prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Celebrity Fifteen to One has had more than one appearance by an English writer and former Conservative Member of what?

The following are given passages.
Context 1: Passage 1:
David Faber (politician)
David James Christian Faber (born 7 July 1961) is a schoolmaster and former Conservative member of the Parliament of the United Kingdom  He did not seek re-election in 2001, after which he became an author, before in 2010 being appointed as head master of Summer Fields School, Oxford  He is the grandson of the late former Conservative Prime Minister Harold Macmillan (1894–1986) 

Family and early life
The son of Julian and Lady Caroline Faber, Faber comes from an aristocratic political family drawn from the Whig and latterly the Conservative traditions  His maternal grandfather Harold Macmillan was Prime Minister at the time of his birth  His maternal grandmother, Lady Dorothy Cavendish, was descended from three Prime Ministers, the 4th Duke of Devonshire (1756–1757), the 2nd Earl of Shelburne (1782–1783) and the 3rd Duke of Portland (1783 and 1807–1809)  Faber's great-great-great-granduncle was Lord Hartington and his great-grandfather Victor Cavendish, 9th Duke of Devonshire was also a statesman  His mother’s cousins included Andrew Cavendish, 11th Duke of Devonshire, who was married to Deborah Mitford, and Andrew's elder brother William Cavendish, Marquess of Hartington, who was married to Kathleen Kennedy, the sister of  U S  President John F  Kennedy and Senators Robert F  Kennedy and Edward M  "Ted" Kennedy  His uncle Maurice Macmillan was a leading figure of Edward Heath's 1970s government 
Faber was educated at Summer Fields School, Summertown; and then at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford 

Life and career
Faber first stood for Parliament, unsuccessfully, in 1987 at Stockton North, where he was defeated by Labour's Frank Cook 
He worked in marketing and as a political assistant to Jeffrey Archer before entering the House of Commons in 1992 as Conservative Member of Parliament for Westbury  He was parliamentary private secretary to the Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 1994 to 1996, and then to the Secretary of State for Health, from 1996 to 1997  In opposition, after the Conservatives lost the 1997 general election, he was their front bench spokesman on Foreign and Commonwealth affairs, until 1998  He served as a member of several Parliamentary select committees: Social Security, 1992–1997, Culture, Media and Sport, 1998 to 2001, and the Public Accounts Committee, 2000–2001 In 1997, he was reported to be a director of Sterling Marketing, and in 1998 was a director of Freestream Aircraft Faber stood down from parliament at the 2001 general election, to be succeeded by fellow Conservative Andrew Murrison, when he began a new career as a writer  His book Speaking for England: Leo, Julian and John Amery, the tragedy of a political family (2005) was about Julian Amery, his uncle by his (Amery's) marriage to Faber's maternal aunt, Julian's father Leo, and brother John, who was executed after the Second World War for high treason 
In 2009, he was appointed as head of his old prep school, Summer Fields, with effect from September 2010 
Faber married firstly Sally Gilbert, a television weather presenter, and they had one son together, Henry, but later divorced, with Faber citing James Hewitt as co-respondent  He married secondly Sophie Amanda Hedley, and they have two daughters   He is a past committee member of the Marylebone Cricket Club, the governing body of the game of cricket, managing an MCC tour of Canada in 2001  He is also  a member of White's 

Books
David Faber, Munich (Simon & Schuster) – about the events of 1937–1938 and the Munich Conference
David Faber, Speaking for England: Leo, Julian and John Amery  (Simon & Schuster, 2005) – the Amery family and World War II ISBN 1-4165-2596-3
Passage 2:
Marina Yannakoudakis
Marina Yannakoudakis (born 16 April 1956) is a member of the European Economic and Social Committee and a former Conservative Member of the European Parliament for London  She was elected at the 2009 European Parliament election  She lost her seat at the 2014 election 

Early years
Yannakoudakis was born in Paddington  She studied for a BSc in government, politics and modern history at Brunel University, where she was chairman of the Conservative students, and also received an MA in education from the Open University 
She was a member of Barnet London Borough Council for Oakleigh Park Ward from 2006 to 2010 where she was chair of the Cleaner, Greener, Transport and Development Overview & Scrutiny Committee 

