prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Where did the punter for the Dallas Cowboys in the 1980s play college football?

The following are given passages.
Context 1: Passage 1:
Jim Miller (punter)
James Gordon Miller (born July 5, 1957) is a former American college and professional football player who was a punter in the National Football League (NFL) for eight seasons during the 1980s   Miller played college football for the University of Mississippi, and received All-American honors   He played professionally for the San Francisco 49ers, Dallas Cowboys, and New York Giants of the NFL 

Early years
Miller was born in Ripley, Mississippi and attended Ripley High School, where he played running back, wide receiver, cornerback and punter 

College career
Miller attended the University of Mississippi (Ole Miss), where he played for the Ole Miss Rebels football team from 1976 to 1979   He started punting barefoot as a freshman (in high school he had to wear a shoe by rule), ranking third in the Southeastern Conference with a 40 5-yard punt average  For a while he doubled as a flanker and punter 
The next year, he led the NCAA with a 45 9-yard punting average, which was also a school and SEC record  As a junior, he finished with a 43 2-yard per punt average  In his last year he averaged 44 6-yards per punt  
At the time he set school records with an 82-yard punt against South Carolina in 1976, punt average in a season (45 9), most punts in a game (12), career punt average (43 4-yard), punts in a career (266), punting yards in
a season (3,283 yards) and total punt yards in a career (11,549)  He was inducted into the Ole Miss Athletics Hall of Fame in 1995  He was named to the Ole Miss Team of the Century (1893-1992) 

Professional career
San Francisco 49ers
Miller was selected in the third round of the 1980 NFL Draft by the San Francisco 49ers, who had gone through three punters in three years  As a rookie, he was named to the All-rookie team after averaging 40 9 yards per punt  He was a part of the Super Bowl XVI championship team  He was waived before the start of the 1983 season, when he was passed on the depth chart by Tom Orosz 

Dallas Cowboys
On November 16, 1983, he was signed as a free agent by the Dallas Cowboys to replace the injured rookie John Warren  He only played in three games  He was released after losing the preseason competition with Warren on September 6, 1984 

New York Giants
In 1987, he punted in one game for the New York Giants, replacing an injured Sean Landeta  He was cut during the season the team won Super Bowl XXI 
He lives in Ripley, MS with his wife  He has a grandson that enjoys playing football with  
Passage 2:
Filip Filipović (American football)
Filip Filipovic (Serbian Cyrillic: Филип Филиповић) (born November 5, 1977) is a Serbian former professional American football punter in the National Football League for the Dallas Cowboys  He played college football at the University of South Dakota 

Early years
Filipovic moved from Yugoslavia to the United States as a foreign exchange student in 1992  He attended Howland High School  As a junior, he broke his foot in the season opener  As a senior, he served as the team's placekicker and punter, making 13 field goals and averaging 35 yards per punt 
He enrolled at Urbana College where although he was named the starter at placekicker, he instead decided to give up football and transfer to Eastern Michigan University  In 1999, he walked on at Division II University of South Dakota As a sophomore, he became the starter at punter, posting 57 punts for a 38 1-yard average and a long of 56 yards  As a junior, he registered 73 punts for a 40 7-yard average (seventh in Division II) and a long of 62 yards As a senior, he served as the team's placekicker and punter, making 7-of-10 field goals for a 62 5 percent (third in the conference), 18-of-19 extra points for a 92 3 percent (fifth in the conference) and 53 punts for a 40 1-yard average (fourth in the conference)  He finished his career with 183 punts for a 39 7-yard average and a long of 66 yards 

Professional career
Filipović was signed as an undrafted free agent by the Dallas Cowboys after the 2002 NFL Draft  He was waived on September 1  On October 23, he was re-signed to replace a struggling Micah Knorr  Against the Detroit Lions, he had 10 punts (tied for second in franchise history) for a 41 4-yard average and downed two kicks inside the 10-yard line  He finished the season with a 40 6-yard average, 14 punts downed inside the 20-yard line, a long of 60 yards and 2 special teams tackles  On August 17, 2003, he was released after being passed on the depth chart by Toby Gowin 
On January 7, 2004, he signed a futures contract with the San Francisco 49ers  He was cut on April 27 On July 23, 2004, he was signed as a free agent by the Minnesota Vikings  He was released on August 3 On February 10, 2005, he was signed by the Philadelphia Eagles with the intention of allocating him to NFL Europe  He was cut on March 7 
On March 28, 2006, he signed with the Houston Texans  He was released on July 29 
On April 9, 2007, he was signed by the Chicago Bears  He was released on August 1 

Personal life
After football he trained several kickers and punters, developing skills to break into professional football leagues  Filipovic also works with agents that sign and negotiate NFL contracts 
Passage 3:
Jerry Tubbs
Gerald J  Tubbs (January 23, 1935 – June 13, 2012) was an American football linebacker who played for ten seasons in the National Football League (NFL) from 1957 to 1966, mainly for the Dallas Cowboys   He was selected by the Dallas Cowboys in the 1960 NFL Expansion Draft   After his retirement he stayed with the Cowboys as an assistant coach for 22 years  He played college football at the University of Oklahoma  In 1996, he was inducted into the College Football Hall of Fame 

High school career
Tubbs was an honor graduate student and played center at Breckenridge High School  The teams were coached by Cooper Robbins (1951) and Joe Kerbel (1952), who would go on to the college ranks  Tubbs lost only three games during his high school career  In 1971, he was inducted into the Texas High School Football Hall of Fame  Since 2008, the Breckenridge Buckaroos open the football season playing the "Jerry Tubbs Kickoff Classic" 

College career
Tubbs played three varsity years at the University of Oklahoma, and the Sooners won all 31 games in that period  In 1954, when fullback Billy Pricer was injured, Tubbs had to replace him playing against University of Texas, the first time he had ever played in the backfield  In the remaining games of that season, he averaged 6 1 yards per carry  Head coach Bud Wilkinson moved him to center in 1955, and this became his signature position  He also played linebacker and in a victory over Texas in 1955, he intercepted three passes  In 1956, he was a unanimous All-American center and was named Lineman of the Year by three agencies 
During his three varsity years, Oklahoma's record was 10-0, 11-0, 10-0  His 31 wins were part of that legendary 47-game winning streak and two national titles from 1954-56  The 1954 team was ranked third nationally in the Associated Press and United Press polls  The 1955 and 1956 teams were national champions  In those years Oklahoma played in only one bowl game, where the 1955 team beat Maryland University 20-6 in the Orange Bowl 
Tubbs finished fourth in the 1956 Heisman Trophy voting (very high for a lineman), behind his third place teammate, Tommy McDonald, and winner Paul Hornung of Notre Dame University  He graduated from Oklahoma with a degree in economics and was also a 1956 Academic All-America 
In 1996, he was inducted into the College Football Hall of Fame and in 1999 he was inducted into the Oklahoma Sports Hall of Fame 

Professional career
Chicago Cardinals
He was drafted by the Chicago Cardinals in the first round of the 1957 NFL Draft — 10th overall  Suddenly, he found himself on a perennial loser, playing out of position as an outside linebacker  He was eventually benched, and then traded to the San Francisco 49ers after the seventh game of the 1958 season 

San Francisco 49ers
The following year (1959), the San Francisco 49ers moved him into the middle linebacker position, where he became a starter  After the 1959 season, Tubbs planned to retire, so the 49ers left him off their list of players who were exempt from the 1960 NFL Expansion Draft 

Dallas Cowboys
Tubbs was acquired by the Dallas Cowboys in 1960 NFL Expansion Draft  As it turned out, he would spend the next 29 years in Dallas — as a player, player-coach and full-time assistant coach   In the 4th game of the 1960 season, Tubbs became the first player in franchise history to start at the middle linebacker position on a regular basis, finishing with 149 tackles (48 solo) 
Tubbs was an impact player on those early Cowboys teams and also rated among the top middle linebackers in the NFL  He had quickness, toughness and an unbeatable motor  In 1962, he was one of the first Cowboys players voted to the Pro Bowl, along with: QB Eddie LeBaron; DT Bob Lilly; RB Don Perkins; and CB Don Bishop 
He became a player-coach in 1965  In 1966 he retired and was working for the Dallas Federal Savings and Loan Association, but was lured back by Tom Landry to play behind Lee Roy Jordan for one more year  He played just the first three games of the season, until he suffered a back injury 
The following year (1967), Landry sensing that the Cowboys had a real chance at a championship, wanted to have Tubbs as insurance in the event Lee Roy Jordan should be injured  He came back again, but didn't play a single down while serving as a player-coach, hence he was on the roster and in uniform for the 1967 Ice Bowl championship game against the Packers 

Personal life
When he finally retired as a player at the end of the 1967 season, he became Cowboys linebackers coach for 21 years  He coached in five Super Bowls, winning two of them  He died on June 13, 2012, at the age of 77 
Passage 4:
Jason Garrett
Jason Calvin Garrett (born March 28, 1966) is a former American football player and coach and current broadcaster  He previously served as the head coach of the Dallas Cowboys for 9 5 seasons, from 2010-2019  Garrett has also been offensive coordinator and assistant head coach for the Cowboys and quarterbacks coach for the Miami Dolphins  
Before becoming a coach, Garrett was a college football quarterback at Princeton University and also played as quarterback in the National Football League (NFL) for the Cowboys (winning three Super Bowls as the backup quarterback for Troy Aikman), New York Giants, Tampa Bay Buccaneers, and Miami Dolphins  
In 2022, Garrett became a sports broadcaster and currently works as a football analyst for NBC Sports - as a commentator for their coverage of the USFL and Notre Dame football and as an analyst for their NFL pregame show Football Night in America 

Early life
Garrett attended kindergarten through second grade at Holy Cross school in Rumson, New Jersey  He went to prep school at University School in Hunting Valley, Ohio, and was a letterman in football, basketball, and baseball  As a senior, Garrett won All-League honors as a quarterback and safety  He graduated from University School in 1984 

College career
Garrett was accepted to Princeton University, where he began as the starting quarterback of the freshman team, registering 64 completions on 116 attempts for 996 yards  Garrett transferred to Columbia University when his father Jim Garrett became the head coach in 1985  Following his father's resignation after Columbia's 0–10 1985 season, Garrett and his brothers (Judd and John) transferred to Princeton, although none played varsity in 1986 for different reasons (Jason was an ineligible transfer) Garrett sat out the 1986 season because of the transfer rules while focusing on running the scout team, which included his brothers  The next year, as a junior, Garrett was named the starting quarterback  Although he piloted Princeton to a win against his former team, Columbia (a loss that gave Columbia the Division I record for straight losses, at 35), Garrett was also involved in a losing effort against them as a senior, snapping Columbia's by then 44-game losing streak  He received the Asa S  Bushnell Cup as the Ivy League Player of the Year  Garrett earned a degree in history in 1989, with a senior thesis on "The Revolt of the Black Athlete as Initiated by Harry Edwards" Garrett finished his college career completing 366 of 550 passes (66 5%) for 4,274 yards and 20 touchdowns  At the time, he was ranked in the categories: lowest pass interception percentage (1 8% – school record), total yards of offense (4,555 – second in school history), total yards of offense in a season (2,485 – third in school history), most passing yards (4,274 – second in school history), most passing yards in a season (2,217 – fourth in school history), most completions (366 – second in school history), most completions in a season (204 – third in school history), most touchdown passes (20 – tied for fourth)  Garrett continues to hold the Ivy League career record for completion percentage with 66 5% (366/550) and his 1988 percentage of 68 2% (204/299) stood as the league record until 2000, when Gavin Hoffman posted a 70 5% mark 

Professional playing career
New Orleans Saints
Garrett was signed as an undrafted free agent by the New Orleans Saints after the 1989 NFL Draft and was eventually signed to the practice squad  On September 3, 1990, he was waived by the Saints and spent most of the year working as a coaching assistant for Princeton 

San Antonio Riders
In 1991, Garrett started at quarterback for the San Antonio Riders of the World League of American Football, but he suffered a separated right wwe 
shoulder in the season opener  Garrett returned to start the sixth and seventh game but was passed on the depth chart by Mike Johnson 

Ottawa Rough Riders
On June 4, 1991, Garrett was signed by the Ottawa Rough Riders of the Canadian Football League, but was released in August 

Dallas Cowboys
In 1992, with the support of his father, at the time a part of the Dallas Cowboys scouting department, Garrett was signed as a free agent  He was released on August 31 and later signed to the team's practice squad  In 1993, his preseason performances allowed him to make the team as the third-string quarterback behind Troy Aikman and Hugh Millen  Garrett eventually passed Millen on the depth chart  In the eighth game of the season, after Aikman injured his left hamstring against the New York Giants in the third quarter  Garrett finished the game, completing five of six passes for 34 yards and leading two touchdown drives  He was named the starter for the next game against the Phoenix Cardinals, where he completed two of six passes for 25 yards and helped the team score on a field goal, before being replaced on the third series in favor of Bernie Kosar, who had been signed four days earlier  Kosar became the backup quarterback for the rest of the season after the game 
The highlight of Garrett's playing career occurred in the 1994 Thanksgiving Day game when he started in place of backup quarterback Rodney Peete, who was out with a sprained thumb he suffered in a win against the Washington Redskins  Garrett led the Cowboys over the Green Bay Packers by completing 15 of 26 passes for 311 yards and two touchdowns in the second half for a comeback win of 42–31, earning him NFC Offensive Player of the Week honors  That game was named the fourth-best moment in the history of Texas Stadium by ESPN in 2008 In 1998, Garrett was promoted to the backup position and in the second game against the Denver Broncos, after Aikman suffered a broken clavicle, Garrett came in to finish the 23–42 loss  He would start the next five games and contribute to a 3–2 mark for a team that would go on to win the NFC East division by one game over the Arizona Cardinals  In 1999, Garrett started two games for a 1–1 record 
Garrett was a part of the 1993 and 1995 Super Bowl winning teams  In eight seasons with the Cowboys, he played in 39 games and completed 165 of 294 passes (56 1%) for 2,042 yards, 11 touchdowns, and five interceptions 

New York Giants
In 2000, Garrett was signed as a free agent by the New York Giants to back up Kerry Collins  On February 27, 2002, Garrett was released for salary cap reasons and re-signed on July 24, although he would be declared inactive in 16 games, after being passed on the depth chart by Jesse Palmer who was named the backup quarterback  In 2003, Garrett was declared inactive in 11 games as the third-string quarterback 

Tampa Bay Buccaneers
On March 15, 2004, Garrett signed with the Tampa Bay Buccaneers and was cut on August 31  On October 13, he was re-signed by the Tampa Bay Buccaneers  After being declared inactive in week 6 and week 7, he was released on November 6  On November 24, Garrett was signed as a free agent by the Miami Dolphins and was declared inactive for the last six games of the season 

Coaching career
Miami Dolphins
After retiring as a player, Garrett became the quarterbacks coach for the Miami Dolphins for the 2005 season under head coach Nick Saban 

Dallas Cowboys
Offensive coordinator
In January 2007, Garrett was hired by the Dallas Cowboys as offensive coordinator  He guided the Cowboys to the second-best offense in the NFL, which made him an attractive head coaching prospect  In January 2008, Garrett interviewed for the head coaching job of the Baltimore Ravens and the Atlanta Falcons, receiving offers from both, but ultimately opted to remain with the Cowboys  His salary for the 2008 season was nearly $3 million; the highest salary for an assistant coach in the NFL at the time  On December 29, 2008, the Detroit Lions received permission to speak to Garrett regarding the team's head coaching vacancy according to ESPN sources  In January 2009, the Denver Broncos also interviewed him as a possible replacement for fired coach Mike Shanahan  Garrett was also a finalist for the St  Louis Rams head coaching position to replace Jim Haslett, the interim head coach, but the job ultimately went to Steve Spagnuolo 

