reach the final in the competition's fifty-year history, but were beaten 2–1 by Barcelona  In July 2006, they moved into the Emirates Stadium, after 93 years at Highbury 
Arsenal reached the final of the 2007 and 2011 League Cups, losing 2–1 to Chelsea and Birmingham City respectively  The club had not gained a trophy since the 2005 FA Cup until, spearheaded by club record acquisition Mesut Özil, Arsenal beat Hull City in the 2014 FA Cup Final, coming back from a 2–0 deficit to win the match 3–2 
A year later, Arsenal completed another victorious FA Cup campaign, and became the most successful club in the tournament's history by winning their 13th FA Cup in 2016–17  However, in that same season, Arsenal finished fifth in the league, the first time they had finished outside the top four since before Wenger arrived in 1996  After another unspectacular league season the following year, Wenger departed Arsenal on 13 May 2018 

Since 2018: post-Wenger era
After conducting an overhaul in the club's operating model to coincide with Wenger's departure, Spaniard Unai Emery was named as the club's new head coach on 23 May 2018  He became the club's first ever 'head coach' and second manager from outside the United Kingdom  In Emery's first season, Arsenal finished fifth in the Premier League and as runner-up in the Europa League  On 29 November 2019, Emery was dismissed as manager and former player and assistant first team coach Freddie Ljungberg was appointed as interim head coach On 20 December 2019, Arsenal appointed former club captain Mikel Arteta as the new head coach  Arsenal finished the league season in eighth, their lowest finish since 1994–95, but beat Chelsea 2–1 to earn a record-extending 14th FA Cup win  After the season, Arteta's title was changed from head coach to manager  On 18 April 2021, Arsenal were announced as a founding club of the breakaway European competition The Super League; they withdrew from the competition two days later amid near-universal condemnation  Arsenal finished the season in eighth place once again, not qualifying for a European competition for the first time in 26 years  In the 2022–23 Premier League season, Arsenal returned to the Champions League by coming second to Manchester City after leading for most of the season 

Crest
Unveiled in 1888, Royal Arsenal's first crest featured three cannons viewed from above, pointing northwards, similar to the coat of arms of the Metropolitan Borough of Woolwich (nowadays transferred to the coat of arms of the Royal Borough of Greenwich)  These can sometimes be mistaken for chimneys, but the presence of a carved lion's head and a cascabel on each are clear indicators that they are cannons  This was dropped after the move to Highbury in 1913, only to be reinstated in 1922, when the club adopted a crest featuring a single cannon, pointing eastwards, with the club's nickname, The Gunners, inscribed alongside it; this crest only lasted until 1925, when the cannon was reversed to point westward and its barrel slimmed down In 1949, the club unveiled a modernised crest featuring the same style of cannon below the club's name, set in blackletter typography, and above the coat of arms of the Metropolitan Borough of Islington and a scroll inscribed with the club's newly adopted Latin motto, Victoria Concordia Crescit – "victory comes from harmony" – coined by the club's programme editor Harry Homer  For the first time, the crest was rendered in colour, which varied slightly over the crest's lifespan, finally becoming red, gold and green  Because of the numerous revisions of the crest, Arsenal were unable to copyright it  Although the club had managed to register the crest as a trademark, and had fought (and eventually won) a long legal battle with a local street trader who sold "unofficial" Arsenal merchandise,
Arsenal eventually sought a more comprehensive legal protection  Therefore, in 2002 they introduced a new crest featuring more modern curved lines and a simplified style, which was copyrightable 
The cannon once again faces east and the club's name is written in a sans-serif typeface above the cannon  Green was replaced by dark blue  The new crest was criticised by some supporters; the Arsenal Independent Supporters' Association claimed that the club had ignored much of Arsenal's history and tradition with such a radical modern design, and that fans had not been properly consulted on the issue 
Until the 1960s, a badge was worn on the playing shirt only for high-profile matches such as FA Cup finals, usually in the form of a monogram of the club's initials in red on a white background The monogram theme was developed into an Art Deco-style badge on which the letters A and C framed a football rather than the letter F, the whole set within a hexagonal border  This early example of a corporate logo, introduced as part of Herbert Chapman's rebranding of the club in the 1930s, was used not only on Cup Final shirts but as a design feature throughout Highbury Stadium, including above the main entrance and inlaid in the floors 
From 1967, a white cannon was regularly worn on the shirts, until replaced by the club crest, sometimes with the addition of the nickname "The Gunners", in the 1990s In the 2011–12 season, Arsenal celebrated their 125th anniversary  The celebrations included a modified version of the current crest worn on their jerseys for the season  The crest was all white, surrounded by 15 oak leaves to the right and 15 laurel leaves to the left  The oak leaves represent the 15 founding members of the club who met at the Royal Oak pub  The 15 laurel leaves represent the design detail on the six pence pieces paid by the founding fathers to establish the club  The laurel leaves also represent strength  To complete the crest, 1886 and 2011 are shown on either sides of the motto "Forward" at the bottom of the crest 

Colours
For much of Arsenal's history, their home colours have been bright red shirts with white sleeves and white shorts, though this has not always been the case  The choice of red is in recognition of a charitable donation from Nottingham Forest, soon after Arsenal's foundation in 1886  Two of Dial Square's founding members, Fred Beardsley and Morris Bates, were former Forest players who had moved to Woolwich for work  As they put together the first team in the area, no kit could be found, so Beardsley and Bates wrote home for help and received a set of kit and a ball  The shirt was redcurrant, a dark shade of red, and was worn with white shorts and socks with blue and white hoops In 1933, Herbert Chapman, wanting his players to be more distinctly dressed, updated the kit, adding white sleeves and changing the shade to a brighter pillar box red  Two possibilities have been suggested for the origin of the white sleeves  One story reports that Chapman noticed a supporter in the stands wearing a red sleeveless sweater over a white shirt; another was that he was inspired by a similar outfit worn by the cartoonist Tom Webster, with whom Chapman played golf 
Regardless of which story is true, the red and white shirts have come to define Arsenal and the team have worn the combination ever since, aside from two seasons  The first was 1966–67, when Arsenal wore all-red shirts; this proved unpopular and the white sleeves returned the following season  The second was 2005–06, the last season that Arsenal played at Highbury, when the team wore commemorative redcurrant shirts similar to those worn in 1913, their first season in the stadium; the club reverted to their normal colours at the start of the next season  In the 2008–09 season, Arsenal replaced the traditional all-white sleeves with red sleeves with a broad white stripe Arsenal's home colours have been the inspiration for at least three other clubs  In 1909, Sparta Prague adopted a dark red kit like the one Arsenal wore at the time; in 1938, Hibernian adopted the design of the Arsenal shirt sleeves in their own green and white strip 
In 1941, Luis Robledo, an England-schooled founder of Santa Fe and a fan of Arsenal, selected the main colors for his newly created team  In 1920, Sporting Clube de Braga's manager returned from a game at Highbury and changed his team's green kit to a duplicate of Arsenal's red with white sleeves and shorts, giving rise to the team's nickname of Os Arsenalistas 
These teams still wear those designs to this day 
For many years Arsenal's away colours were white or navy blue  However, in 1968 the FA banned navy shirts (they looked too similar to referees' black kit) so in the 1969–70 season, Arsenal introduced an away kit of yellow shirts with blue shorts  This kit was worn in the 1971 FA Cup Final as Arsenal beat Liverpool to secure the double for the first time in their history  The yellow and blue strip became almost as famous as their iconic red and white home kit  Arsenal reached the FA Cup final again the following year wearing the red and white home strip and were beaten by Leeds United  Arsenal then competed in three consecutive FA Cup finals between 1978 and 1980 wearing their "lucky" yellow and blue strip, which remained the club's away strip until the release of a green and navy away kit in 1982–83  The following season, Arsenal returned to the yellow and blue scheme, albeit with a darker shade of blue than before 
When Nike took over from Adidas as Arsenal's kit provider in 1994, Arsenal's away colours were again changed to two-tone blue shirts and shorts  Since the advent of the lucrative replica kit market, the away kits have been changed regularly, with Arsenal usually releasing both away and third choice kits  During this period the designs have been either all blue designs, or variations on the traditional yellow and blue, such as the metallic gold and navy strip used in the 2001–02 season, the yellow and dark grey used from 2005 to 2007, and the yellow and maroon of 2010 to 2013 
Until 2014, the away kit was changed every season, and the outgoing away kit became the third-choice kit if a new home kit was being introduced in the same year Since Puma began manufacturing Arsenal's kits in 2014, new home, away and third kits were released every single season  In the 2017–18 season, Puma released a new color scheme for the away and third kits  The away kit was a light blue, which fades to a darker blue near the bottom, while the third kit was black with red highlight  Puma returned to the original color scheme for the 2018–19 season From the 2019–20 season Arsenal's kits are manufactured by Adidas  In the 2020–21 season, Adidas unveiled the new away kit to 
mark the 15-year anniversary since leaving Highbury  The new away kit is white, with a marbled pattern all across to replicate the iconic marble hall in the East stand of Highbury 

Kit suppliers and shirt sponsors
Stadiums
Before joining the Football League, Arsenal played briefly on Plumstead Common, then at the Manor Ground in Plumstead, then spent three years between 1890 and 1893 at the nearby Invicta Ground  Upon joining the Football League in 1893, the club returned to the Manor Ground and installed stands and terracing, upgrading it from just a field  Arsenal continued to play their home games there for the next twenty years (with two exceptions in the 1894–95 season), until the move to north London in 1913 Widely referred to as Highbury, Arsenal Stadium was the club's home from September 1913 until May 2006  The original stadium was designed by the renowned football architect Archibald Leitch, and had a design common to many football grounds in the UK at the time, with a single covered stand and three open-air banks of terracing  The entire stadium was given a massive overhaul in the 1930s: new Art Deco West and East stands were constructed, opening in 1932 and 1936 respectively, and a roof was added to the North Bank terrace, which was bombed during the Second World War and not restored until 1954 Highbury could hold more than 60,000 spectators at its peak, and had a capacity of 57,000 until the early 1990s  The Taylor Report and Premier League regulations obliged Arsenal to convert Highbury to an all-seater stadium in time for the 1993–94 season, thus reducing the capacity to 38,419 seated spectators  This capacity had to be reduced further during Champions League matches to accommodate additional advertising boards, so much so that for two seasons, from 1998 to 2000, Arsenal played Champions League home matches at Wembley, which could house more than 70,000 spectators 

