prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Which retired Argentine footballer who played as a forward was a main player for Valencia CF?

The following are given passages.
Context 1: Passage 1:
José Daniel Valencia
José Daniel Valencia (born 3 October 1955) is an Argentine former professional footballer who played as an attacking midfielder  He is perhaps most famous for having been part of the 1978 World Cup winning squad 

Club career
Valencia started his club career at Gimnasia y Esgrima de Jujuy but was soon transferred to Talleres de Córdoba, the club at which he would play most of his career 
At Talleres, Valencia suffered the disappointment of finishing runner-up in Nacional 1977, finishing third in Metropolitano 1980, and losing the semi-finals on four occasions 
In 1986, he  had a spell in Ecuadorian football with Liga Deportiva Universitaria de Quito, but only stayed one year before returning to Talleres for a further two seasons 
In 1988, he left Talleres to play for third division club Guaraní Antonio Franco in Misiones, Argentina  After a short spell in the lower leagues, he made a brief return to the first division with Rosario Central in 1989 before moving to Bolivia where he played for Club Jorge Wilstermann and then Club San José 
At San José, he again experienced the disappointment of being a losing finalist on two occasions; in the 1991 Clausura and the 1992 season  He also got his first taste of Copa Libertadores football, but with little success, as San José finished bottom of their group in both 1992 and 1993 
Valencia retired from club football in 1993 at the age of 37 

International career
The highlight of Valencia's footballing career came in 1978 when he was selected to represent Argentina at the FIFA World Cup tournament  Although he featured in the first game, he was dropped due to a tactical reshuffle by manager César Luis Menotti  He was unlucky to miss out on the World Cup final in the Monumental stadium, but he did play a part in helping Argentina win their first World Cup 
Valencia was selected to play for Argentina at 1982 World Cup, but the team had a disappointing campaign, eliminated in the second group phase  He retired from international football at the end of the tournament, having represented his country 41 times, scoring five goals 

Honours
Club
Talleres de Córdoba

Copa Hermandad: 1977
Liga Cordobesa de Fútbol: 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, 1979

International
Argentina

FIFA World Cup: 1978
Passage 2:
Mariano Campodónico
Mariano Alejandro Campodónico (born 4 May 1974) is a retired Argentine footballer who played as a forward and current manager  He is the brother of former footballer Pablo Campodónico 

Career
Campodónico started his career in 1994, his first club was Banfield, he remained with them for four years before joining Platense with whom he made 17 appearances  1999 saw Campodónico leave Platense and complete a move to San Martín (SJ) before subsequently agreeing to join Arsenal de Sarandí in 2000 and El Porvenir in 2001  In 2002, Campodónico moved out of Argentina for the first-team as he agreed to sign for Venezuelan Primera División club Caracas, however his spell with Caracas was short as he soon departed to join Ecuadorian Serie A side Aucas One year later he left to join fellow Ecuadorian team Deportivo Quito  Moves to Gimnasia, Chiapas, Ferro Carril Oeste and Belgrano followed between 2003 and 2007  In 2004, Campodónico, playing for Ferro Carril Oeste scored twice against Sarmiento  Sarmiento's goalkeeper was Campodónico's own brother, Pablo  Mariano told reporters that "this was the worst thing that's happened to me in my football career"  In 2006, while playing for Belgrano, Campodónico was sentenced to eight days in prison for making "obscene gestures" at the opposing team during a football game He joined Nueva Chicago in 2007 and made 12 appearances before leaving not long after joining to complete a transfer to San Martín (T)  6 goals in 10 appearances followed for San Martín (T) before Campodónico moved to Paraguay to play for Cerro Porteño  He was with Cerro Porteño for one season, 2008, before eventually joining Aldosivi, which meant he was at the same team as his brother, Pablo, for the first-time  After leaving Aldosivi, he joined All Boys before then moving to Belgrano (second spell), Temperley and Talleres  Campodónico played for Mitre in 2015 and Cañuelas in 2016 before announcing his retirement 

Coaching career
Retiring in the summer 2017, Campodónico began his coaching career at his last club as a player, Cañuelas, where he was appointed manager on 28 December 2017  However, he decided to resign on 19 June 2018 A few days after leaving Cañuelas, Campodónico was appointed manager of Club Luján at the end of June 2018  After only two victories, four draws and seven defeats, he was fired 15 October 2018 On 3 February 2019, Campodónico was appointed manager of Sacachispas FC  He left his position on 16 September 2019 After Israel Damonte was appointed manager of Huracán on 3 January 2020, Campodónico also joined the club as his assistant coach, alongside his brother, Pablo Campodónico, who was appointed goalkeeper coach  They left in March 2021

Honours
Club
San Martín (T)Primera B Nacional (1): 2007–08
Passage 3:
Luis Artime
Luis Artime (born 2 December 1938) is an Argentine former footballer, who played as a striker, and scored more than 1,000 goals during his career  His son Luis Fabián Artime is also a retired Argentine footballer who played in the 1990s 

Club career
Artime was born in Parque Civit in Mendoza Province  He had a remarkably successful career in club football, he was top scorer four times in the Argentine league, three times in the Uruguayan league and once in the Copa Libertadores  He won one Argentine league title, three Uruguayan league titles and the Copa Libertadores in 1971 
Artime started his career at Club Atlético Atlanta but in 1962 he was transferred to Argentine giants River Plate where he became the top scorer in Argentina on three occasions  In 1966 he moved to Independiente where he helped the team to win the Nacional 1967, he was also topscorer in the tournament 
In 1969, he moved to Brazil to play for Palmeiras, but he did not stay long, and soon left to join Nacional of Uruguay  His first spell at Nacional was the most productive of his career; he won three Urugauyan league titles in a row, topscoring in each tournament, and in 1971 he helped the team to win the Copa Libertadores 
In 1972, he tried his luck in Brazil for a second time, but returned to Nacional in Uruguay after only one season at Fluminense  His second spell at Nacional was overshadowed by the successes of eternal rivals Peñarol  Artime retired from football in 1974 

International career
Playing for the Argentina national football team, Artime scored 24 goals in 25 caps, making him Argentina's 8th highest goalscorer to date  His strike rate of 0 96 goals per game for Argentina also makes him one of the most prolific goalscorers in Argentine international football  He played at the 1966 FIFA World Cup and at the South American Championship 1967, where he was the top goalscorer 

Honours
Club
Independiente

Argentine Primera División: 1967 NacionalPalmeiras

Campeonato Brasileiro: 1969Nacional

Uruguayan Primera División: 1969, 1970, 1971
Copa Libertadores: 1971
Intercontinental Cup: 1971

National Team
Argentina

Taça das Nações: 1964

Individual
Primera Division Argentina Top Scorer: 1962 (25 goals), 1963 (25 goals), 1966 (23 goals), Nacional 1967 (11 goals)
South American Championship Top Scorer: 1967 (5 goals)
Primera División Uruguaya Top Scorer: 1969 (24 goals), 1970 (21 goals), 1971 (16 goals)
Copa Libertadores Top Scorer: 1971 (10 goals)
Copa Intercontinental Top Scorer: 1971 (19 goals)
Passage 4:
José Aveiro
José Raúl Aveiro Lamas (born 18 July 1936) is a Paraguayan former professional footballer who played as a striker 

Career
Born in Asunción, Aveiro played for Sportivo Luqueño, Valencia, Valencia Mestalla, Elche, Ontinyent and Constància He was also a member of the Paraguay national team between 1957 and 1959 
Passage 5:
List of Valencia CF Femenino seasons
This is a list of seasons played by Valencia CF Femenino, the women's section of Spanish football club Valencia CF, and its predecessor DSV Colegio Alemán  The team was created in its original form in 1998, and has represented Valencia CF since the 2009–10 season 

Summary
Passage 6:
Higinio Ortúzar
Higinio Ortúzar Santamaría (10 January 1915 – 8 November 1982) was a Chilean footballer who made his entire career in Spain 

Career
The first Chilean in the Spanish football, he made his debut for Erandio Club in 1935, and next he played for Barakaldo CF, Athletic Bilbao, Valencia CF, Real Valladolid and Real Sociedad  He was loaned to Racing de Santander in 1936 for 4,500 pesetas, but he couldn't play due to the Spanish coup of July While at Athletic (one of few players born outside the Basque region to play for the club under their signing policy and the only from Chile in the history), he won a League and Cup double in 1943, and followed this up with further league titles playing for Valencia in 1944 and 1947  In his 30s he featured for Valladolid and Real Sociedad in successive seasons, helping each to gain promotion from the second tier 
After retiring as a player, he became a football coach, and managed sides including CD Logroñés 

Personal life
Born in Santiago, Chile, his parents were Basques  He returned to Euzkadi at early age, after his mother died He made his home in Areeta and managed a bar in Mayor Street 
Passage 7:
1998–99 Valencia CF season
Valencia CF had a successful season, finishing in the top four of La Liga and thus qualifying for the UEFA Champions League for the first time in almost 30 years, thanks to the extension of the competition to include more teams from the top leagues  Valencia also won the Copa del Rey, ending a long trophy drought and marking a successful end to Italian coach Claudio Ranieri's first spell at the club  Among the main players behind the success included Gaizka Mendieta, Javier Farinós and lethal striker Claudio López 
At the end of the season, Ranieri left to manage Atlético Madrid; he was replaced by Argentine Héctor Cúper, who had led Mallorca to third place and the Cup Winners' Cup final 

Squad
Squad at end of seasonNote: Flags indicate national team as defined under FIFA eligibility rules  Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality 

Transfers
Left club during season
Note: Flags indicate national team as defined under FIFA eligibility rules  Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality 

Competitions
La Liga
League table
Results by round
Matches
Top scorers
Claudio López 21
 Adrian Ilie 11
 Angulo 8
 Gaizka Mendieta 7
 Stefan Schwarz 4

Copa del Rey
Eightfinals

Quarterfinals
Semifinals
Final
UEFA Intertoto Cup
Quarterfinals
Semifinals
Finals
UEFA Cup
First round
Second round
Statistics
Players statistics
Passage 8:
Mario Kempes
Mario Alberto Kempes Chiodi (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈmaɾjo alˈβeɾto ˈkempes ˈtʃjoði], Italian: [ˈkjɔːdi]; born 15 July 1954) is an Argentine former professional footballer who played as a striker or attacking midfielder  A prolific goalscorer, he finished as La Liga's top goalscorer twice with Valencia where he amassed 116 goals in 184 league games 
At international level, Kempes was the focal point of Argentina's 1978 World Cup win where he scored twice in the final and received the Golden Boot as top goalscorer  He also won the Golden Ball for the player of the tournament, making him one of only three players to have won all three awards at a single World Cup, along with Garrincha in 1962 and Paolo Rossi in 1982 
Kempes won South American Footballer of the Year, Onze d'Or European footballer of the Year and World Cup Golden Ball in 1978  In 2004, he was named as one of the Top 125 greatest living footballers as part of FIFA's 100th anniversary celebration  Kempes was nicknamed El Toro and El Matador 

Club career
Kempes was born in Bell Ville, Córdoba  His father, Mario Quemp, was of German heritage  His mother, Teresa Chiodi, was Italian  At the age of seven he began playing with a junior team and at fourteen he joined the Talleres reserves 
Kempes' career started at local club Instituto, where he played alongside Osvaldo Ardiles before quickly moving on to Rosario Central, where he established himself as a remarkable goalscorer, scoring 85 goals in 105 matches, prompting Valencia to sign him  At Mestalla he would go on to win the Copa del Rey, the European Cup Winners' Cup and the UEFA Super Cup as well as two consecutive Pichichis, scoring 24 and 28 goals in the 1976–77 and 1977–78 seasons  Famous as a hard-working forward, he used to strike from outside the penalty area with his surging runs towards goal and was not the traditional center-forward operating solely inside the box  Many defenders found difficulty handling his attacking style 
Before the 1978 World Cup, Kempes was the only foreign-based player on the list of coach César Luis Menotti's Argentina national team  when announcing the squad he had selected for the 1978 tournament, Menotti described him with these words: "He's strong, he's got skill, he creates spaces and he shoots hard  He's a player who can make a difference, and he can play in a centre-forward position "
Kempes had been the top scorer in La Liga the previous two seasons and was determined to show on home soil that he could deliver against the best on the sport's greatest stage  However, he had failed to get on the score-sheet in West Germany in 1974, at the age of 20, and after the first round group stage in 1978, his name was still missing among goal scorers in the tournament 
After leaving Valencia in 1984, Kempes spent two years at Hércules in nearby Alicante before spending six years at various Austrian clubs  His play declined in his 30s and he did not compete for top scorer honours in the Austrian top flight  He rounded off his career with stints at more obscure clubs in Indonesia, Chile and Albania during the 1990s 

International career
During his club career he won 43 caps for Argentina and scored 20 times  He represented his country in three World Cups in 1974, 1978 and 1982, winning the competition in 1978  He was the leading goalscorer in the 1978 tournament, scoring six goals in three braces: the first two in Argentina's first semi-final group stage match against Poland, another two against Peru, and the last two in the final against the Netherlands, which Argentina won 3–1  His second goal, in the 105th minute, was the game winner in extra time  However, in the same tournament, he notoriously stopped a goal with his hand in a second-round match against Poland  This resulted in a penalty kick that was promptly saved by Ubaldo Fillol  His goals in the 1978 World Cup Final were his last for Argentina at the age of just 23 
In 1978, he was named South American Football Player of the Year ("El Mundo," Caracas, Venezuela)  He was named by Pelé as one of the top 125 greatest living footballers in March 2004 

Managerial career
Kempes made his full-time managing debut in Albania  His brief spell with Lushnja was groundbreaking, as he became the first foreign manager who signed a foreign player in Albanian football history  His career in Albania came to a quick end in 1997  The following year, he landed a job with Venezuelan side Mineros de Guayana  In 1999, Kempes moved to Bolivia and managed The Strongest, before taking charge of Blooming in 2000  Previously, he had worked as assistant coach for Uruguayan manager Héctor Núñez in Valencia and as a player-manager of Indonesian League champions Pelita Jaya 

Commentary career
He currently works as a football analyst and commentator in Spanish for ESPN Deportes (ESPN's Spanish-language version)  With Fernando Palomo and Ciro Procuna he provides the commentary in the Latin American version of the FIFA franchise video games FIFA 13, FIFA 14, FIFA 15, FIFA 16, FIFA 17, FIFA 18, FIFA 19, FIFA 20, FIFA 21, FIFA 22 and FIFA 23 

Career statistics
Club
International
Scores and results list Argentina's goal tally first, score column indicates score after each Kempes goal 

Honours
Valencia

Copa del Rey: 1978–79
UEFA Cup Winners' Cup: 1979–80
UEFA Super Cup: 1980River Plate

Primera División: 1981 NacionalPelita Jaya

Galatama: 1993–94 Argentina

FIFA World Cup: 1978Individual

Argentine Primera División top scorers: 1974 Nacional, 1976 Metropolitan
Pichichi Trophy: 1977, 1978
FIFA World Cup Golden Boot: 1978
FIFA World Cup Golden Ball: 1978
FIFA World Cup All-Star Team: 1978
Ballon d'Or: 1978 - Le nouveau palmarès (the new winners)
Onze d'Or: 1978
Olimpia de Plata: 1978
South American Footballer of the Year: 1978
UEFA Cup Winners' Cup top scorers: 1979–80
FIFA 100: 2004
South American Player of the Century: Ranking Nº 23: 2006
Golden Foot: 2007, as football legend
Estadio Mario Alberto Kempes: 2010, The stadium in Córdoba, Argentina was named after him 
AFA Team of All Time (published 2015)
Passage 9:
Claudio López (footballer)
Claudio Javier López (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈklawðjo ˈlopes], born 17 July 1974) is an Argentine former footballer, who played as a forward  Nicknamed Piojo (louse), he is best known for his spells with Valencia in Spain and Lazio in Italy  López also had a notable impact in the Argentina national team, participating in two World Cups 

Club career
Early career
López began his professional career with Estudiantes de La Plata in his native Argentina in 1990 as a 16-year-old  However, he moved to Racing the next year, where he would remain until he transferred in 1996 to Spanish club Valencia 

Europe
After a slow start in 1996–97, Claudio López would enjoy a prolific spell with Valencia over the 3 years that followed, averaging 20 goals each season between 1997–98 and 1999–2000  That included a season best in 1998–99 which saw him find the net on 30 occasions across competitions to become the club's top scorer (3rd best in la Liga behind Raul and Rivaldo, despite taking fewer penalties than his rivals) 
Valencia entrenched their status as one of Spain's emerging clubs throughout the late 1990s, rising from their usual mid-table position to 4th in 1998–99 and 3rd in 1999–2000, which was Lopez's last season with the club  The Argentine formed a devastating partnership with Romanian Adrian Ilie and played alongside such stars as Jocelyn Angloma, Santiago Cañizares and Gaizka Mendieta, who would later be his teammate at Lazio as well 
López remained with Valencia for five years, helping the team to the final of the UEFA Champions League in the 1999–2000 season, when he was transferred to Lazio of Serie A for €35 million  During the first half of his spell in Italy's capital, he was partnered with compatriot Hernán Crespo in the front-line  However, López suffered from injury problems during his time at Lazio  During the 2000–2001 UEFA Champions League, he scored a direct goal from a corner kick against Anderlecht in the Stadio Olimpico 
After Crespo left for Inter in the summer of 2002, López was partnered with newcomer Bernardo Corradi  They formed a solid partnership that yielded a combined 25 Serie A goals as Lazio finished 4th to qualify for the Champions League under new coach Roberto Mancini  The Argentine scored 15 of those goals, his best league tally during his years in Italy; the 4th-place finish for Lazio was also the best the club would achieve until 2011–12 
In December 2002 he made headlines during a Serie A clash with Inter that ended 3-3: after netting a hat-trick that gave his side a 3-0 lead, Claudio López improvised an "Aserejé" goal celebration with teammate Bernardo Corradi, inspired by the dance routine of Spanish band Las Ketchup  In an interview 13 years later, he explained that the unexpected celebration had happened because "crazy Corradi enjoyed doing such things!"In the UEFA Cup, López found the net twice to help his team reach the semi-finals, where they would be knocked out by the eventual winners, Jose Mourinho's FC Porto  The following season was less successful for Lazio as they only finished 6th in Serie A and crashed out of the Champions League at the group stage  Claudio López only found the net 4 times in 36 appearances  He did manage, however, to win his second piece of silverware with the Roman club as they overcame Juventus in the two-legged Coppa Italia Final 

Mexico, return to Racing
López joined Club América for the 2004 Apertura, where he played in 17 games, scoring four goals  The following season, Clausura 2005 brought better results, with López scoring a total of 14 goals overall and helping the team to its tenth League championship in its history  It was his first and only league championship with any team  Claudio was instrumental to the team's success, also helping them win the CONCACAF Champions' Cup by scoring two goals in the Final over Tecos UAG  He played the 2006 FIFA Club World Cup 
In 2007 López returned to Racing, 11 years after his departure from the club, and the country  In most of those games, usually coming in as a late sub, López scored several important goals 

Major League Soccer
On 7 March 2008, it was announced López had signed with the Kansas City Wizards on a free transfer  López fell under the league's designated player qualification, which means only the first $415,000 of his salary counted against Kansas City Wizards’ team salary cap  He later had his contract restructured to take him below designated player status 
 He scored on his debut for Kansas City against D C  United on 29 March 2008 
On 23 February 2010 the Argentine striker left after two seasons Kansas City Wizards  "We would have liked to have Claudio back in 2010, but unfortunately it became clear early in the contract negotiations that we could not give him what he desired," Wizards Manager Peter Vermes said López was later signed by league rivals Colorado Rapids on 2 April 2010 After the 2010 MLS season Colorado declined López's contract option and Lopez elected to participate in the 2010 MLS Re-Entry Draft  López became a free agent in Major League Soccer when he was not selected in the Re-Entry draft 

International career
López had a distinguished career with Argentina  After winning a silver medal with the Under-23 team during the 1996 Summer Olympics, López made appearances in both the 1998 and 2002 World Cups  He scored a goal against the Netherlands in the 1998 FIFA World Cup quarter-final, when he kicked the ball between Edwin van der Sar's legs to tie the match temporarily, although Argentina were ultimately defeated 2–1 