Member of the European Parliament
She was a full member of the Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality, the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety and a substitute member of the Special Committee on Organised Crime, Corruption and Money Laundering  She was a member of the Delegation to the EU-Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Joint Parliamentary Committee She was also a member of the High-Level Contact Group for relations with the Turkish Cypriot community in the northern part of the island and was the Conservative and the European Conservatives and Reformists spokesman on Women's Rights and Gender Equality 

Women's Rights
Yannakoudakis campaigned against EU plans to give women 20 weeks maternity leave on full pay  She led calls in the Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality for an impact assessment of the legislation to be conducted which resulted in the proposals being shelved  She has also spoken out against EU proposals to have a quota for women on boardrooms, where she described the proposals as "patronising" >She pushed for a redress to the Test Achats vs Council of Ministers case, a European Court of Justice ruling which determined it was illegal for insurance companies to discriminate on the basis of gender in the European Union Yannakoudakis also worked on issues related to women and entrepreneurship and child protection Yannakoudakis led a campaign in the European Parliament against female genital mutilation 

Health and Environment
In the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety she concentrated on public health issues, where she spoke out on the need for stricter rules for EU doctors as well as ensuring that MRI scanner rules are not over-regulated by EU law  She drafted the committee's report on the voluntary donation of tissues and cells which called for more donations of cord blood for stem cell transplants  She is the committee's contact point for the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control 
Yannakoudakis led a campaign to ensure that EU rules do not make it more difficult for electronic cigarette users to access e-cigs 

Cyprus and LGBT Rights
Yannakoudakis worked to support efforts to find people who went missing during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus and Cypriot intercommunal violence  She was a member of the European Parliament Intergroup on LGBT Rights  She has campaigned for the decriminalisation of homosexuality in Northern Cyprus  She met and received assurances from Turkish Cypriot leader Dr  Derviş Eroğlu that he would sign a repeal of the gay ban into law and by putting pressure on the authorities in the north she was instrumental in overturning the anti-gay law She supported LGBT rights by co-authoring a resolution on LGBT rights in Africa especially the protection of lesbians and called on the EU to suspend its aid to Uganda in light of the Uganda Anti-Homosexuality Bill 

Opposition to EU Policy
Yannakoudakis was strongly opposed to the introduction of a European Union financial transaction tax which she believed would have an adverse effect on the City of London  She has also campaigned to protect companies in her constituency threatened by EU rules including Prudential plc  She led a cross-party multi-national campaign to secure a level playing field for sugar cane refiners, including London's Tate & Lyle where jobs are under threat She led campaigns to seek savings in the EU budget  She raised concerns about spending on EU orchestras and has called for cuts to be made to the European Personnel Selection Office  and the Agencies of the European Union  She criticised the EU spending €2 million a year on Europe Day Yannakoudakis made a number of comments on the enlargement of the EU  She voted against the accession of Iceland to the European Union citing the ongoing Icesave dispute as an obstacle to EU membership  Yannakoudakis called for Iceland to fully compensate all UK depositors, especially the London councils which had invested surplus money  She also opposed a European Parliament report recommending the accession of Turkey to the European Union citing concerns about Ankara's failure to fully respect women's and minority rights, especially Kurds in Turkey  She also criticised Turkey's refusal to work with the 2012 Cypriot Presidency of the Council of the European Union 

Personal life
She married her Greek-born husband, Zacharias Yannakoudakis, in 1983  She was finance director of the company that they founded and ran together until her election; the couple has three children  The family lives in Barnet 
Passage 3:
Jonathan Aitken
Jonathan William Patrick Aitken (born 30 August 1942) is a British author, Church of England priest, convicted criminal and former Conservative Party politician  Beginning his career in journalism, he was elected to Parliament in 1974 (serving until 1997), and was a member of the cabinet during John Major's premiership from 1992 to 1995  That same year, he was accused by The Guardian of misdeeds conducted under his official government capacity  He sued the newspaper for libel in response, but the case collapsed, and he was subsequently found to have committed perjury during his trial  In 1999, he was sentenced to 18 months in prison, of which he served seven months 
Following his imprisonment, Aitken became a Christian and later became the honorary president of Christian Solidarity Worldwide  He was ordained as an Anglican priest in 2019 