Expansion of Highbury was restricted because the East Stand had been designated as a Grade II listed building and the other three stands were close to residential properties  These limitations prevented the club from maximising matchday revenue during the 1990s and first decade of the 21st century, putting them in danger of being left behind in the football boom of that time  After considering various options, in 2000 Arsenal proposed building a new 60,361-capacity stadium at Ashburton Grove, since named the Emirates Stadium, about 500 metres south-west of Highbury  The project was initially delayed by red tape and rising costs, and construction was completed in July 2006, in time for the start of the 2006–07 season  The stadium was named after its sponsors, the airline company Emirates, with whom the club signed the largest sponsorship deal in English football history, worth around £100 million  Some fans referred to the ground as Ashburton Grove, or the Grove, as they did not agree with corporate sponsorship of stadium names  The stadium will be officially known as Emirates Stadium until at least 2028, and the airline will be the club's shirt sponsor until at least 2024  From the start of the 2010–11 season on, the stands of the stadium have been officially known as North Bank, East Stand, West Stand and Clock end  The capacity of the Emirates now stands at 60,704 Arsenal's players train at the Shenley Training Centre in Hertfordshire, a purpose-built facility which opened in 1999 
Before that the club used facilities on a nearby site owned by the University College of London Students' Union  Until 1961 they had trained at Highbury 
Arsenal's Academy under-18 teams play their home matches at Shenley, while the reserves play their games at Meadow Park, which is also the home of Boreham Wood F C  Both the Academy under-18 & the reserves occasionally play their big games at the Emirates in front of a crowd reduced to only the lower west stand 

Supporters and rivalries
Arsenal's fanbase are referred to as "Gooners" – the name derived from the club's nickname "The Gunners"  Virtually all home matches sell out; in 2007–08 Arsenal had the second-highest average League attendance for an English club (60,070, which was 99 5% of available capacity), and, as of 2015, the third-highest all-time average attendance  Arsenal have the seventh highest average attendance of European football clubs only behind Borussia Dortmund, FC Barcelona, Manchester United, Real Madrid, Bayern Munich, and Schalke  The club's location, adjoining wealthy areas such as Canonbury and Barnsbury, mixed areas such as Islington, Holloway, Highbury, and the adjacent London Borough of Camden, and largely working-class areas such as Finsbury Park and Stoke Newington, has meant that Arsenal's supporters have come from a variety of social classes  Much of the Afro-Caribbean support comes from the neighbouring London Borough of Hackney and a large portion of the South Asian Arsenal supporters commute to the stadium from Wembley Park, North West of the capital  There was also traditionally a large Irish community that followed Arsenal, with the nearby Archway area having a particularly large community, but Irish migration to North London is much lower than in the 1960s or 1970s 
Like all major English football clubs, Arsenal have a number of domestic supporters' clubs, including the Arsenal Football Supporters' Club, which works closely with the club, and the Arsenal Independent Supporters' Association, which maintains a more independent line  The Arsenal Supporters' Trust promotes greater participation in ownership of the club by fans  The club's supporters also publish fanzines such as The Gooner, Gunflash and the satirical Up The Arse!  In addition to the usual English football chants, supporters sing "One-Nil to the Arsenal" (to the tune of "Go West") 
There have always been Arsenal supporters outside London, and since the advent of satellite television, a supporter's attachment to a football club has become less dependent on geography  Consequently, Arsenal have a significant number of fans from beyond London and all over the world; in 2007, 24 UK, 37 Irish and 49 other overseas supporters clubs were affiliated with the club  A 2011 report by SPORT+MARKT estimated Arsenal's global fanbase at 113 million  The club's social media activity was the fifth highest in world football during the 2014–15 season 

Rivalries
Arsenal's longest-running and deepest rivalry is with their nearest major neighbour, Tottenham Hotspur; matches between the two are referred to as the North London derby  There also exists a rivalry between Arsenal and Chelsea  In addition, Arsenal and Manchester United developed a strong on-pitch rivalry in the late 1980s, which intensified in the early 2000s when both clubs were competing for the Premier League title 

Mascot
The club mascot is Gunnersaurus Rex, a smiling, 7-foot-tall green dinosaur, who first appeared at a home match against Manchester City in August 1994 (or 1993)  He is based on a drawing by then 11-year-old Peter Lovell, whose design and another similar idea won a Junior Gunners contest; his official back story is that he hatched from an egg found during renovations at Highbury The same person, Jerry Quy, has been inside the suit from the start; in early October 2020, as part of cost-cutting brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic, the club made him redundant from that and his other part-time job in supporter liaison, together with 55 full-time employees, although they later said Gunnersaurus could return after spectators were allowed back in stadiums  An online fundraiser was begun for Quy, and Mesut Özil offered to pay his salary himself as long as he remains with Arsenal  In November 2020, in advance of COVID-19 regulations being relaxed to allow supporters to attend home games from 3 December, Arsenal announced that Gunnersaurus would return, to be played by a roster of people that could include Quy if he wished 

Ownership and finances
The largest shareholder on the Arsenal board is American sports tycoon Stan Kroenke  Kroenke first launched a bid for the club in April 2007, and faced competition for shares from Red and White Securities, which acquired its first shares from David Dein in August 2007  Red & White Securities was co-owned by Russian billionaire Alisher Usmanov and Iranian London-based financier Farhad Moshiri, though Usmanov bought Moshiri's stake in 2016  Kroenke came close to the 30% takeover threshold in November 2009, when he increased his holding to 18,594 shares (29 9%)  In April 2011, Kroenke achieved a full takeover by purchasing the shareholdings of Nina Bracewell-Smith and Danny Fiszman, taking his shareholding to 62 89%  In May 2017, Kroenke owned 41,721 shares (67 05%) and Red & White Securities owned 18,695 shares (30 04%)  In January 2018, Kroenke expanded his ownership by buying twenty-two more shares, taking his total ownership to 67 09%  In August 2018, Kroenke bought out Usmanov for £550m  Now owning more than 90% of the shares, he had the required stake to complete the buyout of the remaining shares and become the sole owner  There has been criticism of Arsenal's poor performance since Kroenke took over, which has been attributed to his ownership  Ivan Gazidis was the club's Chief executive from 2009 to 2018 Arsenal's parent company, Arsenal Holdings plc, operates as a non-quoted public limited company, whose ownership is considerably different from that of other football clubs  Only 62,219 shares in Arsenal have been issued, and they are not traded on a public exchange such as the FTSE or AIM; instead, they are traded relatively infrequently on the ICAP Securities and Derivatives Exchange, a specialist market  On 29 May 2017, a single share in Arsenal had a mid price of £18,000, which sets the club's market capitalisation value at approximately £1,119 9m  Most football clubs are not listed on an exchange, which makes direct comparisons of their values difficult  Consultants Brand Finance valued the club's brand and intangible assets at $703m in 2015, and consider Arsenal an AAA global brand  Business magazine Forbes valued Arsenal as a whole at $2 238 billion (£1 69 billion) in 2018, ranked third in English football  Research by the Henley Business School ranked Arsenal second in English football, modelling the club's value at £1 118 billion in 2015 Arsenal's financial results for the 2019–20 season showed an after tax loss of £47 8m, due in part to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic  The Deloitte Football Money League is a publication that homogenises and compares clubs' annual revenue  Deloitte put Arsenal's footballing revenue in 2019 at £392 7m (€445 6m), ranking Arsenal eleventh among world football clubs  Arsenal and Deloitte both listed the match day revenue generated in 2019 by the Emirates Stadium as €109 2m (£96 2m) 

In popular culture
Partly due to their proximity to the Alexandra Palace transmitter, Arsenal have appeared in a number of media "firsts"  On 22 January 1927, their match at Highbury against Sheffield United was the first English League match to be broadcast live on radio  A decade later, on 16 September 1937, an exhibition match between Arsenal's first team and the reserves was the first football match in the world to be televised live  Arsenal also featured in the first edition of the BBC's Match of the Day, which screened highlights of their match against Liverpool at Anfield on 22 August 1964  Sky's coverage of Arsenal's January 2010 match against Manchester United was the first live public broadcast of a sports event on 3D television As one of the most successful teams in the country, Arsenal have often featured when football is depicted in the arts in Britain  They formed the backdrop to one of the earliest football-related novels, The Arsenal Stadium Mystery (1939), which was made into a film in the same year  The story centres on a friendly match between Arsenal and an amateur side, one of whose players is poisoned while playing  Many Arsenal players appeared as themselves in the film and manager George Allison was given a speaking part  The book Fever Pitch by Nick Hornby was an autobiographical account of Hornby's life and relationship with football and Arsenal in particular  Published in 1992, it formed part of the revival and rehabilitation of football in British society during the 1990s  The book was twice adapted for the cinema – the 1997 British film focuses on Arsenal's 1988–89 title win, and a 2005 American version features a fan of baseball's Boston Red Sox Arsenal have often been stereotyped as a defensive and "boring" side, especially during the 1970s and 1980s  In the 1997 film The Full Monty the principal characters move forward in a line and raise their hands, deliberately mimicking the Arsenal defence's offside trap, in an attempt to co-ordinate their striptease routine 
Fifteen years later an almost identical scene was included in the 2012 Disney science-fiction film John Carter (director and co-writer Andrew Stanton, a notable overseas supporter of the club), along with other visual cues and oblique dialogue hints and references to the club throughout the film 
Another film reference to the club's defence comes in the film Plunkett & Macleane, in which two characters are named Dixon and Winterburn after Arsenal's long-serving full backs – the right-sided Lee Dixon and the left-sided Nigel Winterburn In August 2022, Amazon Prime Video released an eight-episode docuseries called All or Nothing: Arsenal  It documented the club by spending time with the coaching staff and players behind the scenes both on and off the field throughout their 2021–22 season, in which they were the youngest team in the Premier League with an average starting age of 24 years and 308 days – more than a whole year younger than the next team 