Style of play
A talented, hardworking, and well-rounded forward, with notable tactical intelligence and versatility, López was capable of playing anywhere along the front-line, as a striker, in a supporting role, and on the wing  He was highly regarded for his pace, technique, and dribbling skills, as well as his powerful striking ability with his left foot  He was also an effective set-piece and penalty taker  Throughout his career, he was known by the nickname "El Piojo", meaning "the louse" 

Media
López was sponsored by sportswear company Nike and appeared in Nike commercials  In a global Nike advertising campaign in the run-up to the 2002 World Cup in Korea and Japan, he starred in a "Secret Tournament" commercial (branded "Scopion KO") directed by Terry Gilliam, appearing alongside football players such as Thierry Henry, Ronaldo, Edgar Davids, Fabio Cannavaro, Francesco Totti, Ronaldinho, Luís Figo and Hidetoshi Nakata, with former player Eric Cantona the tournament "referee" 

Career statistics
Club
International
Honours
Valencia

Copa del Rey: 1998–99
Supercopa de España: 1999
UEFA Intertoto Cup: 1998
UEFA Champions League runner-up: 1999–2000,Lazio

Coppa Italia: 2003–04
Supercoppa Italiana: 2000América

Primera División de México: Clausura 2005
Campeón de Campeones: 2005
CONCACAF Champions' Cup: 2006Colorado Rapids
MLS Cup: 2010
MLS Eastern Conference: 2010

See also
List of current MLS players with national team caps
Passage 10:
2002–03 Valencia CF season
Valencia CF did not succeed in defending their La Liga title, finishing in slumped 5th place  Los Che also got to the quarter-finals of the UEFA Champions League, where former coach Héctor Cúper and Inter got the upper hand over Valencia and Rafael Benítez  The main player during the season was Pablo Aimar, who was the only player making waves in the season, where the previously solid defense did not perform as previously 

Squad
Note: Flags indicate national team as defined under FIFA eligibility rules  Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality 

Transfers
Competitions
La Liga
League table
Results by round
Matches
Copa del Rey
Round of 64
Round of 32
UEFA Champions League
First group stage
Group B
Second group stage
Group B
Quarter-finals
Statistics
Players statistics
Context 2: Passage 1:
Mikkeli hostage crisis
The Mikkeli hostage crisis, or Jakomäki bank robbery took place on 8–9 August 1986, which ended in Mikkeli, South Savo, Finland, outside of the Mikkeli County Government House on Maaherrankatu  The crisis began when the perpetrator, Jorma Kalevi Takala (born July 11, 1950) took three hostages in Helsinki in a bank robbery, with whom he traveled by car to Mikkeli  The event ended when Takala blew up his car, killing himself and hostage Jukka Häkkinen (born May 13, 1961)  In the aftermath of the incident, the Finnish police were subjected to harsh criticism 

Events
The events began on 8 August 1986, when Jorma Takala, armed with a sawed-off shotgun and an explosive charge, entered the Kansallis-Osake-Pankki bank in Jakomäki, Helsinki  Takala took twelve people inside the bank as his hostages  After receiving 2 5  million Finnish marks and a getaway car in exchange for most of the hostages, he left the bank with three remaining hostages, two female and one male  Takala forced the male hostage to drive the car, following Highway 4 and later Highway 5  
The party arrived in Mikkeli on 9 August, where they parked in front of the Mikkeli County Government House  Finnish police surrounded the vehicle and tried to negotiate with Takala  When he threatened to blow up the car if he was not allowed to continue his journey, the police advised the hostages to leave the vehicle  Both female hostages complied, after which the police started to shoot at the car  In response, Takala detonated the charge and destroyed the vehicle, killing both himself and the male hostage  Nine police officers were injured in the explosion 

Aftermath
The police received much criticism for its handling of the crisis  Nobody knew who gave the order to shoot at the car and initially none of the police commanders took the responsibility for the operation  After an investigation by the NBI, Chancellor of Justice Jorma S  Aalto decided not to prosecute the police officers for the events  In 1993, the Supreme Court of Finland convicted the police commissioner who led the operation of involuntary manslaughter and negligence and fined him 6,000 mk 
Passage 2:
Graham Perkin
Edwin Graham Perkin (16 December 1929 – 16 October 1975) was an Australian journalist and newspaper editor 

Early life
Perkin was born at Hopetoun, Victoria, elder son of Herbert Edwin Perkin, baker, and his wife Iris Lily, née Graham, both Victorian born  Graham grew up at Warracknabeal and was educated at the local high school  In 1948 he began to study law at the University of Melbourne, but abandoned his course in the following year when he obtained a cadetship with The Age  At the Methodist Church, St Kilda, on 6 September 1952 he married Peggy Lorraine Corrie 

Career
As a young reporter, Perkin rapidly acquired a reputation for enthusiasm and restless energy  In 1955 he won a Kemsley scholarship in journalism which took him to London  Returning to Australia as a feature writer, he shared the Walkley Award for journalism in 1959 for an article on pioneering heart surgery  His rise in the newspaper hierarchy was rapid: he became deputy news editor in 1959, news editor in 1963, assistant-editor in 1964 and editor (at the age of 36) in 1966  He was appointed to the additional post of editor-in-chief in 1973 
Perkin turned The Age into a more interventionist and campaigning newspaper  It exposed financial scandals in State governments and corruption in the police force, and attacked Federal governments for suppressing information  In the process, it attracted critics who thought it too 'leftist'  In 1972 The Age, which had traditionally supported Coalition governments, advocated the election of Gough Whitlam's Australian Labor Party  When that government was forced to an early election in 1974, Perkin wanted to support Whitlam again  His stand led to a conflict with the board of David Syme & Co  Ltd, owner and publisher of The Age  A compromise, supported by the managing director Ranald Macdonald, narrowly averted Perkin's resignation  It also reinforced his insistence on editorial independence, subject to the management's right to dismiss an editor in whom it had lost confidence 
However, Perkin turned violently on Whitlam a year later when he published details of a murky land deal involving Phillip Cairns, the son of Deputy Prime Minister Jim Cairns, and Rex Connor, the Minister for Minerals and Energy  Perkin had won a bidding war for the information, setting aside his normal opposition to buying stories because he felt the story was one of overwhelming importance  Perkin's editorials grew more and more critical of Whitlam, culminating in the elemental editorial "Go now, go decently" in which he called for the government to step down  It began with the words 'We will say it straight, and clear, and at once  The Whitlam Government has run its course ' Perkin died of a heart attack on 16 October 1975 at his Sandringham home at the age of 45 
The Age became a more substantial, wider ranging, better written and significantly more influential newspaper  Perkin's reforms and his willingness to speak out strongly in defence of the paper's policies boosted circulation from a stagnant 180,000 in 1965 to a solid 222,000 ten years later  The company's revenues rose correspondingly  Perkin was also director (from 1966) of Australian Associated Press, its chairman in 1970-72, and a director of Reuters Ltd, London, in 1971-74 

Personal life
His wife, their son Steve, and their daughter Corrie – both journalists – survived him  Peggy later remarried, and died in 2012, aged 81 

Graham Perkin Journalism Award
The Graham Perkin Australian Journalist of the Year Award, an annual prize, was established in 1976 

Bibliography
Hills, Ben, Breaking News: The Golden Age of Graham Perkin, Scribe, 2010  ISBN 978-1-921640-37-7
Passage 3:
1991 Sacramento hostage crisis
On April 4, 1991, 41 employees and customers were taken hostage and held at a Good Guys! electronics store at the corner of 65th Street and Stockton Boulevard in Florin, California, near the Florin Mall (now Florin Towne Centre) for approximately eight hours by four gunmen  Near the end of the hostage crisis, six were killed: three hostages and three of the four hostage-takers  The fourth hostage-taker was captured by authorities, and an additional 14 hostages were injured during the crisis  To this day, the hostage crisis remains the largest hostage rescue operation in US history, with over 40 hostages having been held at gunpoint 

Event
Background
The four gunmen were all Vietnamese immigrants: brothers Loi Khac Nguyen, 21; Pham Khac Nguyen, 19; and Long Khac Nguyen, 17; and their friend, Cuong Tran, 17  The Nguyens had fled Vietnam as a family of eight in 1979 at the start of the second wave of Vietnamese refugees, first sailing to Malaysia and remaining anchored there for the first seven months, then waiting for four more months in an Indonesian refugee camp before they arrived in California in 1980  The entire family lived in a two-bedroom apartment 1⁄2 mile (0 80 km) from the Good Guys! store  Cuong Tran had moved with his parents into a new home in Elk Grove 15 months before the hostage crisis Tran and Long Nguyen were friends and classmates at Florin High School; both had been expelled in March 1991 after stealing athletic equipment and attempting to set fire to the building  Loi Nguyen had attended Valley High School but dropped out during his senior year  Pham Nguyen was attending William Daylor High School (a continuation school) after having transferred from Valley following attendance issues On the day of the hostage crisis, Pham Nguyen briefly came to school and asked to be excused with a toothache  The Nguyen brothers told their parents they were going fishing at the Sacramento River 

Start of the siege
At approximately 1:00 p m , on April 4, 1991, the four young gunmen drove into the parking lot of the Good Guys! electronics store, in the South Area of Sacramento County  The group left their vehicle, a 1982 Toyota Corolla, and entered the store armed with three pistols and a shotgun  They had purchased the guns legally at a local sporting goods store the prior week, following a background check and waiting period  Although reported, the gunmen were not members of the Oriental Boys gang, and the hostage-taking and subsequent crisis were not considered to be gang-related They herded customers and staff into a group, including a shoplifter attempting to leave the store, and began shooting at the ceiling of the store  One employee escaped after being ordered to lock the doors  Although initial reports indicated they had taken the hostages after a failed robbery attempt, subsequent statements to hostages and negotiators instead proved "they were attempting to gain notoriety," according to Sacramento County Sheriff Glen Craig  They were frustrated with their lives in the United States since it was difficult to find good jobs and expressed a desire to travel to Thailand and fight the Viet Cong, according to two of the hostages 

Law enforcement and media response
When the 9-1-1 call came in at 1:33 p m , the Sacramento County Sheriff's Department Special Enforcement Detail (SED) was already in the process of gearing up in anticipation of executing a previously planned drug raid  They immediately paged off-duty team members and began preparations to rush to the scene along with the Department's Critical Incident Negotiations Team (CINT) and other local and state law enforcement agencies 
As the situation developed, the local media descended on the area in force, broadcasting the unfolding incident  They were able to get footage of the event because of the store's huge glass front doors, which allowed video crews to see into the store where the hostage-takers lined up some of the hostages in front of the entrance as human shields 

Surveillance and negotiation
Following the standard operating procedure, the team obtained a floor plan of the building, which was copied and distributed to team members  The SED team was told that there was only one entrance to the store that was not alarmed: a freight entrance located at the rear of the store  Their only option would be to enter the store's showroom, where the hostages were being held, through a fabrics store on the north side of the building  The entry team gained entrance to the fabric store and slowly moved into position  The criminals apparently heard movement by the police amid shouts of "stay away from the door" coming from inside the store itself 
One of the entry team members removed a ceiling panel in the hallway between the two buildings and inserted a pole-mounted mirror  He was able to observe the subjects directing hostages to place large boxes against the back door to block entry  Once the door was barricaded, the area was abandoned  A fisheye camera was installed by the team but was of limited use because of the design of the store, showing only a portion of the showroom near the door  By this time, the hostages had been tied up with speaker wire and had been arranged inside the store's glass front entrance doors in standing and kneeling positions 
For more than two hours, the department's CINT tried to end the incident peacefully by negotiating with the hostage-takers  Negotiations were initially conducted from police headquarters, and a special negotiation team took over on-site after a few hours from a bank that had been evacuated  The hostage-takers demanded $4 million, forty 1,000-year-old ginseng roots, four bulletproof vests, a 50-troop military helicopter, and transportation for everyone to Thailand after a refueling stop in Alaska  Throughout the incident, the hostage-takers did not present a consistent set of demands to the negotiators One demand that remained constant was for bulletproof vests  During early negotiations, one of the requested vests was exchanged for what was to be the release of nine hostages, although only three were released initially; the police officer who took the first vest to them stripped to his underwear to prove he was unarmed  Loi Nguyen sent a woman to retrieve the vest and threatened to shoot her children if she did not return; after she retrieved the vest, they were the first three hostages to be released  In addition to the hostage exchange, another benefit was that it allowed police to gain information on the current situation in the store  One of the released hostages revealed that the shots heard earlier had been the hostage-takers shooting at the store's security cameras and that none of the hostages had been harmed up to this point  Soon thereafter, more shots were heard, but this was the hostage-takers testing the vest  Approximately an hour later, another woman and her three children were released; an eighth hostage was released at 8:20 p m , bearing a message that they would start to shoot the other hostages shortly At one point during the negotiations, the leader of the hostage-takers, who called himself "Thai" (later shown to be Loi Nguyen), agreed to surrender to the police but only if they were allowed to retain their bulletproof vests and weapons while in prison  The police negotiator informed Loi Nguyen that he would have a short sentence and his vest and guns would be returned upon his release  He set down the phone and began to discuss the situation with his partners  At that point, many of the officers involved felt the exchanges might lead to a negotiated settlement; when he returned to the phone, Loi Nguyen stated that while he accepted those terms, his partners did not  Suddenly, the phone went dead, and the CINT immediately tried to re-establish contact with the store  On the first attempt, the phone was busy, and on the second attempt, a suspect calling himself "Number One" (later shown to be Long Nguyen) answered the phone, informing everyone that he was now in control  From that point on, the situation began to rapidly deteriorate  Shots were once again fired at the store's security cameras 

Entry
At approximately 9 p m , Long Nguyen shot a twenty-year-old male hostage named Sean McIntyre in the leg and then released McIntyre as the ninth and final hostage to be released with the instruction to deliver their message and plight to the local media  They claimed they were trying to draw attention to the troubles of their home country and that they were on a suicide mission  At that point, the police attempted to distract the gunmen by putting the hostage on the news, which would also move them to the television area of the store, but this tactic did not work  The police team was finally given the "green light" to enter the store  Sniper Jeffrey Boyes would issue the signal to execute the assault  Boyes had received permission to fire on any subject on whom he could obtain a clear line of sight 
After McIntyre was shot and released, another hostage was shot just before 10 p m ; the gunmen had told the hostages to select the next victim from among themselves, causing an elderly hostage, Harold Brooks, to faint  According to Sheriff Craig, the gunmen joked "he just decided he was going to be our next person shot " Long Nguyen attempted to shoot Brooks, but his gun misfired, and Loi Nguyen shot Brooks in the leg  The surviving hostages stated the gunmen divided them into two groups and had begun flipping a coin to decide their fates  Guns were placed to the hostages' heads  Several hostages were placed on the phone, and they informed the police the gunmen were going to begin executing hostages 

A second bulletproof vest was delivered to the front door shortly after Brooks was shot, which was to be exchanged for nine more hostages, but no one was released  Another hostage, Priscilla Alvarez, was sent out to recover the second vest with her wrists tied behind her and harnessed with more speaker cord  As the door was opened and Alvarez was halfway down the path to retrieve the vest, Boyes took a shot at one of the gunmen, but the sniper's bullet was deflected by the glass door as it swung shut, and it hit the target's ear Immediately, the hostage-takers ran back and forth, and Long Nguyen started to shoot the seated hostages who were tied down in a row behind the glass door, in full view of the news cameras broadcasting the event live  At the same time, Boyes radioed "Go", and the SED entry team immediately hit the door at 9:51 p m  A stun grenade was tossed into the store from outside, and Curt Warburton, one of the Good Guys employees, managed to scramble to safety through the now shattered glass door  "Number One" (Long Nguyen), now stunned and disoriented, managed to stagger out of Boyes's sights and take cover behind a large pillar  He then immediately began firing his weapon at more bound hostages 
It took the seven-person entry team two to three seconds to get through the back doors from where they had been hiding (a storage space in the rear of the store) because of the "barricades" erected earlier  They then had to contend with the 100-foot (30 m) distance to the front of the store  The team was armed with a variety of weapons for the entry  Sergeants Don Devlin, Charles Price, and Gordon Smith were armed with SiGARMS Sig P220 pistols, Sergeant Bill Kelly carried a laser-sighted HK MP5, investigators Mike Hammel and Greg Peterson carried H&K MP5SD3 submachine guns, and investigator Roger Stanfill was still armed with his AR-15 
Hammel and Price cleared the west side of the store, Peterson and Kelly the east side, and Devlin and Smith went straight up the middle  Stanfill took up a rearguard position  As the team began its movement toward the front of the store, the remaining hostage-takers immediately began to fire on the entry team and hostages  Peterson stepped on the wire that had been used to tether the female hostage sent out to recover the second vest  At that moment, she was snatched to safety by officers outside the store, causing Peterson's feet to fly out from under him, forcing him to fall backward, just as a shotgun blast immediately blew through the area where he was standing  His fellow team members mistakenly believed he had been struck in the face by the blast  As Peterson began to rise to his feet, Devlin and Kelly tried to flank the shotgun-wielding suspect, who fired on them once again, before being taken under fire by the team 

Suspects shot
Simultaneously, on the west side of the store, the team shot one of the suspects (Cuong Tran) before he could react  Then they spotted a second armed suspect (Pham Nguyen) and fired on him, but he disappeared into the chaos of the screaming and panicking crowd of hostages  Then, "Number One" (Long Nguyen) was shot 
At this point, the team could only account for three of the suspects and immediately began a systematic search for the fourth  Price and Hammel discovered an unarmed Asian male (Loi Nguyen) lying on the floor, wearing the sole bulletproof vest that had been provided earlier  Once he was rolled over, they discovered he had a  223 caliber entrance wound, accounting for all four suspects 
It took only 30 seconds from the initial police entry until the gunfire ceased, bringing an end to the hostage crisis 

Aftermath
Casualties
During the assault, the suspects wounded eleven hostages and killed three  Of the eleven wounded, ten were shot, and one suffered a miscarriage  Others shot at were Bret Soren, Chris Lauretzen, Curt Warburton, and many others who suffered both physical and extreme emotional consequences including brutal bodily injuries, trauma, and severe ongoing symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)  Of the four suspects, three were killed by the entry team and one, "Thai" (Loi), was wounded  None of the SED entry team was wounded  The hostages killed were store employees Kris Edward Sohne and John Lee Fritz and customer Fernando Gutierrez Gutierrez's two nieces were also hostages  One of the nieces, Lisa Joseph, later wrote the book Heads or Tails: A True Hostage Story of Terror, Torture and Ultimate Survival about her ordeal  Two employees hid in a computer closet during the hostage crisis The Good Guys! announced they would set up trust funds for the two slain employees and would pay for the funerals of all three murder victims 

Trial and prosecution
Loi Nguyen was arraigned from his hospital bed shortly after the crisis ended and charged with 54 felonies, including murder  Nguyen's attorney, Sacramento public defender Linda Parisi, argued that Loi Nguyen was trying to make peace, based on witness testimony and recorded audio, and did not deserve the death penalty; she pointed to Long Nguyen as the leader  However, Rebecca Moore, a sheriff's detective, pointed out that Loi Nguyen had purchased the guns, driven the group to the store, and handled most of the negotiations: "In my opinion he is the most responsible party for this thing going down " Because of pre-trial publicity, the trial was moved to San Francisco  He was convicted on February 8, 1995, on 51 felony counts: three for murder, eight for attempted murder, two for assault with a firearm, and 38 for kidnapping, after two days of jury deliberation  On March 28, the jury recommended a life sentence in prison rather than the death penalty, after four more hours of deliberation At the sentencing hearing in Sacramento, Judge W J  Harpham said, "It's hard to find the adjectives for the terror the defendant put these hostages through " He sentenced Loi Khac Nguyen to 49 life terms in prison, 41 to be served consecutively without the chance of parole  Information that surfaced at Nguyen's trial revealed the men's motivation for committing the crime was that they were frustrated by their inability to learn English and find jobs  Nguyen initially served his sentence at the California State Prison, Lancaster  he was later transferred to California State Prison, Centinela, and has since been transferred to California State Prison, Solano where he is currently serving his term  His CDCR number is J69791 The former Good Guys! building later became a Dollar Tree store, which was modified to move the main entry doors from the front (south facade) to the side of the building (east facade)  This Dollar Tree still stands and remains in business 