Family
Aitken's parents were Sir William Traven Aitken, KBE, a former Conservative MP, and The Honourable Penelope, Lady Aitken, MBE, JP, daughter of The 1st Baron Rugby  Aitken is a great-nephew of the newspaper magnate and war-time minister, The 1st Baron Beaverbrook  His sister is the actress Maria Aitken and his nephew is the actor Jack Davenport  He is godfather to James Abbott, the son of Labour left-winger Diane Abbott In 1979, Aitken married Lolicia Olivera Azucki, a daughter of O  Azucki of Zurich, Switzerland; they divorced in 1998  With his first wife, he had twin daughters and one son, Alexandra and Victoria Aitken, and William Aitken respectively Aitken married his second wife, The Hon  Elizabeth Harris, daughter of The 1st Baron Ogmore, TD, PC, and former wife of actors Richard Harris and Sir Rex Harrison, in June 2003 In 1999, DNA testing confirmed that Petrina Khashoggi, putative daughter of billionaire arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, was Aitken's biological child, the result of an affair with Khashoggi's wife Soraya (née Sandra Daly) 
The paternity of Aitken himself has similarly been under question  In December 2008, Dutch historian Cees Fasseur said Aitken was the result of a wartime affair between Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands and Penelope Aitken 

Early life
Aitken was born in Dublin, Ireland  His grandfather, Sir John Maffey (who was created The 1st Baron Rugby in February 1947), was the first official British representative to the newly independent Irish state, being appointed in October 1939, at a time when Anglo-Irish relations were strained but improving  Maffey's official title was "United Kingdom Representative to Éire"  Aitken's baptism took place on 16 October 1942 at St Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, an Anglican church, at which he was named "Jonathan William Patrick Aitken"  The third name, "Patrick", was included at a late stage owing to the unexpected international importance of the occasion –- one of the Irish papers reported "British envoy's grandson is a real Paddy"  The Taoiseach, Éamon de Valera, who knew his grandparents, asked to attend the christening and his presence at the baptism was symbolic of improving Anglo-Irish relations  Also attending was Princess Juliana (later to become Queen Juliana of the Netherlands) as his godmother Aitken contracted tuberculosis, and at four years of age was admitted to Cappagh Hospital, Dublin, where he was an inpatient on a TB ward for more than three years, being cared for and educated by Catholic nuns  His father was severely injured as an RAF pilot when his Spitfire was shot down during the Second World War Aitken recovered and was discharged from the hospital aged seven  He lived with his parents at Halesworth, Suffolk, and learnt to walk properly again within a few months Aitken attended Eton College and read law at Christ Church, Oxford  His career initially followed a similar path to the post-war career of his father, who became a journalist and then the Conservative Member of Parliament for Bury St Edmunds 

Journalism and business
He served as a war correspondent during the 1960s in Vietnam and Biafra, and gained a reputation for risk-taking when he took LSD in 1966 as an experiment for an article in the London Evening Standard and had a bad trip: "this drug needs police, the Home Office and a dictator to stamp it out" He was also a journalist at Yorkshire Television from 1968 to 1970, presenting the regional news show Calendar  Aitken was the first person to be seen on screen from Yorkshire Television when it began broadcasting In 1970, Aitken was acquitted at the Old Bailey for breaching section 2 of the Official Secrets Act 1911, when he photocopied a report about the British government's supply of arms to Nigeria, and sent a copy to The Sunday Telegraph and to Hugh Fraser, a pro-Biafran (Nigerian Civil War) Tory MP  As a result of the case he was dropped as the Conservative candidate for the Thirsk and Malton parliamentary constituency Aitken was managing director of the Middle Eastern division of Slater Walker in 1973-75 and chairman of R  Sanbaar Consultants Ltd from 1976 to at least 1982, and a director of arms exporting firm BMARC from 1988 to 1990 