In the community
In 1985, Arsenal founded a community scheme, "Arsenal in the Community", which offered sporting, social inclusion, educational and charitable projects  The club support a number of charitable causes directly and in 1992 established The Arsenal Charitable Trust, which by 2006 had raised more than £2 million for local causes  An ex-professional and celebrity football team associated with the club also raised money by playing charity matches  The club launched the Arsenal for Everyone initiative in 2008 as an annual celebration of the diversity of the Arsenal family  In the 2009–10 season Arsenal announced that they had raised a record breaking £818,897 for the Great Ormond Street Hospital Children's Charity  The original target was £500,000 Save the Children has been Arsenal global charity partner since 2011 and have worked together in numerous projects to improve safety and well-being for vulnerable children in London and abroad  On 3 September 2016 The Arsenal Foundation has donated £1m to build football pitches for children in London, Indonesia, Iraq, Jordan and Somalia thanks to The Arsenal Foundation Legends Match against Milan Glorie at the Emirates Stadium  On 3 June 2018, Arsenal played Real Madrid in the Corazon Classic Match 2018 at the Bernabeu, where the proceeds went to Realtoo Real Madrid Foundation projects that are aimed at the most vulnerable children  In addition there will be a return meeting on 8 September 2018 at the Emirates stadium where proceeds will go towards the Arsenal foundation In 2022, Arsenal and Adidas partnered up to launch the "No More Red" campaign to support the long-standing work being done by Arsenal in the Community to help keep young people safe from knife crime and youth violence  To promote the event, the club launched an exclusive all white kit that was not commercially available and only awarded to individuals who are making a positive difference in the community 

Players
First-team squad
As of 28 June 2023Note: Flags indicate national team as defined under FIFA eligibility rules  Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality 

Under-23s and Academy
As of 1 July 2023Players to have featured in a first-team matchday squad for ArsenalNote: Flags indicate national team as defined under FIFA eligibility rules  Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality 

Out on loan
Note: Flags indicate national team as defined under FIFA eligibility rules  Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality 

Management and staff
Current staff
Arsenal board
Statistics and records
Arsenal's tally of 13 League Championships is the third highest in English football, after Manchester United (20) and Liverpool (19),
and they were the first club to reach a seventh and an eighth League Championship  As of June 2020, they are one of seven teams, the others being Manchester United, Blackburn Rovers, Chelsea, Manchester City, Leicester City and Liverpool, to have won the Premier League since its formation in 1992 They hold the highest number of FA Cup trophies, with 14  The club is one of only six clubs to have won the FA Cup twice in succession, in 2002 and 2003, and 2014 and 2015 
Arsenal have achieved three League and FA Cup "Doubles" (in 1971, 1998 and 2002), a feat only previously achieved by Manchester United (in 1994, 1996 and 1999) 
They were the first side in English football to complete the FA Cup and League Cup double, in 1993 
Arsenal were also the first London club to reach the final of the UEFA Champions League, in 2006, losing the final 2–1 to Barcelona Arsenal have one of the best top-flight records in history, having finished below fourteenth only seven times  They have won the second most top flight league matches in English football, and have also accumulated the second most points, whether calculated by two points per win or by the contemporary points value  They have been in the top flight for the most consecutive seasons (95 as of 2020–21)  Arsenal also have the highest average league finishing position for the 20th century, with an average league placement of 8 5 Arsenal hold the record for the longest run of unbeaten League matches (49 between May 2003 and October 2004)  This included all 38 matches of their title-winning 2003–04 season, when Arsenal became only the second club to finish a top-flight campaign unbeaten, after Preston North End (who played only 22 matches) in 1888–89  They also hold the record for the longest top flight win streak  Arsenal set a Champions League record during the 2005–06 season by going ten matches without conceding a goal, beating the previous best of seven set by A C  Milan



ground_truth: 2016

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Who is the president of the newly declared independent country that has a Commission of Truth and Friendship with the country where Ambelau is located?

The following are given passages.
Context 3:  They went a record total stretch of 995 minutes without letting an opponent score; the streak ended in the final, when Samuel Eto'o scored a 76th-minute equaliser for Barcelona David O'Leary holds the record for Arsenal appearances, having played 722 first-team matches between 1975 and 1993  Fellow centre half and former captain Tony Adams comes second, having played 669 times  The record for a goalkeeper is held by David Seaman, with 564 appearances  Thierry Henry is the club's top goalscorer with 228 goals in all competitions between 1999 and 2012,
having surpassed Ian Wright's total of 185 in October 2005 
Wright's record had stood since September 1997, when he overtook the longstanding total of 178 goals set by winger Cliff Bastin in 1939 
Henry also holds the club record for goals scored in the League, with 175, a record that had been held by Bastin until February 2006 Arsenal's record home attendance is 73,707, for a UEFA Champions League match against RC Lens on 25 November 1998 at Wembley Stadium, where the club formerly played home European matches because of the limits on Highbury's capacity  The record attendance for an Arsenal match at Highbury is 73,295, for a 0–0 draw against Sunderland on 9 March 1935, while that at Emirates Stadium is 60,161, for a 2–2 draw with Manchester United on 3 November 2007 

Honours
Arsenal's first ever silverware was won as the Royal Arsenal in 1890  The Kent Junior Cup, won by Royal Arsenal's reserves, was the club's first trophy, while the first team's first trophy came three weeks later when they won the Kent Senior Cup  Their first national senior honour came in 1930, when they won the FA Cup  The club enjoyed further success in the 1930s, winning another FA Cup and five Football League First Division titles  Arsenal won their first league and cup double in the 1970–71 season and twice repeated the feat, in 1997–98 and 2001–02, as well as winning a cup double of the FA Cup and League Cup in 1992–93 Seasons in bold are seasons when the club won a Double of the league and FA Cup, or of the FA Cup and League Cup  The 2003–04 season was the only 38-match league season unbeaten in English football history  A special gold version of the Premier League trophy was commissioned and presented to the club the following season As of 29 August 2020
  – Record
 †  – Shared title

County FAs
When the FA Cup was the only national football association competition available to Arsenal, the other football association competitions were County Cups, and they made up many of the matches the club played during a season  Arsenal's first first-team trophy was a County Cup, the inaugural Kent Senior Cup  Arsenal became ineligible for the London Cups when the club turned professional in 1891, and rarely participated in County Cups after this  Due to the club's original location within the borders of both the London and Kent Football Associations, Arsenal competed in and won trophies organised by each 

Other
During Arsenal's history, the club has participated in and won a variety of pre-season and friendly honours  These include Arsenal's own pre-season competition the Emirates Cup, begun in 2007  During the wars, previous competitions were widely suspended and the club had to participate in wartime competitions  During WWII, Arsenal won several of these 

Arsenal Women
Arsenal Women is the women's football club affiliated to Arsenal  Founded as Arsenal Ladies F C  in 1987 by Vic Akers, they turned semi-professional in 2002 and have been managed since 2021 by Jonas Eidevall; Akers holds the role of Honorary President of Arsenal Women  As part of the festivities surrounding their 30th anniversary in 2017, the club announced that they were changing their formal name to Arsenal Women F C , and would use "Arsenal" in all references except rare cases where there might be confusion with the men's side Arsenal Women are the most successful team in English women's football having won a total of 58 trophies  In the 2008–09 season, they won all three major English trophies – the FA Women's Premier League, FA Women's Cup and FA Women's Premier League Cup, and, as of 2017, were the only English side to have won the UEFA Women's Cup or UEFA Women's Champions League, having won the Cup in the 2006–07 season as part of a unique quadruple  The men's and women's clubs are formally separate entities but have close ties; Arsenal Women are entitled to play at the Emirates Stadium, though they usually play their home matches at Meadow Park in Borehamwood 

Footnotes
Passage 2:
Singapore FA Cup
The Singapore FA Cup, (also known as the Singapore Pools FA Cup for sponsorship reasons), is an annual football competition in Singapore Initially held for clubs from the S League from 1996-1998, the Football Association of Singapore decided to change format of the cup to allow only teams from National Football League to take part in the knock out competition from 1999,
so that the S League clubs can focus on Singapore Cup, competition created in 1998 After the Singapore Cup and earlier League Cup, Singapore FA Cup is the next major cup competition in Singapore  For a number of years, the FA Cup was solely restricted to NFL clubs  In 2006, S League clubs were once again allowed in the competition, but were only permitted to field their developmental Prime League teams  The team matchups were drawn out of a hat against one another for the initial 2006 and 2007 seasons, before being seeded into two groups since 2008 