Head coach
On November 8, 2010, Garrett was named as interim head coach of the Cowboys after fourth-year head coach Wade Phillips was fired after the Cowboys began the 2010 season with a 1-7 record  On November 14, Garrett won his first game as a head coach, beating the favored New York Giants by a score of 33–20 at New Meadowlands Stadium  The next week, he led the Cowboys to a 35–19 victory over the Detroit Lions, their first home win all season  Garrett finished with a 5–3 record down the stretch  On January 6, 2011, Garrett was officially named the eighth head coach in Cowboys history  He was the first head coach born after the team was founded in 1960, and the first former Cowboys player to hold the post 
From 2011 to 2013, Garrett had three straight 8–8 seasons, losing in the last game each season to NFC East division rivals New York Giants, Washington Redskins, and Philadelphia Eagles to miss the division championship and the playoffs each time  In 2014, Garrett achieved head-coaching success for the first time  The Cowboys, featuring several key draft picks maturing on the offensive line and the emergence of DeMarco Murray as a dominant running back, won the NFC East with a 12–4 record and were tied for the best record in the conference with the Green Bay Packers and the Seattle Seahawks  The Cowboys were undefeated on the road, including impressive wins over Seattle and the NFC East frontrunners (at the time), the Philadelphia Eagles  Garrett's team lost the three-way tiebreaker to Green Bay and Seattle and therefore hosted the Detroit Lions in a wildcard-round game  This game, won 24–20 by the Cowboys, featured a controversial "flag pick up" after a penalty during a late Detroit drive, thereby allowing Dallas an improved chance to make a comeback and defeat the Lions  In the ensuing divisional-round playoff game against the Green Bay Packers, hyped as a rematch of the famous Ice Bowl NFL championship game from 1967, Dallas held a lead in the second half, but after losing the lead due to a late Aaron Rodgers touchdown pass, had a potentially game-winning catch by Dez Bryant overturned in official replay, therefore sealing a 26–21 defeat to Green Bay On January 13, 2015, Cowboys owner Jerry Jones and Garrett agreed on a contract that kept Garrett in Dallas for five more years and paid him $30 million  The Cowboys entered the 2015 season with great expectations, but starting quarterback Tony Romo played in only four games after suffering two fractures in his left collarbone, and the team finished with a 4–12 mark 
The Cowboys bounced back in 2016 with their best record under Garrett (13–3) with the emergence of rookie quarterback Dak Prescott and running back Ezekiel Elliott, earning the #1 NFC spot in the playoffs and a first-round bye  However, they were upset in their first playoff game by Aaron Rodgers and the Green Bay Packers with a last-second field goal by Mason Crosby, losing the game 34–31  Garrett was named the NFL Coach of the Year for the 2016 season In 2017, the Cowboys finished with a 9–7 record and missed the playoffs  This was partially because star running back Ezekiel Elliott was suspended for 6 games due to violating the personal conduct policy  In 2018, the Cowboys bounced back from a disappointing 3–5 record at the bye week to win seven of their last eight games and clinch the NFC East for the 3rd time since Garrett became head coach  They won their first playoff game against the Seattle Seahawks, but lost in the divisional round to the Los Angeles Rams 
In 2019, the Cowboys finished with an 8–8 record and missed the playoffs  Toward the end of the season, they had led the NFC East until losing to their division rival, the Philadelphia Eagles in Week 16 
On January 5, 2020, Cowboys owner Jerry Jones announced that the Cowboys would not renew Garrett's contract, which expired at the conclusion of the 2019 season  Garrett finished his Cowboys tenure with an 85–67 record  He was 2–3 in the playoffs, never advancing past the divisional round 
Garrett had the second longest tenure of being the Cowboys head coach after Tom Landry 

New York Giants
On January 17, 2020, Garrett was hired by the New York Giants as their offensive coordinator under new head coach Joe Judge  Garrett tested positive for COVID-19 in December 2020 and missed the team's week 15 game in 2020 against the Cleveland Browns  Garrett was fired from the Giants on November 23, 2021 After getting fired by the Giants, Garrett was rumored to be the frontrunner for the Duke University football head coaching job to replace long time head coach David Cutcliffe  However, just a few days later, Duke hired Mike Elko as their head coach 

Head coaching record
* – Interim head coach

Broadcasting career
On April 12, 2022, it was announced that Garrett would be an analyst for NBC Sports broadcasts of the United States Football League   On August 14, it was announced that Garrett has joined Jac Collinsworth as part of Notre Dame Football on NBC   He also joined Tony Dungy on NBC Sunday Night Football beginning in September 

Personal life
Garrett’s brothers John and Judd also played in the World League of American Football, and Judd made second-team All-World League in 1991 after leading the league in catches  John was the head coach of the Lafayette College football team until 2021 when he was fired, and his younger brother Judd works in the Dallas Cowboys front office after being let go as tight ends coach for the St  Louis Rams  Since he played for the London Monarchs, Judd is the only one of the Garretts who played in the WLAF to have a World Bowl ring  Another brother, Jim Garrett III, is a teacher and former football coach In December 2022, Garrett interviewed for the head coaching job at Stanford and was named a finalist  However, he ultimately decided to stay with NBC as a studio analyst 
Garrett's father, Jim Garrett, was an assistant coach for the New York Giants, New Orleans Saints, and Cleveland Browns and head coach of the Houston Texans of the World Football League and at Columbia University  From 1987 to 2004, Jim served as a scout for the Dallas Cowboys Garrett resides in Dallas with his wife, Brill 
Passage 5:
Fake field goal
A fake field goal is a trick play in American football  Simply, it involves a running or passing play done out of a kick formation  Usually the holder (often the punter or backup quarterback) will throw or run  Less frequently, the placekicker, who virtually never handles the ball in an American football game, will serve as the passer or rusher on a fake field goal  
During a fake field goal, most teams will choose one of two different alignment options  The first one is out of the normal field goal formation  The holder receives the snap and can either pitch it to the kicker, throw it during a designed pass play, or run the ball themselves  The second option is to shift into a special formation  Out of these special formations, multiple plays can be brought to the field  
There are a few of advantages to running a fake field goal or extra point  First, if it is a field goal, you have the chance to either score a touchdown or extend a drive for your team  If it is an extra point conversion, you have the chance of scoring two points instead of one  
Danny White was both quarterback and punter for the Dallas Cowboys in the 1980s and often executed this play   Examples include then-New England kicker Adam Vinatieri receiving a direct snap and throwing a touchdown pass during an NFL game in 2004, and LSU kicker Colt David rushing for a 15-yard touchdown in 2007 after receiving the ball on a blind lateral from holder (and starting quarterback) Matt Flynn Not every fake field goal play call results in an attempted trick play  In the Week 8 2014 game between the Indianapolis Colts and Pittsburgh Steelers, the Colts staff had scouted through film study, that the Steelers’ usual kick block formation when the ball was close to the end zone and on the left hash mark, would not be able to prevent the holder from running the ball in for a touchdown  Such a situation developed with one second left on the clock in the second quarter   However, instead of lining up a normally, Troy Polamalu, an eight-time Pro-Bowl and 6 time All-Pro safety, shifted from his usual position to the other side, filling the gap where holder Pat McAfee intended to run the ball  McAfee noticed this, and aborted the trick play, calling for Adam Vinatieri to kick a normal kick, which he made to score three points 
Passage 6:
Cornell Green (defensive back)
Cornell M  Green (born February 10, 1940), is an American former professional football player who was  a defensive back for 13 seasons with the Dallas Cowboys on the National Football League (NFL)  He did not play college football at Utah State University, but was a two-time All-American as a basketball player for the Aggies, selected in the 1962 NBA draft, but not in the NFL draft 

Early years
Born in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, Green was raised in northern California in Richmond and attended El Cerrito High School He played college basketball at Utah State University in Logan, where he earned All-American honors (1961, 1962) as well as All-Skyline conference honors in each of his three years (1960–62)  As a 6 ft 3 in (1 91 m) forward, Green set the Aggie career rebounding record with 1,067 which still stands today  He is also the fifth leading scorer in Utah State history with 1,890 points Green produced some of the best individual seasons in school history as his 745 points in 1962 are still in second place, while his 403 rebounds in 1960 remain a school record for a season  He was the Skyline conference MVP as a sophomore 
In his three seasons with the Aggies, Utah State went to the National Invitation Tournament in 1960 and to the NCAA Tournament in 1962  The 1960 team finished eighth in the Associated Press Poll and seventh in the Coaches' Poll, which remains the highest year-end basketball ranking in school history 
In 1993, Green was inducted into the inaugural class of the Utah State University Intercollegiate Athletics Hall Of Fame  In 2001, he was inducted into the State of Utah Basketball Hall of Fame 

Professional career
Green was a college basketball player who never played a down of college football, that the Dallas Cowboys converted into a defensive back 
On a tip from Utah State basketball coach LaDell Anderson, the Cowboys discovered and signed the multi-talented younger brother of then Red Sox infielder Pumpsie Green for $1,000 dollars  This was one of the innovative personnel decisions the Cowboys were renowned for 
At that time, he was leaning towards playing in the NBA, after being selected by the Chicago Zephyrs in the fifth round of the 1962 NBA draft  Even when he reported to the Cowboys' training camp in Marquette, Michigan, in 1962, he just thought of it as a $1,000 bonus  "I figured I’d go there for a week     and they’d cut me," Green has said His teammates nicknamed him "Sweet Lips" and eventually made the 1962 team as an undrafted free agent, learning fast enough to start 3 games and be selected to the NFL All-Rookie team  The next season, he became a full-time starter at left cornerback setting a career best with 7 interceptions 
Green became a big-time contributor to Tom Landry’s intricate defensive schemes and a feared defender during his career  All he was missing were the interception stats  Said Gil Brandt: "I mean, if Cornell had any kind of hands, he would’ve had three times as many interceptions as he got     and the guy played basketball in college "
He played cornerback during his first eight seasons, while leading the team in interceptions 4 times, being named to 5 Pro Bowls and 4 All-Pro teams  Cowboys coach Tom Landry said of Green, "He had the athletic skills from basketball to become a fine defensive back   His only transition was playing a sport where you could tackle someone with the ball, and Cornell never had a problem dealing with that" 
Safety Mike Gaechter suffered a career-ending Achilles tendon injury in the last Playoff Bowl in January 1970, and with the cornerback position needing an upgrade, Tom Landry moved Mel Renfro to play cornerback  Given that Renfro was an All-Pro in 1969 at safety, the move may have seemed to be an odd one, but Renfro was matched with Herb Adderley, and the duo was better than Green and Phil Clark  Green in turn, moved from cornerback to the strong safety position, while the free safety position was handled between third-round pick Charlie Waters and undrafted free agent Cliff Harris 
After the switch, the Cowboys went to two consecutive Super Bowls  In 1971 and 1972 he went back to the Pro Bowl at safety 
Green never missed a game in 13 seasons, he played 168 games, including 145 consecutive starts for the Cowboys (1962–1974)  He made five Pro Bowls at two different positions — cornerback and strong safety  He is sixth in career interceptions (34) in Cowboys history  He retired as a player in September 1975, and went from part-time to full-time scout for the Cowboys In 1985, he was named to the Dallas Cowboys 25th Anniversary Team In 2017, the Professional Football Researchers Association named Green to the PFRA Hall of Very Good Class of 2017

After football
Green began scouting for the Dallas Cowboys in 1970 while still an active player and continued scouting through 1979, at which time he entered private business until joining the Denver Broncos in 1987  He spent 35 years scouting in the NFL, and 28 seasons doing it with the Broncos  In 2010, he received the AFC Scout of the Year Award from the Fritz Pollard Alliance 

Personal
He is the brother of Pumpsie Green, the first African American player to play for the Boston Red Sox, the last Major League Baseball team to integrate 
Passage 7:
Rico Gathers
Ricardo Darnell Gathers (born January 7, 1994) is an American rapper and former American football tight end  He was drafted by the Dallas Cowboys in the sixth round (217th overall) in the 2016 NFL Draft  He played college basketball at Baylor University and did not play college football 

Early years
Gathers attended Riverside Academy  He was named Louisiana Mr  Basketball while at Riverside Academy in Reserve, Louisiana  As a sophomore, he contributed to his team winning the state title, while averaging 19 8 points, 11 5 rebounds, 4 5 blocks and earning Most Outstanding Player honors at the state tournament 
As a junior, he averaged 20 7 points, 16 2 rebounds and 3 9 blocks per game  As a senior, he helped his team reach the Class 2A state championship game, while averaging 22 points, 17 rebounds, 4 1 blocks, 2 1 assists and 1 1 steals per game 

College career
Gathers accepted a basketball scholarship from Baylor University  He became a starter at power forward as a junior, averaging 11 6 points (second on the team), 11 6 rebounds (led the team), 1 2 steals and one block and in 29 9 minutes per game  At the end of the season, he received All-Big 12, honorable-mention All-American and Big 12 All-Defensive Team honors  He led the conference in double-doubles with 17 and recorded a school record 28 rebounds in a win over Huston-Tillotson As a senior, he averaged 11 4 points and 9 1 rebounds per game  He finished as Baylor's All-Time leading rebounder  He also was the first player ever to reach over 1,000+ points and 1,000+ rebounds in school history 

Professional career
Although he had not played a down of football since middle school as a 13-year-old, Gathers informed Baylor head coach Art Briles that he would be joining the Bears football team for the 2016 season  However, he later decided to forgo playing for Baylor and entered the 2016 NFL draft after the Baylor men's basketball team lost in the first round of the 2016 NCAA Men's Division I Basketball Tournament to Yale 

Dallas Cowboys
Gathers was selected by the Dallas Cowboys in the sixth round (217th overall) of the 2016 NFL Draft, based on the potential he showed during his pre-draft workout  In rookie minicamp the team considered playing him at defensive end, but decided to keep him at tight end instead  On September 3, he was released and was signed to the practice squad the next day  He signed a reserve/future contract on January 17, 2017 After a strong training camp and preseason, Gathers made the Cowboys' initial 53-man roster in 2017  However, he suffered a concussion in the preseason, and was placed on the  injured reserve on September 4, which made him eligible to return in week 8 at the earliest  Despite practicing with the squad since week 9, after week 13, he was shut down for the season  It was later revealed that he also suffered jaw and neck injuries as well In 2018, the Cowboys made the unconventional move of keeping him as the fourth tight end to avoid losing him to waivers, even though he was arrested on the eve of cuts for marijuana possession  He was the fourth-string tight end behind Geoff Swaim, Blake Jarwin and rookie Dalton Schultz  In Week 5, he recorded his first professional catch against the Houston Texans  He finished with 3 receptions for 45 yards 
On June 14, 2019, it was announced that Gathers was suspended for the first game of the season, after violating the NFL's policy and program on substances of abuse  On August 5, Gathers was waived by the Cowboys 

Cleveland Browns
On August 11, 2019, he was signed as a free agent by the Cleveland Browns  He was placed on the reserve/suspended list on August 31, 2019  He was waived by the Browns on September 10, after being reinstated from the suspension 

Personal life
Gathers' father is the cousin of the late Hank Gathers, an All-American and former Loyola Marymount star  Gathers is married and has a child  During his time away from football, he self-taught himself to create, arrange and produce hip-hop music under the pseudonym Rickadon On August 31, 2018, he was arrested for possession of marijuana in Frisco, Texas 
Passage 8:
John Jett
John Jett (born November 11, 1968) is a former American football punter in the National Football League (NFL) for the Dallas Cowboys and the Detroit Lions  He played college football for East Carolina University  Jett won two Super Bowl rings with the Cowboys in Super Bowl XXVIII and Super Bowl XXX 

Early years
Jett attended Northumberland High School where he played football and baseball, receiving All-State honors as a pitcher and outfielder 
Although Jett came to East Carolina University as an unrecruited walk-on athlete, he became a 4-year starter at Punter  He graduated after recording two of the three best single season averages in school history, setting the records for career punting average (40 0) and yards-per-punt average in a season (42 2) In 2007, he was inducted into the East Carolina Athletics Hall of Fame 

Professional career
Minnesota Vikings
Jett was signed as an undrafted free agent by the Minnesota Vikings in 1992 and was released before the start of the season 

Dallas Cowboys
On March 10, 1993, he was signed by the Dallas Cowboys and replaced Mike Saxon on the defending Super Bowl champion  He  finished the year with a 41 8 yards gross average, third in the NFC in net punting average (37 7) and led the league in percentage of punts downed inside the 20-yard line (39 3%) 
In 1994, he had a gross average of 41 9 yards (sixth in the NFC), led the league in percentage of punts downed inside the 20-yard line (37 1%) and his 26 punts that landed inside the 20-yard line were the third highest ever in franchise history  In the divisional playoff win against the Green Bay Packers, he registered the third best punting performance in Cowboys playoff history, with a 45 8 yard gross average 
In 1995, he had a gross average of 40 9 yards and a net average of 34 5  After a block, in the NFC Championship Game win against the Green Bay Packers, he went on to average 45 8 yards and tie the mark for the third highest punting average in the franchise postseason history, receiving NFC Special Teams Player of the Week honors  The next year, he was fourth in the NFC in net average (36 8 yards) 
During his time with the team, he led the NFL in punts inside the 20 yard-line for four straight seasons 

Detroit Lions
Jett was signed as a free agent by the Detroit Lions in 1997, after the salary cap-strapped Cowboys could not afford to re-sign him 
In 2000, he was named as an alternate to the Pro Bowl 
He missed three games with a calf injury in 2001  The next year, he was second in the NFC in net average (38 yards), sixth in gross average (42 2 yards) and third in punts inside the 20-yard line (29) 
On October 30, 2003, he was placed on the injured reserve list, with what turned out to be a career-ending calf injury 
Passage 9:
Danny White
Wilford Daniel White (born February 9, 1952) is an American former professional football player and coach  He played as a quarterback and punter for the Dallas Cowboys in the National Football League (NFL)  He later coached in the Arena Football League (AFL)  He has been the color commentator for Cowboys games on Compass Media Networks' America's Team Radio Network since the 2011 season  He played college football at Arizona State University 

Early years
A graduate of Westwood High School in Mesa, Arizona, White did not receive a lot of notice while being the starter at quarterback, due to his perception as a better baseball prospect 
Frank Kush, then the football head coach at Arizona State University, helped convince Bobby Winkles, the school's baseball coach, to sign White to a scholarship with the provision that he would also play punter for the football team  During those early years Kush gave him a chance to improve his skills as a quarterback, which eventually would lead him to become the starter midway through his sophomore season, ending up throwing for six touchdowns in a game against the University of New Mexico 
White went on to have a stellar career as a quarterback and punter, compiling a 32–4 record, winning three Fiesta Bowls, setting seven NCAA passing records and being named an All-American in 1973, when he led the nation's second rated total offense  He finished with 6,717 passing yards, 64 touchdowns, 42 interceptions and averaged 41 7 yards per punt Besides having his jersey retired, he was inducted into the College Football Hall of Fame, the State of Arizona Sports Hall of Fame, and the Arizona State University Athletics Hall of Fame  In 2000, he was named Arizona Athlete of the Century by the Arizona Republic  He also was an inaugural member of Dunham and Miller Hall of Fame 
On October 29, 2010, White was honored, along with other Sun Devil Quarterbacks, at a Legends Luncheon hosted by the Arizona State University Alumni Association and Sun Devil Club   Other honorees included John F  Goodman, Andrew Walter, and Jake Plummer 