Parliamentary career
Aitken initially worked in parliament as private secretary to Conservative MP Selwyn Lloyd in 1964–66 Defeated at Meriden in the West Midlands in 1966 and dropped from standing for Thirsk and Malton (above), he was elected as MP for Thanet East in the February 1974 general election; from 1983 he sat for South Thanet   He managed to offend PM Margaret Thatcher by ending a relationship with her daughter, Carol Thatcher, and suggesting that Thatcher "probably thinks Sinai is the plural of Sinus" to an Egyptian newspaper  He stayed on the backbenches throughout Thatcher's premiership, as well as participating in the re-launch of TV-AM, when broadcaster Anna Ford threw her wine at him to express her outrage at both his behaviour and the unwelcome consequent transformation of the TV station 

Opens Hollis affair
Aitken wrote a highly confidential letter to Thatcher in early 1980, dealing with allegations that the former Director-General of MI5, Sir Roger Hollis, had been a double agent also working for the Soviet Union  This information had come to Aitken from retired CIA spymaster James Angleton  Espionage historian Chapman Pincher obtained a copy of the letter, and used former MI5 officers Peter Wright and Arthur Martin as his main additional secret sources, to write the sensational book Their Trade is Treachery in 1981  This matter continued being highly controversial throughout the 1980s, and led to Wright eventually publishing his own book Spycatcher in 1987, despite the government's prolonged Australian court attempts to stop him from doing so 

Minister of State for Defence Procurement
Aitken became Minister of State for Defence Procurement under prime minister John Major in 1992  He was later accused of violating ministerial rules by allowing an Arab businessman to pay for his stay in the Paris Ritz, perjured himself and was jailed (see below) Aitken had previously been a director of BMARC, an arms exporter during 1988–1990  In 1995, a Commons motion showed that while a Cabinet minister he had signed a controversial Public Interest Immunity Certificate (PIIC) in September 1992 relating to the Matrix Churchill trial, and that the "gagged" documents included ones relating to the supply of arms to Iran by BMARC for a period when he was a director of the company 

Chief Secretary to the Treasury
He became Chief Secretary to the Treasury in 1994, a Cabinet position, but resigned in 1995 following the allegations that he had violated ministerial rules 
He was defeated in the 1997 general election  Within a year he had been appointed as a representative for the arms company GEC-Marconi (part of BAE Systems since November 1999) 

Libel, arrest and prison
Libel action
On 10 April 1995, The Guardian carried a front-page report on Aitken's dealings with leading Saudis  The story was the result of a long investigation carried out by journalists from the newspaper and from Granada Television's World in Action programme  The Guardian also alleged Aitken as Minister for Defence Procurement, arranged prostitutes for Arab businessmen  Granada's World in Action programme repeated the accusation in a television documentary called Jonathan of Arabia Aitken had called a press conference at the Conservative Party offices in Smith Square, London, at 5 p m  that same day denouncing the claims and demanding that the World in Action documentary, which was due to be screened three hours later, withdraw them  He said:

If it falls to me to start a fight to cut out the cancer of bent and twisted journalism in our country with the simple sword of truth and the trusty shield of British fair play, so be it  I am ready for the fight  The fight [is] against falsehood and those who peddle it  My fight begins today  Thank you and good afternoon 
The World in Action film Jonathan of Arabia was transmitted as planned and Aitken carried out his threat to sue  The action collapsed in June 1997 (a month after he had lost his seat in the 1997 general election) when  The Guardian and Granada produced, via their counsel George Carman QC, evidence countering his claim that his wife, Lolicia Aitken, paid for the hotel stay at the Ritz Hotel in Paris  The evidence consisted of airline vouchers and other documents showing that his wife had, in fact, been in Switzerland at the time when she had allegedly been at the Ritz in Paris  The joint Guardian/Granada investigation indicated an arms deal scam involving Aitken's friend and business partner, the Lebanese businessman Mohammed Said Ayas, a close associate of Prince Mohammed of Saudi Arabia  It was alleged that Aitken had been prepared to have his teenage daughter Victoria lie under oath to support his version of events, had the case continued A few days after the libel case collapsed, World in Action broadcast a special edition, which echoed Aitken's "sword of truth" speech  It was titled "The Dagger of Deceit" 
During this time, it emerged that when Aitken was being encouraged to resign, he was chairman of the secretive right-wing think-tank Le Cercle, alleged by Alan Clark to be funded by the CIA 