Results
Note: 
Tampines Rovers SC is a separate entity from Tampines Rovers 
SAFSA is a separate entity from Singapore Armed Forces 
Police SA is a separate entity from Home United (formerly Police FC) 
Passage 3:
Arthur James (footballer)
Arthur James (January 1855 – June 1911) was an English footballer who played as an outside right for Small Heath Alliance, later to become Birmingham City, from the foundation of the club in 1875 until his career was ended by injury in 1887 
James was born in Longbridge, Birmingham  He played for the cricket club associated with Holy Trinity Church, in Bordesley, Birmingham, and together with his fellow members decided to form a football club for exercise and society in the winter months  The club, which they called Small Heath Alliance, played its first match in November 1875 on some waste ground in Arthur Street, Bordesley  James's brothers Tommy and Fred played in that first fixture, a 1–1 draw with Holte Wanderers of Aston, though he himself did not He was appointed club captain in 1878, retaining the position until 1885, and was regularly selected to represent the Birmingham County F A  in challenge matches against other major associations  In its centenary volume, the association describes the club as

blessed in having Arthur James from 1878 to 1885 as their captain, this player ranking as one of the most brilliant wing forwards of the day, he often represented the Birmingham Association at a time when competition was keen 
He made five appearances in the FA Cup, scoring three goals  His career ended in 1887 through a combination of illness and injury James died in Birmingham in June 1911, aged 56 
Passage 4:
History of Chelsea F C 
The History of Chelsea F C  spans the period from 1905 to the present day:

History of Chelsea F C  (1905–1952)
History of Chelsea F C  (1952–1983)
History of Chelsea F C  (1983–2003)
History of Chelsea F C  (2003–2022)
History of Chelsea F C  (2022–present)For a season-by-season account of Chelsea's history, see List of Chelsea F C  seasons 

See also
Chelsea F C  § History
Passage 5:
1894–95 FA Cup
The 1894–95 FA Cup was the 24th season of the world's oldest association football competition, the Football Association Challenge Cup (more usually known as the FA Cup)  The cup was won by Aston Villa, who defeated West Bromwich Albion 1–0 in the final of the competition, played at Crystal Palace in London  This was Villa's second victory in the FA Cup 
The Trophy was stolen from a display in the shop window of W  Shillcock (a football fitter) in Newton Row, Birmingham, after the Final and never recovered despite a £10 reward  According to the Police, it was taken sometime between 21:30 on Wednesday 11 September and 7:30 the following morning, along with cash from a drawer  The cup was replaced by a copy of the original, made by Howard Vaughton, the former Aston Villa player and England international, who had opened a silversmith's business after his retirement from the game 
Matches were scheduled to be played at the stadium of the team named first on the date specified for each round, which was always a Saturday  If scores were level after 90 minutes had been played, a replay would take place at the stadium of the second-named team later the same week  If the replayed match was drawn further replays would be held at neutral venues until a winner was determined  If scores were level after 90 minutes had been played in a replay, a 30-minute period of extra time would be played 

Calendar
The format of the FA Cup for the season had a preliminary round, four qualifying rounds, three proper rounds, and the semi-finals and final 

First round proper
The first round proper contained sixteen ties between 32 teams  The 16 First Division sides were given a bye to this round, as were Notts County, Darwen, Bury, Newcastle United, Newton Heath and Woolwich Arsenal from the Second Division  The other Second Division sides were entered into the first round qualifying, with the exceptions of Burton Swifts, who started in the second round qualifying, and Manchester City, who played no part in the season's competition  Of the qualifying League sides, only Burton Wanderers and Leicester Fosse qualified to the FA Cup proper  Eight non-league sides also qualified 
The matches were played on Saturday, 2 February 1895  One match was drawn, with the replay taking place in the following midweek fixture  The Barnsley St Peter's – Liverpool game was voided following a dispute over extra time being played   The match was replayed nine days later, resulting in a 4–0 win to Liverpool 

Second round proper
The eight Second Round matches were scheduled for Saturday, 16 February 1895  There were two replays, played in the following midweek fixture 

Third round proper
The four Third Round matches were scheduled for Saturday, 2 March 1895  There were no replays 

Semi-finals
The semi-final matches were both played on Saturday, 16 March 1895  Aston Villa and West Bromwich Albion went on to meet in the final at Crystal Palace 

Final
The Final was contested by Aston Villa and West Bromwich Albion at Crystal Palace  Aston Villa won 1–0, with Bob Chatt being credited with scoring the fastest goal in FA Cup Final history, scored after just 30 seconds  Devey found Hodgetts, whose cross was laid off by Athersmith to Chatt, whose half volley took a deflection 

Match details
See also
FA Cup Final Results 1872-
Passage 6:
List of FIFA World Cup finals
The FIFA World Cup is an international association football competition contested by the senior men's national teams of the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), the sport's global governing body  The championship has been awarded every four years since 1930, except in 1942 and 1946, when it was not held because of World War II 
The World Cup final match is the last of the competition, played by the only two teams remaining in contention, and the result determines which country is declared the world champion  It is a one-off match decided in regulation time  In case of a draw, extra time is used  If scores are then still level, a penalty shoot-out determines the winner, under the rules in force since 1986; prior to that, finals still tied after extra time would have been replayed, though this never proved necessary  The golden goal rule would have applied during extra time in 1998 and 2002, but was not put in practice either 
The only exception to this type of format was the 1950 World Cup, which featured a final round-robin group of four teams; the decisive match of that group is often regarded as the de facto final of that tournament, including by FIFA itself The team that wins the final receives the FIFA World Cup Trophy, and its name is engraved on the bottom side of the trophy  Of 80 different nations that have appeared in the tournament, 13 have made it to the final, and 8 have won  Brazil, the only team that has participated in every World Cup, is also the most successful team in the competition, having won five titles and finished second twice  Italy and Germany have four titles each, with Germany having reached more finals than any other team, eight  Current champion Argentina has three titles, Uruguay and France have two each, while England and Spain have one each  Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Sweden, the Netherlands and Croatia have played in the final without winning  Only teams from Europe (UEFA) and South America (CONMEBOL) have ever competed in the final 
Argentina defeated France on penalties in the latest final, staged at Qatar's Lusail Stadium in 2022 

List of final matches
Results
See also
List of FIFA Confederations Cup finals
List of FIFA Women's World Cup finals
List of UEFA European Championship finals
List of FIFA World Cup final goalscorers

Footnotes
Passage 7:
Second City derby
In English football, the Second City derby or Birmingham derby, is the local derby between the two major clubs in the city of Birmingham – Aston Villa and Birmingham City, first contested in 1879  Villa play at Villa Park while Birmingham play at St Andrew's, the two grounds separated by roughly 2 4 miles (3 9 km)  It is known as the Second City Derby based on Birmingham being referred to as the second city of the United Kingdom  The two clubs are generally regarded as each other's most fierce rivals  In addition both sides have affiliated women's sides, Aston Villa W F C  and Birmingham City W F C 

History
The clubs first met on 27 September 1879, when Birmingham City were called Small Heath Alliance  The game, on a pitch at Small Heath's Muntz Street ground described by the Villa players as "only suitable for pot-holing", finished 1–0 – recorded as "one goal and a disputed goal to nil" – to the home side  Villa won the first competitive game between the clubs, in the Second Round of the FA Cup at Wellington Road in 1887, by four goals to nil, and their first league encounter, in the First Division in the 1894–95 season, 2–1 The two teams have engaged in several hotly contested matches  In the 1925 league game at Villa Park, with the home side 3–0 ahead with eleven minutes to go, Blues scored three times in a dramatic final spell to draw the match  The following year, Aston Villa made headlines with the signing of Tom 'Pongo' Waring, and his first appearance was for the reserves against Birmingham City's reserves, which famously drew a crowd of 23,000  Waring scored three times in the match The most significant clash was the final of the 1963 League Cup, which was staged not long after Aston Villa had beaten Birmingham City 4–0 in the league  Blues won 3–1 on aggregate over the two-legged final to claim their first major domestic honour During the late 1970s to early 1980s both Villa and Blues met regularly in the First Division and both teams had some memorable successes in the fixture  In 1980–81 Villa did the double over Blues and went on to win the First Division title  Blues scored a memorable 3–0 victory at St Andrew's in the first meeting following Villa's European Cup triumph in 1982  Both teams promptly went into decline  Blues racked up a 3–0 win in a relegation battle at Villa Park in March 1986 but were relegated at the end of that season  Villa would be demoted the following campaign  The next time Villa met Blues in a league fixture at Villa Park again was in the Second Division and saw a 2–0 Blues victory  The reverse fixture at St Andrew's was a 2–1 Villa victory with both goals coming from Garry Thompson  The two sides would only meet again in the 1980s in cup competitions  Villa won 7–0 on aggregate when they clashed twice in the 1988–89 League Cup  The same season Villa also won a Full Members Cup clash 6–0 