Professional career
Memphis Southmen (WFL)
The Dallas Cowboys selected him in the third round (53rd overall) of the 1974 NFL Draft, but were mainly interested in him as a punter, so he chose to sign with the World Football League's Memphis Southmen for a better offer 
White shared the quarterback position with John Huarte, helping his team reach the semifinals as a rookie and a second-place finish in 1975  During these two years, he passed for 2,635 yards and 21 touchdowns in 30 games, and also led the league in punting his last year 

Dallas Cowboys
In 1976, he signed with the Dallas Cowboys after the World Football League folded  Through 1979, White was the Cowboys' punter and the backup to the team's star quarterback Roger Staubach  After Staubach's retirement following the end of that season, White became the Cowboys' starting quarterback  Until 1984, he continued to serve as the team's punter, making him one of the last starting quarterbacks in NFL history to also start at a different position   He punted for the last time in his career once in 1985 
In a memorable 1980 playoff game against the Atlanta Falcons, led the Cowboys to a come-from-behind 30–27 victory  He also played in one of the Cowboys' most painful playoff losses against the San Francisco 49ers in the 1981 NFC Championship Game, famous for the Joe Montana-to-Dwight Clark game-winning play, which would simply come to be known as "The Catch"  He received Pro Bowl and second-team All-Pro honors in 1982 
White led the Cowboys to three consecutive NFC Championship Games (1980–1982), but was criticized after the Cowboys lost each of the three games despite having been favored in all of them  He also received criticism for publicly siding with the owners during the 1982 NFL Players Strike  Fans and teammates alike began to show support for him to be replaced as the Cowboys quarterback by Gary Hogeboom, who was coming off an impressive performance in the 1982 NFC Championship Game (which they lost to the archrival Washington Redskins) after White was knocked out of the game with a concussion  Even his statistically career-best 1983 season failed to silence the critics, after ending it with consecutive blowout losses to the Redskins (at home) and the 49ers after a 12–2 start  To add insult to injury, the Cowboys lost the NFC Wildcard Playoff game to the Los Angeles Rams  That apparently was enough for him to lose his starting job to Hogeboom at the start of the 1984 season  Under Hogeboom, the Cowboys looked impressive with a 4–1 start, but then a loss to division rival St  Louis and ineffective plays by Hogeboom convinced coach Tom Landry to reinstate White as his starter  The Cowboys finished 9–7, but missed the playoffs in 1984 for the first time in a decade; but with White as quarterback, the Cowboys made it back in 1985 with a 10–6 record  However, they lost again to the Los Angeles Rams in the playoffs 
In 1986, the Cowboys started 6–2, had the #1 offense in the NFL, were tied for the lead in the NFC Eastern Division and White was also the number one rated passer in the NFC at that point in the season  During an away game against Bill Parcells's New York Giants, however, a blind-side sack by Giants linebacker Carl Banks broke White's throwing wrist and tore ligaments, knocking him out of the game and ending his season  Dallas lost the game, 17–14, and without him the team faded badly, finishing the year 7–9 and the Cowboys first losing season since 1965 
White returned as the starter at the beginning of 1987, but after inconsistent play, he was benched in favor of Steve Pelluer for 4 of the final 6 games  In 1988, Pelluer won the starting job in training camp, relegating White as a backup  White appeared briefly in only two games, and in his second game he suffered a season-ending knee injury  An option on his contract was not picked up in April 1989 and he retired, paving the way for Troy Aikman to take the reins of the struggling franchise 
White had 1,761 completions on 2,950 attempts for 21,959 yards, 155 touchdowns, and 132 interceptions in his career   He also gained  482 yards and scored 8 touchdowns rushing  Unusual for a quarterback, he had two pass receptions for touchdowns, both from a halfback option pass  On special teams he punted 610 times for 24,509 yards, an average of 40 4 yards per punt, with 144 punts inside the 20 and 77 touchbacks  His record as the Cowboys' starting quarterback was 62–32 ( 659 winning percentage) during the regular season, and 5–5 in the playoffs 
Being Roger Staubach's successor and never reaching a Super Bowl as a starting quarterback contributed to White's being an unappreciated player, even considering all of the successes he achieved for the Cowboys and the NFL during the decade of the eighties  "I don't think anybody could have followed Roger and done as well as Danny", Coach Tom Landry remarked, "Danny was a solid winner "

NFL career statistics
Regular season
Coaching career
White's career as a coach began shortly after his playing days ended  This is appropriate considering that, while an active player, he was widely regarded—like Staubach before him—as knowledgeable of the game and as something of a coach on the field  He also began working as a broadcast commentator during his coaching career, which was possible because he coached Arena football, which is played during the outdoor game's off-season 
White served as the head coach of the Arizona Rattlers from 1992 to 2004, winning the ArenaBowl championship in 1994 and 1997  White's contract was not renewed by the new Rattlers ownership after the 2004 season following three consecutive ArenaBowl losses  He was named the head coach of the Arena Football League expansion Utah Blaze, which began play in 2006  He led his teams to the playoffs in 10 of 11 seasons, including two championships (1994 and 1997), finishing with a 162–95 record as a head coach 
In 2002, he was inducted into the Arena Football League Hall of Fame in recognition for his coaching success 

Head coaching record
Personal life
White's father, Wilford "Whizzer" White (no relation to college football legend and U S  Supreme Court justice Byron White, who also was nicknamed "Whizzer" and played American football), was the first Arizona State University All-American football player and still ranks third in school history with 1502 rushing yards in a season (1950), he also played halfback for the Chicago Bears from 1951–52 In 1983, White briefly recorded as a country music artist for the Grand Prix label  His only single, "You're a Part of Me", a duet with Linda Nail, reached #85 on the Hot Country Songs charts White and his wife, JoLynn, have four children, Ryan (d  2015), Geoff, Heather and Reed, and sixteen grandchildren  He now makes corporate appearances and motivational speeches  JoLynn died on August 15, 2016  White is currently married to Linda L  Bang  In recent years he has been seen on TV doing ADT security infomercials White is a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints 

See also
List of NCAA major college football yearly passing leaders
Passage 10:
Todd Lowber
Todd Lowber (born January 26, 1982) is a former gridiron football wide receiver  He most recently played for the Toronto Argonauts of the Canadian Football League (CFL)  He was signed by the Minnesota Vikings as an undrafted free agent in 2007  He has also been a member of the New York Giants, Dallas Cowboys, and Miami Dolphins  He earned a Super Bowl ring as a member of the Giants' practice squad in Super Bowl XLII  He did not play college football but is a former college basketball player and high jump champion 
Lowber grew up in Delran Township, New Jersey and attended Delran High School 

College career
Lowber played basketball for two seasons at Ramapo College in Mahwah, New Jersey as a guard and won the 2006 NCAA Division III men's high jump  Prior to transferring to Ramapo, Lowber played two seasons for Richard Stockton College of New Jersey 

Professional football career
Minnesota Vikings
On April 18, 2007, Lowber signed a three-year contract with the Minnesota Vikings  They signed Lowber after their scout attended a combine that was set up by New Jersey sports attorney Jim Ulrich  Prior to signing with the Vikings, Lowber had no previous football experience  Lowber was waived on August 27, 2007 

New York Giants
He was signed to the New York Giants practice squad in September 2007  He was released by the team on June 23, 2008 

First stint with the Toronto Argonauts
Lowber was signed to the practice roster of the CFL's Toronto Argonauts on July 22, 2008 

Dallas Cowboys
Shortly after signing with the Argonauts, Lowber was signed by the Dallas Cowboys on July 28, 2008  His attempt to make the Cowboys was chronicled on the HBO series Hard Knocks: Training Camp with the Dallas Cowboys  On August 30, Lowber was waived from the Cowboys during final cuts 

Miami Dolphins
Lowber was signed to the practice squad of the Miami Dolphins on November 10, 2008  After finishing the season on the practice squad, he was re-signed by the Dolphins on January 5, 2009  He was waived on June 1, 2009 

Second stint with the Toronto Argonauts
Lowber re-signed with the Toronto Argonauts on June 7, 2009  On June 14, 2009, Lowber suffered a concussion after being hit by Chris Jennings and Doug Goldsby of the Montreal Alouettes while returning a kick in the team's first pre-season game  Lowber lay on the field for 15 minutes before getting carted away  He was released on June 23, 2009 

Third stint with the Toronto Argonauts
On April 21, 2011, Lowber re-signed with the Toronto Argonauts  He was later released on June 20, 2011 
Context 2: Passage 1:
Ovambo people
The Ovambo people (pronounced [ovambo] (listen)), also called Aawambo, Ambo, Aawambo (Ndonga, Nghandjera, Kwambi, Kwaluudhi, Kolonghadhi, Mbalantu), or Ovawambo (Kwanyama), are a Bantu ethnic group native to Southern Africa, primarily modern Namibia  They are the single largest ethnic group in Namibia, accounting for about half of the population  They have retained many aspects of their cultural practices, despite concerted efforts from Christian missionaries to wipe out what were believed to be ‘pagan practices’  They are also found in the southern Angolan province of Cunene, where they are more commonly referred to as "Ambo"  The Ovambo consist of a number of kindred Bantu ethnic tribes who inhabit what was formerly  called Ovamboland  In Angola, they are a minority, accounting for about two percent of the total Angolan population There are about 2 million ethnic Ovambo, and they are predominantly Lutheran Christians (97%) 

Demographics
The Ovambo people reside in the flat sandy grassy plains of north Namibia and the Cunene Province in south Angola, sometimes referred to as Ovamboland  These plains are generally flat, stoneless and at high altitude Water courses, known as oshanas, irrigate the area  In the northern regions of Ovamboland is tropical vegetation sustained by abundant but seasonal rainfall that floods the region into temporary lakes and islands  In dry season, these pools of water empty out  The Ovambo have adapted to the widely varying seasonal weather patterns with their housing, agriculture, and livestock practices The Ovambo people are a Bantu-speaking group  In Namibia, these are the AaNdonga, Ovakwanyama, Aakwambi, Aangandjera, Aambalantu, Ovaunda, Aakolonkadhi, Aakwaluudhi and Aambandja  In Angola, they are the Ovakwanyama, Aakafima, Evale and Aandonga  The Ovakwanyama are the largest sub-tribe 

History
The Ovambo started migrating to their current location around the 14th century from the Zambia region to the northeast  They settled near the Angola-Namibia border then expanded further south in Namibia in the 17th century  They have a close cultural, linguistic and historical relationship to the Herero people found in more southern parts of Namibia, and Kavango people to their east settled around the Okavango River In contrast to most ethnic groups in Africa, their isolated, low-density pastoral nomadic lifestyle left the Ovambo people largely unaffected by Swahili-Arab and European traders before the 19th century  When Germany established a colony in Namibia in 1884, they left the Ovambo people undisturbed  The Germans focused on the southern and coastal regions  After World War I, Namibia was annexed by the South African government into the Union of South Africa as the Territory of South West Africa  This brought major changes, with South African plantation, cattle breeding and mining operations entering the Ovamboland  The Portuguese colonial administration in Angola, who had previously focused on their coastal, northern and eastern operations, entered southern Angola to form a border with the expanding South African presence  The Ovambo people launched several armed rebellions against South African rule in the 1920s and 1930s, which were all suppressed by the Union Defence Force The South African administration in Namibia continued the so-called "Police Zone" in south, a region created by the Germans with a veterinary Red Line covering about two-thirds of the province later to become Namibia  Ovambo people were not allowed to move into the Police Zone, neither other tribes nor Europeans could move north without permits  This isolated the Ovambo people, preserving traditional authorities and reducing numbers of White farmers in the north  However, because of labor shortage in the Police Zone and South Africa, in part because of massacre of native Africans such as through the Herero and Namaqua genocide, the South African government allowed migrant wage labor  Numerous Ovambo people became migrant laborers in South African towns such as Cape Town and in the Police Zone, where they experienced segregation and lived under highly restrained human rights The South African Apartheid rule was brought into the Ovamboland in 1948  The South African government declared the Ovamboland an independent province in 1973, and appointed chiefs aligned with the South African government's policies  The Ovambo people rejected these developments, and in 1975 the appointed chief minister of Ovamboland was assassinated  In conjunction with the armed SWAPO movement, Namibia and its Ovambo people gained independence from South Africa in 1990 

Religion
Traditional religion
The traditional religion of the Ovambo people is the primary faith of less than 3%, as most state Christianity to be their primary faith  The Ovambo's traditional religion envisions a supreme being named Kalunga, with their rites and rituals centered around sacred fire like many ethnic groups in southwestern Africa  The Kalunga cosmology states that the Supreme Being created the first man and first woman, who had a daughter and two sons  It is the daughter's lineage that created Ovambo people, according to the traditional beliefs of the matrilineal Ovambo people The rituals involve elaborate fire making and keeping ceremonies, rain making dance, and rites have involved throwing herbs in the fire and inhaling the rising smoke  The head priest traditionally was the king of a tribe, and his role was in part to attend to the supernatural spirits and be the chief representative of the Ovambo tribe to the deities 

Christianity
Christianity arrived among the Ovambo people in the late 19th century  The first Finnish missionaries arrived in Ovamboland in the 1870s, and Ovambo predominantly converted and thereof have identified themselves as Lutheran Christians  The influence of the Finnish missions not only related to the religion, but cultural practices  For example, the typical dress style of the contemporary Ovambo women that includes a head scarf and loose full length maxi, is derived from those of the 19th-century Finnish missionaries The Ovambo now predominantly follow Christian theology, prayer rituals and festivities, but some of the traditional religious practices have continued, such as the use of ritual sacred fire  They also invoke their supreme creator Kalunga  Thus, the Ovamba have preferred a syncretic form of Christianity  Most weddings feature a combination of Christian beliefs and Ovambo traditions  Their traditional dancing is done to drumming (Oshiwambo folk music) 

Society and culture
The traditional home is a complex of huts surrounded by a fence of large vertical poles linked by two horizontal poles on each side  The complex is a maze with two gates but it is easy to get lost within the homestead  Each hut generally has a different purpose, such as a Ondjugo (the woman of the homestead's hut) or Epata (kitchen area) 
The Ovambo people lead a settled life, relying mostly on a combination of agriculture and animal husbandry  The staple crops have been millet and sorghum (iilyavala), and beans (omakunde) are another popular crop  In drier regions or seasons, pastoral activity with herds of cattle (eengobe/eenghwandabi), goats (iikombo/onakamela) and sheep (eedi) becomes more important  The animal husbandry is not for meat (ombelela), but primarily as a source of milk (omashini)  Their food is supplemented by hunting, fishing, and gathering During the colonial era, the Ovambo were active in elephant (eenjaba) hunting for their tusks to supply the ivory demand, and they nearly hunted the elephants in their region to extinction 

Each Ovambo tribe had a hereditary chief who is responsible for the tribe  Many tribes adapted representation by having a council of headmen who run tribal affairs  Members of the royal family of the Owamboland are known as aakwanekamba, ovakwaluvala, ovakwamalanga, ovakwaanime, aakwanyoka and many more; only those who belong to this family by birth, through the maternal line, have a claim to chieftainship  The tribes figure their descent by a matrilineal kinship system, with hereditary chiefs arising from the daughter's children, not the son's  Polygyny is accepted, with the first wife recognized as the senior 

Ovambo brew a traditional liquor called ombike  It is distilled from fermented fruit mash and particularly popular in rural areas  The fruit to produce ombike are collected from makalani palms (Hyphaene petersiana), jackal berries (Diospyros mespiliformis), buffalo thorns (Ziziphus mucronata), bird plumes and cluster figs (Ficus racemosa)  Ombike, with additives like sugar, is also brewed and consumed in urban areas  This liquor is then called omangelengele; it is more potent and sometimes poisonous  New Era, a Namibian English-language daily newspaper, reported that clothes, shoes, and tyres have been found to have been brewed as ingredients of omangelengele 

Ovambo clans
The following table contains the names, areas, dialect names and the locations of the Ovambo according to T  E  Tirronen's Ndonga-English Dictionary  The table also contains information concerning the classification of noun class of the Proto-Bantu language for these words 

