prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Oak Beach, New York and Great South Bay are both situated between what same island?

The following are given passages.
Context 1: Passage 1:
Lower South Bay, New York
Lower South Bay, commonly called South Bay, is a hamlet on the southwest corner of Oneida Lake, Oneida County, New York, United States  It is opposite North Bay, and is surrounded by many islands to the west, north and east, including Geersbeck Island, Hall Island, Glosky Island, Schroeppel Island, Denmans Island and Long Island (not to be confused with Long Island, New York City)  Lower South Bay also lies near the town of Cicero, approximately two miles west 
Passage 2:
Jones Beach Island
Jones Beach Island is one of the outer barrier islands off the southern coast of Long Island in the U S  state of New York 

Etymology
It is named for Major Thomas Jones, who first came to Long Island in 1692, where he proceeded to build the island's first brick house near Massapequa  Jones built a whaling station on Jones Island near the present site of Jones Beach State Park in 1700 Jones Beach Island is sometimes referred to as Oak Beach Island and is the former home of the infamous Oak Beach Inn   Because of the ephemeral nature of the various inlets, the name Fire Island is sometimes used to refer collectively to the various barrier islands off the south shore of Long Island, but usually refers specifically to the island across the Fire Island Inlet to the east 

Geography
Jones Beach Island is separated from Long Island by South Oyster Bay and Great South Bay, from Long Beach Barrier Island by Jones Inlet to the west, and from Fire Island by Fire Island Inlet to the east   It straddles the line between Nassau and Suffolk counties From west to east, Jones Beach Island contains the following communities and parks:

Jones Beach State Park
John F  Kennedy Memorial Wildlife Sanctuary, a Town of Oyster Bay wildlife preserve
Tobay Beach, a Town of Oyster Bay beach
Gilgo, a census-designated place
West Gilgo Beach, a private gated community
Gilgo Beach, a community and Town of Babylon beach
Cedar Beach, a Town of Babylon beach
Overlook Beach, a residents-only Town of Babylon beach
Gilgo State Park, an undeveloped beach
Oak Beach, a census-designated place
Captree, a census-designated place
Captree State ParkThe southern side of the island is known for its beaches that face the open Atlantic Ocean  The best known of the public beaches on the island, Jones Beach State Park on the western tip of the island, is a summer recreational destination for the New York City area Jones Beach Island is accessible from Long Island on its western end by the Meadowbrook State Parkway to Merrick (with the Loop Parkway providing a spur to Long Beach), and the Wantagh State Parkway to Wantagh   The Robert Moses Causeway traverses its eastern end, linking to Babylon via the State Boat Channel Bridge and Great South Bay Bridge, as well as to Fire Island by the Fire Island Inlet Bridge  The Ocean Parkway connects all three causeways and runs the length of the island 
Passage 3:
Oak Beach–Captree, New York
Oak Beach–Captree, frequently just called Oak Beach, was a census-designated place (CDP) in the town of Babylon in Suffolk County, New York, United States  The population was 286 at the 2010 census Prior to the 2010 census, the area was part of a larger CDP called Gilgo-Oak Beach-Captree, New York  The Oak Beach–Captree CDP consists of some small beach communities on a barrier island along the southern edge of Long Island, including Oak Beach, Oak Island, and Captree Island  As of 2020, Oak Beach–Captree was split into two separate CDPs called Oak Beach and Captree 

Geography
Oak Beach–Captree was located at 40°38′21″N 73°17′35″W 
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP had a total area of 3 7 square miles (9 5 km2), of which 2 7 square miles (7 1 km2) is land and 0 93 square miles (2 4 km2), or 25 03%, is water 

Demographics
The census numbers are presumably for full-time inhabitants; many of these houses are second homes and not primary residences, although the proportion of seasonal residents is decreasing 
The land for these communities is not privately owned, but leased from the Town of Babylon through the year 2065  However, the residences on the property are owned  If the leases are not renewed at some point in the future, the owners will have to move the houses elsewhere, similar to what happened at High Hill Beach when Jones Beach State Park was created 
Passage 4:
South Oyster Bay
South Oyster Bay or East Bay is a lagoon and natural harbor along the western portion of the south shore of Long Island in New York in the United States  The harbor is formed by Jones Beach Island, a barrier island on the southern side of Long Island  It is approximately 3 mi (5 km) wide between the two islands, and approximately 15 mi (24 km) long  It links to Great South Bay on its eastern end and opens to the Atlantic Ocean through inlets on either side of Jones Beach Island The name refers to its history as one of the finest oyster beds in the world 

See also
Outer Barrier
Jamaica Bay
Oyster Bay, New York
Great South Bay
Patchogue Bay
South Shore Estuary
Passage 5:
Short Beach (New York)
Short Beach is the beach on the northern shore of the western end of Jones Beach Island  The beach faces South Oyster Bay instead of the Atlantic Ocean, thereby providing some shelter from storm waves   Since 1851 it has been the home of a coastal lifesaving station operated (at first) by the United States Life-Saving Service and later by the United States Coast Guard  The current facility, Station Short Beach, typically does around 500 search and rescue missions each year —one of the busiest units in the Coast Guard's 1st District   The Jones Beach State Park's West End Boat Basin is also on Short Beach  The Jones Beach West End barracks of the New York State Park Police is around 200 feet south of the Short Beach shoreline  An uninhabited islet, Short Beach Island, is usually just offshore, but occasionally connects to the beach when low tide exposes sandbars to the surface 

External links
United States Coast Guard Station Jones Beach
Passage 6:
Oak Beach Inn
The Oak Beach Inn, commonly referred to by the abbreviation OBI, was a Long Island nightclub located in Oak Beach, on Jones Beach Island near Captree State Park in the Town of Babylon, Suffolk County, New York 

History and controversy
In 1969, Robert Matherson bought what was then a waterfront barrier island restaurant and converted it into an enormously popular (and controversial) nightclub  The Oak Beach Inn, located in Oak Beach on Jones Beach Island, was the original, and later just referred to as The OBI  He later opened three more OBI nightclubs and named them according to their geographic location  The OBI North was in Smithtown, New York, the OBI East near the Shinnecock Canal en route to The Hamptons, and the OBI West locations in Island Park, New York (which had two locations: first at 3999 Long Beach Road, and later, briefly, at 50 Broadway)  All four clubs were located on Long Island and were wildly successful for many years, bringing people in from all over Long Island, New York City, Westchester, southern Connecticut and New Jersey and hosting acts such as Twisted Sister and The Good Rats In 1979, Matherson sued the town to lease him more land for additional parking, which the town granted  However two years later, new officials disagreed, which caused Matherson to sue again, and when the court favored with Matherson, the town granted him $3 million and the nine acres  In 1993, an unhappy Matherson started a "Move Out of New York Before It's Too Late" campaign complete with a hearse, banners and TV ads  An article in 1993 in The New York Times provided details about his campaign, including information that the New York State Division of Alcoholic Beverage Control raided the club one year earlier in 1992  One of the OBI West locations burned down after only a couple of years of packing in thousands on the weekends  Arson involving organized crime figures referred to in the movie Goodfellas was alleged but never substantiated 

Closure
Over the years, the OBI was involved in many disputes with the local community over issues such as noise, parking and traffic  Finally, in 1999, Matherson sold the property to developer Ross Cassata, who planned to build condominiums  Matherson then moved to Key West, Florida to open a new club of the same name  When it closed, the inn's two-ton statues of whales and dolphins, which were commonly touched by clubgoers, were moved to Danfords on the Sound in Long Island However, Cassata then sold the nine acres to Suffolk County for $7 95 million and the original property was torn down in 2003 and was replaced with a town-operated park, with later added plans of adding a bed and breakfast, upscale restaurant, boardwalk, water-sport area and boat ramp  The park now hosts activities, such as car racing, and it too has caused controversy  At the time of demolition, the Suffolk County Legislator commented that the park agreement avoided "an enormous tax increase in Babylon, which would have had to pay a court judgment of as much as $20 million or watch its coastline be forever scarred by high-rise development" and the money came from the county's greenway program 

Locations
The original OBI was at 1 Oak Beach Road  The building was sold in 1999, torn down in 2003, land turned into a park with a small beach simply called Oak Beach 
The OBI East was at 239 E Montauk Highway, Hampton Bays  The property underwent extensive renovations between 2018 and 2022 and was reopened as the Canoe Place Inn and Cottages with 20 rooms, 5 cottages, restaurant, bar and a 350 banquet room The OBI North was at State Road 25A, near Jericho Turnpike, Smithtown  The building burned down in 1980, and the land is now part of Willow Ridge at Smithtown HOA 
The OBI West was at 3999 Long Beach Road, Island Park  The building was torn down between 1994 and 2004, the land is now a parking lot for school buses 
It briefly was located at 50 Broadway (sometimes listed as 50 Austin Blvd ), Island Park as one of a series of famous nightclubs such as the Shell House, The Action House, The Rock Pile, and Speaks 
Robert Matherson later opened Oak Beach Inn at 227 Duval Street, Key West, Florida  Robert Matherson died in 2007 

In popular culture
Robert "Rosebud" Butt is credited with inventing the Long Island Iced Tea, while working as a bartender at the original OBI in the 1970s 
In 2010, the Babylon-based rock band Two Cent Sam released the "OBI Song" and a DIY video celebrating the Oak Beach Inn's history and impact on Long Islanders and the void in Long Island night life after the OBI's destruction 
Passage 7:
Great South Bay
The Great South Bay is a lagoon situated between Long Island and Fire Island, in the State of New York  It is about 45 miles (72 km) long and has an average depth of 4 feet 3 inches (1 3 m) and is 20 feet (6 1 m) at its deepest  It is protected from the Atlantic Ocean by Fire Island, a barrier island, as well as the eastern end of Jones Beach Island and Captree Island 
Robert Moses Causeway adjoins the Great South Bay Bridge, which leads to Robert Moses State Park 

The bay is accessible from the ocean through Fire Island Inlet, which lies between the western tip of Fire Island and the eastern tip of Jones Beach Island  The bay adjoins South Oyster Bay on its western end, and Patchogue and Moriches bays at the east end 

History
In the early 17th century, European settlers first encountered the native Montaukett Indian Nation  Among the earliest British families were the Smith, Carman and Hewlett families  Long Island's South Shore, adjacent to the bay, now includes the communities of Lindenhurst, Babylon, Islip, Oakdale, Sayville, Bayport, Blue Point, Patchogue, Bellport, Shirley, and Mastic Beach 

Environmental concerns
In the late nineteenth century Great South Bay provided many of the clams consumed throughout the region and even the country  The first oysters to be exported from the US to Europe came from Great South Bay  By the latter 20th century, a significant percentage of the habitat was lost  Hurricane Sandy, the largest storm to affect the region since 1938, made landfall with devastating impact to Fire Island sea shores, including multiple breaches, the largest of which formed just south of Bellport  This was formerly known as Old Inlet  Residents were concerned it would have effects on tidal increases and potential flooding, when in actuality it has allowed the bay to relieve some of its captive water, which has changed the salinity and nitrogen levels in the bay  After roughly 75 years, the bay begun flushing itself out which may improve the water condition within the bay  Regulations set forth by the US Government National Wildlife Preserve, which has a seven-mile stretch of land (The Otis Pike Fire Island High Dune Wilderness) prohibit any unauthorized parties from performing any kind of man made changes, thus the inlet has remained open  There have been a number of ongoing public meeting discussing the future of the Inlet  All the other breaches were closed by the Army Corps of Engineers  In 2012, The Save the Great South Bay (STGSB)  not-for-profit organization was formed in order to work towards better conservation of the water and its beachfronts  Save The Great South Bay has increased concerns about boat sewerage pumpouts in The Great South Bay as a serious ecological concern 

See also
South Shore Estuary
Passage 8:
Great South Bay Bridge
The Great South Bay Bridge  is a bridge on the southwest side of Suffolk County, New York, on Long Island  It connects the Robert Moses Causeway from Long Island's mainland over the Great South Bay, connecting to Captree and Jones Beach islands  It serves as access via the Robert Moses Causeway to both of the downstream crossings, the State Boat Channel Bridge and the Fire Island Inlet Bridge, also leading visitors and on-lookers to either the Fire Island Lighthouse or the Robert Moses State Park 

History
The bridge was originally a single span, that opened in 1954 and was called the Captree Bridge  Today it carries southbound traffic 
In 1964, a second parallel span opened to traffic and carried northbound traffic  This brought much needed relief to traffic heading back from Jones Beach, Robert Moses, and Captree parks  The bridges are through trusses and are painted a traditional "bridge green" 
In 1997, a major rebuild of the deck of the older span began and was completed in 2000  Safety compliant railings were installed on the older span  In 2013–2014, the northbound span received upgraded railings  Major improvements NYSDOT is considering is a cycle/pedestrian path shared with the northbound lanes  NYSDOT has not released any official plans 

See also
State Boat Channel Bridge
Passage 9:
Oak Beach, New York
Oak Beach is a small community and census-designated place located near the eastern end of Jones Beach Island, a barrier island between the Atlantic Ocean and the Great South Bay of Long Island  The community is part of the village of Babylon in Suffolk County, New York, United States  The eastern part, the Oak Island Beach Association, is gated, whereas the western part is not  The Oak Beach CDP was first listed prior to the 2020 census  Prior to that the community was part of the Oak Beach–Captree census-designated place 

History and amenities
Oak Beach has been inhabited since at least the first decade of the twentieth century, when a U S  Coast Guard lifesaving station was located there, although it could not be reached overland at that time   Prior to that, marsh bird hunters had kept shacks in the area   Ferry access from Babylon enabled cottages to be built and made more accessible by car after construction of Ocean Parkway; it was largely a summer community until the completion of the Robert Moses Causeway in 1951, which allowed much faster travel from the main part of Long Island  It has gradually evolved since then to become a location where most residents live year-round Although now entirely residential, Oak Beach was once the location of the popular but controversial Oak Beach Inn, which was closed in 1999 and torn down in 2003, along with a small general store ("The Store") and bait/tackle/surf shop that closed a decade earlier   There is now a public park at the site  The "park" is unusual, in that it lacks any amenities other than a fishing dock and a single portable toilet  While the park encompasses over nine acres of land, there are but two trees and nearly 300 parking spots  In the warmer months the park - or rather the parking lot - collects an informal early Sunday morning motor rally, attracting local motorcycle and car enthusiasts 

Geography
Oak Beach is in southwestern Suffolk County, in the southeast part of the village of Babylon  The census-designated place includes the community of Oak Beach on Jones Beach Island, as well as the community of Oak Island, directly to the north  The CDP is bordered to the east by Captree State Park and to the west by Gilgo State Park  To the south is the west end of Fire Island 

Ownership
The land is not owned by the residents but is on long-term lease from the Village of Babylon   In the early 1990s, New York State litigated against extension of the lease   After much negotiation, including detailed environmental impact statements, the lease was renewed (currently through 2050), although with a ramp up in costs  In 2012, the Village of Babylon agreed to extend the current leases through 2065 

Shannan Gilbert
On May 1, 2010,  Shannan Gilbert disappeared after fleeing a client's house in the Oak Beach Association  In December 2010, while searching for Gilbert, the police found 10 dead bodies along the adjacent highway, some bodies in December 2010, others in April 2011  Consequently, the community attracted much public attention 
In December 2011, the body of the original missing sex worker Shannan Gilbert was found in the marsh east of the community  On November 29, 2011, the police announced their belief that one person is responsible for all 10 deaths (whom the press refers to at various times as: "the Long Island serial killer", "LISK", "the Gilgo Beach Killer", or "the Craigslist Ripper"), and that they did not believe the case of Gilbert, who went missing before the first set of bodies was found, was related  "It is clear that the area in and around Gilgo Beach has been used to discard human remains for some period of time," said Suffolk County District Attorney Thomas Spota On December 10, 2015, Suffolk County Police announced that the FBI had officially joined the investigation  A spokesperson for the FBI confirmed the announcement  The FBI had previously assisted in the search for victims, but was never officially part of the investigation until this announcement  The investigation is ongoing 
Passage 10:
Gilgo-Oak Beach-Captree, New York
Gilgo-Oak Beach-Captree, frequently just called Oak Beach, was a census-designated place (CDP) in Suffolk County, New York within the Town of Babylon  The population was 333 at the 2000 census 
Following the 2010 census, the area was delineated as two CDPs: Gilgo and Oak Beach–Captree  The original CDP contained several small beach communities on a barrier island along the southern edge of Long Island  In order from west to east, these included West Gilgo Beach (on the Nassau/Suffolk county border), Gilgo Beach, Cedar Beach (no residences), Oak Beach (including the Oak Island Beach Association), Oak Island and Captree Island  They are connected to the mainland by Ocean Parkway from the west and Robert Moses State Parkway from the north 
Prior to the 2020 census, the Oak Beach-Captree CDP was further split into the Oak Beach and Captree CDPs 