The Premier League Era
Following the creation of the Premier League, Aston Villa and Birmingham City met twice in the second round of the 1993–94 League Cup  Villa won both matches 1–0  The game at St Andrew's was settled by a Kevin Richardson goal after his keeper Mark Bosnich had saved a penalty from John Frain to keep the game at 0–0  The second leg at Villa Park was notable for a winning goal from Villa's Dean Saunders and a red card for Blues' Paul Tait  Villa went on to win the trophy 
Blues' promotion to the Premier League in 2002 saw fans eagerly anticipating the first league derbies in 15 years  Blues won both derbies 3–0 and 2–0, respectively  Both matches saw goalkeeping errors by Villa goalkeeper Peter Enckelman, including a goal scored directly from an Olof Mellberg throw-in  Violence between both sets of fans occurred before both matches as evening kick-off times had allowed fans to get drunk over the course of the day  In March 2003, during the game at Villa Park, two Villa players were sent off, Dion Dublin for a head-butt on Blues' Robbie Savage and Joey Guðjónsson for a reckless two-footed tackle on Matthew Upson  Trouble also took place following the game on Witton Lane outside Villa Park, where missiles were hurled at police who were attempting to keep both sets of fans apart 
The 2003–04 Premiership season saw games ending in 0–0 and 2–2 draws  The 2–2 draw saw Blues recover a two-goal deficit thanks to a 90th-minute equaliser from Stern John  Both games were lunchtime kick-offs to avoid drunken behaviour, which was achieved although the games lost none of their passionate edge  The following season Blues got back to winning ways, with 2–1 victory at Villa Park just before Christmas and 2–0 at home in March, Villa keeper Thomas Sørensen making mistakes in both matches, though it's debatable if his errors directly affected the respective results  In the 2005–06 Premiership Season, Villa finally beat Blues in the Premiership, thanks to a Kevin Phillips goal  This was followed up by another Villa victory on 16 April 2006, Easter Sunday, with Aston Villa winning 3–1 thanks to two goals from Milan Baroš and a bicycle kick from Gary Cahill  Blues were relegated in 2006 but subsequently promoted in 2007 
In November 2007, Villa won their third consecutive derby match with a 2–1 victory at St Andrew's  Former Villa defender Liam Ridgewell scored an own goal to put Villa 1–0 up, Blues equalised through Mikael Forssell only for Gabriel Agbonlahor to clinch it with a late header for Villa, having cleared off his own line seconds before  Violent clashes took place outside the ground after the game in which over 20 police officers were hurt  The derby on 20 April 2008 between the two sides ended in a 5–1 win for Aston Villa at Villa Park, the biggest winning margin for either side in a league match for 40 years 
Villa continued their winning ways in the derby, when they won both of the meetings between the clubs in the 2009–10 Premier League season  The first took place on 13 September 2009 at St Andrew's, and ended 1–0 to Aston Villa, with Agbonlahor scoring the winner in the 85th minute, once again there was trouble with 14 arrests  Villa then went on to beat Blues 1–0 at Villa Park thanks to a disputed penalty from James Milner in the 82nd minute  This was the 3rd time in 4 derbies that Villa had scored the winning goal in the final 10 minutes of the game  Villa also possess the record of six straight wins from 1987 to 1993, including five cup matches  This record was then achieved in the Premier League after Villa beat Blues 1–0 on 25 April 2010, setting a record of six straight league wins from 2005 to 2010  The record was finally ended at the next derby match on 31 October 2010, which resulted in a 0–0 draw at Villa Park  The return match at St Andrew's also ended in a draw, with it finishing 1–1 
In those games in October and December 2010 where Aston Villa played Birmingham City, at Villa Park (Premier League, 31 October) and St Andrew's (League Cup, 1 December, which was the first mid-week game between the two sides since 2003) violence between the two sets of supporters and hooligan firms occurred, with many fans being arrested  In the first game, there were scenes of violence outside Villa Park and there were a small amount of arrests including a Birmingham City club chef  In the second of the two games (and larger scale violence) after Blues had beaten Villa 2–1, Blues supporters came onto the pitch and confronted the visiting Villa fans, this resulted in flares, ripped out seats and other missiles being hurled by Villa fans into the Blues supporters, there were also flash points before and after the game including the attack on a Blues supporters pub by Villa hooligans, the events were described as a "warzone" by a supporter who attended the game  Birmingham City were later fined £40,000 by the Football Association for failing to control their fans On 10 April 2011, an episode of Police Academy UK, a TV show aired on BBC Three which documents overseas police officers' introduction to British crime and policing, was set in Birmingham and covered the violence that occurred at the game between Birmingham City and Aston Villa on 1 December 2010 On 17 June 2011, Birmingham City manager Alex McLeish swapped Blues for Villa in a move that shocked the football world  The reaction from both sets of supporters was one of anger  Blues supporters were angry at McLeish, who guided them to only their second ever major trophy win in February 2011, for betraying them to join bitter rivals Villa, and Villa fans were unhappy with the appointment of a manager that had got Blues relegated twice in four seasons, and was perceived to play a negative style of football; that he came from Blues only served to rub salt into the wound of the board making such an unambitious and negative appointment  Several hundred Villa supporters protested at Villa Park when it emerged that Villa owner Randy Lerner has begun talks with McLeish  McLeish received death threats from followers of both teams following his appointment as Aston Villa manager  This controversial move only increased tension and hostility between the players, supporters and owners of both clubs even more as Blues directors threatened legal action against Villa for allegedly "tapping up" McLeish, who resigned as Blues manager on 12 June 2011, while he was still under contract at Birmingham City  McLeish's appointment marked the first time in history that a manager had moved directly from Birmingham City to Aston Villa  On 14 May 2012, one day after the 2011–12 Premier League season ended, McLeish was sacked as Villa manager after a massively disappointing one season in charge 

The EFL Championship Era
After being relegated in 2011, Birmingham are still yet to gain promotion back to the top flight of English football  However, since Alex McLeish was sacked as Villa manager, Villa's poor form continued  Despite several manager changes over the next few years, after several close calls they were finally relegated at the end of the 2015/16 season  Earlier on in the 2015/16 season, the two teams were drawn to play each other in the third round of the League Cup  Aston Villa ran out 1–0 winners thanks to a goal from Rudy Gestede  
In the 2016–17 season the two teams faced off in the second tier of English football for the first time since 1987  The first game at St Andrew's ended in a 1–1 draw  Villa won the second match 1–0 with a 69th-minute goal scored by Agbonlahor  The two sides faced each other again in the league during the 2017/18 season, producing a dismal 0–0 draw at St  Andrews marred by Birmingham fans throwing clappers at the Villa players all throughout the game, before Villa emphatically fortified their second city superiority with a 2–0 victory in front of 41,232 spectators at Villa Park  Some fans believed this game to be a coming of age for lifelong Villa fan and local Jack Grealish, who produced a match-winning man-of-the-match display  
The teams next met on 25 November in one of the most exciting derby games in recent times, Villa ran out 4-2 winners after goals from Jonathan Kodjia, Jack Grealish, a Tammy Abraham penalty and Alan Hutton who ran half the length of the pitch to score, Pedersen and Lukas Jutkiewicz scored for Birmingham On 10 March 2019, a Birmingham City fan invaded the pitch during the reverse fixture at St  Andrew's and assaulted Aston Villa captain Jack Grealish on the pitch by punching him from behind in the head, which was labelled as "disgraceful and cowardly" by supporters of both teams  The man was arrested and charged by West Midlands Police  St Andrew's' security was criticised as a result  The game ended in an ironic twist with a 1–0 win for Aston Villa with Grealish scoring the winning goal  At the end of the same season, Villa were promoted as they won ten in a row including that game  Since then, this fiercely contested fixture hasn't been played between the two rivals 

Women's Sides
Birmingham City W F C  were founded in 1968, whilst Aston Villa W F C  were founded in 1973 as Solihull F C , and took on their current Aston Villa guise in 1996  During the 2000-01 and 2001-02 seasons both teams competed in the second tier FA Women's Premier League North  Birmingham were then promoted to the Women's Premier League National with Villa joining them for one season in 2003-04 before being relegated  Then followed 18 years of the teams being in different divisions, Birmingham being in the top tier and Villa elsewhere, until the 2020–21 Women's Super League season when Villa were promoted up to join Blues  In the first ever WSL match between the two sides Birmingham beat Villa 1–0 at an empty Villa Park (due to restrictions related to the COVID-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom), while the Birmingham's home match which was also played behind closed doors at Damson Park, Solihull was a 1–1 draw  In the 2021–22 season, Aston Villa won 1–0 at St  Andrew's  Birmingham returned the favour and won 1–0 at Villa Park on 8 May 2022, the final day of the season, as they were relegated to the FA Women's Championship As of the 2021–22 Birmingham currently play at St Andrew's, home of the men's team, having played at Redditch Utd, Stratford Town and Solihull Moors in the 21st century  Villa play at Walsall's Bescot Stadium, having moved from Boldmere St Michaels - although important games such as the Second City Derby will often take place at Villa Park 

Statistics and records
As of the end of the 2010–11 season, there have been 120 meetings in major competition between the two teams since the first FA Cup meeting in 1887, of which Aston Villa have won 52 and Birmingham City 38  The most goals in one game were scored in a league game on 7 July 1895, in the First Division, as Small Heath lost to Aston Villa 7–3  The biggest winning margin was 6–0 to Aston Villa on 9 November 1988, in a Full Members Cup fixture  The last Birmingham City league victory over Aston Villa was on 20 March 2005, when Blues won 2–0 at St Andrew's  Villa won six encounters in a row, most recently on 25 April 2010 (2005–2010)  The two teams drew for the first time in over six years in the next match (the first of three in the 2010–11 season), with the match finishing 0–0 (the other Premier League match of the season also finished as a draw)  The second match of the season resulted in the first Blues win since 2005, as they beat Villa 2–1 in the 2010–11 League Cup Quarter Final on 1 December 2010 

All-time results
Cup matches
Women's matches
Summary of results
Stats correct as of 10 March 2019 

Records
Firsts
First competitive meeting: Aston Villa 4–0 Small Heath Alliance (FA Cup), 5 November 1887 
First league meeting: Aston Villa 2–1 Small Heath, 1 September 1894 
First away victory for Aston Villa: Small Heath 1–4 Aston Villa, 26 October 1895 
First away victory for Birmingham City: Aston Villa 1–3 Birmingham, 20 January 1906 

Results
Highest scoring game: Aston Villa 7–3 Small Heath, 7 September 1895 
Largest winning margin (Aston Villa): 6 goals – 6–0, 9 November 1988 
Largest winning margin (Birmingham City): 4 goals – 4–0, 21 September 1968 

Players
Most goals in a match (Aston Villa):
Most goals in a match (Birmingham City):

Trends
Most games won in a row (Aston Villa): 6, 16 October 2005 to 25 April 2010 
Most games won in a row (Birmingham City): 5, 3 April 1976 – 25 February 1978 
Most games without defeat (Aston Villa): 14, 16 October 2005 – on going
Most games without defeat (Birmingham City): 6, 8 March 1933 – 23 November 1935 and 16 September 2002 – 20 March 2005 
Most drawn games in a row: 4, 10 December 1949 – 21 September 1955 
Whenever the clubs have met in the Premier League the result has always been the same during that particular season: 2002/2003– 2 Blues wins, 2003/2004– 2 draws, 2004/2005– 2 Blues wins, 2005/2006– 2 Villa Wins, 2007/2008– 2 Villa wins, 2009/2010– 2 Villa wins, 2010/11- 2 draws 