Perjury conviction and imprisonment
Aitken was charged with perjury and perverting the course of justice and, after pleading guilty on 8 June 1999 to both offences, was sentenced to jail for 18 months of which he served almost seven months as a custodial sentence  While Aitken was sentenced Mr Justice Scott Baker said Aitken had breached trust inexcusably  Scott Baker told Aitken: "For nearly four years you wove a web of deceit in which you entangled yourself and from which there was no way out unless you were prepared to come clean and tell the truth  Unfortunately you were not "During the preceding libel trial, his wife Lolicia, who later left him, was called as a witness to sign a supportive affidavit to the effect that she had paid his Paris hotel bill, but did not appear  In the end, with the case already in court, investigative work by The Guardian reporters into Swiss hotel and British Airways records showed that neither his daughter nor his wife had been in Paris at the time in question 

Bankruptcy
Aitken was unable to cover the legal costs of his libel trial and was declared bankrupt  As part of the bankruptcy, his trustees settled legal actions against the magazine Private Eye, over the claims it had made that Aitken was a "serial liar"  He also became one of the few people to resign from the Privy Council  Aitken's wife and three daughters turned up to support him when he was sentenced 

Christian faith
Aitken attended the Alpha Course in 1997, which he said stirred his interest in Christianity  He attended the course on further occasions prior to imprisonment  After being imprisoned in 1999, he began to study the Bible, learned Greek, and became a student of Christian theology at Wycliffe Hall, Oxford  This part of his life is covered in two autobiographical works called Pride and Perjury and Porridge and Passion 
Aitken's claim that he had found God was met with some scepticism  Aitken said: "In a different era, I'd have been one of the cynics myself  If I'd had a parliamentary colleague who’d got into trouble, gone to jail and come out saying, 'I've found God', I'd have said, 'Oh, how very convenient for him' "
The Guardian might insist that Aitken demonstrate the sincerity of repentance by repaying the whopping legal bill of one-and-half-million pounds he landed on them by his dishonest libel action  He was allowed to drop the case on promising to pay costs, but then escaped from the liability when he declared himself bankrupt and revealed that most of his apparent assets turn out to be conveniently owned by other people  The Guardian still believe he has more resources than he will admit 
In 2000 he said that he would not become a vicar because he considered himself not worthy of the office and "wouldn't like to give dog-collars a bad name" In 2006 Aitken became honorary president of Christian Solidarity Worldwide 

Ordained ministry
On 30 June 2018, Aitken was ordained in the Church of England as a deacon by Sarah Mullally, the Bishop of London  Since then he has served as a non-stipendiary minister at St Matthew's Church, Westminster and as a  chaplain of Pentonville Prison Exactly one year after becoming deacon, on 30 June 2019, Aitken was ordained as an Anglican priest in St Mary's Church, Stoke Newington, also by the Bishop of London 

Political comebacks
In early 2004, some constituency party members in Aitken's former seat of South Thanet proposed that he should return as Conservative candidate for the seat in the 2005 general election  This was vetoed by Conservative Party leader Michael Howard Aitken later confirmed that he would not attempt a return to Parliament, saying that "the leader has spoken  I accept his judgement with good grace " He denied rumours he was to stand as an independent candidate insisting that he was not a "spoiler" 
Aitken later declared his support for the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) a week before the party's equally strong performance as the Liberal Democrats, with both parties winning 12 seats each in the 2004 European elections  On 2 October 2004, Aitken attended the (UKIP) conference and re-iterated his support for the party 
In November 2007, with the approval of senior members of the shadow cabinet, he took charge of a task force on prison reform within Iain Duncan Smith's Centre for Social Justice to help formulate Conservative Party policy  Aitken said this was not part of a political comeback  Conservative spokesmen pointed out that the task force is independent of the party, even though the organisation was run by Iain Duncan Smith  The report Locked Up Potential: A Strategy to Reform our Prisons and Rehabilitate our Prisoners was published in March 2009 