Geography
Oak Beach is located at 40°38′28″N 73°16′42″W (40 641100, -73 278195) According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP had a total area of 3 7 square miles (9 6 km2), of which 2 7 square miles (7 0 km2) was land and 0 9 square miles (2 3 km2), or 25 21%, is water 

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 333 people, 161 households, and 94 families residing in the CDP  The population density was 122 1 inhabitants per square mile (47 1/km2)  There were 305 housing units at an average density of 111 9 per square mile (43 2/km2)  The racial makeup of the CDP was 97 00% White, 0 30% African American and 2 70% Asian  Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1 80% of the population 
There were 161 households, out of which 14 9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 50 9% were married couples living together, 6 2% had a female householder with no husband present, and 41 0% were non-families  34 8% of all households were made up of individuals, and 11 8% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older  The average household size was 2 07 and the average family size was 2 64 
In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 13 5% under the age of 18, 1 5% from 18 to 24, 28 8% from 25 to 44, 34 8% from 45 to 64, and 21 3% who were 65 years of age or older  The median age was 48 years  For every 100 females, there were 109 4 males  For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 100 0 males 
The median income for a household in the CDP was $66,250, and the median income for a family was $105,870  Males had a median income of $61,250 versus $37,083 for females  The per capita income for the CDP was $55,813  None of the families and 0 9% of the population were living below the poverty line, including no under eighteens and none of those over 64 
The census numbers are presumably for full-time inhabitants; many of these houses are second homes and not primary residences, although the proportion of seasonal residents is decreasing 
The land for these communities is not privately owned, but leased from the State of New York through the year 2050   However, the residences on the property are owned   If the leases are not renewed at some point in the future, the owners will have to move the houses elsewhere, similar to what happened at High Hill Beach when Jones Beach was created 
Context 2: Passage 1:
Regional Planning Association of America
The Regional Planning Association of America ("RPAA"), formed by Clarence Stein was an urban reform association developed in 1923   The association was a diverse group of people all with their own talents and skills   The goal of this group was to “connect a diverse group of friends in a critical examination of the city, in the collaborative development and dissemination of ideas, in political action and in city building projects”   Throughout the ten-year span in which the association lasted, five leading members contributed to this goal   Clarence Stein, Benton MacKaye, Lewis Mumford, Charles Harris Whitaker, Alexander Bing, and Henry Wright were the essential backbone of the RPAA  Originally an idea of Clarence Stein’s, through a series of introductions and acquaintances in Washington DC in 1918, the Regional Planning Association began to form 

Founders
Clarence Stein
Clarence Stein attended the Ethical Culture Society’s Workingman’s School, which influenced his interest in the city life and social responsibility through its teaching  Stein was closely influenced by the founder of Ethical Culture, Felix Adler, and teacher, John Lovejoy Elliott, in involvement with movements and committees, such as the Hudson Guild Settlement House and the Progressive Reform movement in New York City at the turn-of-the-century   Therefore, Stein’s enrollment at Workingman’s School proved to be of strong influence on his later interests and achievements   The very principle of the Ethical Culture Society being “that an individual’s growth toward excellence comes from furthering the unlike excellence of others”, exemplifies the basis of Stein’s life achievements through the RPAA 
Stein first met future fellow RPAA members, Henry Wright and Alexander Bing, in Washington (in 1918) through a friend, Charles Whitaker (editor of the JAIA)   In 1920, Stein became the Associate Editor for Community Planning with the Journal of the American Institute of Architects and soon later discovered the idea to create the RPAA including his friends at the JAIA office, including Lewis Mumford, as well as many others  The group included members in various fields of study from architects to union leaders, city officials to writers, and engineers to sociologists  And so, on April 18, 1923, the first official meeting of the Regional Planning Association of America was held   The association began with only a total of eight people present at its first official meeting but it soon grew 

Benton MacKaye
The first major project of the RPAA was that of fellow RPAA member, Benton MacKaye; the Appalachian Trail, a trail which we would refer to today as a greenway, of which he wrote an article in the JAIA two years earlier (“An Appalachian Trail – A Project in Regional Planning”)   The trail was planned to connect a footpath from Maine to Georgia in an attempt to “lead civilization to the wilderness”   The project was not directly implemented by the RPAA, however, their part was successful in introducing their idea to others and helping the various groups of Mountain Clubs come together to create the final project   The majority of the trail was completed by the mid-1930s   From this project came another main goal of the RPAA which was to create “the preservation of large areas of the natural environment, including parts of the wilderness, as a green matrix for shaping a “regional city” and for serving its various-sized, spatially well defined, specialized communities” 

Lewis Mumford
The success in publicizing this project as well as others was in large part due to Lewis Mumford   Mumford was the RPAA’s leading journalist and spokesperson   Having published his first book in 1922, The Story of Utopia, and well on his way with another, Mumford was extremely useful to the association  He worked on not only books and articles related to the RPAA but also wrote/edited policy documents   Mumford also contributed to the group by sharing his interest of Patrick Geddes’ ideas on regional development and planning   Mumford contributed concepts of “a dispersed yet concentrated urban culture integrated with nature” which were integrated along with MacKaye’s concepts into the RPAA’s later projects 

Sunnyside and Radburn
The leading community building experiments conceptualized and implemented by the RPAA were Sunnyside Gardens, Queens and Radburn, New Jersey   Sunnyside started as a small-scale housing development experiment in Queens, New York   The goal was “to produce good homes at as low a price as possible, to make the company’s investment safe, and to use the work of building and selling houses as a laboratory to work out better house and block plans and better methods of building”   Radburn, New Jersey, would be the new and improved built community utilizing the analysis from the Sunnyside community experiment 

through not only his own real estate company and wealth but through his outstanding real estate and business skills   Bing, president of the RPAA, found the funds through outside contributions and personal contribution (more so than any other member) to support the projects of the association   For the Sunnyside community project Bing founded the City Housing Corporation through which he would establish the funding and opportunity to complete the project 

Henry Wright
Henry Wright, known as the analyst due to his never-ending questioning and analysis on projects, worked alongside Stein in site designs and development on such projects as Sunnyside, New York   Studied architecture at the University of Pennsylvania along with work as a landscape architect and site planner, Wright shared many interests with Stein   Close work in 1923 on the Sunnyside Homes development with Stein led to a trip to England in 1924 to study the designs of Unwin and Parker as well as that of Ebeneezer Howard   Though close at the beginning of the association’s organization, Wright went on to establish “The Housing Study Guild” along with several RPAA members which Stein viewed to work more independently than directly with the RPAA’s projects   This slight dispute would be the beginning point of the division and end of the Regional Planning Association of America   In 1933, many members began to move away and/or join various other movements or committees which quickly led to the association's end 

Legacy
The Regional Planning Association of America, led by Clarence Stein, Benton MacKaye, Lewis Mumford, Alexander Bing, Henry Wright, as well as many others started simply as a group of people with similar interests wanting to make a difference in the American towns and cities  Through the collaboration of these five, Clarence Stein – the organizer and manager, Benton MacKaye – the conservationist, Lewis Mumford – the writer, Alexander Bing – the developer-builder, and Henry Wright – the analyst, as well as the many other members, the RPAA conceptualized, experimented, and changed our view of American towns, cities, architecture, and planning in America 
Passage 2:
Lewis Mumford House
The Lewis Mumford House is located on Leedsville Road (Dutchess County Route 2) in the Town of Amenia, New York, United States  It is a white Federal style building dating to the 1830s 
Social philosopher, historian and cultural critic Lewis Mumford and his wife bought the house in the late 1920s, originally using it as a summer house  By the mid-1930s, they decided to make it their permanent residence for a few years  That period extended to more than half a century, the rest of Mumford's life  His experience of living in a rural area informed some of Mumford's thinking about cities and how they should be shaped  In 1999, a few years after his death, the property was  listed on the National Register of Historic Places 

Buildings and grounds
The property listed on the Register consists of two adjoining parcels: a 1 9-acre (7,700 m2) lot with the house and carriage house and a larger 11 7-acre (4 7 ha) open field stretching back to Webutuck Creek  Both are located on the west side of Leedsville Road, a street of large semi-wooded residential lots, most formerly part of larger farms, in the eastern section of Amenia  There is a similar 19th-century farmhouse just across the street  The Mumford property is a half-mile (1 km) south of state highway NY 343 and a similar distance west of the Connecticut state line  The house, carriage house and landscaping on the property are all considered contributing resources to the listing 

House
The main house's east (front) section is a three-bay two-story frame structure on a stone foundation sided in clapboard  It is topped with a side-gabled roof shingled in asphalt, pierced by two brick chimneys at either end  A perpendicular rear wing, similarly sided, is one and a half stories in height, with side entrances and a single-story sunroom added to the rear A single-bay porch with arched pediment and two round columns shelters the main entrance at the northern end of the front facade  All windows have solid wooden shutters  Semicircular windows at the attic level on either side elevation have been boarded in Federal-style crown moldings, pilasters and fielded side panels surround the main entrance  It opens to a small main hall that gives onto a living room with exposed ceiling beams  A study, kitchen and pantry, bathroom and the sunroom complete the first floor  The flooring is wide pine boards  The brick kitchen fireplace has a large mantel and bake oven Two staircases lead up to the second floor  The front one has been opened up to provide more light to the upstairs  The kitchen stair is narrow and steep  The basement has a dirt floor and the original, unfinished stone walls 

Carriage house and landscaping
To the rear of the house, at the end of the driveway, is the former carriage house, modified for use as an automotive garage  It is a single-story post and beam wood pegged structure sided in clapboard with an asphalt-shingled roof  It has a low loft inside, a northern addition to accommodate a car, and three windows on the south side Stone paths lead from the driveway south to the house  They are complemented in the landscaping by mature plantings including ornamental shrubs around the house and curvilinear flower beds in the rear yard  Intersecting paths lead through the woods to the open field in the rear 

History
There is some uncertainty about the age of the house  In his 1982 autobiography Sketches of Life, Mumford gives its construction date as 1837  Research done by New York's State Historic Preservation Office in preparation for the Register nomination found that it might be as much as a decade older Mumford, a mostly self-taught New York City native, and his wife Sophia had lived in Greenwich Village and Sunnyside Gardens in Queens following their 1921 marriage  After the success of Sticks and Stones, his 1924 history of American architecture, critic Joel Elias Spingarn invited him up to his Amenia estate, Troutbeck  The Mumfords spent the summer of 1926 there, and returned in the following years By 1929 they had decided to purchase a property of their own for their summers, and found the house just down the road from Troutbeck  For $2,500 ($43,000 in contemporary dollars), they bought the house and what Mumford later called its "weedy acre"  After seven more summers, the family decided to settle there year-round in 1936, and began adding additional acreage and upgrading the house with electricity and heating to make it livable in wintertime It was a considerable adjustment for the Mumfords, both of whom had up to that point been city dwellers  "There," wrote one scholar three decades later, "the rural life that previously he had only glimpsed became real to him " He took up gardening in earnest, and the Mumfords began landscaping the property, eventually adding paths that opened up vistas across the Webutuck valley to Oblong Mountain on the west  They bought a used 1932 Chevrolet, their first car  Mumford left it to his wife to drive after he nearly crashed it into the maple trees in front of the house on one attempt to learn, and swore never to get behind the wheel again The Mumfords primarily socialized with the Spingarns up the road  They nevertheless appreciated their neighbors' help in lending them tools and garden equipment and watching the house when they were away from it; one large family nearby was extremely helpful with the Mumford children  The experience reinforced Mumford's belief that livable city neighborhoods needed to have "something of the village" in them They told their friends in New York that they initially meant to stay in Amenia for only a few years  But Lewis gradually found the quiet rural environment a good place to write, and it was in the downstairs study that he turned out many of his later major works on the role of cities in civilization and the roots of industrialization  In the early 1940s, after his son Geddes was killed in action during World War II, Mumford recalled his son's childhood in and around the house in Green Memories "We gradually fell in love with our shabby house as a young man might fall in love with a homely girl whose voice and smile were irresistible", Mumford later recalled  "In no sense was this the house of dreams  But over our lifetime it has slowly turned into something better, the house of our realities     [T]his dear house has enfolded and remodeled our family character—exposing our limitations as well as our virtues "Over the rest of their lives, the Mumfords sometimes took residence elsewhere for Lewis's teaching or research positions, up to a year at a time  They always returned to what they called the "Great Good Place"  Mumford's biographer Donald Miller wrote:

In the act of living in this house and making it over it became like a person to them; and like a good friend they grew more fond of it with closer and deeper acquaintance  Every patch garden and lawn, every vista and view, carried the imprint of some of the best hours of their lives 
They made some changes to it, siding the first story in shingles and removing the south chimney  Inside they put bookcases on almost every wall In the 1980s, when Lewis could no longer write due to his advanced age, he retreated to the house  He died there in his bed in 1990, at the age of 94  Sophia followed him seven years later After her death, the house was sold to a local carpenter who decided to restore it to its original appearance and resell it  He removed all the bookcases and the nine layers of linoleum the Mumfords had added to the kitchen floor every time one wore out  Later renovations restored the original siding and chimney In 1999, after being listed on the National Register, the house was again put up for sale with a list price of $375,000  The restorations made it more difficult to sell despite the historic provenance, since it still lacked many amenities sought by contemporary buyers of country houses  It eventually did, and is now an occupied residence again 

See also
National Register of Historic Places listings in Dutchess County, New York
Passage 3:
The City in History
The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects is a 1961 National Book Award winner by American historian Lewis Mumford 
It was first published by Harcourt, Brace & World (New York) 

Synopsis
Mumford argues for a world not in which technology rules, but rather in which it achieves a balance with nature  His ideal vision is what can be described as an "organic city," where culture is not usurped by technological innovation but rather thrives with it  Mumford contrasts these cities with those constructed around wars, tyrants, poverty, etc  However, the book is not an attack on the city, but rather an evaluation of its growth, how it came to be, and where it is heading, as evidenced by the final chapter "Retrospect and Prospect "
Mumford notes apologetically in his preface that his "method demands personal experience and observation," and that therefore he has "confined [him]self as far as possible to cities and regions [he is] acquainted with at first hand "

Style
Mumford's florid writing style is also "organic" compared to the cold, mechanical style of many history texts   Stylistically, his works are full of metaphors and similes, as well as quotations from famous novelists, giving his prose shades of poetry   He refers to such texts as Great Expectations and Hard Times, sometimes using citations to illustrate to the reader what life was like during the industrial era and the city in which Dickens lived 
Articles have been written on Mumford's use of metaphors and how his works can often be read as "fiction," in the sense that they have narrative flow   That is evident in this book, in which, instead of a human protagonist on which the story centers, we have the city and its growth in a quasi-bildungsroman fashion 

Editions
Hardcover, MJF Books (August 1997) ISBN 978-1-56731-211-9
Paperback, Harvest Books (October 1968) ISBN 978-0-15-618035-1
Passage 4:
Megalopolis
A megalopolis () or a supercity, also called a megaregion, is a group of metropolitan areas which are perceived as a continuous urban area through common systems of transport, economy, resources, ecology, and so on  They are integrated enough that coordinating policy is valuable, although the constituent metropolises keep their individual identities  The megalopolis concept has become highly influential as it introduced a new, larger scale thinking about urban patterns and growth 

Etymology and earlier definitions
The term has specific geographic definitions dating from 1832, when its meaning was "a metropolis," that is, "a very large, heavily populated urban complex" 
In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Jean Gottmann, a professor of political science at the University of Paris and member of the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton, directed "A Study of Megalopolis" for The Twentieth Century Fund, wherein he described a megalopolis as a "world of ideas"  Gottmann, in his extensive studies, applied the term megalopolis to an analysis of the urbanized northeastern seaboard of the U S , in particular from Boston, Massachusetts to Washington, D C 

Modern definitions
A megalopolis may also be called a megaregion  "Megalopolis" and other similar terms have been used by different scholars and countries to describe similar spatial forms 
A megalopolis, following the work of Gottmann, refers to two or more roughly adjacent metropolitan areas that, through a commonality of systems—e g , of transport, economy, resources, and ecologies—experience a blurring of the boundaries between the population centers, such that while some degree of separation may remain, their perception as a continuous urban area is of value, e g , "to coordinate policy at this expanded scale"  Simply put, a megalopolis (or a megaregion) is a clustered network of big cities  Gottmann defined its population as 25 million, while Doxiadis defined a small megalopolis a similar cluster with a population of about 10 million  America 2050, a program of the Regional Plan Association (RPA), lists 11 megaregions in the United States and Canada 
Megaregions of the United States were explored in a July 2005 report by Robert E  Lang and Dawn Dhavale of the Metropolitan Institute at Virginia Tech  A later 2007 article by Lang and Nelson uses 20 "megapolitan" areas grouped into 10 megaregions  The concept is based on the original "Megalopolis model" Modern interlinked ground transportation corridors, such as rail and highway, often aid in the development of megalopolises  Using these commuter passageways to travel throughout the megalopolis is informally called megaloping, a term coined by Davide Gadren and Stefan Berteau In Brazil, the term megarregião has a legal meaning, different from the English word megaregion: mesoregions of Brazil (mesorregião) and microregions of Brazil (microrregião) 
In China, the official term corresponding to the meaning of "megalopolis" is '城市群' (chéngshì qún), which, in Chinese, was originally coined by Yao Shimou and literally means "city cluster"  A "city cluster" is defined as "[a]n area in which cities are relatively densely distributed in a certain region"  In an older standard, the term was mistranslated as "agglomeration"  In 2019, National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC)  published guidelines and made a distinction from a similar concept "metropolitan area" (都市圈), which is of a smaller scale than a city cluster  In the latest standard terminologies of both economics and urban planning, 城市群 is translated as "city cluster", replacing "agglomeration" 