See also
Herero people
Himba people
Nama people
Oorlam people
Passage 2:
Santería
Santería (Spanish pronunciation: [san̪ t̪eˈɾi a]), also known as Regla de Ocha, Regla Lucumí, or Lucumí, is an African diasporic religion that developed in cuba during the late 19th century  It arose through a process of syncretism between the traditional Yoruba religion of West Africa, the Catholic form of Christianity, and Spiritism  There is no central authority in control of Santería and much diversity exists among practitioners, who are known as creyentes ("believers") 
Santería is polytheistic and revolves around deities called oricha  Deriving their names and attributes from traditional Yoruba divinities, they are equated with Roman Catholic saints  Each human is believed to have a personal link to a particular oricha who influences their personality  Various myths are told about these oricha, who are regarded as subservient to Olodumare, a transcendent creator deity  Olodumare is believed to be the ultimate source of aché, a supernatural force permeating the universe that can be manipulated through ritual actions  Practitioners venerate the oricha at altars, either in the home or in the casa (temple), which is run by a santero (priest) or santera (priestess)  Membership of the casa requires initiation  Offerings to the oricha include fruit, liquor, flowers and sacrificed animals  A central ritual is the toque de santo, in which practitioners drum, sing, and dance to encourage an oricha to possess one of their members and thus communicate with them  Several forms of divination are used, including Ifá, to decipher messages from the oricha  Offerings are also given to the spirits of the dead, with some practitioners identifying as spirit mediums  Healing rituals and the preparation of herbal remedies and talismans also play a prominent role 
Santería developed among Afro-Cuban communities following the Atlantic slave trade of the 16th to 19th centuries  It formed through the blending of the traditional religions brought to Cuba by enslaved West Africans, the majority of them Yoruba, and Roman Catholicism, the only religion legally permitted on the island by the Spanish colonial government  In urban areas of West Cuba, these traditions merged with Spiritist ideas to form the earliest casas during the late 19th century  After the Cuban War of Independence resulted in an independent republic in 1898, its new constitution enshrined freedom of religion  Santería nevertheless remained marginalized by Cuba's Roman Catholic, Euro-Cuban establishment, which typically viewed it as brujería (witchcraft)  In the 1960s, growing emigration following the Cuban Revolution spread Santería abroad  The late 20th century saw growing links between Santería and related traditions in West Africa and the Americas, such as Haitian Vodou and Brazilian Candomblé  Since the late 20th century, some practitioners have emphasized a "Yorubization" process to remove Roman Catholic influences and created forms of Santería closer to traditional Yoruba religion 
Practitioners of Santería are primarily found in Cuba's La Habana and Matanzas provinces, although communities exist across the island and abroad, especially among the Cuban diasporas of Mexico and the United States  The religion remains most common among working-class Afro-Cuban communities although is also practiced by individuals of other class and ethnic backgrounds  The number of initiates is estimated to be in the high hundreds of thousands  These initiates serve as diviners and healers for a much larger range of adherents of varying levels of fidelity, making the precise numbers of those involved in Santería difficult to determine  Many of those involved also identify as practitioners of another religion, typically Roman Catholicism 

Definitions
The term Santería translates into English as the "way of the saints"  This term was first used by scholarly commentators in the 1930s and later spread among the religion's practitioners themselves  It has become the most popular name for the religion, although some practitioners find it offensive  A common alternative is Regla de Ocha, meaning "the rule of ocha", ocha being a term for the religion's deities  Some adherents regard this as the religion's "official" name  The tradition has also been called Lucumí, in reference to the colonial Spanish term for the Yoruba people, or alternatively La Religión Lucumí ("the Lucumí religion") or Regla Lucumí ("the rule of Lucumí") Santería is an Afro-Caribbean religion, and more specifically an Afro-Cuban religion  In Cuba it is sometimes described as "the national religion", although it has also spread abroad  Santería's roots are in the traditional religions brought to Cuba by enslaved West Africans, the majority of them Yoruba, between the 16th and 19th centuries  In Cuba, these religions mixed with the Roman Catholicism introduced by Spanish colonialists  Roman Catholic saints were conflated with West African deities, while enslaved Africans adopted Roman Catholic rituals and sacramentals  In the 19th century, elements from Spiritism—a French variant of Spiritualism—were drawn into the mix, with Santería emerging as a distinct religion in western Cuba during the late 19th century Although Santería is the best known of the Afro-Cuban religions, and the most popular, it is not the only one  Others include Palo, which derives from practices originating in the Congo Basin, and Abakuá, which has its origins among the secret male societies practiced among the Efik-Ibibio  Many practitioners of Palo and Abakuá also follow Santería  Another Afro-Cuban religion is Arará, which derives from practices among the Ewe and Fon; although its origins are not Yoruba, it is sometimes considered a branch of Santería rather than a separate system  
Santería also has commonalities with other West African and West African-derived traditions in the Americas which collectively form the "Orisha religion", "Orisha Tradition", or "Orisha worship " These include Haitian Vodou and Brazilian Candomblé, sometimes characterized as "sister religions" of Santería due to their shared origins in Yoruba traditional religion Santería is a flexible and eclectic tradition, with considerable variation in how it is practiced  There is no strict orthodoxy, no key sacred text, and no central authority in control of the entire religion  It has absorbed elements from many cultures that it has encountered, such as that of the Chinese migrants who came to Cuba in the 19th century, while in continental North America, Santería has also incorporated influences from Central American and Mexican religions as well as from New Age and modern Pagan practices  As well as it being common for Cubans to idiosyncratically blend ideas from different religions, many of Santería's practitioners claim multiple religious allegiances  Santería's adherents often consider themselves to be Roman Catholics—some priests and priestesses of Santería refuse to initiate anyone who is not a baptised Roman Catholic—and others consider themselves to be Spiritists, Hindus, Vodouists, or Jews 

Terms for practitioners
Different vocabulary indicates the level of a practitioner's involvement, with the various terms sometimes reflecting different political and social agendas  Practitioners of both Santería and other Afro-Cuban religions are called creyentes ("believers")  Some people external to the religion have referred to its practitioners as "santerians" although this is not used by adherents themselves  A non-initiate, including those who may attend public Santería ceremonies, is an aleyo ("stranger"); these non-initiates make up the majority of people involved in the religion  Initiates are known as santero if male, and santera if female, although these two terms have sometimes been used for anyone, initiate or not, who participates in the religion  Alternative terms for an initiate are babalocha or babaloricha ("father-deity") if male and an iyalocha or iyaloricha ("mother-deity") if female  Those who have a sustained engagement with the religion are also referred to as omoricha ("children of the oricha"), aboricha ("one who worships the oricha"), and an oloricha ("one who belongs to the oricha") 

Beliefs
Olodumare and the oricha
Santería teaches the existence of an overarching divinity, known as Olodumare, Olofi, or Olorun  Practitioners believe that this divinity created the universe but takes little interest in human affairs  As this creator deity is inaccessible to humanity, no major offerings are dedicated to it  The three facets of this divinity are understood slightly differently; Olodumare represents the divine essence of all that exists, Olorun is regarded as the creator of all beings, while Olofi dwells in all creation  In taking a triplicate form, this deity displays similarities with the Christian Trinity 

The oricha
Santeria is polytheistic, revolving around deities called oricha, ocha, or santos ("saints")  The term oricha can be both singular and plural, because Lucumí, the ritual language of Santería, lacks plural markers for nouns  Practitioners believe that some oricha were created before humanity, while others were originally humans who became oricha through some remarkable quality  Some practitioners perceive the oricha as facets of Olodumare, and thus think that by venerating them they are ultimately worshipping the creator god  Certain oricha are female, others male  They are not regarded as wholly benevolent, being capable of both harming and helping humans, and displaying a mix of emotions, virtues, and vices Origin myths and other stories about the oricha are called patakíes  Each oricha is understood to "rule over" a particular aspect of the universe, and they have been described as personifications of different facets of the natural world  They live in a realm called orún, which is contrasted with ayé, the realm of humanity  Oricha each have their own caminos ("roads"), or manifestations, a concept akin to the Hindu concept of avatars  The number of caminos an oricha has varies, with some having several hundred  Practitioners believe that oricha can physically inhabit certain objects, among them stones and cowrie shells, which are deemed sacred  Each oricha is also associated with specific songs, rhythms, colors, numbers, animals, and foodstuffs 

Among the oricha are the four "warrior deities", or guerrors: Eleguá, Ogun, Ochosi, and Osun  Eleguá is viewed as the guardian of the crossroads and thresholds; he is the messenger between humanity and the oricha, and most ceremonies start by requesting his permission to continue  He is depicted as being black on one side and red on the other, and practitioners will frequently place a cement head decorated with cowrie shells that represents Eleguá behind their front door, guarding the threshold to the street  The second guerro is Ogun, viewed as the oricha of weapons and war, and also of iron and blacksmiths  The third, Ochosi, is associated with woods and hunting, while the fourth, Osun, is a protector who warns practitioners when they are in danger Perhaps the most popular oricha, Changó or Shango is associated with lightning and fire  Another prominent oricha is Yemaja, the deity associated with maternity, fertility, and the sea  Ochún is the oricha of rivers and of romantic love, while Oyá is a warrior associated with wind, lightning, and death, and is viewed as the guardian of the cemetery  Obatalá is the oricha of truth and justice and is deemed responsible for helping to mould humanity  Babalú Ayé is the oricha associated with disease and its curing, while Osain is linked to herbs and healing  Orula is the oricha of divination, who in Santería's mythology was present at the creation of humanity and thus is aware of everyone's destiny  Ibeyi takes the form of twins who protect children  Olokún is the patron oricha of markets, while his wife Olosá is associated with lagoons  Agagyú is the oricha of volcanoes and the wasteland  Some oricha are deemed antagonistic to others; Changó and Ogun are for instance enemies Although in Santería the term santo is regarded as a synonym of oricha and is not a literal reference to Christian saints, the oricha are often conflated with one or more Roman Catholic saints based on similar attributes  For instance, the Holy Infant of Atocha, a depiction of Christ as a child, is conflated with Eleguá, who is seen as having a childlike nature  Babalú Ayé, who is associated with disease, is often identified with the Catholic Saint Lazarus, who rose from the dead, while  Changó is conflated with Santa Barbara because they both wear red  Cuba's patron saint, Our Lady of Charity, is equated with Ochún  It has been argued that Yoruba slaves initially linked their traditional deities with Christian saints as a means of concealing their continued worship of the former from the Spanish authorities, or as a means of facilitating social mobility by assimilating into Roman Catholic social norms 

Relationships with the oricha
Santería's focus is on cultivating a reciprocal relationship with the oricha, with adherents believing that these deities can intercede in human affairs and help people if they are appeased  Practitioners argue that each person is "born to" a particular oricha, whether or not they devote themselves to that deity  This is a connection that, adherents believe, has been set before birth  Practitioners refer to this oricha as one that "rules the head" of an individual; it is their "owner of the head"  If the oricha is male then it is described as the individual's "father"; if the oricha is female then it is the person's "mother"  This oricha is deemed to influence the individual's personality, and can be recognised through examining the person's personality traits, or through divination To gain the protection of a particular oricha, practitioners are encouraged to make offerings to them, sponsor ceremonies in their honor, and live in accordance with their wishes, as determined through divination  Practitioners are concerned at the prospect of offending the oricha 
Creyentes believe that the oricha can communicate with humans through divination, prayers, dreams, music, and dance  Many practitioners also describe how they "read" messages from the oricha in everyday interactions and events  For instance, a practitioner who meets a child at a traffic intersection may interpret this as a message from Eleguá, who is often depicted as a child and who is perceived as the "guardian" of the crossroads  At that point the practitioner may turn to divination to determine the precise meaning of the encounter  The information obtained from these messages may then help practitioners make decisions about their life 

Birth and the dead
Santería teaches that the human head contains a person's essence, their eledá or orí  It maintains that before birth, the eledá goes before Olodumare, where it is given its essential character, and forms a link with the oricha who becomes "the owner of the head"  The concept of the eledá derives from Yoruba traditional religion, where it is seen as a person's "spiritual double"  In Santería, this concept idea has syncretised with Roman Catholic beliefs about guardian angels and Spiritist notions of the protecciones or protector spirits  There is no strict orthodoxy on this issue and thus interpretations differ  Practitioners often believe that everyone has a specific destiny, their destino (destiny) or camino (road), although their fate is not completely predetermined Ancestor veneration is important in Santería  The religion entails propitiating the spirits of the dead, known as egun, espíritus, or muertos  Practitioners believe that the dead must be treated with respect, awe, and kindness; they are consulted at all ceremonies  Although the dead are not deemed as powerful as the oricha, they are still thought capable of assisting the living, with whom they can communicate through dreams, intuition, and spirit possession  Santería teaches that a person can learn to both see and communicate with the dead  Practitioners will often provide offerings, typically seven glasses of water, to the egun to placate and please them  Especially propitiated are those egun regarded as ancestors; these ancestors can include both hereditary forebears or past members of one's congregation, with practitioners believing that a creyente becomes an ancestor when they die Adherents believe that everyone has a cuadro espiritual ("spiritual portrait" or "spiritual picture") of egun who protect them  Individuals can have as many as 25 protectores, or protective spirits  The religion maintains that all people have multiple egun accompanying them at all times, and that these can be benevolent, malevolent, or a mix of both  Practitioners also believe that the number and identities of these spirits can be determined through divination  It draws a distinction between evolved spirits, who can help those they are attached to, and unevolved spirits, who lack the wisdom and skill to be useful and instead cause havoc  Santería teaches that through offerings and prayers, individuals can help some of their unevolved spirits to become evolved  Santería also divides the spirits into categories that each exhibit different traits, reflecting stereotypes about different social groups, with such spirits often portrayed as African, Haitian, Gypsy, Arab, or Plains Indian  The gitano (gypsy) spirits for instance are believed capable of foreseeing impending troubles and diagnosing illnesses while the congo spirits of Africa are perceived as strong-willed, powerful, and adept at guiding people through hostile circumstances 

Aché
Aché is a major cosmological concept in Yoruba traditional religion and has been transferred to Santería  Aché is regarded as the organizing power of the cosmos; the Hispanic studies scholars Margarite Fernández Olmos and Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert referred to it as "a spiritual-mystical energy or power found in varying degrees and in many forms throughout the universe"  The medical anthropologist Johan Wedel described it as "life force" or "divine force", while the folklorist Michael Atwood Mason called aché the "ritual generative power"  The ethnomusicologist Katherine Hagedorn described aché as "the realized and inherent divine potential in all aspects of life, even in apparently inert objects " She added that "Aché is neither good nor bad; rather, aché is motion" While deeming Olodumare the ultimate embodiment of aché, practitioners believe that aché permeates all life, and is present in both the visible and invisible world  It is nevertheless deemed to sometimes congregate more densely, for instance in the forces of nature, specific locales, and in certain human individuals; initiates are believed to attract more of it than other humans  Santería holds that aché can emanate from the human body via speech, song, dance, and drumming, and can be transmitted through such acts as singing praise songs for the oricha or sacrificing an animal  Among practitioners, aché is sometimes described as conveying notions of luck, health, and prosperity, and has the power to fortify a person's health 

Morality, ethics, and gender roles
Santería has standards for behavior expected of practitioners, encouraging behaviors influenced by the mythological stories about the oricha  The religion presents strict rules regarding how to interact with other people and with the supernatural, for instance placing emphasis on respect for elders and superiors  A general attitude in Santería is that if an individual maintains good character, the oricha will aid them  Practitioners generally take socially conservative stances, having high regard for traditional family structures, marriage, fidelity, and child-rearing; adherents in the United States often adopt more progressive stances on issues surrounding gender and sexuality than their counterparts in Cuba The religion is non-dualistic and does not view the universe as being divided between good and evil; rather, all things are perceived as being complementary and relative  Several academics have described Santería as having a "here-and-now" ethos distinct from that of Christianity, and the social scientist Mercedes C  Sandoval suggested that many Cubans chose Santería over Roman Catholicism or Spiritism because it emphasizes techniques for dealing with pragmatic problems in life  In the U S , some African American adherents have contrasted what they regard as the African-derived ethos of Santería with the non-African origins of Christianity, thus adopting it as a religion readily combined with black nationalism The scholar of religion Mary Ann Clark labelled Santería a "female oriented and female normative" religion, arguing that all of its practitioners are expected to take on "female gender roles" during its rituals  Women can hold the highest leadership positions, although restrictions are placed on them while menstruating  Similar restrictions are also placed on homosexual males, traditionally prohibiting them from taking part in certain forms of divination and ritual drumming  Many gay men are nevertheless santeros, and some santeras are lesbians  A stereotype exists that all male Santería priests are homosexual, and members of other Afro-Cuban traditions with a more masculinist orientation, such as Palo, have often denigrated it for being dominated by women and men they consider to be "womanly" 

Practices
Santería is a practice-oriented religion; ritual correctness is considered more important than belief  It has an elaborate system of ritual, with its rites termed ceremonias (ceremonies)  Most of its activities revolve around the oricha, focusing on solving the problems of everyday life  Practitioners usually use the term "work" in reference to ritual activity; thus "working ocha" describes its rites Santería is an initiatory religion, one which is organized around a structured hierarchy  An ethos of secrecy pervades many of its practices, with initiates often refusing to discuss certain topics with non-initiates  For this reason, Mason described Santería as a secret society  For ritual purposes, the Lucumí language is often used  Sometimes referred to as la lengua de los orichas ("the language of the oricha"), it is regarded as a divine language through which practitioners can contact the deities  Although some practitioners are uncomfortable using it, most initiates know tens or hundreds of Lucumí words and phrases  Most Cubans do not understand the Lucumí language, barring a few words that have filtered into Cuban Spanish  Lucumí derives from the Yoruba language, although it has become "increasingly fragmented and unintelligible" since the 19th century  As Yoruba transitioned into Lucumí, the Yoruba pronunciations of many words were forgotten, and in the early 21st century some practitioners have studied the Yoruba language to better understand the original meaning of Lucumí words 