Parliamentary access
In September 2020, it was revealed that the former Speaker of the House of Commons, John Bercow, awarded Aitken a parliamentary pass despite the House of Commons claiming that former MPs who had been sentenced to a period of imprisonment of one year or more were ineligible   In September 2020 Aitken had held a pass continuously since at least December 2015 

Works
The Young Meteors
In his early book The Young Meteors (London: Secker & Warburg, 1967; New York: Atheneum, 1967), Aitken profiled the brightest lights among the younger generation in Britain, and particularly London, with a hint in the title that many of these were likely to burn and crash  Hunter Davies, one of the people profiled, has pointed out that such lists of the promising were then common in The Sunday Times, but unusual as books  Much later, Craig Taylor in 2003 observed that those profiled who were still burning brightly included Michael Caine, David Bailey, Twiggy, David Frost and Don McCullin  Taylor found it humdrum, but:

the book is worth re-examining these many years later for one reason  Aitken, it has been shown over time, is a figure we can always learn something from, a kind of walking, well-groomed Grimm's fairy tale        In [this book] he intuits the popularity and importance of unquantifiable lists of who is hot, young and going places 
Aitken himself in 2003 had a low opinion of the book: "In terms of style, it was certainly the worst book I've ever written"  Yet the title was memorable: it was consciously adopted by Martin Harrison for a survey of the British photojournalism (including Bailey and McCullin) of about the same period 

Nazarbayev and the Making of Kazakhstan: From Communism to Capitalism
In 2009 Aitken published a biography of Nursultan Nazarbayev, the President of Kazakhstan, with the subject's cooperation  The Diplomat observed that the publisher’s note "describes Nazarbayev as a 'widely admired' leader, which is an interesting descriptor for a political leader who has never won an election deemed free or fair " Aitken received a Kazakh award for his "huge contribution to making Kazakhstan popular in the world and promoting its global reputation" The book sold only 466 copies and was widely panned by critics, The Guardian noting that the book "relies, for supporting evidence, on the good opinions of his [Nazarbayev's] friends (or of those too cowed to utter a word out of place)  It becomes curiously tolerant when oppression, corruption and galloping megalomania are on the menu " The review also described it as "a fascinating, cleverly orchestrated snow job: quite probably the hagiography of the year " The London Review of Books wrote that the flattery within the biography ranged "from the banal to the cringing " Eurasianet wrote that it was a "hagiography" that was part of Nazarbayev's personality cult In 2021, documents leaked in the Pandora papers suggested that Aitken was paid £166,000 for writing the book by organisations with links to the Government of Kazakhstan, despite Aitken telling Reuters at the time of the publication "that he had not received any payment from the government " One invoice from Aitken's firm dated April 2009 for £33,333 is marked as "agreed final instalment fee for book project" 

Other books
Aitken has written several Christian religious books since his release from prison  Aitken has published two books of prayers, Prayers for People under Pressure (2006),
and Psalms for People Under Pressure (2004), and wrote a biography of the English slaver and Anglican clergyman John Newton, John Newton: From Disgrace to Amazing Grace, in 2007 Aitken has written several biographies of political figures, including the President of the United States Richard Nixon (Nixon: A Life, 1993)  Although his was not an authorised biography, Aitken was one of the few biographers from whom Nixon accepted questions and to whom he granted interviews   He also wrote on Nixon's co-conspirator in the Watergate scandal, Charles Colson (Charles W  Colson: A Life Redeemed, 2005)  Colson had assisted Aitken in his biography of Nixon, and had later corresponded with Aitken urging him to repent in the wake of the Guardian libel case  Aitken published a book of personal recollections of Margaret Thatcher, Margaret Thatcher: Power and Personality, after her death in 2013 