List of megalopolises
In popular culture
Metropolis
Metropolis is a 1927 German expressionist science-fiction drama film directed by Fritz Lang  Written by Thea von Harbou in collaboration with Lang, it stars Gustav Fröhlich, Alfred Abel, Rudolf Klein-Rogge and Brigitte Helm  Erich Pommer produced it in the Babelsberg Studios for Universum Film A G  (Ufa)  The silent film is regarded as a pioneering science-fiction movie, being among the first feature-length movies of that genre  Filming took place over 17 months in 1925–26 at a cost of over five million Reichsmarks 

Judge Dredd
In the Judge Dredd (1977) comic book series and its spinoff series, Mega-City One is a huge fictional megalopolis-size city-state covering much of what is now the Eastern United States and some of Canada  The exact geography of the city depends on which writer and artist has done which story, but from its first appearance it has been associated with New York City's urban sprawl; originally it was presented as a future New York, which was retconned as the centre of a "Mega-City One" in the very next story  The Architects' Journal placed it at No  1 in their list of "comic book cities" 

Blade Runner
Blade Runner is a 1982 neo-noir science fiction film directed by Ridley Scott, written by Hampton Fancher and David Peoples, and starring Harrison Ford, Rutger Hauer, Sean Young, and Edward James Olmos  It is a loose adaptation of Philip K  Dick's novel Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep? (1968)  The film is set in a dystopian future Los Angeles of 2019, in which synthetic humans known as replicants are bio-engineered by the powerful Tyrell Corporation to work on off-world colonies  When a fugitive group of replicants led by Roy Batty (Hauer) escapes back to Earth, burnt-out cop Rick Deckard (Ford) reluctantly agrees to hunt them down 

Sprawl trilogy
In William Gibson's Sprawl trilogy, "the Sprawl" is a colloquial name for the "Boston-Atlanta Metropolitan Axis" (BAMA), an urban sprawl environment on a massive scale, and a fictional extension of the real Northeast megalopolis   The Sprawl is a visualization of a future where virtually the entire East Coast of the United States, from Boston to Atlanta, has melded into a single mass of urban sprawl  It has been enclosed in several geodesic domes and merged into one megacity  The city has become a separate world with its own climate, no real night/day cycle, and an artificial sky that is always grey 

Further reading
Hagler, Yoav (November 2009)  "Defining U S  Megaregions" (PDF)  America 2050  Retrieved February 19, 2022 – via RPA org  This work, while dated, is from Associate Planner Yoav Hagler of America 2050, and while not used as a source in this article, is one of the most focused articles available on the American aspects of the title subject  It includes history, methodology, and statistical and other criteria sections, and identifies the U S  megaregions as of its publication date America 2050 Staff (February 19, 2022)  "Megaregions"  America 2050  Archived from the original (homepage) on May 16, 2017  Retrieved February 19, 2022 – via RPA org  Starting point for access to articles from the America 2050 effort, while it was active  Note, an earlier cited article by Matt Taylor, on urban transit issues, appears among the works linked at this home page 

See also
Passage 5:
Critical Mass (book)
Critical Mass: How One Thing Leads to Another, a non-fiction book by English chemist and physicist Philip Ball originally published in 2004, discusses the concept of a "physics of society"  Ball discusses thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes, Lewis Mumford, Emyr Hughes, and Gottfried Achenwall who have attempted to apply (or argue against the use of) physics, chemistry, or mathematics in the study of mass social phenomena  He also discusses how the concept relates to recent research, including his own 

Physics of society
The outlines of Ball's Critical Mass, the most popular of his many noted books, beginning in various circa 2001 lectures, talks, and articles focused on what he calls a 'physics of society', similar to the social physics in the Auguste Comte sense, a subject Ball approaches using statistical mechanics viewing people as atoms or molecules that show characteristic behaviours in bulk  The following is an excerpt of his 2003 talk on the physical modeling of society:
"There seem to be 'laws' [of] social systems that have at least something of the character of natural physical laws, in that they do not yield easily to planned and arbitrary interventions  Over the past several decades, social, economic and political scientists have begun a dialogue with physical and biological scientists to try to discover whether there is truly a 'physics of society', and if so, what its laws and principles are  In particular, they have begun to regard complex modes of human activity as collections of many interacting 'agents' - somewhat analogous to a fluid of interacting atoms or molecules, but within which there is scope for decision-making, learning and adaptation "In his 2004 book, Ball summarizes this to the effect that "to develop a physics of society, we must take a bold step that some might regard as a leap of faith and others as preposterous idealization: particles become people " Nearly as soon as he gives this definition, however, Ball falls back on the two biggest hurdles to this perspective: that of the theories of being alive and of free will, both of which seem to contradict the physics viewpoint 

Other topics
Other topics discussed in the book include the business cycle, random walks, phase transitions, bifurcation theory, traffic flow, Zipf's law, Small world phenomenon, catastrophe theory, the Prisoner's dilemma  The overall theme is one of applying modern mathematical models to social and economic phenomena 

Awards
Critical Mass was the winner of the 2005 Aventis Prize for Science Books and the 2005 Royal Society Winton Prize for Science Books 

See also
Critical mass (sociodynamics)
Psychohistory
Historical materialism
Network economics
Passage 6:
Technics and Civilization
Technics and Civilization is a 1934 book by American philosopher and historian of technology Lewis Mumford   The book presents the history of technology and its role in shaping and being shaped by civilizations   According to Mumford, modern technology has its roots in the Middle Ages rather than in the Industrial Revolution  It is the moral, economic, and political choices we make, not the machines we use, Mumford argues, that have produced a capitalist industrialized machine-oriented economy, whose imperfect fruits serve the majority so imperfectly 

Background
Apart from its significance as a monumental work of scholarship in several disciplines, Mumford explicitly positioned the book as a call-to-action for the human race to consider its options in the face of the threats to its survival posed by possible ecological catastrophe or industrialised warfare  Technics and Civilization is the first book in Mumford's four-volume Renewal of Life series, followed by The Culture of Cities (1938), The Condition of Man (1944), and The Conduct of Life (1951) 

Synopsis
Mumford divides the development of technology into three overlapping phases: eotechnic (Greek, eos meaning "dawn"), paleotechnic and neotechnic The first phase  of technically civilized life (AD 1000 to 1800) begins with the clock, to Mumford the most important basis for the development of capitalism because time thereby becomes fungible (thus transferable)   The clock is the most important prototype for all other machines   He contrasts the development and use of glass, wood, wind and water with the inhumanly horrific work that goes into mining and smelting metal   The use of all of these materials, and the development of science during the eotechnic phase, is based on the abstraction from life of the elements that could be measured   He approves those people, cities and cultures who strove for a harmonious balance between the senses and the freedom from labor provided by science 

The second phase, the paleotechnic (roughly 1700 to 1900), is "an upthrust into barbarism, aided by the very forces and interests which originally had been directed toward the conquest of the environment and the perfection of human nature "  Inventions of the paleotechnic are made by men trying to solve specific problems rather than hunting for general scientific principles; in fact, scientific learning is devalued by men of business   The invention of coal-fired steam powered factories and the installation of capital-intensive machinery leads to a necessarily gigantic round-the-clock scale of production supported by unskilled machine tenders  Labour becomes a commodity, rather than an inalienable set of skills, the labourer who tended machines, lived in slums, and was paid starvation wages, became physically stunted and socially and spiritually stultified   Mumford notes that the death rate of urban slums compares unfavorably to the agricultural worker of the same time period, and furthermore that life in the nineteenth century compares unfavorably to cleanliness and standards of living available to workers in thirteenth century cities   He also identifies iron as the primary building material of the paleotechnic, and skyscrapers, bridges and steamships as première accomplishments of the age   War and mass sport he saw as social releases from mechanized life, and the hysteric duties of wartime production (or even the hysteria of a baseball team's victory) is a natural outgrowth of the tensions and structures of such paleotechnic life 
In describing the neotechnic age (from about 1900 to Mumford's present, 1930), he focuses on the invention of electricity, freeing the factory production line from the restrictions of coal through the addition of small electric motors to individual machines, and freeing the laborer to create small but competitive factories   Mumford presciently notes that a small producer can deliver what is needed when it is needed more efficiently than paleotechnic assembly lines  The neotechnic phase he saw was dominated by men of science, rather than mechanically apt machinists  Rather than pursuing accomplishments on the scale of the trains, it is concerned with the invisible, the rare, the atomic level of change and innovation   Compact and lightweight aluminum is the metal of the neotechnic,  and communication and information—even inflated amounts—he claimed was the coin 


== Notes ==
Passage 7:
Jack Hillmer
Jack Hillmer (1918–2007) was an American architect based in San Francisco, California   An exponent of what Lewis Mumford called the "Bay Region style," Hillmer is known for his meticulously hand-crafted modernist homes built from redwood   Jack Hillmer's most notable projects include the Ludekens house on Belvedere island, the Munger house in Napa, and the Cagliostro house in Berkeley   Architectural writer Alan Hess called Jack Hillmer "one of the most original architects produced by California "

Early life
Hillmer was born and raised in Texas   As a 15-year-old boy, he travelled to Chicago with his mother, a cousin and a friend to visit the 1933 World's Fair   It was there, in the California exhibit, that he encountered the redwood boards that would become a key feature of his later architectural practice:  four-foot by twenty-foot planks displayed under spotlights to highlight one of that state's key products   Several years later Hillmer received a scholarship to the University of Texas, where he enrolled in architecture   After college, Hillmer joined the air force, and was stationed in San Diego   Hillmer used his time-off during the war to explore the new modernist buildings that were being built in southern California, including renting a room in the Pueblo Rivera Apartments by R  M  Schindler, and living for a time at the La Jolla Art Center by Irving Gill   Toward the end of the war, Hillmer visited Frank Lloyd Wright at Taliesen West in Scottsdale, Arizona   Hillmer was invited by Wright to join his Taliesen Fellowship, but Hillmer declined despite his appreciation for Wright's work Hillmer first visited the San Francisco Bay Area in 1945, when he flew up the coast to Hamilton Air Force Base to deliver a new bomber on which he had worked as a draftsman   Hillmer was transferred to Travis Air Force Base in Solano County, California toward the end of the war   After he was discharged, Hillmer decided to remain in the Bay Area, where he opened an architectural office with his friend Warren Callister at 425 Bush Street in San Francisco 

Career
Hillmer and Callister's first commission was the Haines and Betty Hall house in 1947, a house with an abstract geometry built from redwood boards that were reclaimed from a dismantled barn on the property   The house would later be published in Life magazine Shortly after the Hall house was published, Callister and Hillmer dissolved their partnership and set up individual practices   Hillmer's first commission on his own came in 1948 from Fred Ludekens, a successful graphic artist who had purchased a lot on Belvedere Island with views across the Bay to San Francisco   Arguably Hillmer's most successful design, the Ludekens house featured rough redwood walls and airplane wing-like ceilings that soared above the walls of the building, seemingly supported only by glass   Shortly after its completion in 1951, the Ludekens House would be featured in Architectural Forum In the early 1950s, Hillmer was invited to teach as a lecturer at the University of California, Berkeley by the dean of the architecture school, William Wurster, and again in the 1960s by Charles Moore   Several significant commissions followed over the next three decades, including the Milton Munger house in Napa (1950), the Owen Stebbins house in Kent Woodlands (1960), the John and Patti Wright house in Inverness (1962), and the Dominic Cagliostro house in Berkeley (1977) 

Style
Jack Hillmer's style is most closely identified with the Second Bay Tradition period of architecture in the California Bay Area   Hillmer's work is characterized by "bold exterior fascias and interior cornice lines [that] turn the structure into its own ornament   He hones unnecessary details to a minimum; window frames are typically absent; the glass is often embedded directly into the wood structure   This approach is thoroughly Modern   Beauty is drawn from the inherent structure itself rather than from applied carving "Architect Pierluigi Serraino described Hillmer's architecture as "assertive, but it's always benevolent   It's always very delicate in the way it fits onto the site   It's not architecture that wants to scream, but it has its own monumentality "In Hillmer's own words:  "My approach to architecture was as an art   The approach of most other architects is as a business   I never really thought about how much money I was getting "
Passage 8:
Henry Roth
Henry Roth (February 8, 1906 – October 13, 1995) was an American novelist and short story writer who found success later in life after his 1934 novel Call It Sleep was reissued in paperback in 1964 

Biography
Roth was born in Tysmenitz near Stanislawow, Galicia, Austro-Hungary (now known as Tysmenytsia, near Ivano-Frankivsk, Galicia, Ukraine)
Context 3: Passage 1:
Fallow deer
Dama is a genus of deer in the subfamily Cervinae, commonly referred to as fallow deer 

Name
The name fallow is derived from the deer's pale brown colour  The Latin word dāma or damma, used for roe deer, gazelles, and antelopes, lies at the root of the modern scientific name, as well as the German Damhirsch, French daim, Dutch damhert, and Italian daino  In Serbo-Croatian, the name for the fallow deer is jelen lopatar ("shovel deer"), due to the form of its antlers  The Modern Hebrew name of the fallow deer is yachmur (יחמור) 

Taxonomy and evolution
The genus includes two extant species:

Extant species
Some taxonomists classify the Persian fallow deer as a subspecies (D  d  mesopotamica), while others, such as the IUCN, treat it as a separate species (D  mesopotamica) 
Passage 2:
Moose
The moose (PL: moose; used in North America) or elk (PL: elk or elks; used in Eurasia) (Alces alces) is the only species in the genus Alces  It is the largest and heaviest extant species of deer  Most adult male moose have distinctive broad, palmate ("open-hand shaped") antlers; most other members of the deer family have antlers with a dendritic ("twig-like") configuration  Moose typically inhabit boreal forests and temperate broadleaf and mixed forests of the Northern Hemisphere in temperate to subarctic climates  Hunting and other human activities have caused a reduction in the size of the moose's range over time  It has been reintroduced to some of its former habitats  Currently, most moose occur in Canada, Alaska, New England (with Maine having the most of the lower 48 states), New York State, Fennoscandia, the Baltic states, Poland, Kazakhstan, and Russia 
Its diet consists of both terrestrial and aquatic vegetation  Predators of moose include wolves, bears, humans, wolverines (rarely), and orcas (while feeding underwater)  Unlike most other deer species, moose do not form herds and are solitary animals, aside from calves who remain with their mother until the cow begins estrus (typically at 18 months after birth of the calf), at which point the cow chases them away  Although generally slow-moving and sedentary, moose can become aggressive, and move quickly if angered or startled  Their mating season in the autumn features energetic fights between males competing for a female 