In popular culture
In 2000, a play titled The Good Guys: An American Tragedy was created by Michael Edo Keane and Miko Lee and presented by Theater of Yugen, a theatre group that presents work relating to the Pan Asian Diaspora, at the Theater Artaud in San Francisco, California 
The hostage crisis was examined in detail in the first season of the documentary series Shootout!, aired on the History Channel, for the first time in September 2005 
Footage of the event was featured in World's Scariest Police Shootouts in 1997 
In March 2015, the crisis was the focus of an episode of ABC's In an Instant 
In 2019 a movie called A Clear Shot, based on the incident, was released  It starred Hao Do as Loi, Kevin Bach as Pham, Tony Dew as Long, and Dang Tran as Cuong 

See also
List of homicides in California
1996 Honolulu hostage crisis
Passage 4:
Chris Reason
Chris Reason (born 1 October 1965) is a senior reporter and presenter for Seven News in Sydney, Australia  He was awarded the Graham Perkin Australian Journalist of the Year Award for his coverage of the Lindt Cafe siege in December 2014 

Career
Reason's career began in 1990, when during his first year at Seven News he unwittingly covered a segment now infamously known as the Democracy Manifest video, which became an Internet viral video years later  In 2019, The Guardian called it "perhaps the pre-eminent Australian meme of the past 10 years" In 2002, he was announced as co-host of the re-launched national breakfast program Sunrise alongside Melissa Doyle  But in September, Reason was diagnosed with cancer and forced to retire from the program while he underwent six months of chemotherapy, surgery and recovery care  He was replaced by David Koch  The cancer was an abdominal metastasis of the testicular cancer he had fought four years earlier  Reason had missed a critical health check-up in 2001 while covering the September 11 terror attacks in the United States, and he says it almost cost him his life  In multiple interviews since, he has warned young men to never miss a health check-up In 2003, after his recovery, Reason had multiple roles—first as presenter of Seven Morning News, and then presenter of Sunday Sunrise in 2004  In 2005, he was named co-host of Weekend Sunrise alongside Lisa Wilkinson, but he was later replaced by Deal or No Deal host Andrew O'Keefe  Reason returned to full-time reporting as Senior Network Correspondent In 2015, he won the Graham Perkin Award for his coverage of the Lindt Cafe siege  He has won a Walkley Award and two Logie Awards for News Reporting 
Reason is a back-up presenter for most of the Seven News programs, including Seven Morning News, Seven Afternoon News and Seven News Sydney  He also intermittently fills in for either David Koch or Matt Doran on Sunrise and Weekend Sunrise respectively, and appears on the former show during the week as one of the News Feed panelists 

Personal life
His father died from brain cancer in 2006  He attended Villanova College in the Brisbane suburb of Coorparoo and the University of Queensland (BA)  Reason married journalist Kathryn Robinson in 2005  They became parents to twins in 2007 
Passage 5:
Les Carlyon
Leslie Allen Carlyon  (10 June 1942 – 4 March 2019) was an Australian writer and newspaper editor 

Early life
Carlyon began his career in journalism with The Herald and Weekly Times as a cadet on the Sun News-Pictorial (now the Herald Sun) in 1960  In 1963, he moved to The Age working successively as leader writer, finance editor, news editor, assistant editor and, in 1975 aged 33, editor, following the sudden death of the previous editor, Graham Perkin  Carlyon had to resign for health reasons in 1976 after just one year in the position From 1977 to 1982, he was a visiting lecturer in journalism at RMIT University, Melbourne  During this time, he continued writing for newspapers across Australia with a particular focus on horse racing In 1984, Carlyon returned to an executive role in journalism with his first employer, the Herald and Weekly Times, where he was promoted to editor-in-chief   After resigning in 1986, Carlyon again continued as a freelance writer and columnist during the 1990s, contributing to such publications as the Sydney Morning Herald, Western Australia's The Sunday Times and The Bulletin Carlyon twice won the Walkley Award for journalism (1971 and 2004)  In 1993, he won the Graham Perkin Australian Journalist of the Year Award 

Books
In addition to his career as a journalist, Carlyon was also an accomplished author writing mainly on sport and Australian military history  His books include:

Carlyon, Les (1996)  True Grit: Tales from a Decade on the Turf  Mandarin  ISBN 9781863306065 
Carlyon, Les (1998)  Heroes in our eyes  Information Australia  ISBN 9781863502467 
Carlyon, Les (2001)  Gallipoli  Macmillan Australia  ISBN 9781743534229 
Carlyon, Les (2006)  The Great War  Picador Australia  ISBN 9780330424967 
Carlyon, Les (2011)  The Master: A personal portrait of Bart Cummings  Macmillan Australia  ISBN 9781742628837 
Carlyon, Les (2021)  Les Carlyon: A Life in Words  Allen and Unwin Australia  ISBN 9781760879723 Gallipoli, a popular history of the Allied Gallipoli campaign in the Dardanelles during the First World War (which remains a key event in the Australian and New Zealand national consciousnesses), was published in 2001, and met with critical and commercial success in Australia, New Zealand and England  The book was the basis for the Australian 2015 TV miniseries Gallipoli, released in the year of the 100th anniversary of the campaign The Great War is the story of Australian forces on the Western Front in France and Belgium also during World War I Les Carlyon: A Life in Words, published posthumously, is a collection of Carlyon's articles from across his career, selected by his family and with a foreword by his son, Patrick Carlyon 

Awards
In the 2014 Queen's Birthday Honours List, Carlyon was invested as a Companion of the Order of Australia (AC), for "eminent service to literature through the promotion of the national identity as an author, editor and journalist, to the understanding and appreciation of Australia's war history, and to the horseracing industry" He was admitted to the Australian Media Hall of Fame He served as a Member of the Council of the Australian War Memorial from May 2006 until his death (he was replaced by Tony Abbott)  In April 2020, the Australian War Memorial announced the inaugural Les Carlyon Literary Prize in his memory 

Awards
Walkley Award for magazine feature writing 1971
Graham Perkin Australian Journalist of the Year Award 1993
Walkley Award for journalism leadership 2004
Melbourne Press Club Quill Award for Lifetime Achievement 2004
Prime Minister's Prize for History 2007 (for The Great War)
Companion of the Order of Australia (AC) 2014

Death
Carlyon's death, aged 76, on 4 March 2019 was widely reported 
Passage 6:
2014 Sydney hostage crisis
The Lindt Café siege was a terrorist attack that occurred on 15–16 December 2014 when a lone gunman, Man Haron Monis, held hostage ten customers and eight employees of a Lindt Chocolate Café in the APA Building in Martin Place, Sydney, Australia 
The Sydney siege led to a 16-hour standoff, after which a gunshot was heard from inside and police officers from the Tactical Operations Unit (TOU) stormed the café  Hostage Tori Johnson was killed by Monis and hostage Katrina Dawson was killed by a police bullet ricochet in the subsequent raid  Monis was also killed  Three other hostages and a police officer were injured by police gunfire during the raid Police have been criticised over their handling of the siege for not taking proactive action earlier, for the deaths of hostages at the end of the siege, and for the lack of negotiation during the siege  Hostage Marcia Mikhael called radio station 2GB during the siege and said, "They have not negotiated, they've done nothing  They have left us here to die "Early on, hostages were seen holding a Jihadist flag against the window of the café, featuring the shahādah creed  Initially, many media organisations mistook it for the flag used by the Islamic State (IS); Monis later demanded that an IS flag be brought to him  Monis also unsuccessfully demanded to speak to the Prime Minister of Australia, Tony Abbott, live on radio  Monis was described by Abbott as having indicated a "political motivation," but the eventual assessment was that the gunman was "a very unusual case—a rare mix of extremism, mental health problems and plain criminality "In the aftermath of the siege, Muslim groups issued a joint statement in which they condemned the incident, and memorial services were held in the city at the nearby St Mary's Cathedral and St James' Church  Condolence books were set up in other Lindt cafés and the community turned Martin Place into a "field of flowers " The Martin Place Lindt café was severely damaged during the police raid, closed afterwards, then renovated for reopening in March 2015 In October 2022, the TOU officer who shot and killed Monis during the police storming of the Lindt Café published a memoir entitled 'Tiger! Tiger! Tiger! Tiger! The Lindt Café Siege: The incredible inside story of two days that traumatised a nation: And one man's journey of resilience and hope '

Events
Prior to event
An anonymous call was made to Australia's anti-terrorism hotline 48 hours before the siege, raising concerns about the content of Monis's website  On his website, Monis had pledged allegiance to "the caliph of the Muslims", believed to be referring to Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, and denounced moderate Islam  It has been reported that the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation followed up on the call by reviewing the website and Monis's posts on social media but found nothing to indicate that he was likely to commit an act of violence 

Hostage-taking and negotiations
Monis entered the Lindt Chocolate Café at 53 Martin Place, Sydney, at 8:33 am Sydney local time (AEDT) on 15 December 2014 (UTC+11)  The café is located directly across from the Seven News television studios, and near the Reserve Bank of Australia, the headquarters of the Commonwealth Bank, Westpac bank, and Martin Place underground train station 
The situation began at 9:44 am, when Monis forced Tori Johnson, the manager of the café, to phone 000 Monis was bearded, wearing a black cap and wearing a black headband with the inscription, in Arabic: "We are ready to sacrifice for you, O Mohammad " He was carrying a blue sports bag, and armed with a sawed-off pump-action shotgun 
The shotgun was old but could fire four shots in five seconds Monis used hostages as human shields  He had disabled the automatic sliding glass doors of the café Monis claimed there were four "devices" located around Sydney  However, New South Wales Police Commissioner Andrew Scipione said that none of the alleged devices were found during investigations  Monis also demanded that a hostage ask all media to broadcast that "this is an attack on Australia by the Islamic State"  In addition, he demanded that an Islamic State flag be delivered to him, although the request was never fulfilled Hostages were ordered to hold up a Black Standard flag, with the shahādah in white Arabic letters (an Islamic creed declaring: "There is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is the messenger of God"), against the window of the café  Some news reports initially mistook it for the flag used by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) Monis demanded to speak to the Australian Prime Minister live on radio, but this demand was rejected  This was relayed by hostage Marcia Mikhael, who said that she "lost it" when told that the Prime Minister was too busy, saying, "I don't care what [Abbott] is doing right now   I'm sure there's nothing more important happening in Australia   than the lives of the people in this café   "Mamdouh Habib said he knew Monis well and offered to help police negotiate with him  He believed that Monis was "sick and disturbed" over his failure to gain access to his children, and said Monis could trust him to get his message out  Lawyer Manny Conditsis had represented Monis and had also offered help because he said that Monis respected what he had to say to him  Barrister Michael Klooster who had met Monis in the cafe before the siege called the police at 2:17 pm  Other Muslim leaders also offered to help, including the Grand Mufti of Australia, Ibrahim Abu Mohamed 
All such offers were rejected by police because they had no control over what the untrained negotiators might say or do  However, Mikhael said that after the request to speak to the Prime Minister was refused: "It was then that I knew that there was not going to be any negotiation and we were just left there     They were waiting for him to kill someone or shoot something so they [could] come in     There was nothing proactive about that operation, nothing "Belinda Neil, who was a negotiator for the NSW police, said that in negotiations, "[W]e want to try and talk to the hostage-taker     [W]e want to find out why he's there, why is he doing this, and we don't just go into this situation hoping to resolve it in half an hour " This approach would be consistent with the Behavioral Change Stairway Model  However, Mikhael stated that no such negotiation took place  Habib said that he called both the police and the Attorney General twice during the raid, but they did not return his calls  Police Commissioner Andrew Scipione confirmed during the siege that "we're not dealing directly with him     we do not have direct contact with the offender "Several hostages made contact with media outlets and relayed Monis's demands to them  At the request of the New South Wales Police Force, they were not published during the siege  The social media profiles of the hostages were also used to relay demands At 1:43 am Tori Johnson texted his family "He's [Monis] increasingly agitated, walks around when he hears a noise outside with a hostage in front of him  Wants to release one person in good faith, tell police " This was conveyed to the police 10 minutes later During the early stages of the siege, the Australian government and NSW authorities did not label the event as a terrorist attack; however, as the siege continued, NSW police authorised the engagement of the state's counter-terrorism task force, treating the incident as an act of terrorism 

Escape of first five hostages
At around 3:37 pm, two hostages, John O'Brien and barrister Stefan Balafoutis, escaped from the front entrance of the building, followed by a third hostage, café employee Paolo Vassallo, who ran out from a fire exit at the side of the building  At around 4:58 pm, two female hostages, both employees, Jieun Bae and Elly Chen, escaped by running from another entrance of the building and were met by Tactical Operations Unit officers Monis was unaware that Jieun Bae and Elly Chen had escaped  Jarrod Morton-Hoffman made noise to cover their exit and persuaded Monis that media reports of five hostages escaping were wrong  After the escape, Monis threatened to kill hostages Police planted a covert listening device in the café during the night  At one point, the device picked up Monis saying that he wanted to kill any escaping hostages 

Raid and end of the siege
At 2:03 am on 16 December, a "very loud bang" was heard as Monis shot towards six hostages fleeing from the building  At 2:11 am Monis fired a shot towards the kitchen, and was heard on the police listening device reloading his shotgun  The hostage Fiona Ma then escaped through the front door, and two police Tactical Operations Unit teams were ordered to move very slowly towards the two entrances At 2:14 am, four minutes after the Tactical operations teams were ordered in, Monis shot Tori Johnson in the back of the head, killing him  The shooting was witnessed by a police sniper, who reported a hostage down  Police armed with M4A1 carbines threw eleven stun grenades as they stormed the café 
Monis was shot in the head  An officer reported that "I watched the (gun's) laser     from the centre of his chest go to his head and his head exploded and he fell"  One officer then fired a total of 17 rounds, and another officer fired 5 additional rounds  Some fragments of those rounds killed hostage Katrina Dawson Police declared the siege over soon after, later confirming that Monis was killed in the raid  Two hostages had died, and another three were injured by police bullets  One police officer, whose face was grazed by a police bullet, was discharged from hospital later in the day At the inquest, Counsel assisting the coroner, Jeremy Gormley SC, said, "No shot fired by Mr Monis, other than the one that struck and killed Mr Johnson, struck anyone " Mitchell McAlister, who was a tactical assaulter with 2nd Commando Tactical Assault Group questioned the police use of M4A1 carbines with 5 56mm NATO rounds that could have "dangerous effects in a dense and enclosed environment " It was also unclear why 22 shots were fired by police, of which 13 hit Monis 

Flag raids
At around 2:00 pm on 15 December, police contacted Rebecca Kay, a member of the Muslim community, and asked her to help source an ISIS flag for Monis  Kay contacted many people in the Muslim community but ultimately the police sourced their own flag  However, the flag was never given to Monis The following day, NSW and federal police raided three homes of people who had been contacted in the attempt to source the flag  Kay assumes that her conversations had been monitored  Kay said she would help police in another crisis, but "with this incident they have not built trust at all  You don't understand   the fear that [the AFP and ASIO] create, and how they stalk   members of our community   " Lawyer Zali Burrows questioned the purpose of the police contacting Kay in the first place, stating, "Why didn't they just print [a flag]?"

Police strategy
The police followed a "contain and negotiate" strategy which was to avoid any direct action unless a hostage was killed or injured  They decided that this strategy could deliver a "peaceful negotiated outcome" because Monis had not harmed any hostages, despite having threatened to do so  Monis had also not reacted violently to the escape of five hostages on two separate occasions, or due to none of his demands being met  Further, Monis claimed to have a bomb, and "if the bomb was triggered, all of those inside the cafe and those attempting a rescue were not likely to survive"  At 8:20 pm and again at 11:35 pm, the head of the tactical operations unit attempted to persuade the other commanders to take a "deliberate action" plan and storm the cafe but this was overruled by other commanders and Assistant Commissioner Mark Jenkins due to the danger to the hostages and police 
Police snipers could not be used due to "the narrow windows, the moving around of Monis, the risk to hostages if there was a missed shot, (and) the position of the snipers behind glass" At 11 am, Operational Commander Mick Fuller approved negotiations for the release of half of the 18 hostages in return for Monis being allowed to talk on ABC radio  However, the negotiation commander decided not to do so because it conflicted with a standing policy to not negotiate with terrorists The first negotiator was not told that the Grand Mufti of Australia and a barrister who represented Monis had offered to help negotiate with Monis  He only found out about Monis's demand for the ABC to broadcast that Australia was under attack after a Facebook post from one of the hostages was read out on radio 2GB  Monis had also demanded that the Christmas lights be turned off  The first negotiator thought that doing this would have provided an opportunity to bargain with Monis, but did not hear back from commanders as to whether it was possible so "discarded" the option He was then relieved by a second negotiator, but did not tell him about the demand that the Christmas lights be turned off  Hostage Selina Win Pe told the second negotiator Monis wanted to know why it hadn't happened  It was later revealed an Ausgrid team had assembled to switch off the lights, but was sent home A third negotiator later said that he did not have the Christmas lights turned off because he had some reason to know that Monis would not carry through his threat to kill Win Pe  He said there was some "step-by-step" process to have the hostages released (after nineteen hours)  Jenkins says he would have liked the Christmas lights turned off quickly, and was unaware that this had been found to be possible  Jenkins was also not told about the Johnson text near the end of the siege that Monis wanted to release a hostage The negotiation team leader did not think Monis would hurt anyone because Monis had told people inside the cafe that everyone would go home once Prime Minister Tony Abbott called  The team leader later conceded that Abbott was never going to call  Forensic advice given to the police by an unnamed consultant psychiatrist was that Monis was probably undertaking a grandiose act to be recognised as a figure of great infamy rather than wishing to hurt anyone  He doubted that Monis actually represented ISIS because he did not have the correct flag, nor that his actions were politically motivated  The psychiatrist warned that "a wounded narcissist is a dangerous specimen" as none of Monis's demands were met 

Timeline of events
Hostages
Authorities did not release an estimate of the number of hostages inside the café during the siege  After the siege, a total of 18 hostages was confirmed—eight staff and ten customers of the café including lawyers and Westpac employees with offices close by  Initial estimates varied, with some significantly overestimating the number Tori Johnson, the 34-year-old manager of the café, died after being shot in the head by Monis 
Katrina Dawson, a 38-year-old barrister, was killed when she was hit by seven police bullet fragments while lying behind a chair, which was hit by 10 bullets Three hostages and a police officer were wounded by police gunfire during the raid  The three hostages were Marcia Mikhael, who was shot in the leg; Robyn Hope, a 75-year-old woman who was shot in the shoulder; and Louisa Hope, her 52-year-old daughter, who was shot in the foot 
All three were in a stable condition after treatment  Paolo Vassallo, one of the five hostages who initially escaped the scene, was hospitalised for a pre-existing condition 
The other hostages were identified as John O'Brien, Stefan Balafoutis, Elly Chen, Jieun Bae, Harriette Denny, Viswakanth Ankireddy, Joel Herat, Fiona Ma, Jarrod Hoffman, Puspendu Ghosh, Selina Win Pe, and Julie Taylor Memorial services for Johnson and Dawson were held on 23 December: Johnson's in the morning at St Stephen's Uniting Church, Sydney, and Dawson's in the afternoon in the Great Hall of the University of Sydney  Interviews with some of the hostages were later recorded for television and broadcast, amid some controversy 