Houses of worship
Rituals take place in the casa templo ("house of worship"), casa de santos ("house of saints"), casa de religión ("house of religion"), or ilé ("house")  This casa ("house") is usually the personal home of a santero or santera  It will typically have an inner room, the igbodu ("sacred grove of the festival"), where the most important rituals take place  There will also be an eyá aránla or sala, often a living room, where semi-private rites can be conducted  Another space, the iban balo, or patio, will be used for public occasions, as well as for the cultivation of plants and the housing of animals due to be sacrificed  The casa will typically include a place to store ritual paraphernalia, kitchen facilities, and space for visitors to sleep The casa refers not only to the building where ceremonies take place, but also the community of practitioners who meet there  In this sense, many casas trace a lineage back to the 19th century, with some santeros and santeras capable of listing the practitioners who have been initiated into it  In some ceremonies, the names of these individuals, who are regarded as the ancestors of the house, are recited in chronological order 
Although members of different houses often interact, each casa is largely autonomous, allowing for variation in their practices  In Cuba, it is common for Santería practitioners to meet with each other regularly, and to regard each other as being akin to a family: the familia de santo  Conversely, in an area like Veracruz in Mexico, many practitioners attend group rituals and then leave, sometimes never seeing their co-practitioners again Most casas are established by a santero or santera who has attracted a following  An apprentice is known as their ahijado (godson) or ahijada (goddaughter)  They refer to their santero/santera as padrino (godfather) or madrina (godmother)  The relationship between santeros/santeras and their "godchildren" is central to the religion's social organization, and practitioners believe that the more "godchildren" a santera or santero has, the greater their aché  The "godchildren" are expected to contribute both their labor and finances to events held at the casa and in return the santero/santera provides assistance for their needs  Within the religion, offending one's godparent is regarded as also offending the oricha that "rules the head"  Practitioners express respect both to their godparent and the oricha via a ritual prostration, the moforibale, in which they bow their head to the floor  The precise form of the moforibale differs depending on whether the individual's personal oricha is male or female 

Shrines
Altars or shrines to the oricha are typically found both within the igbodu and in practitioners' homes  Central to these altars are sacred objects, termed fundamentos ("fundamentals"), which are contained within porcelain vessels, often tureens, called sopera  The most important of the fundamentos are stones termed otanes (sing  otán), which are regarded as the literal and symbolic representation of the oricha, and thus living entities  They are deemed to be sources of aché, with older otanes having more aché than younger ones Practitioners will collect stones from the landscape and then use divination to determine which ones contain an oricha and, if so, which oricha it is  Specific otanes sometimes display traits linking them to particular oricha; for example ocean stones are linked with Yemaya, river pebbles with Ochún, and meteorite fragments with Changó  Each oricha is deemed to prefer a particular color and number of otanes in sopera devoted to them; Changó has six or ten black stones, Obatala has eight white stones, while Ochún favors five yellow stones  New otanes undergo a bautismo ("baptism") rite, entailing them being washed in osain, a mixture of herbs and water, and then "fed" with animal blood  When an initiate receives their stones, they take an oath to protect them and feed them at least annually 

Other material placed inside the sopera includes cowrie shells; usually 18 are added although the precise number differs depending on which oricha the sopera is devoted to  The sopera will often be covered by a cloth known as a pañuelo that is colored in accordance with the oricha in question  Often laid over the sopera are necklaces known as collares, again representing a particular oricha  On the altar, the sopera will be arranged in a descending hierarchy depending on which oricha each is dedicated to, with that of Obatala at the top Many altars contain few or no anthropomorphic depictions of the oricha, although will often include objects associated with them; a wooden axe for Changó or a fan for Ochún, for instance
Context 3: Passage 1:
Anacardiaceae
The Anacardiaceae, commonly known as the cashew family or sumac family, are a family of flowering plants, including about 83 genera with about 860 known species  Members of the Anacardiaceae bear fruits that are drupes and in some cases produce urushiol, an irritant  The Anacardiaceae include numerous genera, several of which are economically important, notably cashew (in the type genus Anacardium), mango, Chinese lacquer tree,  yellow mombin, Peruvian pepper, poison ivy, poison oak, sumac, smoke tree, marula and cuachalalate   The genus Pistacia (which includes the pistachio and mastic tree) is now included, but was previously placed in its own family, the Pistaciaceae 

Description
Trees or shrubs, each has inconspicuous flowers and resinous or milky sap that may be highly poisonous, as in black poisonwood and sometimes foul-smelling Resin canals located in the inner fibrous bark of the fibrovascular system found in the plant's stems, roots, and leaves are characteristic of all members of this family; resin canals located in the pith are characteristic of many of the cashew family species and several species have them located in the primary cortex or the regular bark   Tannin sacs are also widespread among the family The wood of the Anacardiaceae has the frequent occurrence of simple small holes in the vessels, occasionally in some species side by side with scalariform holes (in Campnosperma, Micronychia, and Heeria argentea (Anaphrenium argenteum)   The simple pits are located along the vessel wall and in contact with the parenchyma Leaves are deciduous or evergreen, usually alternate (rarely opposite), estipulate (without stipule) and imparipinnate (rarely paripinnate or bipinnate), usually with opposite leaflets (rarely alternate), while others are trifoliolate or simple or unifoliolate (very rarely simple leaves are palmate)  Leaf architecture is very diverse  Primary venation is pinnate (rarely palmate)  Secondary venation is eucamptodromous, brochidodromous, craspedodromous or cladodromous (rarely reticulodromous) Cladodromous venation, if present is considered diagnostic for Anacardiaceae Flowers grow at the end of a branch or stem or at an angle from where the leaf joins the stem and have bracts 
Often with this family, bisexual and male flowers occur on some plants, and bisexual and female flowers are on others, or flowers have both stamens and pistils (perfect)   A calyx with three to seven cleft sepals and the same number of petals, occasionally no petals, overlap each other in the bud   Stamens are twice as many or equal to the number of petals, inserted at the base of the fleshy ring or cup-shaped disk, and inserted below the pistil(s) 
Stamen stalks are separate, and anthers are able to move 
Flowers have the ovary free, but the petals and stamen are borne on the calyx 
In the stamenate flowers, ovaries are single-celled   In the pistillate flowers, ovaries are single or sometimes quadri- or quinticelled   One to three styles and one ovule occur in each cavity Fruits rarely open at maturity
and are most often drupes Seed coats are very thin or are crust-like  Little or no endosperm is present    Cotyledons are fleshy 
Seeds are solitary with no albumen around the embryo 

Taxonomy
History
In 1759, Bernard de Jussieu arranged the plants in the royal garden of the Trianon at Versailles, according to his own scheme  That classification included a description of an order called the Terebintaceæ, which contained a suborder that included Cassuvium (Anacardium), Anacardium (Semecarpus), Mangifera, Connarus, Rhus, and Rourea   In 1789, Antoine Laurent de Jussieu, nephew of Bernard de Jussieu, published that classification scheme Robert Brown described a subset of the Terebintaceae called Cassuvlæ or Anacardeæ in 1818, using the herbarium that was collected by Christen Smith during a fated expedition headed by James Hingston Tuckey to explore the River Congo   The name and genera were based on the order with the same name that had been described by de Jussieu in 1759   The herbarium from that expedition contained only one genus from the family, Rhus Augustin Pyramus de Candolle in 1824, used Robert Brown's name Cassuvlæ or Anacardeæ, wrote another description of the group, and filled it with the genera Anacardium, Semecarpus, Holigarna, Mangifera, Buchanania, Pistacia, Astronium, Comocladia, and Picramnia John Lindley described the "essential character" of the Anacardiaceæ, the "Cashew Tribe" in 1831, adopting the order that was described by de Jussieu, but abandoning the name Terebintaceæ   He includes the genera that were found in de Candolle's Anacardieæ and Sumachineæ: Anacardium, Holigarna, Mangifera, Rhus, and Mauria 

Phylogeny
The genus Pistacia has sometimes been separated into its own family, the Pistaciaceae, based on the reduced flower structure, differences in pollen, and the feathery style of the flowers The nature of its ovary, though,  does suggest it belongs in the Anacardiaceae, a position supported by morphological and molecular studies, and recent classifications have included Pistacia in the Anacardiaceae  The genus Abrahamia was separated from Protorhus in 2004 (Pell 2004)

Subdivision
The family has been treated as a series of five tribes by Engler, and later into subfamilies by Takhtajan, as Anacardioideae (including tribes Anacardieae, Dobineae, Rhoideae, and Semecarpeae) and Spondiadoideae (including tribe Spondiadeae)  Pell's (2008) molecular analysis reinstated the two subfamilies without further division into tribes (Pell 2004)  Later, Min and Barfod, in the Flora of China (2008) reinstated the five tribes (four in Anacardioideae), and the single tribe Spondiadeae as Spondiadoideae 

Selected genera
Ecology
The cashew family is more abundant in warm or tropical regions with only a few species living in the temperate zones  Mostly native to tropical Americas, Africa and India   Pistacia and some species of Rhus can be found in southern Europe,  Rhus species can be found in much of North America and Schinus inhabits South America exclusively 

Uses
Members of this family produce cashew and pistachio nuts, and mango and marula fruits Some members produce a viscous or adhesive fluid which turns black and is used as a varnish or for tanning and even as a mordant for red dyes  The sap of Toxicodendron vernicifluum is used to make lacquer for lacquerware and similar products 

Etymology
The name Anacardium, originally from the Greek, refers to the nut, core or heart of the fruit, which is outwardly located: ana means "upward" and -cardium means "heart") 
Passage 2:
Commiphora gileadensis
Commiphora gileadensis, the Arabian balsam tree, is a shrub species in the genus Commiphora growing in Saudi Arabia, Yemen, southern Oman, Sudan and in southeast Egypt where it may have been introduced  Other common names for the plant include balm of Gilead and Mecca myrrh, but this is due to historical confusion between several plants and the historically important expensive perfumes and drugs obtained from them 

True balm of Gilead was very rare, and appears to have been produced from the unrelated tree Pistacia lentiscus  The Commiphora gileadensis species also used to include Commiphora foliacea, however it was identified and described as a separate species

Use
Historical
The plant was renowned for the expensive perfume that was thought to be produced from it, as well as for exceptional medicinal properties that were attributed to its sap, wood, bark, and seeds  Commiphora gileadensis is instantly recognisable by the pleasant smell given out when a twig is broken or a leaf crushed 

Modern
The bark of the balsam tree is cut to cause the sap to flow out  This soon hardens, and has a sweet smell that quickly evaporates  The hardened resinous gum is chewed, is said to taste either like a lemon or like pine resin, and it is also burned as incense 

Description
Depending on where Commiphora gileadensis is growing, it can vary in size, ranging from a small-leaved shrub to a large-leaved tree usually up to 4m tall   It is rarely spiny, bark peeling or flaking when cut and exuding a pleasant smelling resin  Its leaves alternate on short condensed side shoots, pinnate with 3-5 leaflets   The leaflets are oblong, 5-40mm long x 3-35mm across with acute tips and are thinly hairy   The flowers are red, sub-sessile and the plant has 1-5 of them on short condensed side shoots amongst the leaves  The fruits are dull red and marked with four longitudinal white stripes, one-seeded and splitting into 2-4 valves 
Passage 3:
Pistacia
Pistacia is a genus of flowering plants in the cashew family, Anacardiaceae  It contains 10 to 20 species that are native to Africa and Eurasia from the Canary Islands, all of Africa, and southern Europe, warm and semidesert areas across Asia, and North America from Mexico to warm and semidesert United States, such as Texas or California 

Description
Pistacia plants are shrubs and small trees growing to 5–15 m (16–49 ft) tall  The leaves are alternate, pinnately compound, and can be either evergreen or deciduous depending on species  All species are dioecious, but monoecious individuals of Pistacia atlantica have been noted  The genus is estimated to be about 80 million years old It is a genus of flowering plants belonging to the family Anacardiaceae  The plants are dioecious, and have male and female trees independently; a viable population should have both sexes Well-known species in the genus Pistacia include P  vera, the pistachio, grown for its edible seeds; P  terebinthus, from which terebinth resin, a turpentine, is produced; P  lentiscus, source of the plant resin mastic; and P  chinensis, the Chinese pistache, cultivated as an ornamental tree 

P  vera genome
Scientists from Iran and China assembled a draft genome of pistachio and resequenced 107 whole genomes, including 93 domestic and 14 wild individuals of P  vera and 35 other genomes from different wild Pistacia species  Integrating genomic and transcriptomic analyses revealed expanded gene families (e g , cytochrome P450 and chitinase) and the jasmonic acid (JA) biosynthetic pathway that are likely involved in stress adaptation  Comparative population genomic analyses revealed that pistachio was domesticated about 8000 years ago, and that likely key genes for domestication are those involved in tree and seed size, which experienced artificial selection 

Species
Bursera simaruba (L ) Sarg  was formerly classified as P  simaruba L 

Ecology
The Pistacia species are vicarious Anacardiaceae with few species outside the Old World, and are mostly more adapted to water shortage and alkaline soil Many plant species are adapted to desert or summer drought typical of Mediterranean climate, so have a high tolerance to saline soil  They grow well in water containing up to 3 0 to 4 0% of soluble salts  They are quite resilient in their ecological requirements, and can survive in temperatures ranging from −10 °C in winter to 45 °C in summer  They prefer places oriented toward the sun and well-drained soil, but grow well in the bottom of ravines  Though very hardy and drought resistant, Pistacia species grow slowly and only begin to bear fruit after about 7-10 years from planting, obtaining full development only after 15-20 years  The fruit ripens in the Mediterranean from August; only female trees have fruit Although some species prefer moderate humidity, they do not grow well in high-humidity conditions  They are susceptible to root rot, molds, and fungi, and parasites attack if they receive too much water and the soil has insufficient drainage  They require a period of drought each year for proper development 
Their leaves are intensely bright green and leathery, with three to nine leaflets  The leaves are alternate, compound, and paripinnate 
The flowers are unisexual, apetalous, and grouped in clusters  The flowers range from purple to green  The fruit is a drupe, generally unpalatable to humans, the size of a pea, and red to brown in color, depending on the degree of maturation  The seeds do not have endosperm 
The seeds are eaten and dispersed by birds, for which they are a valuable resource because of the scarcity of food in some important times of year, as the time of breeding, migration, or the dry season  The commercial species of pistachio has larger fruits and is edible The plants emit a bitter, resinous, or medicative smell, which in some species is very intense and aromatic  Some species develop "galls" that occur in the leaves and leaflets after the bite of insects  Although marred by the presence of galls, they are very vigorous and resistant plants that survive in degraded areas where other species have been eliminated  They multiply by seeds, stolons, and root shoots  Various species hybridize easily between them, and hybrid plants are difficult to identify Some tree species (e g  Pistacia aethiopica, Pistacia atlantica) can exist as small bushes and shrubs due to the extremes of their habitat, adverse conditions, or the excessive consumption by wildlife or livestock that hinders growth Pistacia lentiscus is a very common plant related to P  terebinthus with which it hybridizes  P  terebinthus is more abundant in the mountains and inland in the Iberian Peninsula, and mastic is usually found more frequently in areas where the Mediterranean influence of the sea prevents or moderates frost  Some species with very small ranges cover only one or a group of islands in the Mediterranean  P  terebinthus is also found on the east coast of the Mediterranean, Syria, Lebanon, and Israel, filling the same ecological niche of these species  On the west coast of the Mediterranean, the Canary Islands, and the Middle East, it can be confused with Pistacia atlantica Pistacia species are used as food plants by the larvae (caterpillars) of some species of Lepidoptera including the emperor moth 

Cultivation and uses
Best known as the pistachio, P  vera is a small tree native to Iran, grown for its edible seeds  The seeds of the other species were also eaten in prehistory, but are too small to have commercial value today   Records of Pistacia from preclassical archaeological sites, and mentions in preclassical texts, always refer to one of these other species (often P  terebinthus) P  terebinthus (the terebinth), also a native of Iran, and the western Mediterranean countries, is tapped for turpentine  It is also common in the eastern Mediterranean countries   Because terebinths have the ability to kill certain bacteria, terebinth resin was widely used as a preservative in ancient wine   In the Zagros Mountains of Iran, in one of the earliest examples of winemaking, archaeologists discovered terebinth resin deposits from 5400 to 5000 BC in jars that also contained grape-juice residue P  lentiscus, an evergreen shrub or small tree of the Mediterranean region, supplies a resin called mastic P  chinensis (Chinese pistache), the most frost-tolerant species in the genus, is grown as an ornamental tree, valued for its bright red autumn leaf colour 
Passage 4:
Akbesia
Akbesia is a monotypic moth genus in the family Sphingidae erected by Walter Rothschild and Karl Jordan in 1903  Its only species, Akbesia davidi, the pistacia hawkmoth, was first described by Charles Oberthür in 1884  It is known from southern Turkey, northern Syria, northern Israel, western Jordan, south-eastern Turkey, north-eastern Iraq, south-eastern Georgia, northern Iran, eastern Afghanistan and Iranian Beluchistan  It may also occur across Azerbaijan, the Alborz Mountains of northern Iran, the Zagros Mountains of western and southern Iran, and northern Afghanistan  It often occurs in large numbers at certain sites in rocky, hilly areas supporting scattered trees and shrubs of Quercus, Olea, Ceratonia and Pistacia 
The wingspan is 60–70 mm  Although the adults do not feed, they will drink water if offered  There are two generations per year in Iran with adults on wing in April and from late July to August  In northern Iraq, adults are on from May to June and in August 
The larvae have been recorded feeding on Pistacia atlantica and terebinth (Pistacia terebinthus)  Larvae have also been reared on Cotinus coggygria and Rhus coriaria



ground_truth: Arizona State University

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Migene González-Wippler is leading expert on a religion that developed among which ethnic group ?