Etymology and naming
Alces alces is called a "moose" in North American English, but an "elk" in British English  The word "elk" in North American English refers to a completely different species of deer, Cervus canadensis, also called the wapiti  A mature male moose is called a bull, a mature female a cow, and an immature moose of either sex a calf 
According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the etymology of the species is "of obscure history"  In Classical Antiquity, the animal was known as ἄλκη álkē in Greek and alces in Latin, words probably borrowed from a Germanic language or another language of northern Europe  By the 8th century, during the Early Middle Ages, the species was known as Old English: elch, elh, eolh, derived from the Proto-Germanic: *elho-, *elhon- and possibly connected with the Old Norse: elgr  Later, the species became known in Middle English as elk, elcke, or elke, appearing in the Latinized form alke, with the spelling alce borrowed directly from Latin: alces  Noting that elk "is not the normal phonetic representative" of the Old English elch, the Oxford English Dictionary derives elk from Middle High German: elch, itself from Old High German: elaho The word "elk" has cognates in other Indo-European languages, e g  elg in Danish/Norwegian; älg in Swedish; alnis in Latvian; eland in Dutch/Frisian; Elch in German; and łoś in Polish  In the continental European languages, these forms of the word "elk" always refer to Alces alces 
The youngest elk bones in Great Britain were found in Scotland and are roughly 3,900 years old  The elk was probably extinct on the island before 900 AD  The word "elk" remained in usage because of English-speakers' familiarity with the species in Continental Europe; however, without any living animals around to serve as a reference, the meaning became rather vague, and by the 17th century "elk" had a meaning similar to "large deer"  Dictionaries of the 18th century simply described "elk" as a deer that was "as large as a horse" Confusingly, the word "elk" is used in North America to refer to a different animal, Cervus canadensis, which is also called by the Algonquian indigenous name, "wapiti"  The British began colonizing America in the 17th century, and found two common species of deer for which they had no names  The wapiti appeared very similar to the red deer of Europe (which itself was then almost extinct in Southern Britain) although it was much larger and was not red; the two species are indeed closely related, though distinct behaviorally and genetically  The moose was a rather strange-looking deer to the colonists, and they often adopted local names for both  In the early days of American colonization, the wapiti was often called a gray moose and the moose was often called a black moose, but early accounts of the animals varied wildly, adding to the confusion The word "moose" had first entered English by 1606 and is borrowed from the Algonquian languages (compare the Narragansett moos and Eastern Abenaki mos; according to early sources, these were likely derived from moosu, meaning "he strips off"), and possibly involved forms from multiple languages mutually reinforcing one another  The Proto-Algonquian form was *mo·swa Early European explorers in North America, particularly in Virginia where there were no moose, called the wapiti "elk" because of its size and resemblance to familiar-looking deer like the red deer  The moose resembled the "German elk" (the moose of continental Europe), which was less familiar to the British colonists  For a long time neither species had an official name, but were called a variety of things  Eventually, in North America the wapiti became known as an elk while the moose retained its indigenous name  In 1736, Samuel Dale wrote to the Royal Society of Great Britain:

The common light-grey moose, called by the Indians, Wampoose, and the large or black-moose, which is the beast whose horns I herewith present  As to the grey moose, I take it to be no larger than what Mr  John Clayton, in his account of the Virginia Quadrupeds, calls the Elke     was in all respects like those of our red-deer or stags, only larger     The black moose is (by all that have hitherto writ of it) accounted a very large creature      The stag, buck, or male of this kind has a palmed horn, not like that of our common or fallow-deer, but the palm is much longer, and more like that of the German elke 

Description and anatomy
Antlers
Bull moose have antlers like other members of the deer family  The size and growth rate of antlers is determined by diet and age; symmetry reflects health  Size and symmetry in the number of antler points signals bull moose quality; cows may select mates based on antler size and symmetry  Bull moose use dominant displays of antlers to discourage competition and will spar or fight rivals The male's antlers grow as cylindrical beams projecting on each side of the head at right angles to the midline of the skull, and then fork  The lower prong of this fork may be either simple, or divided into two or three tines, with some flattening  Most moose have antlers that are broad and palmate (flat) with tines (points) along the outer edge  Within the ecologic range of the moose in Europe, those in northerly locales display the palmate pattern of antlers, while the antlers of European moose over the southerly portion of its range are typically of the cervina dendritic pattern and comparatively small, perhaps due to evolutionary pressures of hunting by humans, who prize the large palmate antlers  European moose with antlers intermediate between the palmate and the dendritic form are found in the middle of the north–south range  Moose with antlers have more acute hearing than those without antlers; a study of trophy antlers using a microphone found that the palmate antler acts as a parabolic reflector, amplifying sound at the moose's ear The antlers of mature Alaskan adult bull moose (5 to 12 years old) have a normal maximum spread greater than 200 centimeters (79 in)  By the age of 13, moose antlers decline in size and symmetry  The widest spread recorded was 210 centimeters (83 in) across  An Alaskan moose also holds the record for the heaviest weight at 36 kilograms (79 lb) Antler beam diameter, not the number of tines, indicates age  In North America, moose (A  a  americanus) antlers are usually larger than those of Eurasian moose and have two lobes on each side, like a butterfly  Eurasian moose antlers resemble a seashell, with a single lobe on each side  In the North Siberian moose (A  a  bedfordiae), the posterior division of the main fork divides into three tines, with no distinct flattening  In the common moose (A  a  alces) this branch usually expands into a broad palmation, with one large tine at the base and a number of smaller snags on the free border  There is, however, a Scandinavian breed of the common moose in which the antlers are simpler and recall those of the East Siberian animals  The palmation appears to be more marked in North American moose than in the typical Scandinavian moose 

After the mating season males drop their antlers to conserve energy for the winter  A new set of antlers will then regrow in the spring  Antlers take three to five months to fully develop, making them one of the fastest growing animal organs  Antler growth is "nourished by an extensive system of blood vessels in the skin covering, which contains numerous hair follicles that give it a 'velvet' texture " This requires intense grazing on a highly-nutritious diet  By September the velvet is removed by rubbing and thrashing which changes the colour of the antlers  Immature bulls may not shed their antlers for the winter, but retain them until the following spring  Birds, carnivores and rodents eat dropped antlers as they are full of protein and moose themselves will eat antler velvet for the nutrients If a bull moose is castrated, either by accidental or chemical means, he will shed his current set of antlers within two weeks and then immediately begin to grow a new set of misshapen and deformed antlers that he will wear the rest of his life without ever shedding again; similarly deformed antlers can result from a deficiency of testosterone caused by cryptorchidism or old age  These deformed antlers are composed of living bone which is still growing or able to grow, since testosterone is needed to stop antler growth; they may take one of two forms  "Cactus antlers" or velericorn antlers usually retain the approximate shape of a normal moose's antlers but have numerous pearl-shaped exostoses on their surface; being made of living bone, they are easily broken but can grow back  Perukes (US: ) are constantly growing, tumor-like antlers with a distinctive appearance similar to coral  Like roe deer, moose are more likely to develop perukes, rather than cactus antlers, than the more developed cervine deer, but unlike roe deer, moose do not suffer fatal decalcification of the skull as a result of peruke growth, but rather can support their continued growth until they become too large to be fully supplied with blood  The distinctive-looking perukes (often referred to as "devil's antlers") are the source of several myths and legends among many groups of Inuit as well as several other tribes of indigenous peoples of North America 
In extremely rare circumstances, a cow moose may grow antlers  This is usually attributed to a hormone imbalance 

Proboscis and olfaction
The moose proboscis is distinctive among the living cervids due to its large size; it also features nares that can be sealed shut when the moose is browsing aquatic vegetation  The moose proboscis likely evolved as an adaptation to aquatic browsing, with loss of the rhinarium, and development of a superior olfactory column separate from an inferior respiratory column  This separation contributes to the moose's keen sense of smell, which they employ to detect water sources, to find food under snow, and to detect mates or predators 

Hooves
As with all members of the order Artiodactyla (even-toed ungulates), moose feet have two large keratinized hooves corresponding to the third and fourth toe, with two small posterolateral dewclaws (vestigial digits), corresponding to the second and fifth toe  The hoof of the fourth digit is broader than that of the third digit, while the inner hoof of the third digit is longer than that of the fourth digit  This foot configuration may favor striding on soft ground  The moose hoof splays under load, increasing surface area, which limits sinking of the moose foot into soft ground or snow, and which increases efficiency when swimming  The body weight per footprint surface area of the moose foot is intermediate between that of the pronghorn foot, (which have stiff feet lacking dewclaws—optimized for high-speed running) and the caribou foot (which are more rounded with large dewclaws, optimized for walking in deep snow)  The moose's body weight per surface area of footprint is about twice that of the caribou On firm ground, a bull moose leaves a visible impression of the dewclaws in its footprint, while a cow moose or calf does not leave a dewclaw impression  On soft ground or mud, bull, cow, and calf footprints may all show dewclaw impressions 

Skin and fur
Moose skin is typical of the deer family  Moose fur consists of four types of hair: eyelashes, vibrissae, guard hairs and wool hairs  Hair length and hair density varies according to season, age, and body region  The coat has two layers—a top layer of long guard hairs and a soft wooly undercoat  The guard hairs are hollow and filled with air for better insulation, which also helps them stay afloat when swimming 

Dewlap
Both male and female moose have a dewlap or bell, which is a fold of skin under the chin  Its exact function is unknown, but some morphologic analyses suggest a cooling (thermoregulatory) function  Other theories include a fitness signal in mating, as a visual and olfactory signal, or as a dominance signal by males, as are the antlers 

Tail
The tail is short (6 cm to 8 cm in length) and vestigial in appearance; unlike other ungulates the moose tail is too short to swish away insects 

Size
On average, an adult moose stands 1 4–2 1 m (4 ft 7 in – 6 ft 11 in) high at the shoulder, which is more than 30 centimetres (1 ft) higher than the next-largest deer on average, the wapiti  Males (or "bulls") normally weigh from 380 to 700 kg (838 to 1,543 lb) and females (or "cows") typically weigh 200 to 490 kg (441 to 1,080 lb), depending on racial or clinal as well as individual age or nutritional variations  The head-and-body length is 2 4–3 1 m (7 ft 10 in – 10 ft 2 in), with the vestigial tail adding only a further 5–12 cm (2–4+1⁄2 in)  The largest of all the races is the Alaskan subspecies (A  a  gigas), which can stand over 2 1 m (6 ft 11 in) at the shoulder, has a span across the antlers of 1 8 m (5 ft 11 in) and averages 634 5 kg (1,399 lb) in males and 478 kg (1,054 lb) in females  Typically, however, the antlers of a mature bull are between 1 2 and 1 5 m (3 ft 11 in and 4 ft 11 in)  The largest confirmed size for this species was a bull shot at the Yukon River in September 1897 that weighed 820 kg (1,808 lb) and measured 2 33 m (7 ft 8 in) high at the shoulder  There have been reported cases of even larger moose, including a bull killed in 2004 that weighed 1,043 kg (2,299 lb), and a bull that reportedly scaled 1,180 kg (2,601 lb), but none are authenticated and some may not be considered reliable   Among extant terrestrial animal species in North America, Europe, and Siberia, the moose is dwarfed only by two species of bison 

Ecology and biology
Diet
The moose is a browsing herbivore and is capable of consuming many types of plant or fruit  The average adult moose needs to consume 96 megajoules (23,000 kilocalories) per day to maintain its body weight  Much of a moose's energy is derived from terrestrial vegetation, mainly consisting of forbs and other non-grasses, and fresh shoots from trees such as willow and birch  As these terrestrial plants are rather low in sodium, as much as half of its diet usually consists of aquatic plants, including lilies and pondweed, which while lower in energy content, provide the moose with its sodium requirements  In winter, moose are often drawn to roadways, to lick salt that is used as a snow and ice melter  A typical moose, weighing 360 kg (794 lb), can eat up to 32 kg (71 lb) of food per day Moose lack upper front teeth, but have eight sharp incisors on the lower jaw  They also have a tough tongue, lips and gums, which aid in the eating of woody vegetation  Moose have six pairs of large, flat molars and, ahead of those, six pairs of premolars, to grind up their food  A moose's upper lip is very sensitive, to help distinguish between fresh shoots and harder twigs, and is prehensile, for grasping their food  In the summer, moose may use this prehensile lip for grabbing branches and pulling, stripping the entire branch of leaves in a single mouthful, or for pulling forbs, like dandelions, or aquatic plants up by the base, roots and all  A moose's diet often depends on its location, but they seem to prefer the new growths from deciduous trees with a high sugar content, such as white birch, trembling aspen and striped maple, among many others  To reach high branches, a moose may bend small saplings down, using its prehensile lip, mouth or body  For larger trees a moose may stand erect and walk upright on its hind legs, allowing it to reach branches up to 4 26 meters (14 ft 0 in) or higher above the ground Moose are excellent swimmers and are known to wade into water to eat aquatic plants  This trait serves a second purpose in cooling down the moose on summer days and ridding itself of black flies  Moose are thus attracted to marshes and river banks during warmer months as both provide suitable vegetation to eat and water to wet themselves in  Moose have been known to dive over 5 5 metres (18 ft) to reach plants on lake bottoms, and the complex snout may assist the moose in this type of feeding  Moose are the only deer that are capable of feeding underwater  As an adaptation for feeding on plants underwater, the nose is equipped with fatty pads and muscles that close the nostrils when exposed to water pressure, preventing water from entering the nose  Other species can pluck plants from the water too, but these need to raise their heads in order to swallow 

Moose are not grazing animals but browsers (concentrate selectors)  Like giraffes, moose carefully select foods with less fiber and more concentrations of nutrients  Thus, the moose's digestive system has evolved to accommodate this relatively low-fiber diet  Unlike most hooved, domesticated animals (ruminants), moose cannot digest hay, and feeding it to a moose can be fatal  The moose's varied and complex diet is typically expensive for humans to provide, and free-range moose require a lot of forested hectarage for sustainable survival, which is one of the main reasons moose have never been widely domesticated 

Natural predators
A full-grown moose has few enemies except Siberian tigers (Panthera tigris tigris) which regularly prey on adult moose, but a pack of gray wolves (Canis lupus) can still pose a threat, especially to females with calves  Brown bears (Ursus arctos) are also known to prey on moose of various sizes and are the only predator besides the wolf to attack moose both in Eurasia and North America  However, brown bears are more likely to take over a wolf kill or to take young moose than to hunt adult moose on their own  Black bears (Ursus americanus) and cougars (Puma concolor) can be significant predators of moose calves in May and June and can, in rare instances, prey on adults (mainly cows rather than the larger bulls)  Wolverines (Gulo gulo) are most likely to eat moose as carrion but have killed moose, including adults, when the large ungulates are weakened by harsh winter conditions  Orcas (Orcinus orca) are the moose's only confirmed marine predator as they have been known to prey on moose swimming between islands out of North America's Northwest Coast, however, there is at least one recorded instance of a moose preyed upon by a Greenland shark (Somniosus microcephalus) 
In some areas, moose are the primary source of food for wolves  Moose usually flee upon detecting wolves  Wolves usually follow moose at a distance of 100 to 400 meters (300 to 1,300 ft), occasionally at a distance of two to three kilometers (1 to 2 mi)  Attacks from wolves against young moose may last seconds, though sometimes they can be drawn out for days with adults  Sometimes, wolves will chase moose into shallow streams or onto frozen rivers, where their mobility is greatly impeded  Moose will sometimes stand their ground and defend themselves by charging at the wolves or lashing out at them with their powerful hooves  Wolves typically kill moose by tearing at their haunches and perineum, causing massive blood loss  Occasionally, a wolf may immobilize a moose by biting its sensitive nose, the pain of which can paralyze a moose  Wolf packs primarily target calves and elderly animals, but can and will take healthy, adult moose  Moose between the ages of two and eight are seldom killed by wolves  Though moose are usually hunted by packs, there are cases in which single wolves have successfully killed healthy, fully-grown moose Research into moose predation suggests that their response to perceived threats is learned rather than instinctual  In practical terms this means moose are more vulnerable in areas where wolf or bear populations were decimated in the past but are now rebounding  These same studies suggest, however, that moose learn quickly and adapt, fleeing an area if they hear or smell wolves, bears, or scavenger birds such as ravens Moose are also subject to various diseases and forms of parasitism  In northern Europe, the moose botfly is a parasite whose range seems to be spreading 

Parasites
Moose typically carry a heavy burden of parasites, both externally and internally  Parasitosis is an important cause of moose morbidity and mortality and also contributes to vulnerability to predators 

Ectoparasites
Ectoparasites of moose include the moose nose bot fly, and winter ticks 

Endoparasites
Endoparasites of moose include dog tapeworm, meningeal worm, lungworm, and roundworm 

Social structure and reproduction
Moose are mostly diurnal  They are generally solitary with the strongest bonds between mother and calf  Although moose rarely gather in groups, there may be several in close proximity during the mating season 
Rutting and mating occurs in September and October  During the rut, mature bulls will cease feeding completely for a period of approximately two weeks; this fasting behavior has been attributed to neurophysiological changes related to redeployment of olfaction for detection of moose urine and moose cows  The males are polygynous and will seek several females to breed with  During this time both sexes will call to each other  Males produce heavy grunting sounds that can be heard from up to 500 metres (1,600 ft) away, while females produce wail-like sounds  Males will fight for access to females  Initially, the males assess which of them is dominant and one bull may retreat, however, the interaction can escalate to a fight using their antlers 
Female moose have an eight-month gestation period, usually bearing one calf, or twins if food is plentiful, in May or June  Twinning can run as high as 30% to 40% with good nutrition Newborn moose have fur with a reddish hue in contrast to the brown appearance of an adult  The young will stay with the mother until just before the next young are born  The life span of an average moose is about 15–25 years  Moose populations are stable at 25 calves for every 100 cows at 1 year of age  With availability of adequate nutrition, mild weather, and low predation, moose have a huge potential for population expansion 