Evacuations and closures
After the siege began, a staged exclusion zone was established with thousands of people evacuated from nearby buildings, including from the floors above the café  The Sydney Opera House was evacuated after a suspicious package was found; however, reports were unconfirmed by police  The US Consulate General in Sydney, located in Martin Place, was also evacuated  Some Sydney schools were put in "white level lockout" due to the hostage situation, which meant that no school group was permitted to leave the school grounds Police advised people in the area bounded by Hunter, George, Elizabeth, and Macquarie streets, bordering Martin Place, to remain indoors and away from windows  Commonwealth Bank, Westpac, and ANZ closed their CBD branches for the day  The State Library was also closed  Numerous other buildings, including David Jones stores, executive offices for the New South Wales Parliament, criminal courts for the Supreme Court, the Downing Centre, and "several city legal chambers" were evacuated, as were the facilities of the Seven Network, situated directly across from the café, forcing The Morning Show to suspend transmission  Police established an emergency centre in nearby Hyde Park in response to the unfolding situation with emergency services sent to the area to respond to any immediate threats and evacuees were relocated to the park as a safety precaution Trains did not stop at Martin Place railway station during the incident  Transport for NSW advised people to stay away from the CBD  Road closures prevented southbound access to the Cahill Expressway, York Street, and Harbour Street, and northbound access to the Cahill Expressway, and all traffic was diverted to the Sydney Harbour Tunnel  On the morning of 16 December, road diversions remained in place and Martin Place train station remained closed  In the evening of 16 December, Elizabeth Street, Macquarie Street and Hunter Street were opened to traffic Uber fares for travel in Sydney surged during the event under the company's dynamic pricing system, which led to criticism  Uber subsequently refunded excessive fares and provided free rides out of the CBD 

Gunman
Iranian-born Monis was identified as the hostage-taker and named early on the morning of 16 December In September 2009, Monis was convicted for criminal use of the postal service to "menace, harass or cause offence", for a campaign protesting the presence of Australian troops in Afghanistan, by writing letters to the families of soldiers killed there, in which he called the soldiers murderers  On 12 December, three days before the siege, Monis lost his appeal against his conviction and was sentenced to 300 hours of community service  Monis had been charged with accessory to murder relating to the death of his former wife who was found stabbed eighteen times, and set alight, on 21 April 2013 at a unit block in Werrington  However, on 12 December 2013, Magistrate William Pierce said "It is a weak case" and granted Monis bail  In November 2016, Amirah Droudis was found guilty, in a judge-only trial, of the murder of Monis's ex-wife and sentenced to 44 years' jail Monis also had numerous charges of sexual assault, aggravated indecent assault, and common assault  On 14 April 2014, Monis was charged with three sexual assault offences against a woman and remanded in custody  He was granted bail on 26 May, six days after the Bail Act in New South Wales was rewritten based on recommendations by the New South Wales Law Reform Commission  On 10 October, he was charged with another 40 sexual assault offences against six more women, and his bail was continued Jeremy Gormly SC, counsel assisting the inquest, summarised Monis as "a complex, disturbed individual desperate for recognition and status but completely lacking the skills or achievements to bring that dream to life"  Gormly summarised that "Monis could be plausible, courteous and controlled, but he was also almost entirely consumed in his own self-importance      By 2014, he owned no property, was in debt, and had developed no employment skills  His attempts to develop a personal, religious following     had failed      He was facing future serious criminal charges    he had made no public impact of note on the Australian political scene"  Monis may have felt that he had "little left to live for" No weapons were found when police raided his home in 2013  From 1997 to 2000, Monis held a security guard licence, which would have let him carry a pistol between March and June 1997  The weapon that Monis used, a sawn-off French-made Manufrance La Salle pump-action shotgun, was more than 50 years old  Police believe the weapon was imported in the 1950s, when no registration was required  Monis had 23 shotgun cartridges of different brands on him, between 15 and 20 years old 

Reactions
Leaders
The Prime Minister convened the National Security Committee of Cabinet to give briefings on the situation and said "Australians should be reassured that our law enforcement and security agencies are well trained and equipped and are responding in a thorough and professional manner " He later said, "The whole point of politically motivated violence is to scare people out of being themselves  Australia is a peaceful, open, and generous society  Nothing should ever change that and that's why I would urge all Australians today to go about their business as usual", and "Australians should be reassured by the way our law enforcement and security agencies responded to this brush with terrorism "The Premier of New South Wales, Mike Baird, addressed the media during the stand-off, and stated "we are being tested today    in Sydney  The police are being tested, the public is being tested, but whatever the test we will face it head on and we will remain a strong democratic, civil society  I have full confidence in the Police Commissioner and the incredible work of the NSW police force The Lord Mayor of Sydney, Clover Moore, on the morning of 16 December, urged Australians to see this as a "one-off event", stating, "We're an inclusive multicultural community and we need to deal with this together"  Governor-General of Australia, Sir Peter Cosgrove, released a statement sympathising with the families, commending the work of the police involved, and urging Australians to "unite in our resolve to protect what we value most—our way of life, our care and respect for each other" 

Community
Thousands of people visited the site in the first few days after the incident to pay tribute to the victims  Among them were members of the families of Dawson and Johnson  Johnson's father was accompanied by rabbis Levi Wolff and Zalmen Kastel, Hindu priest Pandit Ramachandra, the Reverend Bill Crews and Sheikh Wesam Charkawi  Dawson's young daughter left her own note 
Flags on all NSW government buildings, including the Sydney Harbour Bridge, flew at half-mast to honour the hostages who lost their lives at the café A magistrate who had granted Monis bail and the lawyers who had represented him in his court appearances received death threats in the days after the attack  This reaction was described by the Bar Association as "understandable but wrong-headed", as magistrates have to deal with cases as they come before them on the basis of the law at the time 

#illridewithyou campaign
During and immediately following the incident, some in the community expressed concern about an increased potential for violence or intimidation directed at Muslims in Australia  For example, the head of the Australian Muslim Women's Association told the media there was an increase in anti-Muslim messages being posted on social media  Due to this concern among some local social media users, many started using the hashtag #illridewithyou [I'll ride with you]  This sought to offer solidarity and emotional support to Muslims travelling alone on public transport by people tweeting their bus/train route and suggesting that they would be willing to "ride with" anyone who might feel threatened  More than 150,000 people indicated their support of the concept by using the hashtag  The campaign was initially inspired by a Facebook status update about offering to walk with a woman who had removed her head covering  The campaign received international attention, including from United States President Barack Obama, although federal National Party member of Parliament George Christensen criticised the campaign for creating "false victims" out of Muslims and thereby taking attention away from the hostages 

"Field of flowers"
On the morning of 16 December, after police declared the crisis to be over, a makeshift memorial began to take shape in Martin Place  From the first bunch of lilies, tributes developed into a field of flowers that "you can smell before you can see" and which was extensively reported and photographed  The Prime Minister and NSW Premier were among many in the community to lay flowers at the memorial in a demarcated space  Flowers were also taken to suburban Lindt shops 
Volunteers from the Rural Fire Service, the State Emergency Service and the Red Cross began clearing the flowers on 22 December after consultation with the families, because rain was expected  It was announced that the condolence books would be bound in several volumes and one complete copy provided to each family  The messages on the many cards were to be digitised  During the week after the siege, it was estimated that 110,000 bouquets were laid at Martin Place 

Religious organisations
During the siege, Sanier Dandan, president of the Lebanese Muslim Association, informed ABC News that Australian Muslim leaders were meeting online for discussions as to how the Muslim community could help with the situation  He added, "Regardless, we have a hostage situation  Whether he is someone who belongs to the Australian Muslim community or not, we are still waiting for information to be provided by police and based on that if there's something the Muslim community can do or assist, we are there "
Ibrahim Abu Mohamed, the Grand Mufti of Australia, condemned the incident in a statement released on 15 December  The same afternoon, around fifty Muslim groups issued a joint statement in which they condemned the incident  The Australian Ahmadiyya Muslim Association condemned the incident, the national president saying that "such actions are criminal and totally contrary to the teachings of Islam " Egypt's Grand Mufti Shawqi Allam also condemned the attack 
In Martin Place, the 2014 traditional Hanukkah menorah presented a message of support: "May the lights of the festival of Hanukkah bring comfort and warmth to our nation" The Catholic Archbishop of Sydney, Anthony Fisher, invoked the special prayers in the Roman Missal from the "Mass in times of civil disturbance" and a memorial service was held at St Mary's Cathedral, on the morning of 19 December St James' Church, which had been within the exclusion zone, held a "Service of Remembrance and Reflection" on the afternoon of 19 December  The service was attended by about 400 people, most of them members of the legal profession 

International
During the siege, a spokesman for the Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs, John Baird, said, "We urge all Canadians in Sydney to use extra precaution and limit their movements as authorities handle this situation "Iran Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, Marzieh Afkham, strongly condemned the taking of hostages as "inhuman" and also stated that the Australian authorities had been repeatedly warned about Monis United States President Barack Obama called the Prime Minister to express his condolences on behalf of the United States  According to the White House, Obama praised the "Australian public's embrace of #illridewithyou and the Muslim leaders who have disavowed the actions of the hostage taker", and "Australia's rejection of any violence taken in the name of religion and the fear this violence seeks to stoke " The President also conveyed the United States' willingness to provide assistance in the aftermath of the situation  United States Secretary of State, John Kerry, said the United States stood ready to provide Australia with any assistance required in "determining the facts of the case, assisting the victims and holding accountable anyone and everyone responsible for this act of terror"  Citing this event, the United States issued a global travel alert to its citizens, to be alert for possible terrorist attacks within public venues New Zealand Prime Minister John Key, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, UK Prime Minister David Cameron, and Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak also expressed their concern about the incident  In addition, the Israeli embassy in Australia stated that it stood with Australia in the face of terror 

Charitable foundations
Following the two deaths during the hostage situation, the Katrina Dawson Foundation was established, with the aim of supporting educational opportunities for women  The then Governor-General Quentin Bryce was a founding member  At his parents' request, a memorial fund for Johnson was used to raise money for mental health organisation Beyond Blue  The first donation, of $51,000, came from Lindt Australia 

Terrorist organizations
Two weeks after the siege, Dabiq, a magazine published by the ISIL editorialised on Monis's actions and attempted to claim him as one of their own, in a response that an expert described as "absolutely predictable"  The magazine lauded Monis's actions and their effect on the city  The al Qaeda-produced magazine Inspire also praised Monis's actions 

Investigations
A number of organisations announced formal investigations 
Police investigations include a "critical incident" investigation undertaken by NSW police; headed by Detective Inspector Angelo Memmolo and an enquiry conducted by the Australian Federal Police Federal and state governments announced a joint review to be led by Michael Thawley from the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet and Blair Comley of the New South Wales Department of Premier and Cabinet Following the siege, officers from the New South Wales Police Force and the Australian Federal Police went to the Belmore home of Monis's partner Amirah Droudis, and removed property  Her bail was revoked after a hearing on 22 December 2014  Investigations by Australian security agencies and monitoring of suspects following the siege revealed increased "terror chatter" 

Federal–State joint review
The findings of the Federal–State joint review were released on 22 February 2015  The report covered Monis's earlier interactions with the government, his access to firearms, and the government response to Monis including problems correlating his various aliases  The report's terms of reference did not cover the controversial police actions during the siege itself, such as the nature of the negotiations or the final assault The review found that the judgements made by government agencies were reasonable  It suggested only modest changes to laws and procedures, taking the view that "introducing substantial further controls involves a larger choice about the sort of society we wish to live in and is properly the province of the public and our elected representatives"  The review found that the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) had conducted a thorough review of Monis in 2008/9 and found that he was not involved in politically motivated violence, nor had significant contact with groups of security concern  After receiving 18 calls from the public, ASIO reviewed Monis's Facebook page, which was considered not to indicate a threat  None of the calls related to any pending attack  The review found that there was no credible information that would indicate an attack  Monis had been granted bail while charged with several violent offences  However, bail laws had since been tightened in this regard  Monis obtained his firearm illegally and was never granted a license The review suggested, in addition to the reforms to the bail laws and "new programmes to counter violent extremism", that a review of immigration policies and visa applications should be undertaken  The review suggested that the gun that Monis used had lawfully entered the country, possibly as early as the 1950s, and had fallen into the "grey market" after not being included in the gun buyback schemes of 1996 and 2002 

Inquest
An inquest, mandatory whenever people die in a police operation, began as scheduled on 29 January 2015, presided over by the State Coroner, Michael Barnes  The stated aim was "to determine how the [three] deaths occurred, the factors that contributed to them and whether they could have been prevented" The hearings were divided into blocks of a couple of weeks  The first, which started on 25 May 2015, queried people who knew Monis to get background information  The second started on 17 August 2015 to consider Monis's bail application  Further blocks that investigate how the police dealt with the siege itself will be withheld from the public "in the interests of the families" The findings of the inquest were released on 24 May 2017 

Aftermath
Designation of the event as terrorism
Insurance declaration
Treasurer Joe Hockey declared the siege to be a "terrorist incident" under the Terrorism Insurance Act 2003  The Act means that insurance exclusions for terrorist incidents do not apply if such a declaration is made 

Debate on status as a terrorist event
Scholars and social commentators have debated whether Monis was a terrorist and whether his actions could be classified as an act of terrorism  There is doubt as to whether or not Monis fit the definition of a lone wolf terrorist 
Queensland University of Technology criminologist Mark Lauchs said it was important to not describe the siege as a "terrorist attack"  Lauchs said Monis was simply a deranged person running a hostage situation  "This incident was not about religion and neither was it a terrorist attack, but given that perception by the paraphernalia Monis used " The Australian prime minister said, "[Man Haron Monis] had a long history of violent crime, infatuation with extremism and mental instability   As the siege unfolded yesterday, he sought to cloak his actions with the symbolism of the ISIL death cult "Prof Greg Barton (from Deakin University) and Dr Clarke Jones (ANU) told the inquest that Monis was a loner and had mental health problems, and was desperate to attach himself to something  Clarke suggested that if the Rebels had accepted his membership then the siege might not have happened  Roger Shanahan from the Lowy Institute said that if Monis had followed ISIS direction he would have just killed everyone The chief of ASIO Duncan Lewis confirmed that he believed Monis to be a terrorist  However, former counter-terrorism adviser to the White House, Richard A  Clarke, said, "I don't think this was a lone wolf terrorist, I don't think this was a terrorist at all, I think this was someone who was committing suicide by police as a lot of people with mental problems do, and now, if they say they're a terrorist, if they say they're somehow associated with ISIS or Al Qaeda, it becomes a major event that shuts down the city and gets international attention  This was a person with a mental problem who tried to gain attention and succeeded, tried to shut down the city and succeeded, merely by putting up a flag that was something like the flag of ISIS "The difference between terrorism and terrorising acts was noted in one analysis as "enormously important"—it added that in Monis's case, terrorism "was clearly an element, but he was coming to the end of his rope with a variety of legal processes; there was clearly some mental instability " One view was that his lack of ties to any movement did not preclude his being a terrorist as it is "an inclusive club"  Another commentator said, "There can be also no doubt that his attack was a terrorist act, as defined under Australia's Criminal Code Act 1995" and that, "he was a terrorist, clearly influenced by IS" One terrorism expert, Professor Greg Barton, described Monis's actions as those of a "lone wolf terrorist     driven by a desire for attention and to be in the spotlight", and his use of the flag was described as "the only way" to instil fear on a global scale  Professor Michael Wesley, Director of the School of International, Political and Strategic Studies at the Australian National University said the attack "was very different from first-generation or second-generation terrorist attacks—but it was terrorism, and terrorism of a brutal and more unpredictable sort " Another view was that describing the gunman as a terrorist was misplaced and would only serve the interests of ISIL  The supervisor of terrorism and security analysis for Stratfor said that this hostage-incident exhibits many of the elements associated with grassroots terrorism  A criminologist said that the event "was not about religion and neither was it a terrorist attack but given that perception by the paraphernalia Monis used "Conversely, Yassir Morsi, a researcher at the Centre for Muslim and non-Muslim Understanding in Australia, suggested that "before he flew the black flag, Monis was just a desperate man with a violent past" and that "he was just another gunman      the symbol (flag) rewrote Monis's violent past and gave grammar to his attack "Monis had entered the cafe without an ISIS flag  ASIO's previous investigations had found no links between Monis and any terrorist group  When a News reporter met him before the crisis she thought Monis was "lost and confused" and "harmless"  Habib said Monis was "sick and disturbed" and desperately seeking attention over his grievances with government officials that had nothing to do with terrorism In 2016, Monis was cited as one of a number of recent violent attackers who were mentally disturbed and operated under the justification of Islamist ideas or slogans  Other examples include the as-of-yet unidentified perpetrator of the Munich knife attack and Michael Zehaf-Bibeau, the perpetrator of the 2014 shootings at Parliament Hill, Ottawa  According to psychologists and psychiatrists who study radicalisation, jihad propaganda and calls to kill infidels can push mentally-ill individuals to act, even in the absence of direct or personal contact with radical Islamists In February 2017, United States President Donald Trump cited the Sydney siege as an example of what he claimed was deliberate underreporting of terrorist attacks by the media, notwithstanding that the event received "blanket coverage" in local and international news 

The coroner's finding
Following the Sydney siege inquest, in May 2017, the NSW Coroner Michael Barnes determined that "The siege was a terrorist incident "

Police weapons and tactics
During the siege, an Australian Army Tactical Assault Group East team at Holsworthy Barracks evaluated the floorplan of the cafe and gave advice to police  Mitchell McAlister, a former member of TAG East, questioned the police use of M4A1 carbines with 5 56 mm rounds over Heckler & Koch MP5 submachine guns Katrina Dawson died from a fragment of a police bullet, and other hostages appear to have been hit by bullets that ricocheted off the concrete building  It was unclear why 22 shots were fired by police, of which 13 hit Monis  Police have been criticised for both the high powered weapons used and the number of shots fired 

Negotiation
During the siege, no significant effort was made to negotiate with Monis, as would normally be expected in a hostage situation in order to build a relationship with a gunman and persuade them to surrender  Instead, Monis received no encouragement or assistance from trained police negotiators Help was offered by the Muslim community including the Grand Mufti and Mamdouh Habib who had known Monis personally  Habib offered to help negotiate or provide background information to the police  These offers were not taken up It has been suggested that the police treatment of the siege as a terrorist attack may have led to errors such as making no attempt to negotiate with the gunman as would have been normal practice in other hostage situations  One commentator, Guy Rundle, questioned whether the police may have used a "crude rule" that "we don't negotiate with terrorists" that affected their procedures  It might also explain the choice of weapon in a small enclosure against a lone gunman  These factors may have directly led to the deaths of Johnson and Dawson 

ISIL flag
During the siege, police asked Muslims in Sydney to source an ISIL flag for Monis, before obtaining their own  The police later raided several houses of people contacted by Ms Kay who was attempting to find an ISIL flag  Ms Kay assumed that the phone calls had been monitored, and that the request had been solely to find out who she would contact, lowering trust among Muslims in the NSW police force 

Lack of detection
The security forces have been criticised for not recognising that Monis was a threat, and for taking him off their watch list in 2008  This may have been because they overlooked key evidence, or it may have been because there was simply no evidence to collect  The federal/state joint review found that the relevant agencies' analysis had been reasonable 

Law and politics
After the siege, the revelation that the new Bail Act had allowed Monis to be granted bail sparked calls to further tighten the law; however, a review had already been conducted in the wake of earlier controversial bail releases, with the new law set "to take effect next year" (that is, on 28 January 2015)  Former director of public prosecutions in New South Wales, Nicholas Cowdery, said he was not sure that the amended law would have changed anything in Monis's case, saying that "There will always be, unfortunately, some exceptional events which laws and controls put in place before the event could not have prevented"  Homicide detectives sent a letter to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) urging them to challenge the bail decision for Monis, but a commissioned officer did not pass it on to the DPP  Michael Esposito, writing for the Law Society of South Australia, noted that the shocking nature of the Sydney siege had the power to prompt reviews of bail laws across Australia Some commentators expressed concerns about immigration and citizenship processes  Monis's "confused agenda" meant that Amnesty International did not realise that he and Boroujerdim, who had sought help in 1997, were the same man until they went back through their records  In the absence of hard evidence, suggestions that Monis represented a growing trend of systemic failure, rather than being an aberration, were noted as dangerous to public confidence; to the separation of powers; to the idea of innocence till proven guilty and also to social cohesion by inviting suspicion of people from the Middle East In the week after the siege, it was revealed that John Robertson, NSW Opposition leader, had sent a letter which passed on a request made by Monis, a constituent in his Blacktown electorate, to the Department of Family and Community Services in 2011  The letter was, according to Robertson, routine procedure on behalf of a constituent and written in support of Monis's request for a supervised visit with his children on Father's Day despite an apprehended violence order against him  The Department declined Monis's request  As pressure mounted on Robertson to resign as Leader of the Labor Party, and three months away from the 2015 state election, he stood aside on 23 December 2014 

Violence
Commentators considered Monis's history of domestic violence, with a family violence expert arguing that it should have been considered when bail was given  A columnist noted that while his behaviour highlighted an "epidemic" of violence towards women, the media focus remained on terrorism Historians of religion and politics also critically reviewed the role of violence committed in the name of religion 

Media
Debate followed about the difficulty of managing a police operation in the presence of continuous global media coverage as well as the likely damage caused by the spread of rumour  Particular criticism was levelled at Rupert Murdoch and News Corp for spreading false information as well as for insensitivity and "gross ethical violations"  Commissioner Scipione and chair of the Australian Press Council, Professor Julian Disney released statements about the media coverage after the event  Beyond misinformation, concerns were raised regarding the presentation of crises as entertainment Australian Broadcasting Corporation's Four Corners aired a two-part broadcast, interviewing former hostages, and the families of deceased Katrina Dawson and Tori Johnson 

Memorials and legacy
A month after the siege, police, ambulance workers, firefighters and others were officially thanked at NSW Government House  Memorial plaques were placed inside the reopened Lindt café  A permanent memorial to the victims of the siege will incorporate the flowers from Martin Place, which are to be mulched and incorporated into its garden element  The memorial was opened in December, 2017 The premiere of Jonathon Welch's choral piece Street Requiem in February 2015 was dedicated to the siege victims and to those who died in the Charlie Hebdo shooting in Paris Composer Lyle Chan, who resides less than a kilometre from the Lindt cafe, wrote two works influenced by the events  Sea of Flowers was premiered by conductor Alondra de la Parra and the Queensland Symphony Orchestra in May 2015  Chan's Love Is Always Born (December), with original words by Michael Leunig and 'Silent Night' in Arabic, was commissioned and premiered by the Song Company at concerts around the first anniversary of the events Dawson's family created the Katrina Dawson Foundation and scholarships to The Women's College, University of Sydney to provide financial assistance to young women for their university education  The first recipients started university in 2016 Senator Dean Smith, a homosexual Liberal Party member, changed his views on same-sex marriage in Australia due to Tori Johnson and his partner of 14 years  Smith later introduced a bill aimed at legalising same-sex marriage to the Senate, which became law A ceremony unveiling the memorial was held on 16 December 2017 The Lindt Cafe closed in October 2021 due to lack of patronage caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing construction work for the Sydney Metro 

See also
List of mass shootings in Australia
Sydney siege inquest
2015 Parramatta shooting
Crime in Australia
Islam in Australia



ground_truth: Claudio Javier López

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Who was the gunman of the hostage crisis which Chris Reason was awarded the Graham Perkin Australian Journalist of the Year Award for his coverage of?