The following are given passages.
Context 2:  Creating these altars is deemed expensive and time-consuming  Material may be selected based on the tastes of the adherent; anthropologists have observed practitioners who have included Taoist figurines or statues of wizards, on their altars  Food and flowers are often placed on the altar as offerings  Although rarely included on their altars, practitioners will often have statues of Roman Catholic saints elsewhere in their homes In addition to their altar to the oricha, many practitioners have altars set aside for the spirits of the dead  These typically consist of a white-covered table known as a bóveda, something derived from the White Table of Spiritism  Bóveda often feature photographs of deceased relatives, to whom offerings are given; popular offerings for the spirits of the dead include seven glasses of water, a cafecito coffee, and the aguardiente liquor  Alternatively, many practitioners of Santería—like those who follow Palo—will have a rinconcito ("little corner"), a small area in which they collect together assorted objects, often those typically found in a household, as a material manifestation of the dead  Offerings to the dead may be placed here  Many practitioners will also enshrine their family ancestors under the bathroom sink  This location is chosen so that the ancestors can travel between the realms of the living and the dead via the water in the pipes 

Offerings and animal sacrifice
Offerings are called ebbó (or ebó), and are given to the oricha, ancestral spirits, to a person's own ori, and sometimes to the earth  These offerings can consist of fruit and other foodstuffs, liquor, flowers, candles, money, or slaughtered animals  Divination is often used to determine the exact nature of the offering; initiates are supposed to provide offerings on a regular basis, and at least once a year  Given to strengthen the supernatural forces, to thank them, or as a supplication, they help form a reciprocal relationship with these entities in the hope of receiving something in return  If this fails to materialise, practitioners may resort to several explanations: that the details of the ritual were incorrect, that the priest or priestess carrying out the rite lacked sufficient aché, or that the wrong ebbó was provided for the situation Conducted by a matador, animal sacrifice is called matanza  It is usually carried out by a man, with menstruating women prohibited from involvement   Birds—including guinea fowl, chickens, and doves—are commonly sacrificed, usually by having their throats slit or their heads twisted and ripped off  For rituals of greater importance, sacrifices are often of four-legged animals  Some practitioners describe the killing of animals as an acceptable substitute to human sacrifice, and in Cuba there have been persistent rumours of children being sacrificed in Santería rites  The oricha and egun are believed to "eat" the blood of the victim; the latter's lifeforce is deemed to transfer to the oricha, thus strengthening its aché  An animal that struggles to avoid being killed is sometimes understood as having particular strength which will then pass to the oricha Once killed, the animals' severed heads may be placed on top of the sopera belonging to the oricha to which the sacrifice has been directed  After the carcass has been butchered, some of the organs—known as acheses—may be cooked and offered to the oricha; other parts will be eaten by practitioners  Some of the blood may be collected and added to omiero, an infusion of herbs and water  Believed to contain much aché, this liquid is used for removing malevolent influences and in ceremonies for baptising ritual tools  Santería's animal sacrifice has been a cause of concern for many non-practitioners  It has sometimes brought adherents into confrontation with the law, as with the 1993 case of Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye v  City of Hialeah, in which the U S  Supreme Court ruled that animal cruelty laws targeted specifically at Santería were unconstitutional 

Initiation
Initiation is known as kariocha, "making ocha", or "making santo"  A charge is levied for initiation; this varies depending on the client, but is often equivalent to a year's wage  Each initiation varies in its details, which are often concealed from non-initiates  The initiate is known as an iyabó or iyawó, a term meaning both "slave of the oricha" and "bride of the oricha"  As well as the santero or santera overseeing the initiation ceremony, the event may be attended by an oyubona or oyugbona ("one who witnesses"), who acts as a secondary godparent to the new initiate The initiation process takes seven days, plus two days of preparatory rituals  During this preparation, a misa espiritual ("spiritual mass") will typically take place to gain the blessings of the ancestral egun, and an ebó de entrada ("opening sacrifice") will be made to the oricha or the egun  Next comes the ceremonia del río ("ceremony of the initiate"), in which offerings are given to Ochún, and the rompimiento ("breaking"), in which the oyubona takes the initiate to purify themselves in a river  The rest of the initiation takes place in the igbodu, where the initiate sleeps upon a mat on the floor for the seven days  No one uninvolved in the initiation is permitted entry  The initiate is given their own otanes, as well as objects representing the warrior oricha  They are also given beaded necklaces, known as elekes, ilekes, or collares  Each necklace is a different color associated with a specific deity  During the prendición ("pinning") ritual, a heavy necklace known as the collar de mazo is placed on the initiate  During the lavatorio ("washing"), the initiate's head is bathed in omiero, designed to rid them of any malevolent spirits attached to them  Often, their hair will be shaved off 

On the día del itá ("day of history"), usually the third day, the initiate will undergo the itá, a session with a diviner  The diviner will reveal the initiate's Lucumí ritual name, a praise name of the oricha that rules their head  This name often incorporates elements indicating the initiate's tutelary oricha; devotees of Yemajá for instance usually include omí ("water"), while those of Changó often have obá ("king")  Next comes the asiento ("seating"), or coronación ("coronation"), which marks the point when the aché of the tutelary oricha is believed to literally enter the initiate's cranium  The otanes of several oricha are placed to the initiate's head, culminating in those of their tutelary oricha  An animal sacrifice usually follows, involving at least five four-legged animals and 25 birds  The following day is el Día del Medio ("the middle day"), when guests—including the initiate's family and friends—pay homage to them  It includes drumming and a feast  On the seventh day of the initiation, the new initiate leaves the casa and visits the marketplace, where they make offerings to Eleguá and steal something small, also as an offering to Eleguá The initiate can finally take their otanes home  They may then undergo a year-long period, the iyaworaje ("journey of the iyawo"), during which they must observe certain restrictions, the nature of which depends on their tutelary oricha  This may for instance include abstaining from sexual intercourse, wearing only white, or not cutting their hair  The iyaworaje ends with the ebó del año ceremony  Once this is done, they may lead rituals and help initiate others  Thenceforth, they will celebrate the annual anniversary of their initiation, their cumpleaños de santo ("birthday in the saint")  Although a largely orally-transmitted tradition, santeros and santeras often emphasise teaching in a non-verbal manner, encouraging their initiates to learn through taking part in the ritual activities  Since at least the 20th century, some initiates have kept libretas, notebooks in which they have written down material relevant to the practice of Santería  These may be shared with their own initiates or kept private 

Toque de santo
Santería's main public ritual is a drumming ceremony called the toque de santo, or tambor  Lasting for up to several hours, this is usually seen as an offering to the oricha, performed to gain their favor  The goal of the rhythms and songs is to summon the oricha to earth, at which point they can possess one of the participants  It is believed that the collective energy built up by the group is necessary in achieving this  In turn, the oricha are believed capable of soothing the grieving, healing the sick, blessing the deserving, and rebuking those who have behaved badly The toque de santo uses double-headed drums called batá, which are sometimes regarded as the central symbol of Santería  There are multiple types of batá: the iyá is the largest, the itótele is smaller, and the okónkolo is the smallest  For ceremonial purposes, these drums must be wooden; adding metal elements could offend Changó, who is associated with wooden artefacts, because of their links with his enemy, Ogun  They may however have brass bells associated with Ochún, known as chaworo, affixed to their rim  Before being used in ceremonies, these drums are baptized, after which they are referred to as a tambor de fundamento  This baptism entails washing the drums in omiero, making sacrifices to Osain, and affixing an afoubo, a small leather bag containing items including a parrot feather and glass beads, to the interior of the drum 

Practitioners believe that the consecrated batá contain a substance called añá, itself an avatar of Ochún  Many drummers avoid mentioning the añá in public and may not refer to it by name  Drums which have not been baptised are not viewed as containing añá, and are called tambores judìos ("Jewish drums")  Particular rhythms played on the drums may be associated with a specific oricha, a group of oricha, or all of the oricha  Those playing the batá are called batáleros  Santería drumming is male dominated; women are discouraged from playing the batá during ceremonies, although by the 1990s some women practitioners in the U S  had taken on the role  Practitioners explain the taboo with the view that menstrual blood can weaken the drum's añá, and that women playing these drums during ceremonies become infertile Praise songs are sung for the oricha, with specific songs associated with particular deities  The lead singer at such ceremonies is known as an akpwón  During the opening verse of the song, the akpwón may break into a personal prayer  The akpwón can switch from song to song quickly, with the drummers having to adapt their rhythm accordingly  A chorus of singers will respond to the akpwón, often while swaying back and forth  These choral responses may split into a two or three-part harmony  Dancing also takes place, with each oricha associated with a particular dance style  The dances at the toque de santo are believed to generate aché, strengthening the link between the realms of the oricha and humanity  Dancing either alone or first in front of the drums at the toque de santo is considered a privilege and is usually reserved for the most experienced initiate present  There are specific rules of engagement that are laid out for taking part in the toque de santo; dancing poorly at the ritual is considered an insult to the oricha 

Possession
Possession is important in Santería, and the purpose of the toque de santo is to call down an oricha to possess one of the participants  The possessed individual is referred to as the "horse", with the oricha having "mounted" them  According to practitioners, becoming possessed by an oricha requires an individual giving up their consciousness to the deity, and accordingly they often claim no memory of the events that occurred during the possession  Some have stated that reaching the mental state whereby an individual can become possessed takes much practice  The onset of the trance is marked by body spasms, termed arullarse Once an individual is possessed, they may be taken into an adjacent room where they are dressed in the ritual clothing pertaining to the possessing oricha, after which they are returned to the main room  As well as speaking in the Lucumí language, those possessed may then display gestures associated with a particular oricha; for instance, those believing themselves possessed by Ochún may wipe their skirt over other people, representing the waves of the ocean, while those regarding themselves as being possessed by Eleguá may steal from assembled participants  The possessed individual will then provide healing or dispense advice; sometimes a possessed person will reprimand others present, for instance for failing to carry out their ritual obligations, or issue them a warning  Some practitioners have also reported becoming possessed by an oricha in non-ritual contexts, such as while sleeping or walking through the streets, or during drumming performances carried out for non-religious purposes 

Healing and amuletic practices
Healing is important in Santería, and health problems are the most common reason why people approach a santero or santera for help  When operating as healers, practitioners are sometimes termed curanderos, or osainistas  Particular focuses of Santería healing include skin complaints, gastrointestinal and respiratory problems, sexually transmitted infections, and issues of female reproduction; some practitioners provide concoctions to induce abortion  Santería healers will typically use divination to determine the cause of an ailment before prescribing treatment Santería teaches that supernatural factors cause or exacerbate ailments  It claims that oricha may make someone sick, either as punishment or to encourage them to make a change in their life, often to become an initiate  The oricha must then be propitiated to stop, sometimes with the sick individual receiving initiation  Santería also holds that a spirit of the dead may attach itself to an individual and thus harm them  Adherents also often believe that humans can harm one another through supernatural means, either involuntarily, by giving them the mal de ojo (evil eye), or deliberately, through brujería (witchcraft)  The latter are often perceived as acting out of envy, utilising cursing techniques from Palo, for which they have employed material, such as hair or nail clippings, taken from their victim Herbalism is a major component of Santería healing practices, with healing plants, termed egwe, having an important role in the religion  Practitioners believe that each species of plant has its own aché which holds healing power; medicinal plants are deemed more powerful if harvested from the wild rather than being cultivated, for the latter can lack aché  Adherents often believe that different types of plant have different temperaments and personalities; some are shy or easily frightened and thus need to be approached with the appropriate etiquette 

To heal a patient, the santero/santera may also prescribe omiero, give them a cleansing bath, or provide them with a collares necklace  They may perform a ritual to transfer the sickness to an animal, sacrifice an animal to a specific oricha to request healing, or encourage an oricha to possess the sick individual and thus heal them  Different oricha are linked to the healing of specific ailments; Ochún is for instance usually requested when dealing with genital problems  People who are sick may undergo the rogación de la cabeza ("blessing of the head"), in which coconut water and cotton are applied to the head to feed the orí  Many practitioners will also encourage their clients to seek mainstream medical assistance, either from doctors or psychotherapists, with Santería healing seen as complementary to medical science Santería features protective talismans known as resguardos  These are created using herbs and blood and produced while in contact with the otanes  Resguardos are often given to small children, who are deemed particularly vulnerable to sorcery  Charms and amulets are also used as a general prophylaxis against illness; one example are ears of corn that are wrapped in purple ribbon and placed behind a doorway  Other rituals are designed to protect against sorcery, as for instance with the scattering of petals of the gálan de día in the house or the placement of okra by the door  In Cuba, protective rituals from Santería have often been invoked in hospitals to prevent the cambio de vida ("life switch"), a practice by which the ailments of a sick person are believed to be transferred to another individual, often without the latter's knowledge 

Divination
Divination is a central aspect of Santería, taking place before all major rites and being utilized by adherents at critical moments of their life  Three main divinatory techniques are employed: obi, dilogún, and Ifá  Highly skilled diviners are known as an oríate or italero/italera (male and female), and sometimes work in this role fulltime 

Clients approach these diviners for a divinatory consulta (consultation), usually to ask for advice about their health, family problems, or legal issues, and in doing so will pay the diviner a fee, the derecho  Attending a divination ritual in this way is commonly the first time that an individual encounters Santería so directly  During the session, offerings will be given to an overseeing oricha; the diviner will then cast small objects onto a board or table and interpret the way in which they fall  The diviner asks the client questions and seeks to answer them by making multiple throws  The diviner will ultimately determine which oricha will assist the client in dealing with their problems and outline what sacrifices will be appropriate to secure the aid of said oricha Obi, also known as biagué, involves the casting of four pieces of a dried coconut shell, with the manner in which they fall being used to answer a question  Any practitioner can utilise this technique, which is also used in Palo  Dilogún entails the casting of cowrie shells, and is considered more complex in that it requires a knowledge of the patakie stories  Dilogún typically involves a set of 21 cowrie shells, filed flat on their round side; these are fed with both omiero and blood  Like obi, dilogún is generally seen as being open to all practitioners of Santería, although some groups reserve it for postmenopausal women Ifá is the most complex and prestigious divinatory system used in the religion  It typically involves the casting of consecrated palm nuts to answer a question, with the nuts offering 256 possible configurations  Although Ifá also has a separate existence from Santería, the two are closely linked, sharing the same mythology and conception of the universe; the oricha of Ifá, Orula or Ọ̀rúnmila, has a prominent place within Santería  High priests of Ifá are known as babalawos and although their presence is not essential to Santería ceremonies, they often attend in their capacity as diviners  Many santeros are also babalawos, although it is not uncommon for babalawos to perceive themselves as being superior to most santeros  Unlike the more open policy for Santería initiates, only heterosexual men are traditionally allowed to become babalawos, although some babalawos are gay men, and since the 21st century a small number of women have also been initiated 

Funerals and mediumship
Funeral rites, called itulu, are designed to appease the soul of the deceased  As part of this, a funeral mass is held in a Roman Catholic church nine days after the individual has died to ensure that their soul successfully travels to the realm of the spirits  A year of additional rites for the dead individual follow, a period ended with the levantamiento de platos, the breaking of a dish, to symbolise the deceased's final departure from the realm of the living As well as having been influenced by Spiritism, Santería is often intertwined with Espiritismo, a Puerto Rican tradition focused on contacting the dead; this is particularly the case in areas such as New York and New Jersey  Sometimes the word "Santerismo" is used to refer to a blend between the two traditions  Various santeros or santeras are believed capable of communicating with spirits; seances conducted for this purpose are called misas espirituales ("spiritual masses") and are led by mortevas ("deaders") who are usually women  During these rituals, the medium may be possessed by a spirit of the dead, who then engages in healing practices or offers advice and warnings to those assembled  Adopted from Espiritismo, they are often included in initiation and funerary rites  An additional ritual found in Santería is the tambor para egún, a drum ceremony for the spirits of the dead Some practitioners whose approach to Santería is influenced by Espiritismo also create cloth dolls for deceased family members and spirit guides  The spirit is believed to enter and inhabit the doll, with some practitioners stating that they can see the inhabiting spirit  Sometimes the doll's clothing is changed to please the spirit, while offerings, such as glasses of water or fruit, are placed before them  These spirit dolls may also be passed down through the generations within a family 