Aggression
Moose are not typically aggressive towards humans, but will be aggressive when provoked or frightened  Moose attack more people than bears and wolves combined, but usually with only minor consequences  In the Americas, moose injure more people than any other wild mammal; worldwide, only hippopotamuses injure more  When harassed or startled by people or in the presence of a dog, moose may charge  Also, as with bears or any wild animal, moose accustomed to being fed by people may act aggressively when denied food  During the fall mating season, bulls may be aggressive toward humans  Cows are protective of young calves and will attack humans who come close, especially if they come between mother and calf  Moose are not territorial, and do not view humans as food, and usually will not pursue humans who run away 
Moose are unpredictable  They are most likely to attack if annoyed or harassed, or if approached too closely  A moose that has been harassed may vent its anger on anyone in the vicinity, and they often do not make distinctions between their tormentors and innocent passers-by  Moose are very limber animals with highly flexible joints and sharp, pointed hooves, and are capable of kicking with both front and back legs  Unlike other large, hooved mammals, such as horses, moose can kick in all directions including sideways  Thus, there is no safe side from which to approach  Moose often give warning signs prior to attacking, displaying aggression by means of body language  Maintained eye contact is usually the first sign of aggression, while laid-back ears or a lowered head is a sign of agitation  When the hairs on the back of the moose's neck and shoulders (hackles) stand up, a charge is usually imminent  The Anchorage Visitor Centers warn tourists that "   a moose with its hackles raised is a thing to fear "Moose cows are more likely to emit protest moans when courted by small males  This attracts the attention of large males, promotes male-male competition and violence, reduces harassment of cows by small males, and increases mating opportunities with large males  This in turn means that the cow moose has at least a small degree of control over which bulls she mates with Moose often show aggression to other animals as well; especially predators  Bears are common predators of moose calves and, rarely, adults  Alaskan moose have been reported to successfully fend off attacks from both black and brown bears  Moose have been known to stomp attacking wolves, which makes them less preferred as prey to the wolves  Moose are fully capable of killing bears and wolves  In one rare event, a female moose killed two adult male wolves  A moose of either sex that is confronted by danger may let out a loud roar, more resembling that of a predator than a prey animal  European moose are often more aggressive than North American moose, such as the moose in Sweden, which often become very agitated at the sight of a predator  However, like all ungulates known to attack predators, the more aggressive individuals are always darker in color, with the darkest coloring usually in areas facing the opponent, thus serving as a natural warning to other animals 

Habitat, range, and distribution
Habitat
Moose require habitat with adequate edible plants (e g , pond grasses, young trees and shrubs), cover from predators, and protection from extremely hot or cold weather  Moose travel among different habitats with the seasons to address these requirements  Moose are cold-adapted mammals with thickened skin, dense, heat-retaining coat, and a low surface:volume ratio, which provides excellent cold tolerance but poor heat tolerance  Moose survive hot weather by accessing shade or cooling wind, or by immersion in cool water  In hot weather, moose are often found wading or swimming in lakes or ponds  When heat-stressed, moose may fail to adequately forage in summer and may not gain adequate body fat to survive the winter  Also, moose cows may not calve without adequate summer weight gain  Moose require access to both young forest for browsing and mature forest for shelter and cover  Forest disturbed by fire and logging promotes the growth of fodder for moose  Moose also require access to mineral licks, safe places for calving and aquatic feeding sites Moose avoid areas with little or no snow as this increases the risk of predation by wolves and avoid areas with deep snow, as this impairs mobility  Thus, moose select habitat on the basis of trade-offs between risk of predation, food availability, and snow depth  With reintroduction of bison into boreal forest, there was some concern that bison would compete with moose for winter habitat, and thereby worsen the population decline of moose  However, this does not appear to be a problem  Moose prefer sub-alpine shrublands in early winter, while bison prefer wet sedge valley meadowlands in early winter  In late winter, moose prefer river valleys with deciduous forest cover or alpine terrain above the tree line, while bison preferred wet sedge meadowlands or sunny southern grassy slopes 

North America
After expanding for most of the 20th century, the moose population of North America has been in steep decline since the 1990s  Populations expanded greatly with improved habitat and protection, but now the moose population is declining rapidly  This decline has been attributed to opening of roads and landscapes into the northern range of moose, allowing deer to become populous in areas where they were not previously common  This encroachment by deer on moose habitat brought moose into contact with previously unfamiliar pathogens, including brainworm and liver fluke, and these parasites are believed to have contributed to the population decline of moose In North America, the moose range includes almost all of Canada (excluding the arctic and Vancouver Island), most of Alaska, northern New England and upstate New York, the upper Rocky Mountains, northern Minnesota, northern Wisconsin, Michigan's Upper Peninsula, and Isle Royale in Lake Superior  This massive range, containing diverse habitats, contains four of the six North American subspecies  In the West, moose populations extend across Canada (British Columbia and Alberta)  Isolated groups have been verified as far south as the mountains of Utah and Colorado and as far west as the Lake Wenatchee area of the Washington Cascades  In the northwestern US, the range includes Wyoming, Montana, Idaho, and smaller areas of Washington, and Oregon  Moose have extended their range southwards in the western Rocky Mountains, with initial sightings in Yellowstone National Park in 1868, and then to the northern slope of the Uinta Mountains in Utah in the first half of the twentieth century  This is the southernmost naturally established moose population in the United States  In 1978, a few breeding pairs were reintroduced in western Colorado, and the state's moose population is now more than 2,400 In northeastern North America, the Eastern moose's history is very well documented: moose meat was often a staple in the diet of  indigenous peoples for centuries   The common name "moose" was brought into English from the word used by those who lived in present day coastal Rhode Island  The indigenous 
people often used moose hides for leather and its meat as an ingredient in pemmican, a type of dried jerky used as a source of sustenance in winter or on long journeys The historical range of the subspecies extended from well into Quebec, the Maritimes, and Eastern Ontario south to include all of New England finally ending in the very northeastern tip of Pennsylvania in the west, cutting off somewhere near the mouth of the Hudson River in the south  The moose has been extinct in much of the eastern U S  for as long as 150 years, due to colonial era overhunting and destruction of its habitat: Dutch, French, and British colonial sources all attest to its presence in the mid 17th century from Maine south to areas within 160 kilometers (100 mi) of present-day Manhattan  However, by the 1870s, only a handful of moose existed in this entire region in very remote pockets of forest; less than 20% of suitable habitat remained Since the 1980s, however, moose populations have rebounded, thanks to regrowth of plentiful food sources, abandonment of farmland, better land management, clean-up of pollution, and natural dispersal from the Canadian Maritimes and Quebec  South of the Canada–US border, Maine has most of the population with a 2012 headcount of about 76,000 moose



ground_truth: Long Island

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Henry Roth and Lewis Mumford are both this nationality?

The following are given passages.
Context 2:  Although his parents never agreed on the exact date of his arrival in the United States, it is most likely that he and his mother landed at Ellis Island and began his life in New York in 1908  The family briefly lived in Brooklyn, and then on the Lower East Side, in the slums where his classic novel Call It Sleep is set  In 1914, they moved to Harlem  Roth lived there until 1927, when, as a senior at City College of New York, he moved in with Eda Lou Walton, a poet and New York University instructor who lived on Morton Street in Greenwich Village 
With Walton's support, he began Call It Sleep in about 1930, completed the novel in the spring of 1934, and it was published in December 1934, to mostly good reviews  Yet the New York Herald Tribune's book critic Lewis Gannett foresaw that the book would not prove popular with its bleak depiction of New York's Lower East Side, but wrote readers would "remember it and talk about it and watch excitedly" for Roth's next book  Call It Sleep sold slowly and poorly, and after it was out-of-print, critics writing in magazines such as Commentary and Partisan Review kept praising it, and asking for it to be reprinted  After being republished in hardback in 1960 and paperback in 1964, with more than 1,000,000 copies sold, and many weeks on the New York Times bestseller list, the novel was hailed as an overlooked Depression-era masterpiece and classic novel of immigration  Today, it is widely regarded as a masterpiece of Jewish American literature 
After the book's 1934 publication, Roth began a second novel that was contracted with editor Maxwell Perkins, of Scribner's  But Roth's growing ideological frustration and personal confusion contributed to a profound writer's block, which lasted until 1979, when he began the earliest drafts of Mercy of a Rude Stream (although material written much earlier than 1979 was also incorporated into this later work)  In 1938, during an unproductive sojourn at the artists' colony Yaddo in Saratoga Springs, New York, Roth met Muriel Parker, a pianist and composer; much of this period is depicted in Roth's final work, An American Type  Roth severed his relationship with Walton, moved out of her apartment, and married Parker in 1939, to the disapproval of her family  With the onset of World War II, he became a tool-and-gauge maker  The couple moved first to Boston with their two young sons, Jeremy and Hugh, and then, in 1946, to Maine  There, Roth worked as a woodsman, a schoolteacher, a psychiatric attendant in the state mental hospital, a waterfowl farmer, and a Latin and math tutor 
Arthur Hertzberg credited editor Harold U  Ribalow with "rediscovering" Roth  Ribelow found him on a farm in Maine, persuaded him to permit a new edition of the novel, and wrote an introduction to the new edition, which was published by Pageant Books in 1960   Many years later, after Ribalow had died and Roth was awarded the Ribalow Prize, he wrote to Ribalow's son, Meir Z  Ribalow, "Thanks for the encomia  Things like that keep me alive, I'm sure: what little is left me capable of feeling swells with pride like the staves of an old barrel when filled  Harold, to whom I owe so much, would have been happy to witness the occasion "In fact, Roth did not initially welcome the success of the 1964 reprint of Call It Sleep, valuing his privacy instead  But his writing block slowly began to break  In 1968, after Muriel's retirement from the Maine state school system, the couple moved to a trailer home in Albuquerque, New Mexico, closer to where Roth had stayed as writer-in-residence at the D  H  Lawrence ranch outside of Taos  Muriel began composing music again, while Roth collaborated with his friend and Italian translator Mario Materassi to put out a collection of essays called Shifting Landscape, published by the Jewish Publication Society in 1987  After Muriel's death, in 1990, Roth moved into a ramshackle former funeral parlor and occupied himself with revising the final volumes of his monumental work, Mercy of a Rude Stream  It has been alleged that the incestuous relationships between the protagonist, a sister, and a cousin in Mercy of a Rude Stream are autobiographical  Roth's sister, however, has denied that such events occurred 
Roth failed to garner the acclaim some say he deserves, perhaps because after the publication of Call It Sleep he failed to produce another novel for 60 years  He attributed his massive writer's block to personal problems, such as depression, and to political conflicts, including his disillusionment with Communism  At other times, he cited his early break with Judaism and his obsessive sexual preoccupations as probable causes  Roth died in Albuquerque, New Mexico, in 1995 
The character E  I  Lonoff in Philip Roth's Zuckerman novels (The Ghost Writer and Exit Ghost in this case), is a composite of Roth, Bernard Malamud and fictional elements 

Works and writing
Call It Sleep
Published in 1934, Call It Sleep centers on the turbulent experiences of a young boy, David Schearl, growing up in the Jewish immigrant slum of New York's Lower East Side in the early 20th century 

Mercy of a Rude Stream
Mercy of a Rude Stream is a monumental epic published in four volumes  It follows protagonist Ira Stigman from his family's arrival in Jewish-Irish Harlem in 1914 to the night before Thanksgiving in 1927, when Ira decides to leave the family tenement and move in with Edith Welles   According to critic David Mehegan, Roth's Mercy represents a "landmark of the American literary century" The first volume, A Star Shines over Mt  Morris Park was published in 1994 by St  Martin's Press and the second volume, called A Diving Rock on the Hudson, appeared from St  Martin's in 1995   In A Diving Rock on the Hudson, "Roth writes graphically about the sexual relationship between the protagonist, Ira Stigman, and Stigman's sister, Minnie, as teen-agers  Roth also describes an incestuous relationship between Stigman and his cousin, Stella " Roth's sister "chastise[d] Roth for writing about the 'revelation'" and "threaten[ed] to sue him and St  Martin's Press     Roth and his sister entered into a contract in which he agreed to pay his sister $10,000 in exchange for immunity from legal action  The contract     also stipulated that future volumes of Roth's novel would no longer portray Minnie Stigman 'as having any further sexual relationship with her brother, Ira Stigman '"From Bondage, which appeared in hardcover in 1996, was the first volume of the four Mercy books to appear posthumously  Requiem for Harlem, the fourth and final volume, appeared in 1998   Roth was able to revise both the third and fourth volumes in 1994 and 1995 with the help of his assistant, Felicia Steele, shortly before his death 
Before his death, Roth commented numerous times that Mercy of a Rude Stream comprised six volumes   In fact, Roth did write six separate books  He called the first four "Batch One," and the last two, "Batch Two "  Roth's editor at St  Martin's, Robert Weil, along with Felicia Steele, Larry Fox, and Roth's agent, Roslyn Targ, found the epic would be best served in four volumes, as the four books of "Batch One" contained a stylistic and thematic unity inconsistent with the remaining two books 
Explaining the difference between Mercy of a Rude Stream and Call It Sleep, critic Mario Materassi, Roth's longtime friend, argues that "Call It Sleep can be read as a vehicle through which, soon after breaking away from his family and his tradition, young Roth used some of the fragments of his childhood to shore up the ruins of what he already felt was a disconnected self   Forty-five years later, Roth embarked on another attempt to bring some retrospective order to his life's confusion:  Mercy of a Rude Stream, which he has long called a 'continuum,' can be read as a final, monumental effort on the part of the elderly author to come to terms with the pattern of rupture and discontinuity that has marked his life" Fran Lebowitz, writer and public intellectual, in her Netflix special "Pretend It's a City" speaks about how you can still appreciate the art of an individual separate from his actions 

An American Type
Roth's final novel, An American Type, emerged from "Batch 2," which Roth wrote during the late 1980s and early 1990s  With his assistant's help, Roth produced 1,900 typed pages of scenes beginning where Mercy left off and continuing through 1990   The manuscript of "Batch 2" remained untouched for over a decade until Weil sent it to The New Yorker, which published two excerpts from "Batch 2" in the summer of 2006 under the titles "God the Novelist" and "Freight " At The New Yorker the book came into the hands of Willing Davidson, then a young assistant in the magazine's fiction department  At the suggestion of Weil and Roth's literary executor, Lawrence Fox, Davidson edited "Batch 2" into An American Type, which was published by W W  Norton in 2010 Both a love story and a lamentation, the novel opens in 1938, and reintroduces us to Ira Stigman of the Mercy cycle, a thirty-two-year-old "slum-born Yiddle" eager to assimilate but traumatized by his impoverished immigrant past  Restless with his lover and literary mentor, English professor Edith Welles, Ira journeys to Yaddo, where he meets M (who only appeared in the old man's reveries in the Mercy series), a blond, aristocratic pianist whose "calm, Anglo-Saxon radiance" engages him 
The ensuing romantic crisis, as well as the conflict between his ghetto Jewish roots and the bourgeois comforts of Manhattan, forces Ira to abandon his paramour's Greenwich Village apartment and set out with an illiterate, boorish Communist on a quest for the promise of the American West  But feeling like a total failure in LA, Ira begins an epic journey home, thumbing rides from truckers and riding the rails with hobos through the Dust Bowl  Ira only knows that he must return to M, the woman he truly loves 
Sixty-five pages of excerpts from Batch Two consisting of short journal entries appeared in the journal, Fiction, Number 57, in 2011  The majority of these pages are about Roth's move to Maine, afraid that his associations with the Communist Party would haunt him at his factory job in Massachusetts  Purchasing a small farm, and surrounded by Yankee neighbors, Roth questions his identity as a Jew and struggles to wrest a living out of a Maine countryside where the soil is so hard that he has to dynamite in order to lay pipe deep enough to avoid the winter freezes  The extreme cold that he and his family endured, his work logging, bargaining over antiques and livestock with neighbors, and the world of backwoods and village America form the principal and unlikely drama of these pages  There is also return to the tense, incestuous world of the Roth family in Henry's childhood in the last of these extracts 

Themes
Henry Roth's writing centers on immigrant experience, particularly a Jewish-American experience in Depression-era America  He has also been hailed as a chronicler of New York City life 
Roth's work reveals an obsession with cultural depravity: the internal dislocation of the intellectual and of society at large that features so prominently in the work of the greatest Modernist writers  Indeed, Roth often fixates on human depravity in a multitude of forms  Sexually abhorrent acts such as incest, infidelity, and predation, for instance, inform much of his work, as does a more general climate of violence or abuse, often inflicted on others and masochistically turned inwards 
Throughout his life, Roth simultaneously embraced and rejected the notion of a forgiving God, and this ambivalence is also registered in his writing  Mario Materassi suggests, in "Shifting Urbanscape: Roth's 'Private' New York," that Roth "has never been interested in any story other than the anguished one of a man who, throughout his life, has contradicted each of his previously held positions and beliefs "While Roth's works are generally tragic, and often relentlessly so, his later work holds out for the possibility of redemption, or of mercy in a rude stream  This notion is especially evident in An American Type where the love between Ira and M becomes a means of transcendence 