The following are given passages.
Context 3: Passage 1:
Tommie Smith
Tommie C  Smith (born June 6, 1944) is an American former track and field athlete and former wide receiver in the American Football League  At the 1968 Summer Olympics, Smith, aged 24, won the 200-meter sprint finals and gold medal in 19 83 seconds – the first time the 20-second barrier was broken officially  His Black Power salute with John Carlos atop the medal podium to protest racism and injustice against African Americans in the United States caused controversy, as it was seen as politicizing the Olympic Games  It remains a symbolic moment in the history of the Black Power movement 

Early life and career
Tommie Smith was born on June 6, 1944, in Clarksville, Texas, the seventh of twelve children born to Richard and Dora Smith  He suffered from pneumonia as a child, but still grew to be an athletic youth  While attending Lemoore High School in Lemoore, California, Smith showed great potential, setting most of the school's track records, many of which remain  He won the 440-yard dash in the 1963 CIF California State Meet  He was voted Lemoore's "Most Valuable Athlete" in basketball, football, and track and field, and was also voted vice president of his senior class  His achievements earned him a scholarship to San José State University On May 7, 1966, while he was at San Jose State, Smith set a world best of 19 5 seconds in the 200m straight, which he ran on a cinder track  That record for 200m was finally beaten by Tyson Gay on May 16, 2010, just over 44 years later, though Smith still holds the record for the slightly longer 220-yard event  Since the IAAF has abandoned ratifying records for the event, Smith still retains the official record for the straightaway 200m/220 yards in perpetuity A few weeks later, on June 11, 1966, Smith set the record for 200 meters and 220 yards around a turn at 20 0, the first man to do that in 20 seconds  Six days later he won the NCAA Men's Outdoor Track and Field Championship  Smith also won the national collegiate 220-yard (201 17 m) title in 1967 before adding the AAU furlong (201 17m) crown as well  He traveled to Japan for the 1967 Summer Universiade and won the 200m gold medal  He repeated as U S  200m champion in 1968 and made the Olympic team 

1968 Summer Olympics
Leading up to the Olympics, at the U S  Olympic Trials at Echo Summit, California, San Jose State teammate John Carlos beat Smith and his world record, running 19 92A  John Carlos' record was disallowed because of the brush spike shoes he was wearing, as was a similar record by Vince Matthews in the 400 meters As a member of the Olympic Project for Human Rights (OPHR) Smith originally advocated a boycott of the 1968 Mexico City Olympic Games unless four conditions were met: South Africa and Rhodesia uninvited from the Olympics, the restoration of Muhammad Ali's world heavyweight boxing title, Avery Brundage to step down as president of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), and the hiring of more African-American assistant coaches  As the boycott failed to achieve support after the IOC withdrew invitations for South Africa and Rhodesia, he decided, together with Carlos, to not only wear their gloves but also go barefoot to protest poverty, wear beads to protest lynchings, and wear buttons that said OPHR At the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico, Smith nursed an injured groin into the 200m final  In the race, teammate Carlos powered out to the lead through the turn, while Smith got a slow start  Coming off the turn, Smith charged past Carlos and sped to victory   Knowing he had passed his training partner and closest opponent, his victory was so clear, he raised his arms to celebrate 10m before the finish line  Still, he improved upon his own world record that would last for 11 years until Pietro Mennea would surpass it on the same track  Smith's time of 19 83 was among the first automatically timed world records for the event as recorded by the IAAF 

Carlos and Smith made headlines around the world by raising their black-gloved fists at the medal award ceremony  Both athletes wore black socks and no shoes on the podium to represent African-American poverty in the United States  In support, Peter Norman, the silver medalist who was a white athlete from Australia, participated in the protest by wearing an OPHR badge IOC president Avery Brundage deemed it to be a domestic political statement unfit for the apolitical, international forum the Olympic Games were intended to be  In response to their actions, he ordered Smith and Carlos suspended from the US team and banned from the Olympic Village  When the US Olympic Committee refused, Brundage threatened to ban the entire US track team  This threat led to the expulsion of the two athletes from the Games A spokesman for the IOC said Smith and Carlos's actions were "a deliberate and violent breach of the fundamental principles of the Olympic spirit " Brundage, who was president of the United States Olympic Committee in 1936, had made no objections against Nazi salutes during the Berlin Olympics  He argued that the Nazi salute, being a national salute at the time, was acceptable in a competition of nations, while the athletes' salute was not of a nation and therefore unacceptable Smith and Carlos faced consequences for challenging white authority in the U S  Ralph Boston, a black U S  long jumper at the 1968 games, stated: "The rest of the world didn't seem to find it such a derogatory thing  They thought it was very positive  Only America thought it was bad " The men's gesture had lingering effects for all three athletes, the most serious of which were death threats against Smith, Carlos and their families  Following their suspension by the IOC, they faced economic hardship Smith stated in later years that "We were concerned about the lack of black assistant coaches  About how Muhammad Ali got stripped of his title  About the lack of access to good housing and our kids not being able to attend the top colleges "

Athletics and later career
During his career, Smith set seven individual world records and also was a member of several world-record relay teams at San Jose State, where he was coached by Lloyd (Bud) Winter  With personal records of 10 1 for 100 meters, 19 83 for 200 and 44 5 for the 400, Smith still ranks high on the world all-time lists 
Smith, who had been drafted by the National Football League's Los Angeles Rams in the ninth round of the 1967 NFL Draft, signed to play for the American Football League's Cincinnati Bengals and was part of the team's taxi squad for most of three seasons as a wide receiver  During the 1969 season, he played in two games, catching one pass for 41 yards A year after his Olympic win, Smith finished his BA in Social Science at San Jose State University and went on to earn a master's in Social Change from Goddard College, whose program enabled Smith to integrate his teaching and writing practices into his coursework After his track and football careers, he became a member of the United States National Track and Field Hall of Fame in 1978  In 1996, Smith was inducted into the California Black Sports Hall of Fame, and in 1999 he received that organization's Sportsman of the Millennium Award  In 2000 and 2001 the County of Los Angeles and the State of Texas presented Smith with commendation, recognition and proclamation awards He later became a track coach at Oberlin College in Ohio, where he also taught sociology and until 2005 was a faculty member teaching physical education at Santa Monica College in Santa Monica, California In August 2008, he gave 2008 Olympic triple gold winner Usain Bolt of Jamaica one of his shoes from the 1968 Olympics as a birthday gift In 2010, Smith put his gold medal and spikes up for auction  Bids started at $250,000, and the sale was scheduled to close November 4, 2010  In 2013 Goddard College honored Smith as an alumnus by awarding him the Presidential Award for Activism in 2013 

Books
Smith's autobiography (co-written with David Steele), Silent Gesture was published in 2007 by Temple University Press  It was named a 2008 Adult Nonfiction Honor Book by the Black Caucus of the American Library Association and nominated for a 2008 NAACP Image Award 
Smith's second book Victory  Stand! Raising My Fist for Justice was published in 2022 by Norton Young Readers  The graphic memoir was co-written with Derrick Barnes and illustrated by Dawud Anyabwile  The book received literary acclaim  It won the 2023 YALSA Award for Excellence in Nonfiction and was recognized as a 2023 Corretta Scott King Award Author and Illustrator Honor Book as well as a finalist for the 2022 National Book Award for Young People's Literature 

Personal life
Smith first married Jimi Denise Paschal from 1967 to 1973, with whom he had one child  He then married Denise M  "Akiba" Kyle in 1977, with whom he had four children  The two divorced in 2000, and Smith married Delois Jordan in the same year 

Recognition
Tommie Smith is featured in the 1999 HBO documentary Fists of Freedom: The Story of the '68 Summer Games  The documentary looks at events leading up to, during and after the 1968 Olympics  It features interviews with Smith, Carlos and sociologist Harry Edwards  There is archival footage of the Games and the fallout after the raised fist salutes by Carlos and Smith  Smith says in the programme:
We were not Antichrists   We were just human beings who saw a need to bring attention to the inequality in our country   I don't like the idea of people looking at it as negative   There was nothing but a raised fist in the air and a bowed head, acknowledging the American flag – not symbolizing a hatred for it 
For his lifelong commitment to athletics, education, and human rights, Smith received the Courage of Conscience Award from The Peace Abbey in Sherborn, Massachusetts  In 2004, a sports hall bearing his name was inaugurated in his presence at Saint-Ouen, France In 2005, a statue showing Smith and Carlos on the medal stand was constructed by political artist Rigo 23 and dedicated on the campus of San Jose State University  Norman's silver medal position was left vacant at his request, so visitors could pose for photos in solidarity with Smith and Carlos, as Norman had stood A mural of the photo taken with Smith on the podium at the 1968 Olympics with Carlos and Norman was painted on the brick wall of a residence in Newtown, New South Wales, Australia, titled "Three Proud People Mexico 68"  The house's owner, Silvio Offria, allowed an artist known only as "Donald" to paint the mural, and said that Norman came to Newtown to see the mural and have his photo taken with it before he died in 2006  The mural faces the train tracks linking Sydney city to the Western and Southern Suburbs  In 2012, the Sydney City Council heritage listed the mural to safeguard it, after it had faced possible demolition in 2010 to make way for a railway tunnel  Smith and Carlos were pallbearers at Norman's funeral in Melbourne in 2006 On July 16, 2008, Smith and Carlos accepted the Arthur Ashe Award for Courage for the salute at the 2008 ESPY Awards  In 2018, Smith received the Dresden Peace Prize The Tommie Smith Youth Track Meet is held annually in his honor  It has been both an AAU and USATF-sponsored event, held at the University of California, Berkeley at Edwards Stadium  
San Jose State University has secured funding to rebuild the  track and field complex  The centerpiece is Speed City Legacy Center, which pays tribute to SJSU alumni track stars and civil rights advocates 

See also
Timeline of the civil rights movement
Bay Area Sports Hall of Fame
Other American Football League players
Men's 200 metres world record progression

Further reading
Bates, Karen Grigsby (October 16, 2018)  "50 Years Later, Raised Fists During National Anthem Still Resonate"  Morning Edition  NPR 
Brown, DeNeen (October 16, 2018)  "'A cry for freedom': The Black Power salute that rocked the world 50 years ago"  Washington Post 
Barra, Allan  "Fists Raised, but Not in Anger" The New York Times, August 22, 2008
Thomas, Katie  "For Australian Athletes, a Voice From the Grave" The New York Times May 23, 2008
"In-flight film will urge Olympians to protest", The Daily Telegraph, May 24, 2008
"Norman loses his spot in history", Sporting Life, October 17, 2005
"Norman dies after heart attack", Fox Sports, October 3, 2006
"Peter Norman, man on podium for Black Power salute, dies", USA Today, October 3, 2006
Reed, Ron  "Norman to receive a final salute", The Herald Sun, October 6, 2006
Hoy, Greg  "Fellow athletes pay tribute to Peter Norman", Australian Broadcasting Corporation, October 10, 2006
Blackistone, Kevin B , The Dallas Morning News, August 23, 2008 (Archived original "'68 protest more than a memory" at the Wayback Machine (archived July 1, 2001))
"Peter Norman dies after heart attack", The Age, October 3, 2006
"Bitter price of Olympics' iconic image", Sydney Morning Herald, October 17, 2003
Wise, Mike  "Clenched Fists, Helping Hand", The Washington Post, October 5, 2006
"Norman Remembered as an Unflinching Champion", The Australian, October 9, 2006
"Carlos, Smith act as pallbearers at funeral of podium mate from 1968 Olympics" at the Wayback Machine (archived March 11, 2007), MSNBC, October 9, 2006 (Archived original)
Rees, Margaret "Australian athlete supported American civil rights struggle", World Socialist Web Site, October 23, 2006
Passage 2:
Black Power: The Politics of Liberation
Black Power: The Politics of Liberation is a 1967 book co-authored by Kwame Ture (then known as Stokely Carmichael) and political scientist Charles V  Hamilton  The work defines Black Power, presents insights into the roots of racism in the United States and suggests a means of reforming the traditional political process for the future   Published originally as Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America, the book has become a staple work produced during the Civil Rights Movement and Black Power movement One of the main focuses of the book is describing the struggles that black communities faced in trying to get involved in politics   Black people had faced severe and violent discrimination since the Civil War, as well as segregation since the late nineteenth century  Consequently, the community faced problems with political participation as the community faced material consequences of systemic racism when attempting to vote or engaging with the political world   Carmichael and Hamilton cite white supremacy, colonialism, and the systemic continuation of these dynamics as drivers of disenfranchisement and racism These issues led to the creation of certain groups and organizations   For instance, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) attempted to build organizational capacity within the Southern black community, offering a progressive alternative to the Democratic Party in Mississippi that would adopt the national party's platform (see Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party)   By creating regional campaigns and running black candidates, SNCC saw success within their own community   However, with the limited power that this and other organizations held, their efforts to engage in the political arena for the black community were often not fully realized  This led the authors to reconceptualize Black Power as a tool for confronting the totality of oppression, not exclusively that of political representation 
Carmichael and Hamilton continue to write about the ways that black communities' attempts to be active in politics have been thwarted by self-serving groups who offer shallow allyship   Criticizing labor movements, liberals, and the middle class for being complacent in systemic racism, Black Power challenges coalitions to genuinely serve the anti-racism and the needs of the black community  Carmichael and Hamilton state, "We do not believe it is possible to form meaningful coalitions unless both or all parties are not only willing but believe it absolutely necessary to challenge [white supremacy] and other prevailing norms and institutions" Carmichael and Hamilton write that Black Power meant more than simply changing the physical, material conditions of inequality faced by black Americans; it also meant changing perspectives of race relations in a historical context, both inside and outside the community  The authors believe Black Power not only rests in dismantling white supremacy, but also in establishing camaraderie within the black community  In this way, Black Power disavows the legitimacy of liberal, conformist politics, and instead seeks a degree of sovereignty for black community 
Ohio prison library included Black Power in its list of books in 1975 

See also
Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community
Passage 3:
African-American bookstores
African-American bookstores, also known as black bookstores, are bookstores owned and operated by African Americans   These stores often, although not always, specialize in works by and about African Americans and their target customers are often African Americans   Although they are a variety of African-American business, African-American bookstores have often been closely tied to radical political movements including Marxism, Black Power, and pan-Africanism  The first documented African-American bookstore was established by the abolitionist David Ruggles in 1834  The first African-American bookstore to open in Harlem was Young's Book Exchange  One of the earliest African-American bookstores to achieve national prominence was Lewis Michaux's African National Memorial Bookstore, which operated in Harlem from the early 1930s to the middle of the 1970s   Michaux's store doubled as a meeting place for black activists, including most famously Malcolm X   The Black Power movement embraced black-owned bookstores in the 1960s and 70s as vehicles for promoting their ideology and creating radical political spaces in black communities across the United States   By the 1990s, African-American bookstores earned significant attention from more politically moderate and business oriented media outlets such as the magazine Black Enterprise   In the 2000s and 2010s, however, as independent bookstores of all kinds declined and bookstores chains and Amazon increasingly sold black-authored books, the number of African-American bookstores declined rapidly, dropping from more than 250 to just over 70 Prominent black-owned booksellers currently in business include Marcus Books in Oakland, the oldest black bookseller in the country, Everyone's Place in Baltimore, Hakim's Bookstore in Philadelphia, Eso Won Books in Los Angeles (noted as "a Leimert Park institution of black literature and culture"), and Sankofa in Washington, D C Prominent online black booksellers include AALBC com (founded in 1998), Mahogany Books and Hue-Man Bookstore, which formerly had brick-and-mortar storefronts in Denver, Colorado, and in Harlem 

See also
Bookselling in the US
Antiquarian book trade in the United States
Books in the United States
Lewis H  Micheaux
Young's Book Exchange
Martin Sostre
David Ruggles
Passage 4:
Black Power movement
The Black Power movement or Black Liberation movement was a branch or counterculture within the civil rights movement of the United States, reacting against its more moderate, mainstream, or incremental tendencies and motivated by a desire for safety and self-sufficiency that was not available inside redlined African American neighborhoods  Black Power activists founded black-owned bookstores, food cooperatives, farms, media, printing presses, schools, clinics and ambulance services  The international impact of the movement includes the Black Power Revolution in Trinidad and Tobago By the late 1960s, Black Power came to represent the demand for more immediate violent action to counter American white supremacy  Most of these ideas were influenced by Malcolm X's criticism of Martin Luther King Jr 's peaceful protest methods  The 1965 assassination of Malcolm X, coupled with the urban riots of 1964 and 1965, ignited the movement  New organizations that supported Black Power philosophies ranging from the adoption of socialism by certain sects of the movement to black nationalism, including the Black Panther Party (BPP), grew to prominence While black American thinkers such as Robert F  Williams and Malcolm X influenced the early Black Power movement, the Black Panther Party and its views are widely seen as the cornerstone  It was influenced by philosophies such as pan-Africanism, black nationalism and socialism, as well as contemporary events including the Cuban Revolution and the decolonization of Africa 