Top scorers
The following is a list of the top goal scorers for each team in the fixture  Only players who have scored 4 or more goals feature 

Crossing the divide
Players
Unlike, for example, the Old Firm derby, there is no shortage of players who have appeared for both clubs  Villa legend Harry Hampton transferred to Blues after the First World War and helped the club to the Second Division title  The last established first-team player to make this move was Des Bremner in 1984, though there had been loan signings and movement of youth players during this period  The most recent permanent transfer from Aston Villa to Birmingham City was that of Gary Gardner in Summer 2019, his brother Craig was the previous player to move from Villa to Birmingham in 2010  The last player to move directly in the other direction was Spanish Winger Jota in the same transfer window 
Notable players who have been transferred directly between the clubs are listed below 

Aston Villa to Birmingham City
Notes
The players listed above made a direct transfer from Villa to Blues  In addition, there are several players who have "crossed the divide" but done so via another league club 
European Cup winner Dennis Mortimer – regarded by Villa fans as one of their greatest ever players – also played for Birmingham City in the 1986/7 season 
Kevin Phillips played for Villa in the 2005/06 season before moving to Blues in 2008 via West Bromwich Albion 

Birmingham City to Aston Villa
Notes
The players listed above made a direct transfer from Blues to Villa  In addition, there are several high-profile players who have "crossed the divide" but done so via another league club  Notable examples include former England international Emile Heskey and European Cup winner Peter Withe 
Chris Sutton was released by Birmingham City at the end of the 2005–06 season  His next club was Aston Villa, for whom he signed for in October 2006 
Scott Sinclair has played on loan at both clubs  He was on loan at Birmingham City while he was playing for Chelsea during the 2008–09 season and he was on loan at Aston Villa during the 2014–15 season before signing permanently from Manchester City 

Managers
Former Aston Villa Manager Ron Saunders, who managed Villa to League Cup success in 1975 and again in 1977 before taking the club to its first Championship success for 70 years in 1981, also moved across to Birmingham City following his resignation in 1982 
Alex McLeish's appointment as Aston Villa manager in June 2011 after resigning from Birmingham City five days before was the first time in history a manager has moved from Birmingham City to Aston Villa  The move shocked the football world and increased tension between the two clubs even more Former Birmingham City Manager Steve Bruce was appointed Villa manager in 2016 

Aston Villa to Birmingham City
Birmingham City to Aston Villa
Chairmen
Doug Ellis was a director of Birmingham City in the late 1960s before becoming part of a consortium which took over at Aston Villa in 1968 

See also
Aston Villa Hardcore (hooligan firm)
Birmingham Zulu Warriors (hooligan firm)
List of Aston Villa F C  seasons
List of Birmingham City F C  seasons
List of Aston Villa F C  records and statistics
List of Birmingham City F C  records and statistics



ground_truth: Francisco Guterres

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: When was the last time the team that Arthur James was a member of beat the 1894-95 FA cup winner?

The following are given passages.
Context 4:  The dispute concerning Rome, specifically known as the "Roman Question", had arisen after the Italian Parliament had declared Rome capital of the kingdom on 27 March 1861  This conflicted with Pope Pius IX's intent to maintain his temporal control of the city 
Members of the government of the Kingdom of Italy had different perspectives on this issue, and the internal tensions that followed caused Prime Minister Bettino Ricasoli to resign in 1862  While his successor, Urbano Rattazzi, was known for his disrespectful attitude towards the Holy See, the Kingdom of Italy maintained a low profile on the Roman Question after Rattazzi's election 
Meanwhile, General Giuseppe Garibaldi reached Sicily and began to form an army, with the intent of marching on Rome  The intransigent reaction of France (which was, at the time, the most influential ally of Italy) and the Pope caused the Italian government to intervene  On 3 August, Victor Emmanuel II officially condemned Garibaldi's "guilty impatience", and Rattazzi sent the Royal Army, at the orders of general Enrico Cialdini, to stop Garibaldi 

The battle
Garibaldi was known and respected as a hero by most Italians, including most soldiers in the Royal Army and Navy  Several actions that occurred reveal that neither Garibaldi nor his opponents were willing to enter open combat, or cause too much damage to their opponent 
Although Garibaldi's ships had likely been detected by the Royal Navy while they were crossing the Strait of Messina to reach land in Calabria, the Royal Army only attacked when Garibaldi's army had actually reached land, possibly to keep losses to a minimum  Garibaldi himself did not immediately counter-attack the Royal Army, instead trying to circumvent it by crossing the Aspromonte mountains 
Garibaldi's army marched for three days; on 28 August 1862, the leading regiment, led by Garibaldi, camped near Gambarie, where the rest of his army was expected to arrive in a few days  On 29 August, before Garibaldi's army was reunited, Bersaglieri from the Royal Army reached Garibaldi's camp and attacked 
Garibaldi ordered his army not to open fire "on our brothers", and some Bersaglieri changed sides during the battle, joining Garibaldi's volunteers  However, despite Garibaldi's order, one wing of his regiment mounted a counter-attack against the Bersaglieri  During the altercation, two bullets hit Garibaldi's hip and malleolus  A cease-fire was declared shortly thereafter, and Garibaldi surrendered 

Aftermath
The battle lasted for about ten minutes and resulted in around 15 casualties  Garibaldi, now wounded, was immediately assisted by surgeons and taken prisoner; he was later sent to the jail at Varignano, near Porto Venere  Garibaldi and his volunteers received amnesty on 5 October 1862; Garibaldi officially retired to Caprera, where he remained for two years 
The Day of Aspromonte caused both national and international criticism towards the Italian government, and caused the debate in Italy to become even harsher  Giuseppe Mazzini's party declared that, after the events of Aspromonte, any silent agreement between the Monarchy and the Republicans had been factually broken; supporters of the Monarchy maintained that the Republicans' support for such rash initiatives as Garibaldi's expedition proved that they were too irresponsible to lead the nation  Commentators accused the government of betraying the Italian revolution and being more supportive of the Pope than of Italy itself 
In 1863, Rattazzi was replaced by Marco Minghetti, who leveraged on the facts of Aspromonte to negotiate a treaty with France (the September Convention), in which Italy would protect the frontiers of the Papal States against attacks, and France would withdraw its troops from Rome within two years 
Despite the September Convention, annexing Rome remained an implicit objective of Italy  Garibaldi tried to march on Rome again in 1867, but was stopped by French troops at the Battle of Mentana  Eventually, the Questione Romana was solved under Italian Prime Minister Giovanni Lanza, when Rome was finally captured in 1870 

In popular culture
A popular Italian nursery rhyme, Garibaldi fu ferito ("Garibaldi was wounded"), set to the melody of Bersaglieri's anthem, refers to the Battle of Aspromonte  The battle is also sometimes mentioned in political debate, when someone accuses the Italian government of betraying the expectations of the Italian people, or acting against national interests 
Passage 8:
Battle of Savenay
The Battle of Savenay took place on 23 December 1793, and marks the end of the Virée de Galerne operational phase of the first war in the Vendée after the French Revolution   A Republican force of approximately 18,000 decisively defeated the Armée Catholique et Royale force of 6,000 at Savenay 

Prelude
After a crushing defeat at the battle of Le Mans on 12 December 1793, a few thousand Vendéens fled to Laval and then to Ancenis, hoping to cross the Loire back into Vendée   Without boats, crossing the river was impossible   Hence the Vendéens built small boats and approximately 4,000 people, including Henri de La Rochejaquelein and Jean-Nicolas Stofflet, managed to cross before the arrival of Republican ships  The Vendéen rear guard was stranded to the north of the Loire and tried another way around  They went to Blain, 35 km north of Nantes, but had to go back towards Savenay, 30 km west of Nantes 

The eve of the battle
Savenay was taken by the Vendéens early morning of 22 December, with practically no fighting  The 150 republican soldiers quickly pulled back after a small skirmish with the Vendéen first line and the town's population was evacuated  At 09:00, the royalists prepared the defenses of the town  The republicans under François-Joseph Westermann were the first to arrive, at 11:00   They attacked but were pushed back after a small skirmish  At noon, Jean-Baptiste Kléber and François-Séverin Marceau arrived with the greater part of the Republican army  Another skirmish was fought for control of the Touchelais woods, to the northeast of Savenay, which the Republicans won Those were the last skirmishes of the day because a fog rose during the afternoon; the Republicans kept their positions  At nightfall some représentants en mission, Pierre-Louis Prieur, Louis Marie Turreau, and Pierre Bourbotte, arrived at the Republican camp   Surprised at the troops' inaction, they ordered military engagement so as to not allow the enemy to rest; Westermann agreed  A war council was held at which Kléber insisted they had to wait for sunrise before attacking; Marceau sided with Kléber and managed to convince Pierre-Louis Prieur  The Republicans took advantage of the night to deploy  At 02:00, Tilly's division, which came from Vannes, arrived and deployed in time  Simon Canuel commanded the left flank, Kléber the middle-left, Marceau the middle-right, and Tilly the right  Apart from a few passages to the south of the town, the Vendéens were surrounded 