Awards and honors
Roth received two honorary doctorates, one from the University of New Mexico and one from the Hebrew Union College–Jewish Institute of Religion  He won the 1987 International Nonino Prize in Italy  Posthumously, he was honored in 1995 with the Hadassah Harold Ribalow Lifetime Achievement Award and by the Museum of the City of New York with Manhattan Borough President Ruth Messinger having named February 29, 1996, as "Henry Roth Day" in New York City  From Bondage was cited by the National Book Critics Circle as being a finalist for its Fiction Prize in 1997, and it was in that same year that Henry Roth won the first Isaac Bashevis Singer Prize in Literature for From Bondage, an award put out by The Forward Foundation  In 2005, ten years after Roth's death, the first full biography of his life, the prize-winning Redemption: The Life of Henry Roth, by literary scholar Steven G  Kellman, was published, followed in 2006 by Henry Roth's centenary, which was marked by a literary tribute at the New York Public Library, sponsored by CCNY and organized by Lawrence I  Fox, Roth's literary executor 

Bibliography
Call It Sleep (1934)
"Where My Sympathy Lies," The New Masses, vol  22, no  10 (March 2, 1937), pg  9 —extols and justifies the Moscow Trials 
Nature's First Green (1979)
Shifting Landscape: A Composite, 1925–1987 (1987)
Mercy of a Rude Stream Vol  1: A Star Shines Over Mt  Morris Park (1994)
Mercy of a Rude Stream Vol  2: A Diving Rock on the Hudson (1995)
Mercy of a Rude Stream Vol  3: From Bondage (1996)
Mercy of a Rude Stream Vol  4: Requiem for Harlem (1998)
An American Type (2010)
Passage 9:
Lewis Mumford
Lewis Mumford (19 October 1895 – 26 January 1990) was an American historian, sociologist, philosopher of technology, and literary critic  Particularly noted for his study of cities and urban architecture, he had a broad career as a writer  He made signal contributions to social philosophy, American literary and cultural history, and the history of technology He was influenced by the work of Scottish theorist Sir Patrick Geddes and worked closely with his associate the British sociologist Victor Branford  
Mumford was also a contemporary and friend of Frank Lloyd Wright, Clarence Stein, Frederic Osborn, Edmund N  Bacon, and Vannevar Bush 

Life
Early life and education
Mumford was born in Flushing, Queens, New York, and graduated from Stuyvesant High School in 1912  He studied at the City College of New York and The New School for Social Research, but became ill with tuberculosis and never finished his degree  In 1918 he joined the navy to serve in World War I and was assigned as a radio electrician  He was discharged in 1919 and became associate editor of The Dial, an influential modernist literary journal  He later worked for The New Yorker where he wrote architectural criticism and commentary on urban issues 

First book
Mumford's earliest books in the field of literary criticism have had a lasting influence on contemporary American literary criticism  In The Golden Day (1926), he argued for a mid-19th-century American literary canon comprising Herman Melville, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau, Nathaniel Hawthorne and Walt Whitman, all of whom he argued reflected an antebellum American culture of the period that would be destroyed by the late-19th-century social changes wrought by the American Civil War and industrialization of the United States  Herman Melville (1929), which combined an account of Melville's life with an interpretive discussion of his work, was an important part of the Melville revival 

Correspondence
Mumford was a close friend of the psychologist Henry Murray, with whom he corresponded extensively from 1928 until the 1960s on topics including Herman Melville, psychology, American values and culture, and the nature of the self 

Urban planning
In his early writings on life in an urban area, Mumford was optimistic about human abilities and wrote, that the human race would use electricity and mass communication to build a better world for all humankind  
Mumford would later take a more pessimistic stance on the sweeping technological improvements brought by the second industrial revolution  His early architectural criticism also helped to bring wider public recognition to the work of Henry Hobson Richardson, Louis Sullivan and Frank Lloyd Wright 

Honours
Mumford was elected to the American Philosophical Society in 1941 and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1947  In 1963, Mumford received the Frank Jewett Mather Award for art criticism from the College Art Association  Mumford received the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1964  In 1975 Mumford was made an honorary Knight Commander of the Order of the British Empire (KBE)  In 1976, he was awarded the Prix mondial Cino Del Duca  In 1986, he was awarded the National Medal of Arts 

Further publications
He served as the architectural critic for The New Yorker magazine for over 30 years  His 1961 book, The City in History, received the National Book Award 

Retirement
Lewis Mumford died at the age of 94 at his home in Amenia, New York, on January 26, 1990  Nine years later the house was listed on the National Register of Historic Places  His wife Sophia died in 1997, at age 97 

Ideas
In his book The Condition of Man, published in 1944, Mumford characterized his orientation toward the study of humanity as "organic humanism "  The term is an important one because it sets limits on human possibilities, limits that are aligned with the nature of the human body  Mumford never forgot the importance of air quality, of food availability, of the quality of water, or the comfort of spaces, because all these elements had to be respected if people were to thrive  Technology and progress could never become a runaway train in his reasoning, so long as organic humanism was there to act as a brake  Indeed, Mumford considered the human brain from this perspective, characterizing it as hyperactive, a good thing in that it allowed humanity to conquer many of nature's threats, but potentially a bad thing if it were not occupied in ways that stimulated it meaningfully  Mumford's respect for human "nature", that is to say, the natural characteristics of being human, provided him with a platform from which to assess technologies, and technics in general  Thus his criticism and counsel with respect to the city and with respect to the implementation of technology was fundamentally organized around the organic humanism to which he ascribed  It was from the perspective of organic humanism that Mumford eventually launched a critical assessment of Marshall McLuhan, who argued that the technology, not the natural environment, would ultimately shape the nature of humankind, a possibility that Mumford recognized, but only as a nightmare scenario 
Mumford believed that what defined humanity, what set human beings apart from other animals, was not primarily our use of tools (technology) but our use of language (symbols)  He was convinced that the sharing of information and ideas amongst participants of primitive societies was completely natural to early humanity, and had obviously been the foundation of society as it became more sophisticated and complex   He had hopes for a continuation of this process of information "pooling" in the world as humanity moved into the future Mumford's choice of the word "technics" throughout his work was deliberate  For Mumford, technology is one part of technics  Using the broader definition of the Greek tekhne, which means not only technology but also art, skill, and dexterity, technics refers to the interplay of social milieu and technological innovation—the "wishes, habits, ideas, goals" as well as "industrial processes" of a society  As Mumford writes at the beginning of Technics and Civilization, "other civilizations reached a high degree of technical proficiency without, apparently, being profoundly influenced by the methods and aims of technics "

Megatechnics
In The Myth of the Machine Vol II: The Pentagon of Power (Chapter 12) (1970), Mumford criticizes the modern trend of technology, which emphasizes constant, unrestricted expansion, production, and replacement  He contends that these goals work against technical perfection, durability, social efficiency, and overall human satisfaction  Modern technology, which he called "megatechnics," fails to produce lasting, quality products by using devices such as consumer credit, installment buying, non-functioning and defective designs, planned obsolescence, and frequent superficial "fashion" changes  "Without constant enticement by advertising," he writes, "production would slow down and level off to normal replacement demand  Otherwise many products could reach a plateau of efficient design which would call for only minimal changes from year to year "
He uses his own refrigerator as an example, reporting that it "has been in service for nineteen years, with only a single minor repair: an admirable job  Both automatic refrigerators for daily use and deepfreeze preservation are inventions of permanent value      [O]ne can hardly doubt that if biotechnic criteria were heeded, rather than those of market analysts and fashion experts, an equally good product might come forth from Detroit, with an equally long prospect of continued use "

Biotechnics
Mumford was deeply concerned with the relationship between technics and bioviability   The latter term, not used by Mumford, characterizes an area's capability to support life up through its levels of complexity   Before the advent of technology, most areas of the planet were bioviable at some level or other; however, where certain forms of technology advance rapidly, bioviability decreases dramatically   Slag heaps, poisoned waters, parking lots, and concrete cities, for example, are extremely limited in terms of their bioviability  Non-bioviable regions are common in cinema in the form of dystopias (e g , Blade Runner)  Mumford did not believe it was necessary for bioviability to collapse as technics advanced, however, because he held it was possible to create technologies that functioned in an ecologically responsible manner, and he called that sort of technology biotechnics  Mumford believed that biotechnic consciousness (and possibly even community) was emerging as a later stage in the evolution of Darwinian thinking about the nature of human life  He believed this was the sort of technics needed to shake off the suicidal drive of "megatechnics " While Mumford recognized an ecological consciousness that traces back to the earliest communities, he regarded emerging biotechnics as a product of neo-Darwinian consciousness, as a post-industrial form of thinking, one that refuses to look away from the mutually-influencing relationship between the state of the living organism and the state of its environment  In Mumford's mind, the society organized around biotechnics would restrain its technology for the sake of that integral relationship 
In Mumford's understanding, the various technologies that arose in the megatechnic context have brought unintended and harmful side effects along with the obvious benefits they have bequeathed to us  He points out, for example, that the development of money (as a technology) created, as a side effect, a context for irrational accumulation of excess because it eliminated the burdensome aspects of object-wealth by making wealth abstract  In those eras when wealth was not abstract, plenitude had functioned as the organizing principle around its acquisition (i e , wealth, measured in grains, lands, animals, to the point that one is satisfied, but not saddled with it)  Money, which allows wealth to be conceived as pure quantity instead of quality, is an example of megatechnics, one which can spiral out of control  If Mumford is right in this conceptualization, historians and economists should be able to trace a relationship between the still-increasing abstraction of wealth and radical transformations with respect to wealth's distribution and role  And, indeed, it does appear that, alongside its many benefits, the movement toward electronic money has stimulated forms of economic stress and exploitation not yet fully understood and not yet come to their conclusion  A technology for distributing resources that was less given to abstract hoarding would be more suitable to a biotechnic conception of living 
Thus Mumford argued that the biotechnic society would not hold to the megatechnic delusion that technology must expand unceasingly, magnifying its own power and would shatter that delusion in order to create and preserve "livability " Rather than the megatechnic pursuit of power, the biotechnic society would pursue what Mumford calls "plenitude"; that is, a homeostatic relationship between resources and needs  This notion of plenitude becomes clearer if we suggest that the biotechnic society would relate to its technology in the manner an animal relates to available food–under circumstances of natural satisfaction, the pursuit of technological advance would not simply continue "for its own sake "
Alongside the limiting effect of satisfaction amidst plenitude, the pursuit of technological advance would also be limited by its potentially negative effects upon the organism  Thus, in a biotechnic society, the quality of air, the quality of food, the quality of water, these would all be significant concerns that could limit any technological ambitions threatening to them  The anticipated negative value of noise, radiation, smog, noxious chemicals, and other technical by-products would significantly constrain the introduction of new technical innovation  In Mumford's words, a biotechnic society would direct itself toward "qualitative richness, amplitude, spaciousness, and freedom from quantitative pressures and crowding  Self-regulation, self-correction, and self-propulsion are as much an integral property of organisms as nutrition, reproduction, growth, and repair " The biotechnic society would pursue balance, wholeness, and completeness; and this is what those individuals in pursuit of biotechnics would do as well 
Mumford's critique of the city and his vision of cities that are organized around the nature of human bodies, so essential to all Mumford's work on city life and urban design, is rooted in an incipient notion of biotechnics: "livability," a notion which Mumford got from his mentor, Patrick Geddes 
Mumford used the term biotechnics in the later sections of The Pentagon of Power, written in 1970  The term sits well alongside his early characterization of "organic humanism," in that biotechnics represent the concrete form of technique that appeals to an organic humanist  When Mumford described biotechnics, automotive and industrial pollution had become dominant technological concerns, along with the fear of nuclear annihilation  Mumford recognized, however, that technology had even earlier produced a plethora of hazards, and that it would do so into the future  For Mumford, human hazards are rooted in a power-oriented technology that does not adequately respect and accommodate the essential nature of humanity  Mumford is stating implicitly, as others would later state explicitly, that contemporary human life understood in its ecological sense is out of balance because the technical parts of its ecology (guns, bombs, cars, drugs) have spiraled out of control, driven by forces peculiar to them rather than constrained by the needs of the species that created them  He believed that biotechnics was the emerging answer and the only hope that could be set out against the problem of megatechnics   It was an answer, he believed, that was already beginning to assert itself in his time 
It is true that Mumford's writing privileges the term "biotechnics" more than the "biotechnic society " The reason is clear in the last sentence of The Pentagon of Power where he writes, "for those of us who have thrown off the myth of the machine, the next move is ours: for the gates of the technocratic prison will open automatically, despite their rusty ancient hinges, as soon as we choose to walk out " Mumford believed that the biotechnic society was a desideratum—one that should guide his contemporaries as they walked out the doors of their megatechnic confines (he also calls them "coffins")  Thus he ends his narrative, as he well understood, at the beginning of another one: the possible revolution that gives rise to a biotechnic society, a quiet revolution, for Mumford, one that would arise from the biotechnic consciousness and actions of individuals  Mumford was an avid reader of Alfred North Whitehead's philosophy of the organism 

Polytechnics versus monotechnics
A key idea, introduced in Technics and Civilization (1934) was that technology was twofold:

Polytechnic, which enlists many different modes of technology, providing a complex framework to solve human problems 
Monotechnic, which is technology only for its own sake, which oppresses humanity as it moves along its own trajectory Mumford commonly criticized modern America's transportation networks as being "monotechnic" in their reliance on cars  Automobiles become obstacles for other modes of transportation, such as walking, bicycle and public transit, because the roads they use consume so much space and are such a danger to people  Mumford explains that the thousands of maimed and dead each year as a result of automobile accidents are a ritual sacrifice the American society makes because of its extreme reliance on highway transport 

Three epochs of civilization
Also discussed at length in Technics and Civilization is Mumford's division of human civilization into three distinct epochs (following concepts originated by Patrick Geddes):

Eotechnic (the middle ages)
Paleotechnic (the time of the industrial revolution) and
Neotechnic (later, present-day)

Megamachines
Mumford also refers to large hierarchical organizations as megamachines—a machine using humans as its components  These organizations characterize Mumford's stage theory of civilization  The most recent megamachine manifests itself, according to Mumford, in modern technocratic nuclear powers—Mumford used the examples of the Soviet and United States power complexes represented by the Kremlin and the Pentagon, respectively  The builders of the pyramids, the Roman Empire and the armies of the World Wars are prior examples 
He explains that meticulous attention to accounting and standardization, and elevation of military leaders to divine status, are spontaneous features of megamachines throughout history  He cites such examples as the repetitive nature of Egyptian paintings which feature enlarged pharaohs and public display of enlarged portraits of Communist leaders such as Mao Zedong and Joseph Stalin  He also cites the overwhelming prevalence of quantitative accounting records among surviving historical fragments, from ancient Egypt to Nazi Germany 
Necessary to the construction of these megamachines is an enormous bureaucracy of humans which act as "servo-units", working without ethical involvement  According to Mumford, technological improvements such as the assembly line, or instant, global, wireless, communication and remote control, can easily weaken the perennial psychological barriers to certain types of questionable actions  An example which he uses is that of Adolf Eichmann, the Nazi official who organized logistics in support of the Holocaust  Mumford collectively refers to people willing to carry out placidly the extreme goals of these megamachines as "Eichmanns" 

The clock as herald of the Industrial Revolution
One of the better-known studies of Mumford is of the way the mechanical clock was developed by monks in the Middle Ages and subsequently adopted by the rest of society  He viewed this device as the key invention of the whole Industrial Revolution, contrary to the common view of the steam engine holding the prime position, writing: "The clock, not the steam-engine, is the key-machine of the modern industrial age      The clock     is a piece of power-machinery whose 'product' is seconds and minutes     "

Urban civilization
The City in History won the 1962 U S  National Book Award for Nonfiction  In this influential book Mumford explored the development of urban civilizations  Harshly critical of urban sprawl, Mumford argues that the structure of modern cities is partially responsible for many social problems seen in western society  While pessimistic in tone, Mumford argues that urban planning should emphasize an 'organic' relationship between people and their living spaces 
Mumford uses the example of the medieval city as the basis for the "ideal city," and claims that the modern city is too close to the Roman city (the sprawling megalopolis) which ended in collapse; if the modern city carries on in the same vein, Mumford argues, then it will meet the same fate as the Roman city 
Mumford wrote critically of urban culture believing the city is "a product of earth     a fact of nature     man's method of expression " Further, Mumford recognized the crises facing urban culture, distrustful of the growing finance industry, political structures, fearful that a local community culture was not being fostered by these institutions  Mumford feared "metropolitan finance," urbanization, politics, and alienation  Mumford wrote: "The physical design of cities and their economic functions are secondary to their relationship to the natural environment and to the spiritual values of human community "

Suburbs
Suburbia did not escape Mumford's criticism either:

In the suburb one might live and die without marring the image of an innocent world, except when some shadow of evil fell over a column in the newspaper  Thus the suburb served as an asylum for the preservation of illusion  Here domesticity could prosper, oblivious of the pervasive regimentation beyond  This was not merely a child-centered environment; it was based on a childish view of the world, in which reality was sacrificed to the pleasure principle 

Religion and spirituality
Mumford is also among the first urban planning scholars who paid serious attention to religion in the planning field  In one of his least well-known books, Faith for Living (1940, p  216), Mumford argues that:

The segregation of the spiritual life from the practical life is a curse that falls impartially upon both sides of our existence 

Influence
Mumford's interest in the history of technology and his explanation of  "polytechnics", along with his general philosophical bent, has been an important influence on a number of more recent thinkers concerned that technology serve human beings as broadly and well as possible  Some of these authors—such as Jacques Ellul, Witold Rybczynski, Richard Gregg, Amory Lovins, J  Baldwin, E  F  Schumacher, Herbert Marcuse, Erich Fromm, Murray Bookchin, Thomas Merton, Marshall McLuhan, Colin Ward and Kevin Carson—have been intellectuals and persons directly involved with technological development and decisions about the use of technology 
Mumford also had an influence on the American environmental movement, with thinkers like Barry Commoner and Bookchin being influenced by his ideas on cities, ecology and technology  Ramachandra Guha noted his work contains "some of the earliest and finest thinking on bioregionalism, anti-nuclearism, biodiversity, alternate energy paths, ecological urban planning and appropriate technology "Mumford's influence is also evident in the work of some artists including Berenice Abbott's photographs of New York City in the late 1930s Mumford was an inspiration for Ellsworth Toohey, the antagonist in Ayn Rand's novel The Fountainhead (1943) 

Works



ground_truth: American

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: What are some other areas that share a common deer species with the forests of Mara and Mondrem?