History
Background
After the Spanish Empire conquered Cuba, the island's Arawak and Ciboney populations dramatically declined  To provide a new labor source for the sugar, tobacco, and coffee plantations they had established on Cuba, the Spanish then turned to buying slaves sold at West African ports  Slavery was widespread in West Africa; most slaves were prisoners of war captured in conflicts with neighbouring groups, although some were convicted criminals  The first enslaved Africans arrived in Cuba in 1511, although the largest numbers came in the 19th century  Cuba continued to receive new slaves until at least 1860, with full emancipation occurring in 1886  In total, between 702,000 and 1 million enslaved Africans were brought to Cuba  Most came from a stretch of Western Africa between the modern nation-states of Guinea and Angola  The great plurality were Yoruba, from the area encompassed by modern Nigeria and Benin; the Yoruba had a shared language and culture but were divided among different states  They largely adhered to Yoruba traditional religion, which incorporated many local orisha cults although with certain orisha worshipped widely due to the extent of the Yoruba-led Oyo Empire In Cuba, slaves were divided into groups termed naciones (nations), often based on their port of embarkation rather than their own ethno-cultural background; those who were Yoruba speakers, as well as Arara and Ibo people, were identified as the "Lucumí nation"  Enslaved West Africans brought their traditional religions with them to Cuba; some were from the priestly class and possessed knowledge of traditions such as Ifá  While hundreds of orisha were worshipped across West Africa, fewer than twenty became prominent in Santería, perhaps because many kin-based orisha cults were lost when traditional kinship networks were destroyed through enslavement  Orisha associated with agriculture were abandoned, probably because slaves had little reason to protect the harvests of slave-owners  Many myths associated with the oricha were transformed, creating kinship relationships between different oricha which were not present in West African mythologies  As Santería formed, separate West African orisha cults were reconstituted into a single religious system, one which had a newly standardized pantheon of oricha In Spanish Cuba, Roman Catholicism was the only religion that could be practiced legally  Cuba's Roman Catholic Church made efforts to convert the enslaved Africans, but the instruction in Roman Catholicism provided to the latter was typically perfunctory and sporadic  In Cuba, traditional African deities perhaps continued to be venerated within clubs and fraternal organizations made up of African migrants and their descendants  The most important of these were the cabildos de nación, associations that the establishment regarded as a means of controlling the Afro-Cuban population  These operated as mutual aid societies and organized communal feasts, dances, and carnivals  The Catholic Church saw these groups as a method for gradual evangelisation, through which they tolerated the practice of some African customs while stamping out those they most fiercely objected to  It is probable that in these groups, priests of different West African orisha interacted and began to develop a new system  In the late 18th and early 19th century new laws restricted the cabildos' activities, although their membership expanded in the 19th century 
The final decades of the 19th century also saw a growing interest in Spiritism, a religion based on the ideas of the French writer Allan Kardec, which in Cuba proved particularly popular among the white peasantry, the Creole class, and the small urban middle class  Ideas from Spiritism increasingly filtered into and influenced Santería 

Formation and early history
The earliest casas teaching Santería emerged in urban parts of western Cuba during the late 19th century  As a trained priesthood emerged, they ensured a level of standardisation among new initiates  Although it drew on older West African cults, Santeria was, as described by Clark, "a new religious system"  Urban-to-rural migration then spread Santería elsewhere in Cuba, and in the 1930s it probably arrived in Cuba's second largest city, Santiago de Cuba, which lies at the eastern end of the island Following the Cuban War of Independence, the island became an independent republic in 1898  In the republic, Afro-Cubans remained largely excluded from economic and political power, and negative stereotypes about them remained pervasive throughout the Euro-Cuban population  Afro-Cuban religious practices were often referred to as brujería (witchcraft) and thought to be connected to criminality  Although the republic's new constitution enshrined freedom of religion and Santería was never legislated against, throughout the first half of the 20th century various campaigns were launched against it  These were often encouraged by the press, who promoted allegations that white children were being abducted and murdered in Santería rituals; this reached a fever pitch in 1904 after two white children were murdered in Havana in cases that investigators speculated were linked to brujería One of the first intellectuals to examine Santería was the lawyer and ethnographer Fernando Ortiz, who discussed it in his 1906 book Los negros brujos (The Black Witchdoctors)  He saw it as a barrier to the social integration of Afro-Cubans into broader Cuban society and recommended its suppression  In the 1920s, there were efforts to incorporate elements of Afro-Cuban culture into a wider understanding of Cuban culture, such as through the Afrocubanismo literary and artistic movement  These often drew upon Afro-Cuban music, dance, and mythology, but typically rejected Santería rituals themselves  In 1942, Rómula Lachatañeré's Manuel de santería was published, representing the first scholarly attempt to understand Santería as a religion; in contrast to Ortiz, he maintained that the tradition should be seen as a religious system as opposed to a form of witchcraft  Lachatañeré was instrumental in promoting the term Santería in reference to the phenomenon, deeming it a more neutral description than the pejorative-laden terms such as brujería then in common use 

After the Cuban Revolution
The Cuban Revolution of 1959 resulted in the island becoming a Marxist–Leninist state governed by Fidel Castro's Communist Party of Cuba  Committed to state atheism, Castro's government took a negative view of Santería  Practitioners experienced police harassment, were denied membership of the Communist Party, and faced limited employment opportunities  They required police permission to perform rituals, which was sometimes denied  The state nevertheless promoted art forms associated with Santería in the hope of using them to promote a unified Cuban identity  While espousing anti-racism, Castro's government viewed the promotion of a separate Afro-Cuban identity as counter-revolutionary Following the Soviet Union's collapse in the 1990s, Castro's government declared that Cuba was entering a "Special Period" in which new economic measures would be necessary  As part of this, it selectively supported Afro-Cuban and Santería traditions, partly out of a desire to boost tourism; this Santería-focused tourism was called santurismo  Priests of Santería, Palo, and Ifá all took part in government-sponsored tours for foreigners desiring initiation into such traditions, while Afro-Cuban floor shows became common in Cuban hotels  In 1991, the Communist Party approved the admission of religious members, and in 1992 the constitution was amended to declare Cuba a secular rather than an atheist state  This liberalisation allowed Santería to leave behind its marginalisation, and during the 1990s it began to be practiced more openly 

The second half of the 20th century saw a growing awareness of Santería's links with other orisha-worshipping religions in West Africa and the Americas  These transnational links were reinforced when the Ooni of Ife Olubuse II, a prominent Yoruba political and religious leader, visited Cuba in 1987  Cuba's government permitted the formation of the Yoruba Cultural Association, a non-governmental organization, in the early 1990s, while various practitioners of Santería visited Nigeria to study traditional Yoruba religion  A yorubización (Yorubization) process emerged, with attempts made to remove Roman Catholic elements from Santería; this process was criticised by those who saw Santería's syncretism as a positive trait The Cuban Revolution fuelled Cuban emigration, especially to the United States, Puerto Rico, Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela  With an increased Cuban presence in the U S , Santería grew in many U S  cities, being embraced by Latino Americans as well as European Americans and African Americans  Some African Americans regarded it as an authentically African religion, especially when purged of Roman Catholic elements, sometimes perceiving it as a religious wing of the Black Power movement  A prominent exponent of this approach was the black nationalist activist Walter King  After being initiated in Cuba, he established a temple in Harlem before relocating with his followers in 1970 to a community in Sheldon, South Carolina, that they called the Yoruba Village of Oyotunji  Having a strained relationship with many other santeros and santeras, who accused him of racism, King gradually came to call his tradition "Orisha-Voodoo" rather than Santería  In the U S , Santería, along with Haitian Vodou, also proved an influence on the revival of Louisiana Voodoo in the late 20th century  One of the most prominent figures in this revival, Ava Kay Jones, had previously been involved in King's Orisha-Voodoo 

Demographics
The scholars of religion Anibal Argüelles Mederos and Ileana Hodge Limonta estimated that in the early 21st century around 8% of Cubans were initiates of Santería, which would amount to between 800,000 and 900,000 people  There are a greater number of people who are not initiates but turn to santeros and santeras for assistance on practical matters  In 1991, the Cuban anthropologist López Valdés suggested that about 90 percent of Cuba's population practiced some form of religion and that of that 90 percent, a greater number practiced one of the Afro-Cuban religions than "pure Catholicism"  In 2004, Wedel suggested that practitioners of Santería "greatly outnumber" those who practiced Roman Catholicism, Protestantism, or Judaism in Cuba Although also found in rural areas, in Cuba Santería has always been a primarily urban phenomenon, predominating in the north-west provinces of La Habana and Matanzas  While it has both Afro-Cuban and Euro-Cuban followers, Wedel noted that in the 1990s Santería was "more common in working-class, low-income neighborhoods dominated by Afro-Cubans " Wedel believed that men and women practice in roughly equal numbers  Some practitioners grow up in Santería as the children of initiates, although others only approach the religion as adults  While it accepts new followers, Santería is a non-proselytizing religion Emigration has spread Santería across most of Latin America and also to the United States and Europe  In Mexico, it established a particular presence in Veracruz and Mexico City, in Canada it centred in Toronto, while in Europe casas have been formed in Spain and Germany  Santería was present in the U S  by the 1940s, increasing its presence following the Cuban Revolution  Clustering in Florida, California, New Jersey, and New York, it attracted converts from varied ethnic backgrounds  U S  casas vary in their ethnic makeup, often reflecting broader racial divisions in U S  society  Based on his ethnographic work in New York City during the 1980s, Samuel Gregory noted that there Santería was not a "religion of the poor", but contained a disproportionately high percentage of middle-class people such as teachers, social workers, and artists  The American Religious Identification Survey of 2001 estimated that there were then approximately 22,000 practitioners in the U S , although in the mid-1990s the scholar Joseph Murphy suggested that hundreds of thousands of people in the country had engaged with Santería in some form, often as clients 

Reception
By the late 1980s, Santería had received considerable interest from established Christian churches, health professionals, and social scientists  Some initiates mistrusted academics and were thus either vague or deliberately misleading in their answers to the latter's questions, although the 1990s saw non-Cuban ethnographers seeking initiation into the religion, thus blurring the distinction between practitioner and anthropological observer  The religion was also explored in other media; the Cuban filmmaker Gloria Rolando released the film Oggún in 1992  Various songs have referenced Santería and its oricha; the Cuban American singer Celia Cruz for example recorded a version of "Que viva Chango" ("Long Live Chango"), while a Cuban band called themselves Los Orichas  Santería's influence can also be seen in the names of the Cuban liquor Santero and the state-owned machete factory Ogún Christian views of Santería have been largely negative, and in Cuba, it has faced much opposition from the Roman Catholic clerical establishment over the centuries  Many Cuban intellectuals and academics also take a dim view of Santería  Opposition to the religion is also evident outside Cuba  When the International Afro-Caribbean Festival in Veracruz was launched in 1994, it showcased art and ritual by Mexican santeros/santeras, although this brought public protests from Roman Catholic organizations, who regarded such rites as Satanic, and animal welfare groups, who deemed the sacrifices to be inhumane  The festival's organizers yielded to the pressure, cutting the Santería elements of the festival by 1998  Pervasive stereotypes link Santería to criminal activity, and its rituals for self-protection have been adopted by various groups involved in narcotics trafficking within the U S  Santeros and santeras are often accused of financially exploiting their initiates and clients—an accusation sometimes made by other practitioners of Santería itself  Various practitioners have also found that their involvement in Santería has strained their relationship with spouses or other family members who are not involved, and in some cases adherents have abandoned Santería to join other religious movements such as Pentecostalism 
Passage 3:
Fezara people
Fezara is an ethnic group of Sudan, who emigrated from Arabia to Egypt, and then to Sudan  The number of persons in this ethnic group is about 200,000  Most members of this ethnic group are Muslims  This ethnic group speaks Sudanese Arabic 
Passage 4:
Migene González-Wippler
Migene González-Wippler is a Puerto Rican new-age author and a leading expert on the Afro-Caribbean religion of Santería 

Education
González-Wippler was born in Puerto Rico and has degrees in psychology and anthropology from the University of Puerto Rico, and from Columbia University, from where she earned a Ph D  in cultural anthropology 

Career
In addition to her solid background in social sciences she has also worked as a science editor for the Interscience Division of John Wiley, the American Institute of Physics, and the American Museum of Natural History, and as an English editor for the United Nations in Vienna, where she resided for many years    She is a cultural anthropologist and lectures frequently at universities and other educational institutions    She writes about Santeria-its practices, beliefs and organization 

Bibliography
El libro completo de magia, hechizos, y ceremonias
El libro de las sombras
Keys to the Kingdom: Jesus & the Mystic Kabbalah
Book of Shadows
The Complete Book of Amulets & Talismans
Luna, Luna: Magia, poder y seducción
La Magia de las piedras y los cristales
Sueños: Lo que significan para usted
Amuletos y Talismanes
La magia y tú
What Happens After Death: Scientific & Personal Evidence for Survival
Santería: La Religión
Dreams and What They Mean to You
The Complete Book of Spells, Ceremonies & Magic
Las llaves del reino: Jesús y la cábala cristiana
Kabbalah For The Modern World
Angelorum: El libro de los ángeles
Santería: mis experiencias en la Religión
Peregrinaje: la vida después de la muerte
 Santería: the Religion: Faith, Rites, Magic, Llewellyn Publications: 2002 ISBN 9781567183290
Cabala para el mundo moderno
 Powers of the Orishas: Santeria and The Worship of Saints
Context 3: 

Etymology
The genus is named after the town of Akbez (near Hassa) in Turkey 

Subspecies
Akbesia davidi davidi
Akbesia davidi gandhara de Freina & Geck, 2003 (Afghanistan)
Passage 5:
Dracula wallisii
Dracula wallisii is a species of orchid belonging to the genus Dracula  The species is found at altitudes of 1,600 to 2,600 m (5,200 to 8,500 ft) in Cordillera Central, Colombia  It is a common species, with large flowers that are often highly variable in form The species was first discovered near Frontino, Antioquia, Colombia by the German plant collector Gustav Wallis in 1871  It was formally described in 1875 by the German orchidologist Heinrich Gustav Reichenbach who named it after Wallis 
Passage 6:
Terebinth
Pistacia terebinthus also called the terebinth  and the turpentine tree, is a deciduous tree species of the genus Pistacia, native to the Mediterranean region from the western regions of Morocco and Portugal to Greece and western and southeastern Turkey  At one time terebinths growing on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean Sea (in Syria, Lebanon and Israel) were regarded as a separate species, Pistacia palaestina, but these are now considered to be a synonym of P  terebinthus 

Description
The terebinth is a deciduous flowering plant belonging to the cashew family, Anacardiaceae; a small tree or large shrub, it grows to 10 m (33 ft) tall  The leaves are compound, 10–20 cm (3 9–7 9 in) long, odd pinnate with five to eleven opposite glossy oval leaflets, the leaflets 2–6 cm (0 79–2 36 in) long and 1–3 cm (0 39–1 18 in) broad  The flowers are reddish-purple, appearing with the new leaves in early spring  The fruit consists of small, globular drupes 5–7 mm (0 20–0 28 in) long, red to black when ripe  All parts of the plant have a strong resinous smell The terebinth is a dioecious tree, i e  it exists as male and female specimens  For a viable population both sexes must be present  The oblong leaf is bright green, leathery, with 10 cm (3 9 in) long or more with three to nine leaflets  Leaves alternate, leathery and compound paripinnate (no terminal leaflet) with three or six deep green leaflets  They are generally larger and rounder than the leaves of the mastic, reminiscent of the leaves of carob tree  The flowers range from purple to green, the fruit is the size of a pea and turns from red to brown, depending on the degree of maturation  The whole plant emits a strong smell: bitter, resinous, or medicinal  In the vegetative period they develop "galls" shaped like a goat's horn (from which the plant gets the name "cornicabra", the common name in Spanish), that occur on the leaves and leaflets which have been bitten by insects  The species propagates by seeds and shoots  Although marred by the presence of galls, it is a very strong and resistant tree which survives in degraded areas where other species have been eliminated  Pistacia terebinthus is related to Pistacia lentiscus, with which it hybridizes frequently in contact zones  Pistacia terebinthus is more abundant in the mountains and inland and the mastic is usually found more frequently in areas where the Mediterranean influence of the sea moderates the climate  The mastic tree does not reach the size of the Pistacia terebinthus, but the hybrids are very difficult to distinguish  The mastic has winged stalks to its leaflets, i e , the stalks are flattened and with side fins, whereas these stems in Pistacia terebinthus are simple  On the west coast of the Mediterranean, Canary Islands and Middle East, P  terebinthus can be confused with P  atlantica 

Habitat
The terebinth prefers relatively moist areas, up to 600 m (2,000 ft) in elevation  It tolerates Mediterranean summer drought and frost more intense than mastic does  The plant is common in the garrigue and maquis  It appears in deciduous oak wood  It has a gray trunk that is very aromatic, and may have multiple trunks or stems when grown as a shrub  Usually reaching 5 m (16 ft) in height, although in rare cases can reach 10 m (33 ft)  P  terebinthus is one of the European species of Anacardiaceae, a family of about 600 mostly tropical species  It can be found to 1,500 m (4,900 ft) above sea level  P  terebinthus is more moisture demanding than the mastic and more resistant to cold  It requires a sunny exposure and average soils, tolerating lime and some salt, often grows near the sea, deep ravines and near salt-lakes and streams 