History
Origins
The first popular use of the term "Black Power" as a social and racial slogan was by Stokely Carmichael (later known as Kwame Ture) and Willie Ricks (later known as Mukasa Dada), both organizers and spokespeople for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee  On June 16, 1966, in a speech in Greenwood, Mississippi, during the March Against Fear, Carmichael led the marchers in a chant for Black power that was televised nationally The organization Nation of Islam began as a Black nationalist movement in the 1930s, inspiring later groups  Malcolm X is largely credited with the group's dramatic increase in membership between the early 1950s and early 1960s (from 500 to 25,000 by one estimate; from 1,200 to 50,000 or 75,000 by another)  In March 1964, Malcolm X left the Nation due to disagreements with Elijah Muhammad; among other things, he cited his interest in working with civil rights leaders, saying that Muhammad had prevented him from doing so  Later, Malcolm X also said Muhammad had engaged in extramarital affairs with young Nation secretaries‍—‌a serious violation of the group's teachings  On February 21, 1965, Malcolm X was shot and killed while speaking at the Audubon Ballroom in Washington Heights, New York City  Three Nation members were convicted of assassinating him  Despite this, there has long been speculation and suspicion of government involvement  The forty police officers at the scene were instructed to "stand down" by their commanding officers while the shooting took place After the Watts riots in Los Angeles in 1965, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee decided to cut ties with the mainstream civil rights movement  They argued that blacks needed to build power of their own, rather than seek accommodations from the power structure in place  SNCC migrated from a philosophy of nonviolence to one of greater militancy after the mid-1960s  The organization established ties with radical groups such as the Students for a Democratic Society 
In late October 1966, Huey P  Newton and Bobby Seale founded the Black Panther Party  In formulating a new politics, they drew on their experiences working with a variety of Black Power organizations 

Escalation in the late 1960s
The Black Panther Party initially utilized open-carry gun laws to protect party members and local black communities from law enforcement  Party members also recorded incidents of police brutality by distantly following police cars around neighborhoods  Numbers grew slightly starting in February 1967, when the party provided an armed escort at the San Francisco airport for Betty Shabazz, Malcolm X's widow and keynote speaker at a conference held in his honor  By 1967, the SNCC began to fall apart due to policy disputes in its leadership, and many members left for the Black Panthers  Throughout 1967, the Panthers staged rallies and disrupted the California State Assembly with armed marchers  In 1956 the FBI developed COINTELPRO to investigate black nationalist groups and others  By 1969, the Black Panthers and their allies had become primary COINTELPRO targets, singled out in 233 of the 295 authorized "black nationalist" COINTELPRO actions  In 1968, the Republic of New Afrika was founded, a separatist group seeking a black country in the southern United States, only to dissolve by the early 1970s 
By 1968, many Black Panther leaders had been arrested, including founder Huey Newton for the murder of a police officer (Newton's prosecution was eventually dismissed), yet membership surged  Black Panthers later engaged the police in a firefight in a Los Angeles gas station  In the same year, Martin Luther King Jr  was assassinated, creating nationwide riots, the widest wave of social unrest since the American Civil War  In Cleveland, Ohio, the "Republic of New Libya" engaged the police in the Glenville shootout, which was followed by rioting  The year also marked the start of the White Panther Party, a group of whites dedicated to the cause of the Black Panthers  Founders Pun Plamondon and John Sinclair were arrested, but eventually freed, in connection to the bombing of a Central Intelligence Agency office in Ann Arbor, Michigan that September By 1969, the Black Panthers began purging members due to fear of law enforcement infiltration, engaged in multiple gunfights with police and one with a black nationalist organization  The Panthers continued their "Free Huey" campaign internationally  In the spirit of rising militancy, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers was formed in Detroit, which supported labor rights and Black liberation  \

Peak in the early 1970s
In 1970 the Honorary Prime Minister of the Black Panther Party, Stokely Carmichael, traveled to various countries to discuss methods to resist "American imperialism"  In Trinidad, the Black Power Movement had escalated into the Black Power Revolution in which many Afro-Trinidadians forced the government of Trinidad to give into reforms  Later many Panthers visited Algeria to discuss Pan-Africanism and anti-imperialism  In the same year former Black Panthers formed the Black Liberation Army to continue a violent revolution rather than the party's new reform movements  On October 22, 1970, the Black Liberation Army is believed to have planted a bomb in St  Brendan's Church in San Francisco while it was full of mourners attending the funeral of San Francisco police officer Harold Hamilton, who had been killed in the line of duty while responding to a bank robbery  The bomb was detonated, but no one in the church suffered serious injuries In 1971, several Panther officials fled the U S  due to police concerns  This was the only active year of the Black Revolutionary Assault Team, a group that bombed the New York South African consular office in protest of apartheid  On September 20 it placed bombs at the UN Missions of Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa) and the Republic of Malawi  In February 1971, ideological splits within the Black Panther Party between leaders Newton and Eldridge Cleaver led to two factions within the party; the conflict turned violent and four people were killed in a series of assassinations  On May 21, 1971, five Black Liberation Army members participated in the shootings of two New York City police officers, Joseph Piagentini and Waverly Jones  Those brought to trial for the shootings include Anthony Bottom (also known as Jalil Muntaqim), Albert Washington, Francisco Torres, Gabriel Torres, and Herman Bell During the jail sentence of White Panther John Sinclair a "Free John" concert took place, including John Lennon and Stevie Wonder  Sinclair was released two days later  On August 29, three BLA members murdered San Francisco police sergeant John Victor Young at his police station  Two days later, the San Francisco Chronicle received a letter signed by the BLA claiming responsibility for the attack  Late in the year Huey Newton visited China for meetings on Maoist theory and anti-imperialism  Black Power icon George Jackson attempted to escape from prison in August, killing seven hostages only to be killed himself  Jackson's death triggered the Attica Prison uprising which was later ended in a bloody siege  On November 3, Officer James R  Greene of the Atlanta Police Department was shot and killed in his patrol van at a gas station by Black Liberation Army members 1972 was the year Newton shut down many Black Panther chapters and held a party meeting in Oakland, California  On January 27, the Black Liberation Army assassinated police officers Gregory Foster and Rocco Laurie in New York City  After the killings, a note sent to authorities portrayed the murders as a retaliation for the prisoner deaths during 1971 Attica prison riot  To date no arrests have been made    On July 31, five armed BLA members hijacked Delta Air Lines Flight 841, eventually collecting a ransom of $1 million and diverting the plane, after passengers were released, to Algeria  The authorities there seized the ransom but allowed the group to flee  Four were eventually caught by French authorities in Paris, where they were convicted of various crimes, but one – George Wright – remained a fugitive until September 26, 2011, when he was captured in Portugal  After being accused of murdering a prostitute in 1974, Huey Newton fled to Cuba  Elaine Brown became party leader and embarked on an election campaign 

De-escalation in the late 1970s
In the late 1970s a rebel group named after the killed prisoner formed the George Jackson Brigade  From March 1975 to December 1977, the Brigade robbed at least seven banks and detonated about 20 pipe bombs – mainly targeting government buildings, electric power facilities, Safeway stores, and companies accused of racism  In 1977, Newton returned from exile in Cuba  Shortly afterward, Elaine Brown resigned from the party and fled to Los Angeles  The Party fell apart, leaving only a few members MOVE developed in Philadelphia in 1972 as the "Christian Movement for Life", a communal living group based on Black Liberation principles  When police raided their house in 1978, a firefight broke out; during the shootout, one officer was killed, seven other police officers, five firefighters, three MOVE members, and three bystanders were also injured In another high-profile incident of the Black Liberation Army, Assata Shakur, Zayd Shakur and Sundiata Acoli were said to have opened fire on state troopers in New Jersey after being pulled over for a broken taillight  Zayd Shakur and state trooper Werner Foerster were both killed during the exchange  Following her capture, Assata Shakur was tried in six different criminal trials  According to Shakur, she was beaten and tortured during her incarceration in a number of different federal and state prisons  The charges ranged from kidnapping to assault and battery to bank robbery  Assata Shakur was found guilty of the murder of both Foerster and her companion Zayd Shakur, but escaped prison in 1979 and eventually fled to Cuba and received political asylum  Acoli was convicted of killing Foerster and sentenced to life in prison 
In 1978 a group of Black Liberation Army and Weather Underground members formed the May 19th Communist Organization, or M19CO  It also included members of the Black Panthers and the Republic of New Africa  In 1979 three M19CO members walked into the visitor's center at the Clinton Correctional Facility for Women near Clinton, New Jersey  They took two guards hostage and freed Shakur  Several months later M19CO arranged for the escape of William Morales, a member of Puerto Rican separatist group Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación Nacional Puertorriqueña from Bellevue Hospital in New York City, where he was recovering after a bomb he was building exploded in his hands 

Decline in the 1980s
Over the 1980s the Black Power movement continued despite a decline in its popularity and organization memberships  The Black Liberation Army was active in the US until at least 1981 when a Brinks truck robbery, conducted with support from former Weather Underground members Kathy Boudin and David Gilbert, left a guard and two police officers dead  Boudin and Gilbert, along with several BLA members, were subsequently arrested  M19CO engaged in a bombing campaign in the 1980s  They targeted a series of government and commercial buildings, including the U S  Senate  On November 3, 1984, two members of the M19CO, Susan Rosenberg and Timothy Blunk, were arrested at a mini-warehouse they had rented in Cherry Hill, New Jersey  Police recovered more than 100 blasting caps, nearly 200 sticks of dynamite, more than 100 cartridges of gel explosive, and 24 bags of blasting agent from the warehouse  The M19CO alliance's last bombing was on February 23, 1985, at the Policemen's Benevolent Association in New York City 
MOVE had relocated to West Philadelphia after the earlier shootout  On May 13, 1985, the police, along with city manager Leo Brooks, arrived with arrest warrants and attempted to clear the MOVE building and arrest the indicted MOVE members  This led to an armed standoff with police, who lobbed tear gas canisters at the building  MOVE members shot at the police, who returned fire with automatic weapons  The police then bombed the house, killing several adults and children, and causing a large fire that destroyed the better part of a city block In 1989, well into the waning years of the movement, the New Black Panther Party formed  In the same year on August 22, Huey P  Newton was fatally shot outside by 24-year-old Black Guerilla Family member Tyrone Robinson 

Characteristics
Education
The fifth point of the Black Panther Party's Ten-Point Program called for "education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent American society  We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present day society " This sentiment was echoed in many of the other Black Power organizations; the inadequacy of black education had earlier been remarked on by W  E  B  Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, and Carter G  Woodson 
With this backdrop, Stokely Carmichael brought political education into his work with SNCC in the rural South  This included get-out-the-vote campaigns and political literacy  Bobby Seale and Huey Newton used education to address the lack of identity in the black community  Seale had worked with youth in an after-school program before starting the Panthers  Through this new education and identity building, they believed they could empower black Americans to claim their freedom 

Media
Just as Black Power activists focused on community control of schools and politics, the movement took a major interest in creating and controlling its own media institutions  Most famously, the Black Panther Party produced the Black Panther newspaper, which proved to be one of the BPP's most influential tools for disseminating its message and recruiting new members 
WAFR was launched in September 1971 as the first public, community-based black radio station  The Durham, North Carolina, station broadcast until 1976, but influenced later activist radio stations including WPFW in Washington, D C  and WRFG in Atlanta 

Australian Black Power
The American Black Power movement influenced Aboriginal Australian activists from the late 1960s onwards, especially in Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne  The term became widely known after the Victorian Aborigines Advancement League (AAL), led by Bruce McGuinness and Bob Maza, invited Caribbean activist Roosevelt Brown to give a talk on Black Power in Melbourne in 1968, causing a media frenzy  The AAL was influenced by the ideas of Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael  The Australian "Black Power movement" had emerged in Redfern in Sydney, Fitzroy, Melbourne, and South Brisbane, following the "Freedom Ride" led by  Charles Perkins in 1965  There was a small group of people at the centre of the movement known as the Black Caucus Bobbi Sykes defined Australian Black Power as "The power generated by people who seek to identify their own problems and those of the community as a whole, and who strive to take action in all possible forms to solve those problems", while Paul Coe saw it as the need for Aboriginal people to "take control both of the economical, the political and cultural resources of the people and of the land…so that they themselves have got the power to determine their own future"  Activist and later academic Gary Foley later wrote that in Australia, Black Power "was essentially about the necessity for Black people to define the world in their own terms, and to seek self-determination and independence on their own terms, without white interference"  The Aboriginal Legal Service in Redfern grew out of this activism 

Legacy
After the 1970s the Black Power movement saw a decline, but not an end  In 1998, the Black Radical Congress was founded, with debatable effects  The Black Riders Liberation Party was created by Bloods and Crips gang members as an attempt to recreate the Black Panther Party in 1996  The group has spread, creating chapters in cities across the United States, and frequently staging paramilitary marches  During the 2008 presidential election New Black Panther Party members were accused of voter intimidation at a polling station in a predominantly black, Democratic voting district of Philadelphia  After the killing of Trayvon Martin black power paramilitaries formed, including the Huey P  Newton Gun Club, African American Defense League, and the New Black Liberation Militia, all staging armed marches and military training Some have compared the modern movement Black Lives Matter to the Black Power movement, noting its similarities  The Movement for Black Lives openly promotes Black Power 

See also
Black mecca
Black nationalism
Black Panther Party
Black supremacy
Black separatism
Chicano Movement
History of the socialist movement in the United States
New Left
Black Arts Movement
Protests of 1968
Red Power movement
Los Siete de la Raza
Passage 5:
Hakim Jamal
Hakim Abdullah Jamal (born Allen Donaldson; March 28, 1931 – May 1, 1973) was an American activist and writer  He was an associate of Michael X and wrote From the Dead Level, a memoir of his life and memories of Malcolm X  During his life, Jamal was romantically involved with several high-profile women, notably Jean Seberg, Diana Athill, and Gale Benson 

Early life
Donaldson was born in Roxbury, Boston, in 1931  His father was an alcoholic, and his mother abandoned him when he was 6  Donaldson started regularly drinking alcohol when he was aged 10 and became a heroin user at 14  In his early 20s he spent four years in prison Donaldson's violent temper led to his committal to a mental asylum, after two attempted murders  He later underwent a conversion to the teachings of the Nation of Islam and renamed himself Hakim Jamal  He became a spokesman for the movement and contributed articles to various newspapers promoting Black Power  After Malcolm X left the Nation of Islam, Jamal supported his decision and was outspoken in his criticism of Elijah Muhammad 

Founding US Organization
After Malcolm X's death, Jamal joined with Maulana Karenga and others to found "US", an organization to promote African-American cultural unity  He had already circulated a self-produced magazine entitled "US", a pun on the phrase "us and them" and the accepted abbreviation of "United States"  This promoted the idea of black cultural unity as a distinct national identity  Jamal and Karenga published a magazine Message to the Grassroot in 1966, in which Karenga was listed as chairman and Jamal as founder of the new group  Jamal argued that the ideas of Malcolm X should be the main ideological model for the group However, Jamal's views increasingly differed from Karenga's  Jamal continued to emphasise his cousin's radical politics, while Karenga wished to root black Americans in African culture  Jamal saw no point in projects such as teaching Swahili and promoting traditional African rituals  He left "US" to establish the Malcolm X Foundation, based in Compton, California 

Relationships
Though married to fellow-activist Dorothy Jamal, Jamal had several significant affairs  He had a brief relationship with actress Jean Seberg  His wife phoned Seberg's father to try to bring an end to the affair Jamal moved to London during the late 1960s where he met Gale Benson, daughter of the British MP Leonard Plugge 
The writer V  S  Naipaul described Benson as Jamal's "white-woman slave " Jamal and Benson traveled in America seeking funds for a project to create a Montessori school for black children  Following an unsuccessful attempt to establish a commune in Guyana with the young German radical Herbert Girardet, the couple later joined West Indian Black Power leader Michael X at his commune in Trinidad, where Jamal wrote articles in support of Michael's activities 

Gale Benson murder
Benson traveled once again to America to raise funds for the school, but was unsuccessful  Shortly after her return to Trinidad in 1972, she was murdered by Michael X and his associates  Jamal was not a suspect, but it was alleged that Michael X had ordered her death because she was causing "mental strain" to Jamal In 1971, Jamal wrote his autobiography, From the Dead Level: Malcolm X and Me  It was published in the UK by André Deutsch and at this time Jamal became involved in a relationship with his London editor, Diana Athill  She later wrote about their romance in her memoir Make Believe, recording his increasing mental instability and alleged that he made repeated assertions that he was God Jamal eventually returned to his wife and moved back to Boston, where he revived his role as director of the Malcolm X Foundation 

Death
On May 1, 1973, Jamal was killed when four men burst into his apartment in Boston and shot him repeatedly  Police attributed the crime to a factional dispute, linked to Jamal's attacks on Elijah Muhammad  It was blamed on a group known as De Mau Mau  Five members of the group were convicted of involvement in the murder 

In popular culture
Jamal is a character in the 2008 film The Bank Job, in which he is played by Colin Salmon 
In the Jean Seberg biopic Seberg from 2019, he is played by Anthony Mackie 

Notes
Further reading
Athill, Diana (2004) [1993]  Make Believe: A True Story  London: Granta  ISBN 978-1-86207-708-9 
Jamal, Hakim A  (1972)  From The Dead Level: Malcolm X and Me  New York: Random House  ISBN 978-0-394-46234-9 

External links
"Hakim Jamal (centre), Portobello Road", 1971 photograph by Charlie Phillips  V&A collection 
FBI Docs Hakim Jamal FBI file as well as inventory of other FBI files on Jamal held by the National Archives II
Passage 6:
Etheridge Knight
Etheridge Knight (April 19, 1931 – March 10, 1991) was an African-American poet who made his name in 1968 with his debut volume, Poems from Prison   The book recalls in verse his eight-year-long sentence after his arrest for robbery in 1960   By the time he left prison, Knight had prepared a second volume featuring his own writings and works of his fellow inmates  This second book, first published in Italy under the title Voce negre dal carcere, appeared in English in 1970 as Black Voices from Prison  These works established Knight as one of the major poets of the Black Arts Movement, which flourished from the early 1960s through the mid-1970s  With roots in the Civil Rights Movement, Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam, and the Black Power Movement, Etheridge Knight and other American artists within the movement sought to create politically engaged work that explored the African-American cultural and historical experience Knight is also considered an important poet in the mainstream American tradition  In his 2012 book Understanding Etheridge Knight, Michael S  Collins calls Knight "a mighty American poet    He and Wallace Stevens stand as 'two poles of American poetry,' according to his better-known fellow writer Robert Bly  Or, rather, Knight was, as he often said, a poet of the belly: a poet of the earth and of the body, a poet of the feelings from which cries and blood oaths and arias come, while Stevens was a poet, arguably, of the ache left in the intellect after it tears itself from God  'Ideas are not the source of poetry,' Knight told one interviewer  'For me it's passion, heart and soul    '"

Biography
Knight was born on April 19, 1931, as one of eight children to Belzora Cozart  Knight and Etheridge "Bushie" Knight in rural Corinth, Mississippi, but moved with his family to Paducah, Kentucky, where his father, a failed farmer, worked as a laborer on the Kentucky Dam  During this time, Knight frequently ran away from home, and so, was sent back to Corinth during the summer to stay with an uncle  Although he was an extremely bright student, Knight decided to drop out of school at the age of 16  His first job was as a shoe shiner in a small Kentucky town, where he first became more attuned to nuances of language as he absorbed the world and activity around him  In addition to his work, Knight spent much of his time at juke joints, pool halls, and underground poker games, which furthered his interest in language  It was during this time that Knight became exposed to "toasts," which are narrative-style oral poetry which relates a story  In 1947, Knight enlisted in the army and served as a medical technician in the Korean War until November 1950, during which time he sustained serious wound as well as psychological trauma, which led him to begin using morphine  By the time Knight was discharged from the army and returned to Indianapolis, Indiana, where his family had moved, he had become addicted to opiates  He spent much of the next several years dealing drugs and stealing to support his drug addiction In 1960, after a few previous run-ins with the police, Knight and two of his associates were arrested for armed robbery  Knight was initially so furious about his sentence that he was later unable to recall much of what happened during his first few months of his sentence  But after realizing that such anger was counterproductive, he turned his attention to reading as much as he could and dedicated himself to poetry During the following years, Knight became increasingly well known for his poetry writings  After working as a journalist for prison publications, he began submitting poetry to the Negro Digest in 1965   He also started establishing contacts with significant figures in the African-American literary community, including well-known poets like Gwendolyn Brooks, Dudley Randall, Sonia Sanchez and Haki Madhubuti, many of whom came to visit him in prison  The poems he had written during his time in prison were so effective that Dudley Randall, a poet and owner of Broadside Press, published Knight’s first volume of verse, Poems from Prison, and hailed Knight as one of the major poets of the Black Arts Movement  The book’s publication coincided with his release from prison 
Upon his release from prison in 1968, Knight married poet Sonia Sanchez  Over the next few years, he held the position of writer-in-residence at several universities, including two years, 1968 and 1969, spent at the University of Pittsburgh  While living in Pittsburgh with his wife and their family, Knight spent time as poetry editor for Motive magazine  Because of his ongoing drug addiction, his marriage to Sanchez did not last long, and they were divorced in 1970 while still in Pittsburgh  He continued writing his third book, Belly Song and Other Poems, which was published in 1973  His third work incorporates new life experiences and attitudes about love and race, and Knight was praised for the work’s sincerity  Belly Song was nominated for the National Book Award and the Pulitzer Prize  Knight’s time in Pennsylvania was very important to his career: his work during this period won him both a National Endowment for the Arts grant in 1972 and a Guggenheim Fellowship in 1974 
He married Mary McAnally in 1972, and she adopted two children  They settled in Minneapolis, Minnesota, until they separated in 1977  He then resided in Memphis, Tennessee, where he received Methadone treatments  Knight rose from a life of poverty, crime, and drug addiction to become exactly what he expressed in his notebook in 1965: a voice that was heard and helped his people 
Knight continued to write throughout his post-prison life  Belly Song and Other Poems (1973) dealt with themes of racism and love  Knight believed the poet was a "meddler" or intermediary between the poem and the reader  He elaborated on this concept in his 1980 work Born of a Woman  The Essential Etheridge Knight (1986), which is a compilation of his work 
In 1990, he earned a bachelor's degree in American poetry and criminal justice from Martin Center University in Indianapolis  Knight taught at the University of Pittsburgh, the University of Hartford, and Lincoln University, before he was forced to stop working due to illness  He also continued to be known as a charismatic poetry reader  Knight died in Indianapolis, Indiana, of lung cancer on March 10, 1991 