The following are given passages.
Context 3:  Dispersals from Maine over the years have resulted in healthy, growing populations each in Vermont and New Hampshire, notably near bodies of water and as high up as 910 m (3,000 ft) above sea level in the mountains  In Massachusetts, moose had gone extinct by 1870, but re-colonized the state in the 1960s, with the population expanding from Vermont and New Hampshire; by 2010, the population was estimated at 850–950  Moose reestablished populations in eastern New York and Connecticut and appeared headed south towards the Catskill Mountains, a former habitat In the Midwest U S , moose are primarily limited to the upper Great Lakes region, but strays, primarily immature males, have been found as far south as eastern Iowa  For unknown reasons, the moose population is declining rapidly in the Midwest Moose were successfully introduced on Newfoundland in 1878 and 1904, where they are now the dominant ungulate, and somewhat less successfully on Anticosti Island in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence 

Decline in population
Since the 1990s, moose populations have declined dramatically in much of temperate North America, although they remain stable in Arctic and subarctic regions  The exact causes of specific die-offs are not determined, but most documented mortality events were due to wolf predation, bacterial infection due to injuries sustained from predators, and parasites from white-tailed deer to which moose have not developed a natural defense, such as liver flukes, brain worms and winter tick infestations  Predation of moose calves by brown bear is also significant  Landscape change from salvage logging of forest damage caused by the mountain pine beetle has resulted in greater foraging in logged areas by female moose, and this is the lead hypothesis as to why the moose population is declining in eastern North American forests, as this likely leads to increased predation  An alternate hypotheses among biologists for generalized, nonhunting declines in moose populations at the southern extent of their range is increasing heat stress brought on by the rapid seasonal temperature upswings as a result of human-induced climate change  Biologists studying moose populations typically use warm-season, heat-stress thresholds of between 14 and 24 °C (57 and 75 °F)  However, the minor average temperature increase of 0 83–1 11 °C (1 5–2 °F), over the last 100 years, has resulted in milder winters that induce favorable conditions for ticks, parasites and other invasive species to flourish within the southern range of moose habitat in North America  The moose population in New Hampshire fell from 7,500 in the early 2000s to a 2014 estimate of 4,000 and in Vermont the numbers were down to 2,200 from a high of 5,000 animals in 2005  Much of the decline has been attributed to the winter tick, which, between 2017 and 2019, accounted for 74% of all winter mortality and 91% of winter calf deaths in Vermont  Moose with heavy tick infections will rub their fur down to the skin raw trying to get the ticks off, making them look white when their outer coat rubs off  Locals call them ghost moose  Loss of the insulating winter coat through attempts to rid the moose of winter tick increases the risk of hypothermia in winter 

Europe and Asia
In Europe, moose are currently found in large numbers throughout Norway, Sweden, Finland, Latvia, Estonia, Poland, with more modest numbers in the southern Czech Republic, Belarus, and northern Ukraine  They are also widespread through Russia on up through the borders with Finland south towards the border with Estonia, Belarus and Ukraine and stretching far away eastwards to the Yenisei River in Siberia  The European moose was native to most temperate areas with suitable habitat on the continent and even Scotland from the end of the last Ice Age, as Europe had a mix of temperate boreal and deciduous forest  Up through Classical times, the species was certainly thriving in both Gaul and Magna Germania, as it appears in military and hunting accounts of the age  However, as the Roman era faded into medieval times, the beast slowly disappeared: soon after the reign of Charlemagne, the moose disappeared from France, where its range extended from Normandy in the north to the Pyrenees in the south  Farther east, it survived in Alsace and the Netherlands until the 9th century as the marshlands in the latter were drained and the forests were cleared away for feudal lands in the former  It was gone from Switzerland by the year 1000, from the western Czech Republic by 1300, from Mecklenburg in Germany by c  1600, and from Hungary and the Caucasus since the 18th and 19th century, respectively 
By the early 20th century, the last strongholds of the European moose appeared to be in Fennoscandian areas and patchy tracts of Russia, with a few migrants found in what is now Estonia and Lithuania  The USSR and Poland managed to restore portions of the range within its borders (such as the 1951 reintroduction into Kampinos National Park and the later 1958 reintroduction in Belarus), but political complications limited the ability to reintroduce it to other portions of its range  Attempts in 1930 and again in 1967 in marshland north of Berlin were unsuccessful  At present in Poland, populations are recorded in the Biebrza river valley, Kampinos, and in Białowieża Forest  It has migrated into other parts of Eastern Europe and has been spotted in eastern and southern Germany  Unsuccessful thus far in recolonizing these areas via natural dispersal from source populations in Poland, Belarus, Ukraine, Czech Republic, and Slovakia, it appears to be having more success migrating south into the Caucasus  It is listed under Appendix III of the Bern Convention In 2008, two moose were reintroduced into the Scottish Highlands in Alladale Wilderness Reserve  The moose disappeared as a breeding species from Denmark about 4,500 years ago (in the last century, a very small number have lived for periods in Zealand without establishing a population after swimming across the Øresund from Sweden), but in 2016-17 ten were introduced to Lille Vildmose from Sweden  In 2020, this population had increased to about 25 animals The East Asian moose populations confine themselves mostly to the territory of Russia, with much smaller populations in Mongolia and Northeastern China  Moose populations are relatively stable in Siberia and increasing on the Kamchatka Peninsula  In Mongolia and China, where poaching took a great toll on moose, forcing them to near extinction, they are protected, but enforcement of the policy is weak and demand for traditional medicines derived from deer parts is high  In 1978, the Regional Hunting Department transported 45 young moose to the center of Kamchatka  These moose were brought from Chukotka, home to the largest moose on the planet  Kamchatka now regularly is responsible for the largest trophy moose shot around the world each season  As it is a fertile environment for moose, with a milder climate, less snow, and an abundance of food, moose quickly bred and settled along the valley of the Kamchatka River and many surrounding regions  The population in the past 20 years has risen to over 2,900 animals 
The size of the moose varies  Following Bergmann's rule, population in the south (A  a  cameloides) usually grow smaller, while moose in the north and northeast (A  a  buturlini) can match the imposing sizes of the Alaskan moose (A  a  gigas) and are prized by trophy hunters 

New Zealand
In 1900, an attempt to introduce moose into the Hokitika area failed; then in 1910 ten moose (four bulls and six cows) were introduced into Fiordland  This area is considered a less than suitable habitat, and subsequent low numbers of sightings and kills have led to some presumption of this population's failure  The last proven sighting of a moose in New Zealand was in 1952  However, a moose antler was found in 1972, and DNA tests showed that hair collected in 2002 was from a moose  There has been extensive searching, and while automated cameras failed to capture photographs, evidence was seen of bedding spots, browsing, and antler marks 

Evolutionary history
Moose are members of the subfamily Capreolinae  Members of the moose lineage extend back into the Pliocene-Early Pleistocene  Some scientists, group the moose and all its extinct relatives into one genus, Alces, while others, such as Augusto Azzaroli, restrict Alces to the living species, placing the fossil species into the genera Cervalces (stag moose) and Libralces The earliest known species in the moose lineage is Libralces gallicus, which lived in the Pliocene-Early Pleistocene  Libralces gallicus came from the warm savannas of Pliocene Europe, with the best-preserved skeletons being found in southern France  L  gallicus was 1 25 times larger than the Alaskan moose in linear dimensions, making it nearly twice as massive  L  gallicus had many striking differences from its modern descendants  It had a longer, narrower snout and a less-developed nasal cavity, more resembling that of a modern deer, lacking any sign of the modern moose-snout  Its face resembled that of the modern wapiti  However, the rest of its skull structure, skeletal structure and teeth bore strong resemblance to those features that are unmistakable in modern moose, indicating a similar diet  Its antlers consisted of a horizontal bar 2 5 m (8 ft 2 in) long, with no tines, ending in small palmations  Its skull and neck structure suggest an animal that fought using high-speed impacts, much like the Dall sheep, rather than locking and twisting antlers the way modern moose combat  Their long legs and bone structure suggest an animal that was adapted to running at high speeds over rough terrain Libralces gallicus was followed by Cervalces carnutorum during the first half of the Early Pleistocene  Cervalces carnutorum was soon followed by a much larger species called Cervalces latifrons (broad-fronted stag-moose), which first appeared during the late Early Pleistocene  Many fossils of Cervalces latifrons have been found across Eurasia  Like its descendants, it inhabited mostly northern latitudes, and was probably well-adapted to the cold  C  latifrons was the largest deer known to have ever existed, standing more than 2 1 m (6 ft 11 in) tall at the shoulders  This is bigger than even the Irish elk, which was 1 8 m (5 ft 11 in) tall at the shoulders  Its antlers were smaller than the Irish elk's, but comparable in size to those of L  gallicus  However, the antlers had a shorter horizontal bar and larger palmations, more resembling those of a modern moose  Probably sometime in the Middle Pleistocene, Cervalces latifrons migrated into North America, giving rise to the stag moose (Cervalces scotti)  The modern moose is thought to have evolved from Cervalces latifrons at around the end of the Middle Pleistocene to the beginning of the Late Pleistocene, probably somewhere in East Asia, with the earliest fossils of the species in Europe dating to the early Late Pleistocene  The modern moose only arrived in North America around 15,000 years ago, at the end of the Late Pleistocene 

Populations
North America:

In Canada: There are an estimated 500,000 to 1,000,000 moose, with 150,000 in Newfoundland in 2007 descended from just four that were introduced in the 1900s 
In United States: There are estimated to be around 300,000:
Alaska: The state's Department of Fish and Game estimated 200,000 in 2011 
Northeast: A wildlife ecologist estimated 50,000 in New York and New England in 2007, with expansion expected 
Rocky Mountain states: Wyoming is said to have the largest share in its six-state region, and its Fish and Game Commission estimated 7,692 in 2009 
Upper Midwest: Michigan 2000 on Isle Royale (2019) and an estimated 433 (in its Upper Peninsula) in 2011, Wisconsin, 20–40 (close to its border with Michigan) in 2003, Minnesota 5600 in its northeast in 2010, and under 100 in its northwest in 2009; North Dakota closed, due to low moose population, one of its moose-hunting geographic units in 2011, and issued 162 single-kill licenses to hunters, each restricted to one of the remaining nine units Europe and Asia:

Finland: In 2009, there was a summer population of 115,000 
Norway: In 2009, there were a winter population of around 120,000  In 2015 31,131 moose were shot  In 1999, a record number of 39,422 moose were shot 
Latvia: in 2015, there were 21,000 
Estonia: 13,260
Lithuania: around 14,000 in 2016
Poland: 28,000
Czech Republic: maximum of 50
Russia: In 2007, there were approximately 600,000 
Sweden: Summer population is estimated to be 300,000–400,000  Around 100,000 are shot each fall  About 10,000 are killed in traffic accidents yearly 

Subspecies
Relationship with humans
History
European rock drawings and cave paintings reveal that moose have been hunted since the Stone Age  Excavations in Alby, Sweden, adjacent to the Stora Alvaret have yielded moose antlers in wooden hut remains from 6000 BCE, indicating some of the earliest moose hunting in northern Europe  In northern Scandinavia one can still find remains of trapping pits used for hunting moose  These pits, which can be up to 4 m × 7 m (13 ft 1 in × 23 ft 0 in) in area and 2 m (6 ft 7 in) deep, would have been camouflaged with branches and leaves  They would have had steep sides lined with planks, making it impossible for the moose to escape once it fell in  The pits are normally found in large groups, crossing the moose's regular paths and stretching over several km  Remains of wooden fences designed to guide the animals toward the pits have been found in bogs and peat  In Norway, an early example of these trapping devices has been dated to around 3700 BC  Trapping elk in pits is an extremely effective hunting method  As early as the 16th century the Norwegian government tried to restrict their use; nevertheless, the method was in use until the 19th century 
The earliest recorded description of the moose is in Julius Caesar's Commentarii de Bello Gallico, where it is described thus:

There are also [animals], which are called alces (moose)  The shape of these, and the varied color of their skins, is much like roes, but in size they surpass them a little and are destitute of horns, and have legs without joints and ligatures; nor do they lie down for the purpose of rest, nor, if they have been thrown down by any accident, can they raise or lift themselves up  Trees serve as beds to them; they lean themselves against them, and thus reclining only slightly, they take their rest; when the huntsmen have discovered from the footsteps of these animals whither they are accustomed to betake themselves, they either undermine all the trees at the roots, or cut into them so far that the upper part of the trees may appear to be left standing  When they have leant upon them, according to their habit, they knock down by their weight the unsupported trees, and fall down themselves along with them 
In book 8, chapter 16 of Pliny the Elder's Natural History from 77 CE, the elk and an animal called achlis, which is presumably the same animal, are described thus:

     there is, also, the moose, which strongly resembles our steers, except that it is distinguished by the length of the ears and of the neck  There is also the achlis, which is produced in the land of Scandinavia; it has never been seen in this city, although we have had descriptions of it from many persons; it is not unlike the moose, but has no joints in the hind leg  Hence, it never lies down, but reclines against a tree while it sleeps; it can only be taken by previously cutting into the tree, and thus laying a trap for it, as otherwise, it would escape through its swiftness  Its upper lip is so extremely large, for which reason it is obliged to go backwards when grazing; otherwise, by moving onwards, the lip would get doubled up 

As food
Moose are hunted as a game species in many of the countries where they are found  Moose meat tastes, wrote Henry David Thoreau in "The Maine Woods", "like tender beef, with perhaps more flavour; sometimes like veal"  While the flesh has protein levels similar to those of other comparable red meats (e g  beef, deer and wapiti), it has a low fat content, and the fat that is present consists of a higher proportion of polyunsaturated fats than saturated fats Dr  Valerius Geist, who emigrated to Canada from the Soviet Union, wrote in his 1999 book Moose: Behaviour, Ecology, Conservation:

In Sweden, no fall menu is without a mouthwatering moose dish  The Swedes fence their highways to reduce moose fatalities and design moose-proof cars  Sweden is less than half as large as the Canadian province of British Columbia, but the annual take of moose in Sweden—upward of 150,000—is twice that of the total moose harvest in North America 
Boosting moose populations in Alaska for hunting purposes is one of the reasons given for allowing aerial or airborne methods to remove wolves in designated areas, e g , Craig Medred: "A kill of 124 wolves would thus translate to [the survival of] 1488 moose or 2976 caribou or some combination thereof"  Some scientists believe that this artificial inflation of game populations is actually detrimental to both caribou and moose populations as well as the ecosystem as a whole  This is because studies have shown that when these game populations are artificially boosted, it leads to both habitat destruction and a crash in these populations 