Battle
At sunrise, the battle started, but it was the Vendéens and Chouans who unexpectedly launched it, in order to take the Touchelais woods and not be surrounded  The attack was commanded by Lyrot de la Patouillère and saw success:  two cannons were captured along with 40 prisoners  Soon after, Kléber launched a counter-attack with his Gendarmes regiment, charging with bayonets and forcing the Vendéens to pull back to the gates of Savenay  In the center, Marceau, commanding the légion des Francs and Chasseurs de Kastel, encountered difficulties and was for a moment restrained by the Vendéen artillery On their respective fronts, Simon Canuel, Jacques Louis François Delaistre Tilly and Westermann also launched attacks, putting pressure on the Royalists on all sides  Soon, the Republicans entered the town despite the resistance of Gaspard de Bernard de Marigny's artillery  Street combat took place amid great confusion, house by house; numerous Vendéen families participated in the fighting  The Vendéen artillery deployed in front of the church and managed to hold their ground for a while  Jacques Nicolas Fleuriot de La Fleuriais tried an ultimate counter-attack, he picked 200 to 300 cavalrymen, commanded by Georges Cadoudal, with Pierre-Mathurin Mercier and a few infantrymen  They attacked and pierced Tilly's lines and tried to attack Republican lines along their flank, but the Republican reserves arrived and forced the cavalrymen to retreat During that time, on the church square, the Republicans took control of the cannon and turned it against the Vendéens  They fled, pursued by the Republicans, retreating out of Savenay and regrouping to the west of the town (the battle's commemorative cross marks that place)  The Vendéens took their last two remaining cannons, which Marigny had kept in reserve, and tried to cover the retreat of the wounded and non-combatants  During this engagement, Lyrot was killed  Marigny retreated again, west to the Blanche-Couronne woods, with his two cannons and what was left of his men  He held his position for an hour, then cheered with his men in the marsh, for he had managed to escape   To the northwest, a group of 600 Vendéens managed to hold at the Butte des Vignes and retreated later to the Blanche-Couronnes woods but they were encircled mid-way by a corps of the Armagnac regiment and were massacred Inside Savenay, the town was searched and hundreds of elders, women, and children were taken out of their houses and locked in the church before their trials  The wounded of both sides were brought to the Saint-Armel hospital and taken care of   By 14:00, the battle was over 

The flight and massacres
After the battle, Kléber marched in Nantes to celebrate the victory with most of the troops  Yet the republican cavalry under Marceau and Westermann chased the Vendéens, searching the neighboring villages and the countryside, killing or capturing those left behind During the search, the brigadier general Alexis Antoine Charlery attacked a position held by 500 Vendéens but failed to defeat them  He proposed that they surrender in exchange for the right to go home unimpeded, a proposition that they accepted and signed  The prisoners were sent to Nantes for ratification of the arrangement by a Représentant en mission, but he refused and had the prisoners shot and general Charlery arrested  He was later freed and reassigned 

The Bignon Commission which arrived during the day was given the task of judging the prisoners  The commission worked for 3 days and ordered the execution of all the Vendéen combatants caught bearing arms  The executions started that same evening and lasted eight days, but the number executed is unknown  According to official statistics, they numbered 662, but there are doubts as to whether or not this number only reflects those executed during the 3 first days  The représentant en mission Benaban wrote that more than 2,000 were shot  Similarly, General François Carpantier boasted that he had 1,500 people executed   The 1,679 women and children were sent to prisons in Nantes  Some officers, such as Kléber and Savary, asked Carrier to spare them, but Carrier refused to listen and had them all shot or drowned Other massacres took place in the countryside  Westermann and his hussards shot 500 to 700 prisoners, men, women, and children, at the Sem forest near Prinquiau   Westermann, nicknamed the "butcher of the Vendéens" supposedly wrote to the Committee of Public Safety:

There is no more Vendée, Republican citizens  It died beneath our free sword, with its women and its children  I have just buried it in the swamps and the woods of Savenay  Following the orders that you gave to me, I crushed the children beneath the horses' hooves, massacred the women who, those at least, will bear no more brigands  I do not have a single prisoner to reproach myself with  I have exterminated them all   Nonetheless, some Vendéens were lucky enough to manage to escape, helped by the local population  Jean Legland, a ferryman on the Loire, declared in 1834 that he helped 1,258 escapees pass in the days following the battle of Savenay  This was confirmed by written testimonies by the Abbé Bernier  In total, 2,500 people might have survived the battle 

Consequences
The battle marked the end of the Virée de Galerne, and definitively ended the threat of Vendée to the republic  Yet fighting continued in Vendée  General Marceau, outraged by his soldiers' behavior, asked to be transferred  Marceau was soon replaced by Kléber as general of the Army of the West, and thereafter by Louis Marie Turreau  Guerrilla fighting continued for some time between the Vendéens and the Republican infernal columns 

In popular culture
Jules Verne described the battle at the beginning of his historical novel Le Comte de Chanteleine (1862) 
Passage 9:
Battle of Manila Bay
The Battle of Manila Bay (Filipino: Labanan sa Look ng Maynila; Spanish: Batalla de Bahía de Manila), also known as the Battle of Cavite, took place on 1 May 1898, during the Spanish–American War  The American Asiatic Squadron under Commodore George Dewey engaged and destroyed the Spanish Pacific Squadron under Contraalmirante (Rear admiral) Patricio Montojo  The battle took place in Manila Bay in the Philippines, and was the first major engagement of the Spanish–American War  The battle was one of the most decisive naval battles in history and marked the end of the Spanish colonial period in Philippine history Tensions between Spain and the United States worsened over the Spanish conduct during their efforts to quell the Cuban War of Independence, with many Americans being agitated by largely falsified reports of Spanish atrocities against the Cuban population  In January 1898, fearing the fate of American interests in Cuba due to the war, the cruiser USS Maine was dispatched to protect them  Less than a month later, the cruiser exploded while lying at anchor in Havana harbor, killing 261 sailors onboard and inflaming American opinion 
Upon the outbreak of war, the Americans realized that defeating a significant Spanish squadron then stationed in the Philippines was important to ensuring victory in the war  The U S  Asiatic Squadron commanded by Dewey, a veteran of the American Civil War, was dispatched to ensure success  On 1 May, the American squadron steamed into Manila Bay to engage with the Spanish  The Spanish, aware that they were hopelessly outgunned, made a desperate defense against the Americans  The battle was not much of contest, with superior American naval gunnery and seamanship ensuring the entire Spanish fleet would be sunk with minimal casualties for the Americans, who suffered only ten casualties in all  Upon realising that the battle was hopeless, Montojo ordered his two protected cruisers to be scuttled to ensure that they did not fall into the hands of the Americans  The battle remains one of the most significant naval battles in American maritime history 

Prelude
Americans living on the West Coast of the United States feared a Spanish attack at the outbreak of the Spanish–American War  Only a few U S  Navy warships, led by the cruiser USS Olympia, stood between them and a powerful Spanish fleet  In practice however  Olympia was far superior to the Spanish colonial fleet, as the battle would show 
Admiral Montojo, a career Spanish naval officer who had been dispatched rapidly to the Philippines, was equipped with a variety of obsolete vessels  Efforts to strengthen his position amounted to little  The strategy adopted by the Spanish bureaucracy suggested they could not win a war and saw resistance as little more than a face-saving exercise : 59  Administration actions worked against the effort, sending explosives meant for naval mines to civilian construction companies while the Spanish fleet in Manila was seriously undermanned by inexperienced sailors who had not received any training for over a year  Reinforcements promised from Madrid resulted in only two poorly-armored scout cruisers being sent while at the same time the authorities transferred a squadron from the Manila fleet under Admiral Pascual Cervera to reinforce the Caribbean  Admiral Montojo had originally wanted to confront the Americans at Subic Bay, northwest of Manila Bay, but abandoned that idea when he learned the planned mines and coastal defensives were lacking and the cruiser Castilla started to leak : 69   Montojo compounded his difficulties by placing his ships outside the range of Spanish coastal artillery (which might have evened the odds) and choosing a relatively shallow anchorage  His intent seems to have been to spare Manila from bombardment and to allow any survivors of his fleet to swim to safety  The harbor was protected by six shore batteries and three forts whose fire during the battle proved to be ineffective  Only Fort San Antonio Abad had guns with enough range to reach the American fleet, but Dewey never came within their range during the battle The Spanish squadron consisted of seven ships: the cruisers Reina Cristina (flagship), Castilla, Don Juan de Austria, Don Antonio de Ulloa, Isla de Luzon, Isla de Cuba, and the gunboat Marques del Duero  The Spanish ships were of inferior quality to the American ships; the Castilla was unpowered and had to be towed by the transport ship Manila  On 25 April, the squadron left Manila Bay for the port of Subic, intending to mount a defense there  The squadron was relying on a shore battery which was to be installed on Isla Grande  On 28 April, before that installation could be completed, a cablegram from the Spanish Consul in Hong Kong arrived with the information that the American squadron had left Hong Kong bound for Subic for the purpose of destroying the Spanish squadron and intending to proceed from there to Manila  The Spanish Council of Commanders, with the exception of the Commander of Subic, felt that no defense of Subic was possible with the state of things, and that the squadron should transfer back to Manila, positioning in shallow water so that the ships could be run aground to save the lives of the crews as a final resort  The squadron departed Subic at 10:30 a m  on 29 April  Manila, towing Castilla, was last to arrive in Manila Bay, at midnight 