Style and themes
Knight’s poetry uses Black vernacular and includes a number of haiku among its forms, including this poem titled ″Vigo County″: ″Beyond the brown hill / Above the silent cedars, / Blackbirds flee the April rains ″  This message aligns with the Black Arts Movement in that the artists were no longer going to be imprisoned by silence; they would use their voices and art to escape 
Joyce Ann Joyce places Knight "in the context of an African philosophical/aesthetic tradition " His "tribute to the ancestors," she writes, "emerges as a ritualistic drama in which the values of the poet's ancestors are reborn, redefined, reaffirmed and reinterpreted, at once giving them added viability and sacralizing their new form " This ethnophilosophical perspective, she finds, "differs significantly from the Eurocentric concept of intertextuality that confines itself to reading texts only within the context of other texts ” Joyce calls him “a truly African oral performer," whose subjects "grew out of his and his people's lives" so that "viewed in the context of an African philosophical/aesthetic tradition, his poetry places him among those at the vanguard of any discussion of the history of African-American poetic letters " In his poem, ″Cell Song″ Knight articulates his desire to create good from his time in prison  He speaks to himself:
Night Music Slanted
Light strike the cave of sleep  I alone
tread the red circle
and twist the space with speech
Come now, etheridge, don't
be a savior; take your words and scrape
the sky, shake rain
on the desert, sprinkle
salt on the tail
of a girl,
can there anything
good come out of
prisonKnight places the reader within the cell; he capitalizes the first three words to show emphasis – this is not actual music, but the quiet and intermittent noises expected to be heard at night in prison  In the dark and light of the "red circle," he paces and ruminates over the words and ideas in his head  He attempts to project to that life beyond the prison walls, to use his talents for good, to use his words to make an impact  The reader can imagine Knight walking in small circles within his cell, as the words of the poem wind tighter and tighter  He concludes rather than questions that ″good″ can ″come out of prison ″
His exploration of themes of freedom and imprisonment, including his tributes to Martin Luther King Jr  and Malcolm X, are noted in a biographical study by Cassie Premo, who writes that his life and work dwell on "the theme of prisons imposed from without (slavery, racism, poverty, incarceration) and prisons from within (addiction, repetition of painful patterns) [which] are countered with the theme of freedom  His poems of suffering and survival, trial and tribute, loss and love testify to the fact that we are never completely imprisoned  Knight's poetry expresses our freedom of consciousness and attests to our capacity for connection to others ”In his prison-era poem, "The Warden Said to Me the Other Day," Knight "limns his feelings of emotional, imaginative, and perceptual confinement "The warden said to me the other day
(innocently, I think), "Say etheridge,
why come the black boys don't run off
like the white boys do?"
I lowered my jaw and scratched my head
And said (innocently, I think), "Well, suh,
I ain't for sure, but I reckon it's cause
We ain't got no wheres to run to "Written in a vernacular style reminiscent of a tale by Uncle Remus, Knight expresses the doubtfulness of black autonomy and white motives, for "Knight[sees] American as a prison where, no matter how benevolent a warden wishes to be, his gestures remain part of what locks his charges in " Knight's true prison, then, is the ways in which the Law, controlled by white America, imprisons black bodies and black voices, regardless of their presumed physical freedom 
Knight's poem, ″A WASP Woman Visits a Black Junkie in Prison″ shows how humans must only find a common interest to make a connection, in this case, both the black man and white woman have children  According to Premo, the "encounter leaves the man touched and softened by the woman, as are many of Knight's male speakers  In ″Belly Song,″ the speaker "sings of love: all the emotion, pain, memory, and passion of living ″  In ″The Stretching of the Belly," Knight contrasts the stretchmarks of his third wife, Charlene Blackburn with his own scars  His wife's representing ″growth and life″ while his are from ″war, violence, and slavery ″

Works
Poems from Prison  Detroit: Broadside Press, 1968 
2 Poems for Black Relocation Centers, 1968 
The Idea of Ancestry, 1968 
Black Voices from Prison (with others)  New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970 
A Poem for Brother Man, 1972 
For Black Poets Who Think of Suicide, 1972 
Belly Song and Other Poems  Detroit: Broadside Press, 1973 
Born of a Woman: New and Selected Poems  Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1980 
The Essential Etheridge Knight  Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1986 
The Lost Etheridge  Athens: Kinchafoonee Creek Press, 2022 
Passage 7:
Rainbow Coalition (Fred Hampton)
The Rainbow Coalition was an antiracist, anticlass multicultural movement founded April 4, 1969 in Chicago, Illinois by Fred Hampton of the Black Panther Party, along with William "Preacherman" Fesperman of the Young Patriots Organization and José Cha Cha Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords  It was the first of several 20th century black-led organizations to use the "rainbow coalition" concept Some members of the Young Patriots included Jack (Junebug) Boykin, Bobby Joe Mcginnis and Hy Thurman who worked with Field Marshall Bobby Lee of the Black Panthers  Hampton first met Jimenez in Chicago's Lincoln Park neighborhood the day after the Young Lords were in the news, having occupied the police community workshop meeting of the 18th District Police Station  Hampton was arrested twice in February 1969 with Jimenez at the Wicker Park Welfare Office  Both were charged with Mob Action during peaceful pickets of the welfare office protesting mistreatment of the patrons 
The Rainbow Coalition soon included various radical socialist community groups like the Lincoln Park Poor People's Coalition, later, the coalition was joined nationwide by the Students for a Democratic Society ("SDS"), the Brown Berets, the American Indian Movement and the Red Guard Party  In April 1969, Hampton called several press conferences to announce that this "Rainbow Coalition" had formed  Some of the things the coalition engaged in joint action against were poverty, corruption, racism, police brutality, and substandard housing  The participating groups supported each other at protests, strikes, and demonstrations where they had a common cause The coalition later included many other local groups like Rising Up Angry, and Mothers and Others  The Coalition also brokered treaties to end crime and gang violence  Hampton, Jimenez and their colleagues believed that the Richard J  Daley Democratic Party machine in Chicago used gang wars to consolidate their own political positions by gaining funding for law enforcement and dramatizing crime rather than underlying social issues The coalition eventually collapsed under duress from constant harassment by local and federal law enforcement, including the murder of Hampton 

History
Black nationalism changed around 1964-65 with Dr  Martin Luther King, Jr , began to radicalize his movement as he came to understand the importance of the ballot box, or electoral politics for social change  Malcolm X suggested that a mass convention could potentially help them decide between what he called a Black party and a Black army  While this specific convention never came to fruition, Malcolm X focused his energy on creating an intelligence for a Black political power  He came to understand it would be more difficult than he initially thought Malcolm X spent the last year of his life strategizing how to increase voter participation and provide widespread political education  At the same time, Dr  King was getting more militant  He believed they should have addressed political power previously, that Black people needed to be in power to address Black issues  He thought organizations needed to stop fighting and unite because they have a responsibility to the movement  It was important to not just increase Black votes but also to put their voices in powerful places 

Formation
Chicago was very segregated, separated by whites, Puerto Ricans, and blacks  Following the release of West Side Story, Puerto Ricans started dying their clothes purple, and that became their “colors " It was very difficult to get a job in Chicago, some would donate blood because that was the only way they could bring in a profit  Students for a Democratic Society came in and formed a JOIN Jobs or Income Now, and introduced the civil rights movement, which started the progress for change  When the west and south side of Chicago combined it was the largest contiguous area of 90 or more percent black population in the world outside of Africa  Mayor Daley used virtually every instrument of government he could to keep Chicago segregated  He served as mayor from 1955 to 1976  At his peak, he was the “most powerful and most influential urban figure in America ” Martin Luther King Jr  believed that southwest Chicago was a closed society in terms of race  The “white flight” went to the suburbs to flee the minorities coming into the communities, and Mayor Daley wanted to bring them back into the city  “Urban renewal was a racist plan, and was supported by the federal government with funds ”  Some of the activists in the Puerto Rican community came across a Community Conservation Council meeting in their community, and inside there were models of the city with the Puerto Rican areas of the city being vacant, and the meeting was run by about 12 white men  So the activists said they had to hold these meetings with some representatives from different minorities if they wanted to continue to hold meetings in that venue  When the representatives refused, the Puerto Ricans picked up chairs and started throwing them around, and ended up shutting down the Department of Urban Renewal for about three months 
Police brutality really started to take off during this point  The police had a bench with the handcuffs on the side so they could cuff you, and beat you with whatever they wanted to hit you with as long as they didn’t leave any marks  Many minorities would get beat up before they ever even got into jail, and there was nothing they could do about it  Following Martin Luther King Jr ’s assassination, Daley showed his power through the force of his police during the Democratic Convention in 1968  Daley stated on broadcast, “Shoot to kill any arsonists, or anyone with a molotov cocktail in their hand in Chicago”  This caused the Young Lords to transform from a gang into a human rights movement  “The mission was self-determination for Puerto Rico  That meant that we were powerful as a people, and as a nation, to promote a sense of pride for being Puerto Rican ” The mission also included being patriotic to the community, not to the system  The demands of the people included, freedom, the power to determine individual destiny, true education, decent housing, fair trials with a jury of their peers, and an end to police brutality 
Fred Hampton was someone everyone in the community respected  The Black Panthers attended a community meeting with the JOIN organization in Uptown and asked where they could help in the community  At this point however, there were still many suspicions about the Panthers and their gun-carrying terrorist reputation  However, by showing they were dedicated to the community, the Panthers gained the trust of the JOIN organization, and the coalition started to take shape  In March, 1969, the community went to the 18th District police station and performed a non-violent takeover of a police workshop meeting  The next day, the Panthers met Fred Hampton  Shortly after, the first official Rainbow Coalition meeting was held  “The Rainbow Coalition was about uniting communities so we could make revolutionary change ” The Coalition also started a free health clinic, which ran from 1969 to 1975 (Pien)  The police department’s Gang Intelligence Unit formed a Panther squad, which would perform raids on the party, and often end up with Panther members and associates being incarcerated  Reverend Bruce Johnson was the pastor of Armitage Avenue United Methodist Church, which became the headquarters of the Young Lords  Following this partnership, the city of Chicago began to attack Reverend Johnson, and fined him $200 for every day the Young Lords were in the church  In Oakland, California, in July 1969, a three day conference was held called the Conference for a United Front Against Fascism  Shortly after this conference, Reverend Johnson and his wife were brutally murdered  Because of this, the Black Panther party started to defend themselves from the police raids, and there were shootings that followed The original rainbow coalition was the idea of Fred Hampton and other Black Panther Party leaders  They saw the Young Lords and Young Patriots as established groups in their designated communities  The people that lived in Lawndale, Lincoln Park, and Uptown were treated and governed as crippling to the city as a whole  It was also difficult for these people to find jobs in the post World War II era as they were looked at as an unwanted part of the population by employers  As these groups came together in the rainbow coalition it gave them more of a voice to fight with  Each of these groups wanted to help their people and work to get rid of the discrimination against them  Coming together helped these groups have more of an effect on local government and policies  It also gave their people the feeling of having a larger community that knew what each other were fighting 

Legacy
The phrase "rainbow coalition" was co-opted over the years by Reverend Jesse Jackson, who eventually appropriated the name in forming his own, more moderate coalition, Rainbow/PUSH  Some scholars, including Peniel Joseph, assert that the original rainbow coalition concept was a prerequisite for the multicultural coalition that Barack Obama built his political career upon Jeffrey Haas, a lawyer who represented the BPP after Hampton's assassination, praised some of Hampton's politics, stating that his work in unifying movements are things one can learn from him  However, Haas was critical towards the way Hampton ran the BPP hierarchical organization  Haas praised the horizontal structure of Black Lives Matter stating: "They may also have picked up on the vulnerability of a hierarchal movement where you have one leader, which makes the movement very vulnerable if that leader is imprisoned, killed, or otherwise compromised  I think the fact that Black Lives Matter says, 'We're leader-full, not leaderless,' perhaps makes them less vulnerable to this kind of government assault "

See also
Political history of Chicago
Passage 8:
Maulana Karenga
Maulana Ndabezitha Karenga (born Ronald McKinley Everett, July 14, 1941), previously known as Ron Karenga, is an American activist, author, convicted felon and professor of Africana studies, best known as the creator of the pan-African and African-American holiday of Kwanzaa 
Born in Parsonsburg, Maryland, to an African-American family, Karenga studied at Los Angeles City College and the University of California, Los Angeles  He was active in the Black Power movement of the 1960s, joining the Congress of Racial Equality and Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee  In 1965, Karenga and Hakim Jamal co-founded the black nationalist group US Organization, which became involved in violent clashes with the Black Panther Party by 1969  In 1971, he was convicted of felony assault, torture, and false imprisonment of women  He denied involvement and claimed the prosecution was political in nature  Karenga was imprisoned in California Men's Colony until he received parole in 1975 In 1966, Karenga notably created Kwanzaa, modeling the holiday after the African "first fruit" traditions  The rituals of the holiday promote African traditions, including the "seven principles of African heritage"  During the early years of Kwanzaa, Karenga said it was meant to be a black alternative to Christmas  Karenga, a secular humanist, challenged the sanity of Jesus and declared Christianity a "White religion" that black people should shun  However, Karenga later changed his opinion, stating that Kwanzaa was not meant to provide people with an alternative to "their own religion or religious holiday "Karenga has been awarded two doctorates, one in Political Science in 1976 and one in Social Ethics in 1994  He currently chairs the Africana Studies Department at California State University, Long Beach and has authored several books 

Early life
Karenga was born in Parsonsburg, Maryland, the 14th child and seventh son in the family  His father was a tenant farmer and Baptist minister who employed the family to work fields under an effective sharecropping arrangement  Karenga moved to Los Angeles in 1959, joining his older brother who was a teacher there, and attended Los Angeles City College  He became active with civil rights organizations Congress of Racial Equality and Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, took an interest in African studies, and was elected as LACC's first African-American student president After earning his associate degree, he matriculated from the University of California, Los Angeles and earned BA and MA degrees in political science  He studied Swahili, Arabic, and other African-related subjects  Among his influences at UCLA were Jamaican anthropologist and Negritudist Councill Taylor, who contested the Eurocentric view of alien cultures as primitive  During this period, he took the name Karenga (Swahili for "keeper of tradition") and the title Maulana (Swahili-Arabic for "master teacher") 

1960s activism
US Organization
The Watts riots broke out when Karenga was a year into his doctoral studies  The Black Congress ("BC") was formed as a community-rebuilding organization in the aftermath  Within the BC, a discussion group centered on black nationalist ideas, called the Circle of Seven, was formed, which included Hakim Jamal (a cousin of Malcolm X) and Karenga  The group published US Magazine (meaning "Us black people") and in 1966 formed an organization called US  The organization joined in several community revival programs and was featured in press reports  Karenga cited Malcolm X's Afro-American Unity program as an influence on US Organization's work:

Malcolm was the major African American thinker that influenced me in terms of nationalism and Pan-Africanism  As you know, towards the end, when Malcolm is expanding his concept of Islam, and of nationalism, he stresses Pan-Africanism in a particular way  And he argues that, and this is where we have the whole idea that cultural revolution and the need for revolution, he argues that we need a cultural revolution, he argues that we must return to Africa culturally and spiritually, even if we can't go physically  And so that's a tremendous impact on US 
Karenga soon diverged from Malcolm X's ideas on Black nationalism and took US in a direction more focused on promoting African culture  Jamal and other adherents to Malcolm X's ideas left the group As racial disturbances spread across the country, Karenga appeared at a series of Black power conferences, joining other groups in urging the establishment of a separate political structure for African Americans  US developed a youth component with paramilitary aspects called the Simba Wachanga, which advocated and practiced community self-defense and service to the masses In 1966, Karenga founded the newspaper Harambee, which started as a newsletter for US and eventually became the newspaper for the Los Angeles Black Congress, an umbrella organization for several groups During the late 1960s, US Organization became bitter rivals with the Black Panther Party over their differing views on Black nationalism  The Federal Bureau of Investigation intensified this antipathy as part of its COINTELPRO operations, sending forged letters to each group which purported to be from the other group, so that each would believe that the other was publicly humiliating them  The rivalry came to a climax during 1969, with a series of armed confrontations and retaliatory shootings that left four Panthers dead, and more injured on both sides  A memorandum of the Los Angeles field office of the FBI dated May 26, 1970, confirmed that the surge of conflict suited their objectives and more would be encouraged:

"It is intended that US, Inc  will be discreetly and appropriately advised of the time and locations of BPP activities in order that the two organizations might be brought together and thus grant nature the opportunity to take her due course "
According to Louis Tackwood, a former informant with the Los Angeles Police Department's Criminal Conspiracies Section and author of The Glass House Tapes, Ronald Karenga was knowingly provided financial, arms, and other support by LAPD, with Tackwood as liaison, for US operations against the Black Panthers  Karenga enjoyed a level of trust among figures in government, including LAPD Chief Thomas Reddin and California Governor Ronald Reagan 

Kwanzaa
Karenga created Kwanzaa in 1966 to be the first pan-African holiday  Karenga said his goal was to "give Blacks an alternative to the existing holiday and give Blacks an opportunity to celebrate themselves and their history, rather than simply imitate the practice of the dominant society "Kwanzaa is inspired by African "first fruit" traditions, and the name chosen is from Swahili, "matunda ya kwanza " The rituals of the holiday promote African traditions and Nguzo Saba, the "seven principles of African Heritage" that Karenga described as "a communitarian African philosophy":

Umoja (unity)—To strive for and maintain unity in the family, community, nation, and race 
Kujichagulia (self-determination)—To define ourselves, name ourselves, create for ourselves, and speak for ourselves 
Ujima (collective work and responsibility)—To build and maintain our community together and make our brother's and sister's problems our problems and to solve them together 
Ujamaa (cooperative economics)—To build and maintain our own stores, shops, and other businesses and to profit from them together 
Nia (purpose)—To make our collective vocation the building and development of our community in order to restore our people to their traditional greatness 
Kuumba (creativity)—To do always as much as we can, in the way we can, in order to leave our community more beautiful and beneficial than we inherited it 
Imani (faith)—To believe with all our heart in our people, our parents, our teachers, our leaders, and the righteousness and victory of our struggle 

Criminal conviction and imprisonment
In 1971, Karenga was sentenced to one to ten years in prison on counts of felony assault and false imprisonment  One of the victims gave testimony of how Karenga and other men tortured her and another woman  The woman described having been stripped naked and beaten with an electrical cord  Karenga's estranged wife, Brenda Lorraine Karenga, testified that she sat on the other woman's stomach while another man forced water into her mouth through a hose 
A May 14, 1971, article in the Los Angeles Times described the testimony of one of the women:

Deborah Jones, who once was given the Swahili title of an African queen, said she and Gail Davis were whipped with an electrical cord and beaten with a karate baton after being ordered to remove their clothes  She testified that a hot soldering iron was placed in Miss Davis' mouth and placed against Miss Davis' face and that one of her own big toes was tightened in a vise  Karenga, head of US, also put detergent and running hoses in their mouths, she said  They also were hit on the heads with toasters 
Jones and Brenda Karenga testified that Karenga believed the women were conspiring to poison him, which Davis has attributed to a combination of ongoing police pressure and his own drug abuse Karenga denied any involvement in the torture, and argued that the prosecution was political in nature  He was imprisoned at the California Men's Colony, where he studied and wrote on feminism, Pan-Africanism, and other subjects  The US Organization fell into disarray during his absence and was disbanded in 1974  After he petitioned several black state officials to support his parole on fair sentencing grounds, it was granted in 1975 Karenga has declined to discuss the convictions with reporters and does not mention them in biographical materials  During a 2007 appearance at Wabash College, he again denied the charges and described himself as a former political prisoner 

Later career
After his parole, Karenga re-established the US Organization under a new structure He was awarded his first Ph D  in 1976 from United States International University (now known as Alliant International University) for a 170-page dissertation titled "Afro-American Nationalism: Social Strategy and Struggle for Community"  In 1977, he formulated a set of principles called Kawaida, a Swahili term for normal  Karenga called on African-Americans to adopt his secular humanism and reject other practices as mythical He was also the director of the Kawaida Institute for Pan African Studies and the author of several books, including his Introduction to Black Studies, a comprehensive Black/African Studies textbook now in its fourth edition (2010), originally published in 1982  He is also known for having co-hosted, in 1984, a conference that gave rise to the Association for the Study of Classical African Civilizations  
In 1994, he was awarded a second Ph D  in social ethics from the University of Southern California for an 803-page dissertation titled "Maat, the moral ideal in ancient Egypt: A study in classical African ethics " In 1995, he sat on the organizing committee and authored the mission statement of the Million Man March Karenga delivered a eulogy at the 2001 funeral service of New Black Panther Party leader Khalid Abdul Muhammad, praising him for his organizing activities and commitment to black empowerment  In 2002, scholar Molefi Kete Asante listed Maulana Karenga on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans As of 2021, Karenga chairs the Africana Studies Department at California State University, Long Beach 

Films
Owen Alik Shahadah's documentary 500 Years Later (2005) and its sequel Motherland (2010)
M K  Asante's documentary The Black Candle (2012)

Published works
Introduction to Black Studies  2010, 4th edition, University of Sankore Press  ISBN 0943412307 (Editions: 1982,1993,2002,2010)
Kwanzaa: A Celebration of Family, Community and Culture  1998  ISBN 0943412218
Maat, The Moral Ideal in Ancient Egypt  ISBN 0415947537
Odu Ifa: The Ethical Teachings  ISBN 0943412226
Kawaida and Questions of Life and Struggle  ISBN 0943412293
Selections from the Husia  ISBN 0943412064
Book of Coming Forth By Day  ISBN 0943412145
Handbook of Black Studies, co-edited with Molefi Kete Asante  ISBN 0761928405
The Million Man March/Day of Absence: A Commemorative Anthology, co-edited with Haki Madhubuti  ISBN 0883781883
Maulana Karenga: An Intellectual Portrait, Polity  ISBN 0745648282



ground_truth: Man Haron

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Which name adopted by African-American activist Allen Donaldson co-found Black Power movement of the 1960s and 1970s

The following are given passages.
Context 4:  The front porch was repaired and restored and inside, the hardwood floors have been replaced and refinished  In addition, the front parlors have been repainted and restored 

Architecture
The home was mostly designed in a French Colonial style, though it contains some elements of Greek Revival architecture  French Colonial architecture was more popular in the American South than it ever was in the northern tier of states 

Exterior
The two-story brick structure is supported by a fieldstone foundation and still features its original front porch  The porch spans the length of the building's front (south) facade, at a height of about 6 ft (2 m)  The porch is supported by four wooden pillars, which rest on stone bases  The stairs leading to the front porch are supported by two similar wooden posts, which, like the house, are set into fieldstone bases  The first step on the stairs was originally a limestone block embedded in the ground  The porch roof is supported by six wooden, bracketed pillars  The pillars are simple, with the brackets coming from the boxed capitals  At the rear of the porch wooden pilasters set at each end help to support the roof  Differentiating the home from the traditional French Colonial design is the porch roof, which is separate from the main roof The house stands mostly as it did in 1861 save a few alterations  The front porch was screened in at the time the building was added to the National Register of Historic Places, the screens have since been removed  At the rear of the house a small porch was enclosed  In 1909 or 1910 there were major subtractions and replacements  Removed were a cast-iron widow's walk along the roof ridge and a large gable dormer, decorated in the same manner as the cornice decorating the roof trim  The present dormer replaced the larger one and is more of a low-shed type 
The roof itself is a low gable and dominated by single stack, straddle ridge chimneys at its east and west ends  The boxed roof trim is a decorated cornice  The low-shed dormer is covered with green asphalt  The old widow's walk, which a neighbor dubbed Glidden's "obscuratory", was balustraded and set just above the dormer 

Interior
The interior of the building is also similar to how it appeared when the house was constructed  However, a few changes have been made  In 1910 the two marble fireplaces were replaced by brick  The flooring has been replaced as needed  The home's basement, once the main living area, has since been converted several times for other uses On the first floor of the home the rooms remain much the same as they were when Glidden lived in the house  An original multi-paneled wooden door remains at the entry from the porch to the central hall  The door, however, was altered, having glass panels installed to admit more light  The staircase is also original and its newel posts resemble those found in the Isaac and Harriet Ellwood House, another Haish designed home, and the Gurler House, whose architect is unknown though it was quite possibly Haish, both in DeKalb On the house's east side are three rooms, whose original presence is open to debate  The three rooms are interconnected, another common French colonial element  The room adjacent the porch was used as the Glidden's dining room and is where the large brick fireplace, which replaced the marble one in 1909, is located  The 1909 fireplace is of the American Craftsman style  At the end of the hall, near the kitchen, there is a full bathroom 
The western part of the first floor is dominated by a large formal living room  The room has two entrances, one at the front of the hall, near the front door and the other at the back end of the hall  This was the room in which Elva Glidden married in the late 19th century  After 1941 the rear part of the living room, or "west" room, was walled off and a second kitchen added  When Jessie Glidden, the last Glidden to occupy the old homestead, moved in 1998, the west room was restored to its original size and the second kitchen removed The basement, and for part of the home's history, the main living area, is accessed via a staircase at the back of the first-floor hall  The steep stairs still show years of wear  One of the rooms off the main basement is the kitchen where Glidden is said to have experimented with the coffee grinder and his wife's hair pins, eventually leading to his brand of barbed wire The second-floor served as the main sleeping quarters  It consists of a few simple bedrooms, all historically without closets  The upstairs hall contains a door which once accessed a staircase to the widow's walk, what remains of the space has been used as a closet for over a century 

Outbuildings
The property has two remaining outbuildings  The barn is where Glidden invented his famous improvement on barbed wire  Dubbed "The Winner," his barbed wire became the most popular version of the invention  Barbed wire is considered to be one of the most important factors in American progress and settlement The other outbuilding on the property along historic Lincoln Highway are the remnants of a once dominating windmill  Though only the foundation remains, it gives a glimpse of how impressive the structure must have once been 

Barn
The Glidden Barn, located to the rear and east of the home, was thought to have been added to the National Register of Historic Places when the original nomination for the house was approved in 1973  However, in the late 1990s, the Illinois Historic Preservation Agency revealed that the nomination included only the house  The Glidden Historical Center initiated the process of adding the barn to the Register  Those moves were approved by the Illinois Historic Sites Advisory Council in 2002 and the barn officially became part of the National Register 
The barn was built sometime around 1871, possibly even before, and is constructed of the same soft brick that makes up the exterior of the home  Tradition in the Glidden family holds that the barn, like the house itself, was designed and built by prominent local carpenter Jacob Haish  The famous barn, one of DeKalb County's oldest remaining, stands a full two-stories high, measuring around 50 feet (15 m) tall, with a width of 30 feet (9 m) 
In February 2007 the Glidden Homestead and Historical Center kicked off a fundraising drive  The drive is aimed at raising US$2 million to expand the Joseph F  Glidden House site to include museum space and a media center  Some of the funds will be used to help restore the barn and expand historical center museum space into the building 

Architecture
The Glidden barn is of pole and beam construction  The second-floor interior is dominated by two large transverse wooden beams  It is of the three-bay, English tradition, the west bay containing a space for a stairwell leading to a hayloft and seven stalls  It is constructed of red brick and stands on a foundation of limestone  Glidden's barn took full advantage of the term vernacular; the brick was locally manufactured and the limestone locally quarried 
The east bay of the barn contains an animal stall in its northeast corner and a fully enclosed office in its opposite corner  The second-floor hayloft is supported by the two massive transverse beams  The full-sized loft is accessible via an enclosed staircase against the south wall  The building's exterior roof is fully supported by the brick walls  The result is a loft which is an entirely open space save for some pole and beam construction supporting the laminated beams, which act as tie rods at the base of the roof  The barn roof is a common gable roof pitched at a 45 degree angle, it was originally covered with wooden shingles, those have been replaced over the years with asphalt The barn features extensive windows, somewhat unusual outside of dairy barns, with a total of 14 eight-paned, double-hung windows dispersed over three sides of the rectangular structure, north, south and east  On the west side, facing the house, are seven smaller single-pane windows  The double-hung windows are topped with segmented arches constructed from a double row of bricks; the north and south main entrances are also topped with segmented brick arches, each of three rows of bricks 

Windmill building
Only the foundation remains of the property's windmill  What is left, ten rows of stone above the ground, is completely invisible when the home is viewed by passers-by on Lincoln Highway  The windmill started to fall into disrepair around the 1930s or 40s  The original, specific use of the windmill is unknown 

See also
Isaac Ellwood
List of Registered Historic Places in Illinois
Passage 7:
Devils Rope Barbed Wire Museum
The Devils Rope Barbed Wire Museum is a museum located in McLean, Texas, United States  The museum was officially opened in 1991 and  focuses on barbed wire and its history  The museum is thought to have the largest collection of published material concerning barbed wire The Devil's Rope Museum is housed in a converted brassiere factory and is dedicated to the history of barbed wire, fencing tools, and ranching heritage  Features exhibits and collections from private wire collectors from across the U S, a reference library with extensive patent information for researchers and educators, a Dust Bowl exhibit, salesman samples, warfare wire, and a collection of road lore with artifacts dedicated to the Texas portion of Historic Route 66 
Passage 8:
Kansas Barbed Wire Museum
The Kansas Barbed Wire Museum is a barbed wire museum located in La Crosse, Kansas, United States, known as the “Barbed Wire Capital of the World ” The museum focuses on barbed wire and its history, displaying over 2,000 different forms of the wire and its history  Barbed wire played a significant role in the history of the settlement of the United States and forever changed the face of the prairie 
The museum was established in 1970 in a small storefront on Main Street in downtown La Crosse, Kansas  By 1990, the collections had grown so much that a new building was constructed adjacent to the Post Rock Museum and Rush County Historical Museum in Grass Park at the south edge of the community  In 2004, an addition was constructed on the building to house the headquarters of the Antique Barbed Wire Society and the Larry Greer Research Center  The Antique Barbed Wire Society is an international organization “committed to collecting, preserving, exhibiting, and interpreting the historical heritage of barb wire and barbed wire related items ” The Larry Greer Research Center houses collections of publications related to the history of barbed wire and a complete collection of patents related to barbed wire and related items  The Kansas Barbed Wire Museum is located at 120 W  1st Street, La Crosse, KS 67548 
Passage 9:
Joseph Glidden
Joseph Farwell Glidden (January 18, 1813 – October 9, 1906) was an American businessman and farmer  He was the inventor of the modern barbed wire  In 1898, he donated land for the Northern Illinois State Normal School in DeKalb, Illinois, which was renamed as Northern Illinois University in 1957 

Early life
Glidden was born in Charlestown, New Hampshire, of English descent  His family later moved to Clarendon, New York  Glidden was a teacher there for about 8 years, during which years he married Clarissa Foster in 1837  In 1843, he moved to Illinois with his wife and children, first to Ogle County and then to DeKalb where they had purchased a farm  His wife died in 1846, in childbirth of their daughter in Ogle County, Illinois  Their three children, including the infant daughter Clara (Clarissa) died in an epidemic in 1847  Their two sons died after the move  Glidden married Lucinda Warne in 1851, with whom he had one daughter, Elva Frances 

Invention and patent for barbed wire
Glidden began work on ways to make a useful barbed wire to fence cattle in 1873  He made his best design of barbed wire by using a coffee mill to create the barbs  Glidden placed the barbs along a wire and then twisted another wire around it to keep the barbs in place, in a design that he called “The Winner”, being his best design  He received the patent for that barbed wire design on November 24, 1874, when he was 61 years old  He and local hardware dealer Isaac L  Ellwood began manufacturing and selling the barbed wire with his patent, as the Barb Fence Company in DeKalb, Illinois  In 1876, Glidden exited the manufacturing aspect, though retaining royalties, by selling his half of the manufacturing business to Washburn and Moen, who had a wire manufacturing plant in Worcester, Massachusetts and from whom Glidden and Ellwood had been purchasing steel wire   Ellwood stayed in DeKalb and renamed the company I  L  Ellwood & Company of DeKalb  That company evolved into American Steel and Wire, and eventually was bought by U  S  Steel Manufacturing Company 
Glidden was embroiled in a legal battle initiated by fellow DeKalb resident Jacob Haish over whether the design for holding the barbs in place with an extra strand of wire was novel, an improved design  An earlier patent for barbed wire had been issued to a man in Ohio, among other patents related to barbed wire  Glidden eventually won at the US Supreme Court in an 1892 case, his patent protection expired the same year  The legal fees were estimated to have cost Glidden $100,000 
This invention made him extremely rich  It was estimated that Glidden earned $1,000,000 in royalties until his patent expired in 1892  Companies manufacturing the barbed wire under his license ranged from New York state to Kansas by 1884  By the time of his death in 1906, he was one of the richest men in America  The Dun & Bradstreet Collection, 1840–1895, MSS 791, LXIII, 130, Baker Library, Harvard, recorded his assets at one million dollars  This included the Glidden House Hotel; the DeKalb Chronicle; 3,000 acres (12 km2) of farmland in Illinois; 35,000 acres (1,360 km2) in Texas; and the Glidden Felt Pad Industry 

Local political activity and other businesses
From 1852 to 1854, he served as sheriff of DeKalb County  In 1851, 1861, 1862, 1869, 1870, 1871, 1872, and 1876 he served on the county's board of supervisors  In 1867, he served on the executive committee of DeKalb County Agriculture and Mechanical Society's Seventh Annual Fall Fair, held September 25–28  In 1876, he was the Democratic nominee for Illinois State Senator  From 1861 to 1874, he served as a member of the board of school directors, and for 20 years paid the largest school tax of any citizen of the county  He was also one of the largest contributors to the erection of one of the churches  He was also vice-president of the DeKalb National Bank, director of the North Western Railroad, and owner of the DeKalb Rolling Mill 

Demonstration of use in Texas changes ranching
To demonstrate the effectiveness of barbed wire, Glidden and his sales agent for the State of Texas, Marques Fortner, in 1881 developed the "Frying Pan Ranch" in Bushland in Potter County near Amarillo, Texas  The wire was brought in by wagon from the railhead at Dodge City, Kansas, and the timbers were cut from Palo Duro Canyon and along the Canadian River Valley  A herd of 12,000 head of cattle was branded with the "Panhandle Brand", which the cowboys called " frying pan"  The ranch proved the success of the wire and changed ranching Henry B  Sanborn, a sales representative for Glidden's company, owned a ranch in Grayson County north of Dallas and wished to advertise barbed wire there  In 1881, Sanborn purchased ninety-five sections of land in southwestern Potter County from near the Canadian River extending into Randall County south of Amarillo  Included in the purchase was Tecovas Spring, once a watering site and a trading post for Indians and Comancheros  John Summerfield, a surveyor from Sherman, Texas, reported a constant flow of freshwater from the spring  Sanborn chose this site for his ranch headquarters and enclosed 120 miles of land in barbed wire for $39,000 ($1 18 million in 2022 dollars)  Warren W  Wetzel, also of Sherman, used cedar posts brought from both the Palo Duro Canyon and the breaks of the Sierrita de la Cruz in the northwestern portion of the ranch to hold up the wire Besides ranchers, railroads were large purchasers of barbed wire, so that cattle did not stray onto their tracks  The Frying Pan Ranch soon had 15,000 head of cattle, and 125,000 more acres were added  Later the ranch was divided  In 1898, Glidden deeded Frying Pan Ranch to his son-in-law William Henry Bush  Between 1908 and 1920, William Henry Bush and his second wife Ruth Bush built a larger ranch house near Tecovas Spring, which later became the residence of Stanley Marsh 3 and his wife, Wendy  Gwendolyn “Wendy” Bush O’Brien was the daughter of Emeline Bush and her husband Frank O’Brien; Emeline was a daughter of William Henry and Ruth Bush  Stanley Marsh called the estate “Toad Hall ”

Land for the Northern Illinois State Normal School
Glidden, a former teacher, gave 63 acres (255,000 m2) of his homestead as a site for the Northern Illinois State Normal School  The school opened on September 12, 1898, with 139 students and 16 members of the faculty  The school's name was changed to Northern Illinois University in 1957 
The town of Glidden, Iowa, is named in his honor 

Personal life
He and his wife Lucinda had one daughter, Elva Frances, in 1851  She married William Henry Bush in DeKalb on February 1, 1877  His wife Lucinda died on October 28, 1895 Elva died in 1906 not long before her father died, and is buried in the Glidden family plot in a cemetery in DeKalb 
In 1898, Glidden deeded his Frying Pan ranch in Texas to his son-in-law, W  H  Bush  Bush married again in 1908, after being widowed, to Ruth Russell Gentry  He is buried in Graceland Cemetery in Chicago 

In popular culture
The "barbed wire salesman" in Back to the Future Part III is either based on Joseph F  Glidden or John Warne Gates who was a pioneer promoter of barbed wire  He is played by Richard Dysart 

See also
Joseph F  Glidden House
The Barbed Wire Patent

Patents
U S  Patent 157,124 – Wire fences
Passage 10:
Hanging on the Old Barbed Wire
"Hanging on the Old Barbed Wire" (Roud 9618) is a British war song of World War I   The song sarcastically recounts the location of various army members, not to be found in the combat zone, and concludes by describing the location of the old battalion: "hanging on the old barbed wire"  A barbed wire fence separated the front-line trench from no man's land, and men brave or unfortunate enough to go over the top of the dug-out were often quickly shot and their bodies caught in the barbed wire  This troop song was not popular with officers, who thought it bad for morale, though attempts to suppress it were unsuccessful 

Lyrics
There are several different versions of this song, though all share the final two lines  One version:

A variant last line is "if you want to find the privates" Another variation fourth verse sees C O replaced with colonel, put at the start and, "He's On another 7 days leave" 

Covers
The song was included on the 1988 album English Rebel Songs 1381–1914 by the English anarchist punk band Chumbawamba, as well as on their 2003 re-recording of the same album (English Rebel Songs 1381–1984) 
A shortened version of the song was also included on the 2018 album The Blind Leading the Blind by the Ukrainian metal band 1914 as an interlude  The band's songs are all related to WWI events 
The song was covered by death industrial band Maruta Kommand on their 2000 album "Holocaust Rites" 
The song is part of the "Great War Trilogy" (The Valley of the Shadow / The Old Barbed Wire / Long, Long Trail) sung by John Roberts and Tony Barrand in their album,   A Present from the Gentlemen: A Pandora's Box of English Folk Songs (Golden Hind Music, GHM-101, 1992) 



ground_truth: Hakim Abdullah Jamal