History
Historian of Mycenae John Chadwick believes that the terebinth is the plant called ki-ta-no in some of the Linear B tablets  He cites the work of a Spanish scholar, J L  Melena, who had found "an ancient lexicon which showed that kritanos was another name for the turpentine tree, and that the Mycenaean spelling could represent a variant form of this word "The Latin name is underlain by the Ancient Greek name τερέβινθος which, in turn, is underlain by a pre-Greek Pelasgian word, marked by the characteristic consonant complex νθ 
Terebinth from Oricum is referred to in Virgil's Aeneid, Book 10, line 136, where Ascanius in battle is compared to "ivory skilfully inlaid in [   ] Orician terebinth" ("inclusum[   ] Oricia terebintho [   ] ebur") 
Terebinth is referred to by Robin Lane Fox in Alexander the Great: "When a Persian king took the throne, he attended Pasargadae, site of King Cyrus's tomb, and dressed in a rough leather uniform to eat a ritual meal of figs, sour milk and leaves of terebinth "The terebinth is mentioned in the Hebrew Scriptures (or Old Testament), where the Hebrew word elah (plural elot) is used, although the word is sometimes translated as 'oak'  It is clear that the translators are uncertain which translation is correct, [   ], yet the two are very different trees to any but the most superficial observation  (The Hebrew word alon means 'oak', and the words may be related ) 
The word terebinth is found in three successive chapters of Genesis (12:6, 13:18, 14:13, 18:1) in reference to the places where Abram (later Abraham) camped called "Terebinths of Mam're the Amorite"  Here, the traditional rendering in English is "oaks of Mamre "
It is also found in Genesis chapter 35, where Jacob commands his family to remove idols that were taken as booty from the battle in Shechem before travelling to Bethel 
Terebinths are also found in Isaiah in possible reference to idolatry associated with the trees, although in the Septuagint and Vulgate the word is translated 'idols', as the plural of el )

For you will be ashamed of the terebinths that you have taken pleasure in 
The best known clear reference to a terebinth (elah) in the Hebrew Scriptures is that of the Valley of Elah or 'Valley of the Terebinth' (עמק האלה), where David fought Goliath (1 Samuel 17:2, 17:19) 
Later in 2 Samuel 18:9 David's rebellious son Absalom is caught in the terebinth tree and is killed by Joab's men, David's army 
At least a few references occur in Judges: chapter 4 (in reference to Heber, the Kenite, of the children of Hobab), chapter 6 (in reference to an angel of the Lord who came to visit Gideon—most versions use 'oak'), and Ch 9 (in reference to the crowning of Abimelech, by the terebinth of the pillar that was in Shechem—again most versions use 'oak')  This reference of Abimelech's crowning by an oak is actually referring to the Palestine oak, closely related to the Kermes oak (Quercus coccifera)  The Hebrew distinguishes the Palestine oak and the terebinth  It is also mentioned in Hosea 4:13 when Hosea is talking about Israel's spiritual adultery by sacrificing to false gods and how to repent and be forgiven in Hosea 14 

Uses
The word "turpentine" was originally used for the exudate of terebinth trees (P  terebinthus and related species such as P  atlantica), now called Chian, Chios, or Cyprian turpentine, and it was later transferred to the crude turpentine (oleoresin) and the oil of turpentine (essential oil) of conifer trees  The word turpentine derives (via Old French and Latin) from the Greek word τερεβινθίνη (terebinthínē), the feminine form (to go with the feminine Greek word for resin) of an adjective τερεβίνθινος (terebínthinos), derived from the Greek noun τερέβινθος (terébinthos), the name for the terebinth tree  However, the main source of the terebinth turpentine is P  atlantica which produces abundant resin instead of P  terebinthus of which the amount of resin is limited The fruits are used in Cyprus for baking of a specialty village bread  In Crete, where the plant is called tsikoudia, it is used to flavor the local variety of pomace brandy, also called tsikoudia  In the Northern Sporades the shoots are used as a vegetable (called tsitsíravla)  The plant is rich in tannins and resinous substances and was used for its aromatic and medicinal properties in classical Greece  A mild sweet scented gum can be produced from the bark, and galls often found on the plant are used for tanning leather  A triterpene has been extracted from these galls  In Turkey, it is known as menengiç or bıttım  A coffee-like beverage, Kurdish coffee or menengiç kahvesi, is made from the roasted fruit, and a soap is made from the oil  Terebinth resin was used as a wine preservative in the entire ancient Near East, as proven by many findings in areas such as the foot of the Zagros Mountains and Middle Bronze Age Galilee 

Gallery
See also
Pistacia lentiscus
Mastic (plant resin)
Balm of Gilead
Passage 7:
Pistacia aethiopica
Pistacia aethiopica is an African and Arabia coast peninsula species of plant in the family Anacardiaceae  It is a dioecious evergreen shrub or tree of the pistacio genus, growing up to 20 m (66 ft) tall, adapted to the dry environment  It is found in Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Somaliland, Tanzania, Uganda, and Yemen 

Description
It is an evergreen slow-growing tree that emits a  very intense smell: bitter, resinous or similar to medication  The tree reaches 5–15 m tall, and rarely is a shrub, often with multiple stems, the trunk of 0 6 m in diameter, and its bark color is brown-black and fissured  It has glabrous leathery leaves, with a thick cuticle  The leaves are aromatic, 4-16-18 foliolate, and glossy bright green  The leaves have rachis 10 cm long 
The tree is dioecious, with male and female trees producing different sex flowers  Both types of flowers are small and greenish  It grows slowly, becoming 1000 years old 

Ecology
It is found in dry evergreen forest (often with Juniperus and Olea - Euclea) and associated shrubs or wooded grassland, thickets of Buxus, deciduous with Combretum, Acacia and Barkey in soils of limestone, sandstone, or basalt, to an altitude of 900–2550 m  P  aethiopica have many adaptations to aridity, such as an advanced development of palisade tissue and extensive root growth  These adaptive traits allow species to grow in very harsh and dry areas with low rainfall  In the main part of its range in North and East Africa, the species is fairly common because is used for a variety of purposes, including timber, dye, fodder, agriculture and livestock food  An outlying subpopulation in Arabia is restricted to Jebel Iraf on the old North Yemen-South Yemen border  The species is thought to be extinct in Eritrea 
Passage 8:
Pistacia chinensis
Pistacia chinensis, the Chinese pistache (Chinese: 黄連木; pinyin: huángliánmù), is a small to medium-sized tree in the genus Pistacia in the cashew family Anacardiaceae, native to central and western China  This species is planted as a street tree in temperate areas worldwide due to its attractive fruit and autumn foliage 

Description
It is hardy, can withstand harsh conditions and poor quality soils, and grows up to 20 m (66 ft)  The leaves are deciduous, alternate, pinnate, 20–25 cm long, with 10 or 12 leaflets, the terminal leaflet usually absent  The flowers are produced in panicles 15–20 cm (5 9–7 9 in) long at the ends of the branches; it is dioecious, with separate male and female plants The fruit is a small red drupe, turning blue when ripe, containing a single seed 

Taxonomy
Synonyms include: Pistacia formosana Matsumura; P  philippinensis Merrill & Rolfe; Rhus argyi H  Léveillé; R  gummifera H  Léveillé Some botanists merge Pistacia integerrima into this species as the subspecies P  chinensis ssp  integerrima, with the plants considered here then becoming the subspecies P  chinensis ssp  chinensis 

Distribution and habitat
Its native range is on hill and mountain forests on rocky soils at 100–3,600 m (330–11,810 ft) above sea level  It is found in Mainland China (excluding the far north and the far west) and Taiwan 

Ecology
Chinese pistache grows best in full sun, being intolerant of shade; it is the most frost-tolerant species of Pistacia, tolerating temperatures down to about -25 °C, yet it is most highly regarded in warm climates  It is planted for its impressive fall colors, which develop at least as far south as Orlando, Florida  In the low-elevation deserts of Arizona, it is the only tree whose leaves turn scarlet in fall 

Uses
It is a popular choice for street trees in urban settings because it is very drought tolerant and can survive harsh environments  It is also used as an understock for Pistacia vera



ground_truth: West African descendants

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Whiich genus has more species, Dracula or Pistacia?

The following are given passages.
Context 3:  In China, the oil from the seeds is used for biodiesel production  The wood is used for production of furniture, and yields a yellow dye It is also used in classical Chinese garden design 

Gallery
Passage 9:
Dracula (plant)
The orchid genus Dracula, abbreviated as Drac in horticultural trade, consists of 118 species native to Mexico, Central America, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru  The name Dracula literally means "little dragon", an allusion to the mythical Count Dracula, a lead character in numerous vampire novels and films  The name was applied to the orchid because of the blood-red color of several of the species, and the strange aspect of the long spurs of the sepals 
The plants were once included in the genus Masdevallia, but became a separate genus in 1978  This genus has been placed in the subtribe Pleurothallidinae 

Description
They are epiphytic and terrestrial species distributed in Central America and the northwest Andes  Almost half the species are found in Ecuador  They prefer shade and rather cool temperatures 
These caespitose orchids grow in tufts from a short rhizome, with a dense pack of stems  They lack pseudobulbs  On each stem grows one large, thin, plicate leaf with a sharply defined midrib  These glabrous, light to dark green  leaves may be spongy, taking over the function of the missing pseudobulb  They are tipped with a mucro (a short tip) 
The flower stalks grow either horizontally from the base of the plant or descend, often for great distances   A few species grow upright flower stalks   The long-tailed terminal flowers are basically triangular  The flowers are borne singly or successively  Three species (sodiroi, decussata/neisseniae, and papillosa) may have up to three simultaneously open flowers on a single stalk  In general, though, if there is more than one flower bud on the raceme, they open up with long intervals  These flowers have a weird aspect, due to the long tails on each sepal  The petals are small and somewhat thickened  Quite commonly, various species of Dracula are known for blooms resembling the faces of primates, a notable example being Dracula simia  However, this likeness to monkeys’ faces seems to be purely a natural coincidence to the primates living in the same forests  In fact, these flowers are pollinated by the common fungus gnat; the bloom’s lip is often quite large (for a Pleurothallid), and from the fungus gnat’s perspective, resembles an irresistible mushroom or fungus  Research by biologists at the University of Oregon indicates that D  lafleurii also possesses a uniquely volatile chemistry, similar to localized species of mushrooms  This mimicry attracts mushroom-associated flies which play a role in pollination  The basal part of the lip (hypochile) is cleft  The terminal part (epichile) is rounded and concave  The margins of the perianth are often fringed  There is a well-developed column with two pollinia 

Taxonomy
The species of Dracula have tentatively been divided into three subgenera, with sections and subsections within one of the subgenera 

Subgenus Dracula : This subgenus contains all the species of the genus except two exceptional species (D  sodiroi and D  xenos)
Section Andreettaea : Monotypic: Dracula andreettae
Section Chestertonia : two species: Dracula chestertonii, D  cutis-bufonis
Section Cochliopsia : Monotypic: Dracula cochliops
Section Dodsonia : Four species: Dracula dodsonii, D  insolita, D  iricolor, D  portillae
Section Dracula : largest section
Subsection Costatae : e g  Dracula bella, D  vespertilio
Subsection Dracula :
Series Dracula : e g  Dracula chimaera, D  tubeana, D  vampira
Series Grandiflorae-Parvilabiatae : e g  Dracula gigas, D  platycrater
Series Parviflorae : e g  Dracula houtteana, D  lotax
Subgenus Sodiroa : Two Dracula sodiroi, D  erythrocodon
Subgenus Xenosia : Monotypic : Dracula xenosDracula adrianae (Colombia)
Dracula alcithoe (SW  Colombia to NE  Ecuador)
Dracula amaliae (W  Colombia)
Dracula andreettae (W  Colombia to NE  Ecuador)
Dracula anthracina (NW  Colombia)
Dracula antonii (Colombia)
Dracula aphrodes (W  Colombia)
Dracula astuta (Costa Rica)
Dracula barrowii (Peru)
Dracula bella (WC  Colombia)
Dracula bellerophon (W  Colombia)
Dracula benedictii (WC  Colombia)
Dracula berthae (Colombia)
Dracula brangeri (C  Colombia)
Dracula callithrix  (Colombia)
Dracula carcinopsis (W  Colombia)
Dracula carlueri (Costa Rica)
Dracula chestertonii (W  Colombia)
Dracula chimaera (W  Colombia)
Dracula chiroptera (SW  Colombia to NE  Ecuador)
Dracula christineana (Ecuador)
Dracula circe (Colombia)
Dracula citrina (Colombia)
Dracula cochliops (SW  Colombia)
Dracula cordobae (SW  Ecuador)
Dracula cutis-bufonis (NW  Colombia)
Dracula dalessandroi (SE  Ecuador)
Dracula dalstroemii (NW  Ecuador)
Dracula decussata (Colombia)
Dracula deltoidea (SE  Ecuador)
Dracula deniseana (Peru)
Dracula diabola (Colombia)
Dracula diana (W  Colombia)
Dracula dodsonii (Colombia to NC  Ecuador)
Dracula erythrochaete (Costa Rica to W  Panama)
Dracula erythrocodon (Ecuador)
Dracula exasperata ( SW  Colombia)
Dracula fafnir (SE  Ecuador)
Dracula felix (SW  Colombia to NW  Ecuador)
Dracula fuligifera (C  Ecuador)
Dracula gastrophora (Ecuador)
Dracula gigas (W  Colombia to NW  Ecuador)
Dracula gorgona (W  Colombia)
Dracula gorgonella (Colombia)
Dracula hawleyi (NW  Ecuador)
Dracula hirsuta (SE  Ecuador)
Dracula hirtzii (SW  Colombia to NW  Ecuador)
Dracula houtteana (Colombia)
Dracula immunda (Panama)
Dracula inaequalis (W  Colombia)
Dracula incognita (Colombia)
Dracula inexperata (Costa Rica)
Dracula insolita (W  Colombia)
Dracula janetiae (C  Peru)
Dracula kareniae (Ecuador)
Dracula lafleurii (NW  Ecuador)
Dracula lehmanniana (SW  Colombia)
Dracula lemurella (Colombia)
Dracula leonum (Peru)
Dracula levii (SW  Colombia to NW  Ecuador)
Dracula ligiae (Colombia)
Dracula lindstroemii (NW  Ecuador)
Dracula lotax (Ecuador)
Dracula mantissa (SW  Colombia to NW  Ecuador)
Dracula marsupialis (NW  Ecuador)
Dracula mendozae Luer & V N M Rao (Ecuador)
Dracula minax (Colombia)
Dracula mopsus (Ecuador)
Dracula morleyi (NW  Ecuador)
Dracula navarrorum (Ecuador)
Dracula nigritella (Ecuador)
Dracula nosferatu (Colombia)
Dracula nycterina (Colombia)
Dracula octavioi (SW  Colombia)
Dracula olmosii (Panama)
Dracula ophioceps (SW  Colombia)
Dracula orientalis (NE  Colombia)
Dracula ortiziana (W  Colombia)
Dracula papillosa (NW  Ecuador)
Dracula pholeodytes (NE  Colombia)
Dracula pileus (W  Colombia)
Dracula platycrater (Colombia)
Dracula polyphemus (NW  Ecuador)
Dracula portillae (SE  Ecuador)
Dracula posadarum (Colombia)
Dracula presbys (Colombia)
Dracula psittacina (Colombia)
Dracula psyche (NW  Ecuador)
Dracula pubescens (Ecuador)
Dracula pusilla (SE  Mexico to C  America)
Dracula radiella (NW  Ecuador)
Dracula radiosa (E  Colombia to NW  Ecuador)
Dracula rezekiana (Ecuador)
Dracula ripleyana (Costa Rica)
Dracula robledorum (Colombia)
Dracula rojasii (Colombia)
Dracula roezlii (W  Colombia)
Dracula saulii (Peru)
Dracula schudelii (Ecuador)
Dracula senex-furens(Colombia)
Dracula sergioi (Colombia)
Dracula severa (NW  Colombia)
Dracula sibundoyensis (SW  Colombia to NW  Ecuador)
Dracula sijmii (Ecuador)
Dracula simia (SE  Ecuador)
Dracula sodiroi (Ecuador)
Dracula syndactyla (SW  Colombia)
Dracula terborchii (Ecuador)
Dracula trichroma (W  Colombia to NW  Ecuador)
Dracula trinympharum (NW  Ecuador)
Dracula tsubotae (Colombia)
Dracula tubeana (Ecuador)
Dracula ubangina (Ecuador)
Dracula vampira (Ecuador)
Dracula veliziana (Colombia)
Dracula velutina (NW  Colombia)
Dracula venefica (W  Colombia)
Dracula venosa (W  Colombia to NW  Ecuador)
Dracula verticulosa (W  Colombia)
Dracula vespertilio (Nicaragua to NW  Ecuador)
Dracula villegasii (Colombia)
Dracula vinacea (NE  Colombia)
Dracula vlad-tepes (NE  Colombia)
Dracula wallisii (W  Colombia)
Dracula woolwardiae (Ecuador)
Dracula xenos (Colombia)

Hybrids
Dracula × anicula (D  cutis-bufonis × D  wallisii) (Colombia) 
Dracula × radiosyndactyla (D  radiosa × D  syndactyla) (SW  Colombia) 

Footnote
Passage 10:
Pistacia khinjuk
Pistacia khinjuk is a species of plant in the family Anacardiaceae native to Egypt, western Asia and parts of the Himalayas  The tree grows up to 10 metres  The epithet comes from the name for the plant in Balochistan, khinjuk (خنجک) 



ground_truth: Dracula