Battle
At 7 p m  on 30 April, Montojo was informed that Dewey's ships had been seen in Subic Bay that afternoon  As Manila Bay was considered unnavigable at night by foreigners, Montojo expected an attack the following morning  However, Oscar F  Williams, the United States Consul in Manila, had provided Dewey with detailed information on the state of the Spanish defenses and the lack of preparedness of the Spanish fleet  Based in part upon this intelligence, Dewey—embarked aboard Olympia—led his squadron into Manila Bay at midnight on 30 April Passing the entrance, two Spanish mines exploded but were ineffective as they were well below the draft of any of the ships due to the depth of the water  Inside the bay, ships normally used the north channel between Corregidor Island and the northern coast, and this was the only channel mined  Dewey instead used the unmined south channel between El Fraile and Caballo Islands  The El Fraile battery fired a few rounds but the range was too great  The McCulloch, Nanshan and Zafiro were then detached from the line and took no further part in the fighting  At 5:15 a m  on 1 May, the squadron was off Manila and the Cavite battery fired ranging shots  The shore batteries and Spanish fleet then opened fire but all the shells fell short as the fleet was still out of range  At 5:41 with the now famous phrase, "You may fire when ready, Gridley", the Olympia's captain was instructed to begin the destruction of the Spanish flotilla The U S  squadron swung in front of the Spanish ships and forts in line ahead, firing their port guns  They then turned and passed back, firing their starboard guns  This process was repeated five times, each time closing the range from 5,000 yards to 2,000 yards  The Spanish forces had been alerted, and most were ready for action, but they were heavily outgunned  Eight Spanish ships, the land batteries, and the forts returned fire for two and a half hours although the range was too great for the guns on shore  Five other small Spanish ships were not engaged 
Montojo accepted that his cause was hopeless and ordered his ships to ram the enemy if possible  He then slipped the Cristina's cables and charged  Much of the American fleet's fire was then directed at her and she was shot to pieces  Of the crew of 400, more than 200, including Montojo, were casualties and only two men remained who were able to man her guns  The ship managed to return to shore and Montojo ordered it to be scuttled  The Castilla, which only had guns on the port side, had her forward cable shot away, causing her to swing about, presenting her weaponless starboard side  The captain then ordered her sunk and abandoned  The Ulloa was hit by a shell at the waterline that killed her captain and disabled half the crew  The Luzon had three guns out of action but was otherwise unharmed  The Duero lost an engine and had only one gun left able to fire At 7:45 a m , after Captain Gridley messaged Dewey that only 15 rounds of 5" ammunition remained per gun, Dewey ordered an immediate withdrawal  To preserve morale, he informed the crews that the halt in the battle was to allow the crews to have breakfast  According to an observer on the Olympia, "At least three of his (Spanish) ships had broken into flames but so had one of ours  These fires had all been put out without apparent injury to the ships  Generally speaking, nothing of great importance had occurred to show that we had seriously injured any Spanish vessel " Montojo took the opportunity to now move his remaining ships into Bacoor Bay where they were ordered to resist for as long as possible A captains' conference on the Olympia revealed little damage and no men killed  It was discovered that the original ammunition message had been garbled—instead of only 15 rounds of ammunition per gun remaining, the message had meant to say only 15 rounds of ammunition per gun had been expended  Reports arrived during the conference that sounds of exploding ammunition had been heard and fires sighted on the Cristina and Castilla  At 10:40 a m  action was resumed but the Spanish offered little resistance, and Montojo issued orders for the remaining ships to be scuttled and the breechblocks of their guns taken ashore  The Olympia, Baltimore and Boston then fired on the Sangley Point battery putting it out of action and followed up by sinking the Ulloa  The Concord fired on the transport Mindanao, whose crew immediately abandoned ship  The Petrel fired on the government offices next to the arsenal and a white flag was raised over the building after which all firing ceased  The Spanish colors were struck at 12:40 p m 
Dewey won the battle with seven men slightly wounded, a total of nine injured, and only a single fatality among his crew: Francis B  Randall, Chief Engineer on the McCulloch, from a heart attack  On the other hand, the Spanish naval historian Agustín Ramón Rodríguez González suggests that Dewey suffered heavier losses, though still much lower than those of the Spanish squadron  Rodríguez notes that Spanish officials estimated the American casualties at 13 crewmen killed and more than 30 wounded based on reliable information collected by the Spanish consulate in Hong Kong  According to Rodríguez, Dewey may have concealed the deaths and injuries by including the numbers among the 155 men who reportedly deserted during the campaign 

Subsequent action
A Spanish attempt to attack Dewey with the naval task force known as Camara's Flying Relief Column came to naught, and the naval war in the Philippines devolved into a series of torpedo boat hit-and-run attacks for the rest of the campaign  While the Spanish scored several hits, there were no American fatalities directly attributable to Spanish gunfire 
On 2 May, Dewey landed a force of Marines at Cavite  They completed the destruction of the Spanish fleet and batteries and established a guard for the protection of the Spanish hospitals  The resistance of the forts was weak  The Olympia turned a few guns on the Cavite arsenal, detonating its magazine, and ending the fire from the Spanish batteries 
Dewey cabled Washington, stating that although he controlled Manila Bay, he needed 5,000 additional men to seize Manila itself 

Aftermath
In recognition of George Dewey's leadership during the Battle of Manila Bay, a special medal known as the Dewey Medal was presented to the officers and sailors under Admiral Dewey's command   Dewey was later honored with promotion to the special rank of Admiral of the Navy  Building on his popularity, Dewey briefly ran for president in 1900, but withdrew and endorsed William McKinley, the incumbent, who won  The same year Dewey was appointed President of the General Board of the United States Navy, where he would play a key role in the growth of the U S  Navy until his death in January 1917 
Dewey Square in Boston is named after Admiral Dewey, as is Dewey Beach, Delaware  Union Square, San Francisco features a 97 ft (30 m) tall monument to Admiral Dewey's victory at the Battle of Manila Bay 

Order of battle
Vessels engaged in actual combat during the Battle of Manila Bay ranged in size from 5,870 tons (Olympia) to 492 tons (Marques del Duero) 

United States
Engaged Vessels:

USS Olympia, flagship, protected cruiser of 5,870 tons, with four 8-inch guns mounted in pairs on two turrets, plus ten 5-inch guns and six torpedo tubes  Top speed 20 knots   She is now a museum ship at the Independence Seaport Museum, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 
USS Baltimore, protected cruiser of 4,600 tons, with four 8-inch guns on single mounts, plus six 6-inch guns  Top speed 20 knots 
USS Raleigh, protected cruiser of 3,200 tons, with one 6-inch and ten 5-inch guns  Top speed 19 knots 
USS Boston, protected cruiser of 3,200 tons, with two 8-inch and six 6-inch guns  Top speed 13 knots 
USS Concord, gunboat of 1,710 tons with six 6-inch guns  Top speed 17 knots 
USS Petrel, gunboat of 867 tons with four 6-inch guns  Top speed 12 knots Despite the superiority of the American artillery, the success rate of their guns was minimal, a total of 5,859 shells were expended during the battle  Excluding shells fired at land targets and the unengaged vessels, only 145 hit the seven Spanish engaged vessels  The Reina Cristina and Castilla suffered 81 hits between them, the Don Antonio de Ulloa was hit 33 times, the Don Juan de Austria 13, the Marques del Duero 10, the Isla de Cuba five and the Isla de Luzón was hit three times Unengaged vessels:

The Revenue Cutter McCulloch, the collier Nanshan and the steamer Zafiro (a supply vessel) were directed to keep out of the main action because of their light armament and lack of armor  The McCulloch's chief engineer, Francis B  Randall, died of a heart attack 

Spain
Engaged Vessels:

Reina Cristina, flagship, unprotected cruiser of 3,042 tons, with six 6 4-inch guns  The fastest Spanish vessel with a top speed of 16 knots 
Castilla, unprotected cruiser of 3,289 tons, with four 5 9-inch and two 4 7-inch guns  The vessel's 8-inch guns had been removed to equip the shore batteries  The ship was used as a floating battery as the temporary repair of the leaks had immobilized her propeller shaft 
Don Antonio de Ulloa, unprotected cruiser of 1,152 tons, with two 4 7-inch guns on the starboard side   Under repair with her engines ashore  Her entire port side armament had been removed to equip the shore batteries 
Don Juan de Austria, unprotected cruiser of 1,152 tons, with four 4 7-inch guns  Top speed 13 knots 
Isla de Cuba, protected cruiser of 1,030 tons, with six 4 7-inch guns  Top speed 14 knots 
Isla de Luzon, protected cruiser of 1,030 tons, with six 4 7-inch guns  Top speed 14 knots 
Marques del Duero, gunboat of 492 tons, with one 6 4-inch and two 4 7-inch guns  Top speed 10 knots Unengaged Vessels:

Mindanao, transport ship of 1,900 tons, with 2 secondary rapid fire guns  77 men 
Velasco, unprotected cruiser of 1,152 tons   Her boilers were ashore being repaired  All her guns were apparently removed to the Caballo Island Battery  145 men 
El Coreo, gunboat of 560 tons, with three 4 7-inch guns, three secondary rapid-fire guns, and 1 torpedo tube  115 men 
General Lezo, gunboat of 520 tons, with two 4 7-inch guns which were apparently removed to El Fraile Island, 2 secondary rapid-fire guns, and 1 torpedo tube  115 men 
Argos, gunboat of 508 tons, with one 3 5-inch gun   87 men The Spanish vessels had 19 torpedo tubes between them but no serviceable torpedoes 
Shore Defenses

Fort San Antonio Abad:  Built 1584  Located in Manila  Various guns with only the 9 4-inch having enough range to reach Dewey's ships at their closest approach 
Fort San Felipe:  Built 1609  A small castle built on a sandbar protected by a breakwater and separated from Cavite City by a moat 
Cavite Fort:  Fortified naval base and shipyard in Cavite City located adjacent to Fort San Felipe 
Corregidor battery:  Entrance to Manila Bay  Did not fire 
Caballo battery: Entrance to Manila Bay  Did not fire 
El Fraile battery: Entrance to Manila Bay  Fired three rounds before Raleigh silenced it after hitting the battery with a single shell 
Cañacao battery: Located in the town of Cañacao  Armed with a single 4 7-inch gun  Did not fire 
Sangley Point battery: Located at the Sangley Point Naval Base  Armed with three 64-lb muzzleloading cannon and two 5 9-inch guns (which were the only ones to fire )
Malate battery: Located in the Manila district of Malate  Did not fire The batteries were supplemented with the guns removed from Montojo's fleet  The Corregidor, Caballo and El Fraile batteries had a combined total of 17 guns 

Gallery
The United States Navy ships:

		
		
		
		
		
The destroyed Spanish ships after the battle:

See also
Battle of Manila (disambiguation)
Battles of the Spanish–American War
Philippine–American War
List of naval battles

Notes



ground_truth: 1 December 2010