Consumption of offal
Cadmium levels are high in Finnish moose liver and kidneys, with the result that consumption of these organs from moose more than one year old is prohibited in Finland  As a result of a study reported in 1988, the Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources recommended against the consumption of moose and deer kidneys and livers  Levels of cadmium were found to be considerably higher than in Scandinavia  The New Brunswick Department of Natural Resources advises hunters not to consume cervid offal Cadmium intake has been found to be elevated amongst all consumers of moose meat, though the meat was found to contribute only slightly to the daily cadmium intake  However the consumption of moose liver or kidneys significantly increased cadmium intake, with the study revealing that heavy consumers of moose organs have a relatively narrow safety margin below the levels which would probably cause adverse health effects 

Vehicle collisions
The center of mass of a moose is above the hood of most passenger cars  In a collision, the impact crushes the front roof beams and individuals in the front seats  Collisions of this type are frequently fatal; seat belts and airbags offer little protection  In collisions with higher vehicles (such as trucks), most of the deformation is to the front of the vehicle and the passenger compartment is largely spared  Moose collisions have prompted the development of a vehicle test referred to as the "moose test" (Swedish: Älgtest, German: Elchtest)  A Massachusetts study found that moose–vehicular collisions had a very high human fatality rate and that such collisions caused the death of 3% of the Massachusetts moose population annually Moose warning signs are used on roads in regions where there is a danger of collision with the animal  The triangular warning signs common in Sweden, Norway, and Finland have become coveted souvenirs among tourists traveling in these countries, causing road authorities so much expense that the moose signs have been replaced with imageless generic warning signs in some regions In Ontario, Canada, an estimated 265 moose die each year as a result of collision with trains  Moose–train collisions were more frequent in winters with above-average snowfall  In January 2008, the Norwegian newspaper Aftenposten estimated that some 13,000 moose had died in collisions with Norwegian trains since 2000  The state agency in charge of railroad infrastructure (Jernbaneverket) plans to spend 80 million Norwegian kroner to reduce collision rate in the future by fencing the railways, clearing vegetation from near the tracks, and providing alternative snow-free feeding places for the animals elsewhere In the Canadian province of New Brunswick, collisions between automobiles and moose are frequent enough that all new highways have fences to prevent moose from accessing the road, as has long been done in Finland, Norway, and Sweden  A demonstration project, Highway 7 between Fredericton and Saint John, which has one of the highest frequencies of moose collisions in the province, did not have these fences until 2008, although it was and continues to be extremely well signed  Newfoundland and Labrador recommended that motorists use caution between dusk and dawn because that is when moose are most active and most difficult to see, increasing the risk of collisions  Local moose sightings are often reported on radio stations so that motorists can take care while driving in particular areas  An electronic "moose detection system" was installed on two sections of the Trans-Canada Highway in Newfoundland in 2011, but the system proved unreliable and was removed in 2015 In Sweden, a road will not be fenced unless it experiences at least one moose accident per km per year In eastern Germany, where the scarce population is slowly increasing, there were two road accidents involving moose since 2000 

Domestication
Domestication of moose was investigated in the Soviet Union before World War II  Early experiments were inconclusive, but with the creation of a moose farm at Pechora-Ilych Nature Reserve in 1949, a small-scale moose domestication program was started, involving attempts at selective breeding of animals on the basis of their behavioural characteristics  Since 1963, the program has continued at Kostroma Moose Farm, which had a herd of 33 tame moose as of 2003  Although at this stage the farm is not expected to be a profit-making enterprise, it obtains some income from the sale of moose milk and from visiting tourist groups  Its main value, however, is seen in the opportunities it offers for the research in the physiology and behavior of the moose, as well as in the insights it provides into the general principles of animal domestication 
In Sweden, there was a debate in the late 18th century about the national value of using the moose as a domestic animal  Among other things, the moose was proposed to be used in postal distribution, and there was a suggestion to develop a moose-mounted cavalry  Such proposals remained unimplemented, mainly because the extensive hunting for moose that was deregulated in the 1790s nearly drove it to extinction  While there have been documented cases of individual moose being used for riding and/or pulling carts and sleds, Björklöf concludes no wide-scale usage has occurred outside fairy tales 

Heraldry
As one of the Canadian national symbols, the moose occurs on several Canadian coats of arms, including Newfoundland and Labrador, and Ontario  Moose is also a common coat of arms in Europe as well; for example, in Finland, it appears on the coats of arms of Hirvensalmi and Mäntsälä municipalities  The Seal of Michigan features a moose 

See also
Älgen Stolta, a rare example of a domesticated moose
Passage 3:
White-bellied musk deer
The white-bellied musk deer or Himalayan musk deer (Moschus leucogaster) is a musk deer species occurring in the Himalayas of Nepal, Bhutan, India, Pakistan and China  It is listed as endangered on the IUCN Red List because of overexploitation resulting in a probable serious population decline It was previously considered a subspecies of the Alpine musk deer, but was separated on the basis of different skull proportions 

Characteristics
White-bellied musk deer are very well adapted for high altitudes; they demonstrate such adaptations as well-developed dew claws, broad toes that provide increased stability on steep slopes, and a dense coat of coarse hairs with air-filled cells to insulate against the extreme temperature   While they lack antlers, a trait notable among all musk deer, they do possess a pair of enlarged and easily broken canines that grow continuously  The maximum length of these tusks is about 10 cm (4 in)  These deer have a stocky body type; their hind legs are also significantly longer and more muscular than their shorter, thinner forelimbs  In place of running or leaping, this species tends to "bound " Finally, fawns of this species have white spots to help with camouflage, but as they mature these spots disappear 
The white-bellied musk deer has a waxy substance called musk that the male secretes from a gland in the abdomen  The deer use this to mark territories and attract females, but the musk is also used in the manufacture of perfumes and medicines 

Distribution and habitat
Himalayan musk deer occurs in parts of northern Afghanistan, Pakistan, Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan, and in northern India such as in Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh  It inhabits high alpine environments above altitudes of 2,500 m (8,200 ft) 

Ecology and behaviour
During the day, white-bellied musk deer hide in dense cover and are shy and secretive  At night, they emerge to feed in more open habitats, and preferably select leaves of trees and shrubs with high protein and low fibre contents  During the winter, they subsist on poorer quality lichens, and even climb small trees to feed upon leaves that would otherwise be out of reach They are fairly sedentary occupying a small home range of up to 22 hectares  Males are fiercely territorial, only allowing females to enter their range  Territories are marked by carefully placed defecation sites and strong-smelling secretions, which are placed onto the surrounding plants 
Males fight each other over females during the mating season, and use their long canines to fight and defend their territories  The females hide from all the commotion  For the males to attract the females and bring them out from hiding, they use their strong smelling musk A female has one or two young at a time  The young musk deer live off their mother's milk until they are about six months old and able to eat regular foods available in the wild  At 16 to 24 months old, they become sexually mature Himalayan musk deer can live for up to 10 to 14 years Their predators include leopard, snow leopard, Eurasian lynx, red fox, gray wolf  Juveniles were also killed by yellow-throated marten and large raptors 

Threats
As the musk the deer produces is in demand for the manufacture of perfumes and medicines, it is highly valuable  Since the species is endangered and hard to find, its value on the wildlife trade market is increased still further  The hunting and trade of the white-bellied musk deer is the main threat to the species  Deer musk may sell for as much as $45,000/kg, making it one of the most valuable animal-derived products in the world  Hunters catch and kill the deer using snares  Only males produce the musk, so this creates a problem because females and young are caught in the traps and killed 

Conservation
The white-bellied musk deer is protected by law in Bhutan, Nepal, and India  In China, hunting may be permitted in some areas, although a license is required  It is listed as an endangered species in Pakistan and is also found in a number of protected areas throughout; however, the uneven enforcement of legislation across its range has meant little impact on preventing the rampant trade in the species  Improving the enforcement of antipoaching laws is a key priority for the conservation of this species 

Efforts being made
Captive farming for musk has been developed in China, and so far has shown that it is possible to extract musk from a deer without having to kill it  However, the captive deer succumb to disease and fighting and produce poorer quality musk  The killing of wild deer is thought to be the most cost-effective method of extracting musk  Open farming is a possible new way to extract the musk, whereby free-ranging or wild musk deer are caught and the musk then extracted, allowing the species to be conserved and survive 

See also
Kedarnath Wild Life Sanctuary
Askot Musk Deer Sanctuary
Passage 4:
Sri Lankan sambar deer
The Sri Lankan sambar or Indian sambar (Rusa unicolor unicolor), also known as ගෝනා (gōṇā) in Sinhala, is a subspecies of the sambar that lives in India and Sri Lanka  British explorers and planters referred to it, erroneously, as an elk, leading to place names such as Elk Plain 

Description
This subspecies is the largest sambar subspecies and representative of the Rusa genus, with the largest antlers both in size and in body proportions  Large males weight up to 270–280 kg 

Distribution and habitat
Sambar live in both lowland dry forests and mountain forests  Large herds of sambar roam the Horton Plains National Park, where it is the most common large mammal 
Passage 5:
Forests of Mara and Mondrem
The Forests of Mara and Mondrem were adjacent medieval forests in Cheshire, England, which in the 11th century extended to over 60 square miles (160 km2), stretching from the Mersey in the north almost to Nantwich in the south, and from the Gowy in the west to the Weaver in the east  Mara and Mondrem were a hunting forest of the Norman Earls of Chester, established soon after 1071 by the first earl, Hugh d'Avranches  They might earlier have been an Anglo-Saxon hunting forest  Game included wild boar, and red, fallow and roe deer 
After the earldom lapsed in 1237, the forest rights passed to the Crown, with the monarch's heir being given the title of Earl of Chester  Edward I and James I both hunted in the forests  Clearance for agricultural use began to be permitted after 1215, and by the mid-14th century, large areas of the Forest of Mondrem had been cleared  Deer hunting still continued within the remaining forest in the 17th century, and the forest was not formally disafforested, or removed from forest law, until 1812  The modern Delamere Forest is the remnant of the medieval forests, but little ancient woodland survives 

Extent
In the 11th century, the Forests of Mara and Mondrem stretched from the Mersey in the north to a few miles north of Nantwich in the south, and from the Gowy in the west to the Weaver in the east  The total extent was over 60 square miles (160 km2)  An undated document quoted by Ormerod lists 62 townships and villages within the two forests (although several of these places were exempt from forest law); as the document mentions Vale Royal Abbey, this must refer to some time between the abbey's foundation in 1277 and its dissolution in 1536 The precise boundary between the two adjacent forests is uncertain, but the Forest of Mara probably extended from the Mersey to the south of the area now known as Delamere Forest, while the Forest of Mondrem occupied the area between Delamere and Nantwich  The boundary might have coincided with a road known as "Peytevinisti" or "Peytefynsty", which also defined the limit of the grazing rights of Vale Royal Abbey; this is believed to have run from Weaverham in the north through Cuddington to Tarporley in the south 

History
Earls' hunting forest
The Forests of Mara and Mondrem together formed one of the three hunting forests of the Earls of Chester, the others being the Forests of Macclesfield and Wirral  It was created by Hugh d'Avranches, a keen huntsman, soon after he became Earl of Chester in 1071, although the area might have been an Anglo-Saxon hunting forest before the Norman Conquest  "Forest", in this context, means an area outside the common law and subject to forest law; it does not imply that the area was entirely wooded, and the land remained largely in private ownership  The forest boundary was marked with "irremovable marks, meres and boundaries", and the entire area also appears to have been enclosed  Game was hunted with dogs and included wild boar, and red, fallow and roe deer The original woodland was mixed, predominantly oak, but also including elm, lime, yew, chestnut, fir, larch, beech, ash, silver birch, hazel, willow and alder  The forest area also encompassed heath and wetland, as well as pasture, arable land and even small settlements  Agriculture was, however, allowed within the forest boundaries only under severe restrictions; assarting, or enclosing and clearing new land for agriculture, was completely prohibited until 1215–16 During the early Norman period, the penalties for killing game were blinding, mutilation or execution  These savage punishments were gradually replaced by huge fines, and in 1215, the Magna Carta reduced the maximum penalty for breaking forest law nationally to fines or imprisonment  Ranulf de Blondeville, the 6th Earl, issued a charter in 1215–16 which granted a more humane legal code for the Cheshire hunting forests This charter also, for the first time, conceded to the barons and their knights and freeholders the "right to assart their lands within the arable area of the forest and to grow crops on land formerly cultivated and free from wood without payment " Within the Forests of Mara and Mondrem, custom did not, however, follow the charter, a fine of 5 shillings per acre in Mondrem or 6 shillings 8 pence per acre in Mara being paid at the time of enclosure  Later, a licence was also required to assart forest land, which required the payment of a further fee and was very unpopular  Enclosure and assarting in Mara and Mondrem during this period is poorly documented, but is known to have occurred at Frodsham, Weaverham and Darnhall 

After the Earls
After the lapse of the Chester earldom in 1237, the forest rights passed to the Crown and the monarch's heir was given the title of Earl of Chester  Although Edward I hunted in the forest, the sport became less important, and the forests were used for timber production and as a source of revenue from taxes, fees and fines  In 1300, Edward I confirmed Ranulf de Blondeville's charter of 1215–16, but in the mid-14th century, Edward of Woodstock, the Black Prince, introduced various restrictive measures, which led to a large number of complaints recorded in the Black Prince's Register of 1351  Agricultural exploitation of the eastern edge of the forest was hampered by outbreaks of Black Death at Over, Little Budworth and Vale Royal Abbey in 1349, 1361 and 1369  The Old Pale and Eddisbury Hill were enclosed in the 14th century, to retain deer 

The northerly Forest of Mara remained wooded in the 14th century, and still retained a population of wild boar, lynx and wolves  By that date, however, large areas of the southerly Forest of Mondrem had been cleared  The remaining Mondrem woodland in the mid-14th century appears to have been concentrated in the north around Castle Northwich, Hartford and Winnington, and to a lesser extent in the south east around Aston juxta Mondrum, Calveley, Cholmondeston, Church Minshull, Poole and Wettenhall  Extensive assarting by Vale Royal Abbey made a major contribution to the loss of Mondrem woodland before the abbey's dissolution  The proximity to the medieval salt wiches of Nantwich and Middlewich, with their wood-fuelled salt pans, might also have been a factor 
Deer continued to be hunted in the 17th century; a large area at New Pale was enclosed at this time for the retention of deer  James I, on a royal visit to Cheshire in August 1617, hunted in the forest, describing it as "this delectable place"  From the early 18th century, however, the focus of hunting moved away from deer; Tarporley Hunt Club was founded in 1762, and the local gentry hunted hares and later foxes 

Disafforestation
The late 18th and early 19th centuries saw much of the surviving forest enclosed  A total of 7,755 acres (3,138 ha) in the south of the Forest of Mara, by then known as Delamere Forest, remained nominally a hunting forest until the early 19th century  In 1812, an Enclosure Act was passed disafforesting the remaining forest (that is, returning its legal status to ordinary land) and transferring ownership of the remnant half to the Crown and half to surrounding major landowners  Very little ancient woodland now survives, mainly concentrated on the banks of the Weaver and within steep cloughs running into that river, although there are also pockets of old, semi-natural woodland elsewhere, such as Cocked Hat Covert, near Little Budworth, and Dorfold Park, near Acton 

Administration
Each of the Cheshire hunting forests was administered by a master-forester on behalf of the Earl  For the Forests of Mara and Mondrem, this hereditary position was given by Ranulf le Meschin, the 3rd Earl, to Ranulf or Ralph de Kingsley in 1123, and it passed by marriage to the Launcelyn family and later to the Done family of Utkinton and Tarporley  Sixteen Dones held the position over nearly four centuries  In 1662, the master-forestership passed to the Crewe family and then to the Ardernes, who held it until the disafforestation in 1812  The position was symbolised by a black horn, which was given to the Kingsleys in the 12th century; now known as the "Delamere Horn", it is in the collection of the Grosvenor Museum  The master-foresters answered to the Chester justiciar, who was responsible for the administration of forest law across all three Cheshire forests The privileges claimed by the Mara and Mondrem master-forester were set out in detail by Richard Done in the 14th century  They included the right shoulder of all deer killed in hunting; windfallen and felled timber within the demesne wood; swarms of bees, sparrowhawks, merlins and hobbies found throughout the forest; and the right of pannage, or feeding pigs in the forest  He also claimed halfpence per head of cattle and goats found straying within the forest between Michaelmas and Martinmas, the payments made for the agistment of hogs between Martinmas and Christmas, as well as the pick of the property forfeited by poachers  The master-forester had a lodge, known as the "Chamber of the Forest", in which he occasionally stayed; it was built in Peckforton in 1351 and later moved to Eddisbury Hill A large staff supported the Mara and Mondrem master-forester, which is known in the mid-14th century to have included eight underforesters and two garçons who administered particular districts of the forest, assuming much of the role of the county sergeants within the forest bounds  Additionally, agisters collected monies charged for grazing, verderers attended the forest courts, and inspectors termed "regarders", huntsmen and kennelmen were also employed 

See also
History of Cheshire



ground_truth: New Zealand, Canada, the United States, the Falkland Islands, and Peru.