Bibliography
A Short Walk On The Campus (1966, with Michael Beloff)
Young Meteors (1967)
Land of Fortune: A Study of the New Australia (1970)
From John Bull to Uncle Sam: How to Run An Empire (1970)
Officially Secret (1971)
A British View of the Middle East Situation (1976)
Nixon: A Life (1993)
Pride and Perjury: An Autobiography (2003)
Psalms for People Under Pressure (2004)
Porridge and Passion: An Autobiography (2005)
Charles W  Colson: A Life Redeemed (2005)
Prayers for People under Pressure (2006)
Heroes and Contemporaries (2007)
John Newton (2007)
Nazarbayev and the Making of Kazakhstan: From Communism to Capitalism (2009)
Kazakhstan and Twenty Years of Independence (2012)
Margaret Thatcher: Power and Personality (2013)
Doing Time: A Spiritual Survival Guide (2021, with Edward Smyth)

See also
Jeffrey Archer, Aitken's contemporary, another Conservative politician imprisoned for perjury
Chris Huhne, Liberal Democrat politician, imprisoned for perverting the course of justice
Passage 4:
Christine Hamilton
Mary Christine Hamilton (née Holman; born 10 November 1949) is an English media personality and author  She is married to Neil Hamilton, the former Conservative Member of Parliament (MP) for Tatton 
Hamilton and her husband have become prominent supporters of the UK Independence Party (UKIP), with Neil standing for a local council seat in the 2014 local elections  Neil Hamilton's application to become a European Parliamentary candidate for UKIP was rejected in 2013, though he had been elected to UKIP's National Executive Committee in 2011 

Early life
Hamilton's father was a GP in Ringwood, Hampshire and she grew up in the New Forest area  She attended Wentworth College, an independent boarding school for girls in Bournemouth and a co-educational Grammar School in Christchurch, Hampshire  She then studied sociology at the University of York and first met Neil Hamilton when they both attended a student political conference  In 2006, they released a song coinciding with the World Cup, "England Are Jolly Dee" 

Career
MP's secretary
Hamilton spent many years working as secretary to various Conservative MPs, first Wilfred Proudfoot MP for Brighouse and Spenborough, then Gerald Nabarro, MP for South Worcestershire  She stood behind Nabarro as he spoke on the steps of Winchester Court after being cleared on appeal of a motoring offence  Hamilton worked as her husband's secretary following their 1983 marriage  Neil Hamilton eventually reached the post of Minister for Corporate Affairs between 1992 and 1994 in Prime Minister John Major's government  Neil Hamilton became embroiled in the Cash-for-questions affair, and the former BBC broadcaster Martin Bell stood against him for the Tatton seat at the 1997 general election  Bell campaigned as an ‘anti-sleaze’ candidate, and Christine Hamilton confronted him during a televised press conference on Knutsford Heath, which brought her to public prominence  Hamilton later described the confrontation with Bell as "   the making of me " The journalist John Sweeney later published Purple Homicide, an account of the campaign for the Tatton seat  Neil Hamilton's later failure in a libel case against the Egyptian businessman, Mohamed Al-Fayed, would lead to her husband's bankruptcy  Their home in Nether Alderley, Cheshire was sold to the market for £1 25 million 

Entertainment personality
After Hamilton's electoral defeat, Christine and her husband appeared together on the satirical BBC quiz show Have I Got News for You, on 9 May 1997, an appearance that established her as a chat-show personality and she subsequently appeared on programmes including her own Christine Hamilton Show on BBC Choice where she interviewed celebrities who suffered some form of adversity, including Jonathan Aitken, James Hewitt, Bernard Manning, Ivana Trump, Paul Merson and John Fashanu  The Hamiltons were the subjects of an episode of Louis Theroux's 2001 documentary series When Louis Met    Hamilton has described herself as a "media butterfly" and has appeared on a variety of television shows since her husband's electoral defeat  Hamilton came third in the first series of the reality television programme, I'm a Celebrity   Get Me Out of Here! in 2002, and reached the final of Celebrity Masterchef in 2010  Hamilton appeared on Have I Got News for You in 2002 and taunted presenter Angus Deayton over recent tabloid revelations about his personal life In the theatre, Hamilton has appeared in pantomime in Jack and the Beanstalk at the Yvonne Arnaud Theatre, Guildford in 2002, as the Fairy Godmother in Cinderella at the Kettering Lighthouse Theatre in 2011 and has taken the role of the narrator for The Rocky Horror Show musical  Hamilton toured her one-woman show, Share an Evening with Christine Hamilton, in 2003, and has appeared several times in Eve Ensler's play The Vagina Monologues, including its 2005 West End run at Wyndhams Theatre, where she appeared alongside Jenny Eclair and Heather Small  The Hamiltons appeared at the Edinburgh Festival in 2006 with their show, Lunch with the Hamiltons, at the Pleasance Dome in 2006 Hamilton was the face of 'British Sausage Week' in 2005 and the judge of 'Mr Gay Torbay' in 2009  Hamilton legally changed her name by deed poll to 'Mrs British Battleaxe' in February 2009 as a promotion for an online deed service company  She later regretted the decision 

Media commentator, presenter and writer
Hamilton has appeared on numerous topical television programmes including GMTV, Loose Women, This Week, The Alan Titchmarsh Show, This Morning and The Wright Stuff  Hamilton has also been a dictionary corner guest on Countdown Hamilton also interviewed successful women in business for the digital channel Simply Money, has presented programmes on Sky Digital's Destination Lunch, and stood in for Gloria Hunniford and Fern Britton on Open House and This Morning As a writer Hamilton published The Book of British Battleaxes in 1999, and an autobiography, For Better For Worse: Her Own Story, in 2005  Hamilton has also written columns for Western Daily Press and the gay magazine Refresh 

False allegation
Along with her husband, she was arrested in May 2001 by police investigating an alleged rape that was found to be false  Their accuser, Nadine Milroy-Sloan, was charged with attempting to pervert the course of justice, and in 2002 sentenced to 3 years imprisonment for making the false accusations 
Passage 5:
Gyles Brandreth
Gyles Daubeney Brandreth (born 8 March 1948) is an English broadcaster, writer and former politician  He has worked as a television presenter, theatre producer, journalist, author and publisher 
He was a presenter for TV-am's Good Morning Britain in the 1980s, and has been regularly featured on Channel 4's game show  Countdown and the BBC's The One Show  On radio, he makes frequent appearances on the BBC Radio 4 programme Just a Minute 
In 1992, Brandreth was elected to the House of Commons as the Conservative Member of Parliament (MP) for the City of Chester constituency  He served until he was defeated in 1997, and resumed his career in the media  He has written both fiction and non-fiction books, and makes appearances as a public speaker 

Early life
Brandreth was born on 8 March 1948 in Wuppertal, West Germany, where his father, Charles Brandreth, was serving as a legal officer with the Allied Control Commission  He moved to London with his parents at the age of three and was educated at the Lycée Français in South Kensington, and Bedales School in Petersfield, Hampshire, where he met his friend Simon Cadell Brandreth studied Modern History and Modern Languages at New College, Oxford, where he met Rick Stein  While at Oxford, he directed the Oxford University Dramatic Society and was President of the Oxford Union in Michaelmas term, 1969, and was a regular contributor to the university magazine Isis  He was described in a contemporaneous publication as "Oxford's Lord High Everything Else"  Christopher Hitchens suggested that Brandreth "set out to make himself into a Ken Tynan  Wore a cloak "

Television
Brandreth has appeared in the Dictionary Corner on the game show Countdown more than 300 times, including Carol Vorderman's final edition in 2008, making more appearances than any other guest  He appeared on TV-am's Good Morning Britain  He was known for his collection of jumpers, of which some were sold in a charity auction in 1993 
Brandreth hosted the short-lived game show Public Opinion in 2004  In 2006 he appeared on the television series That Mitchell and Webb Look, on the fictional game show "Numberwang", satirising his appearances in Countdown's Dictionary Corner  In 2007 he guest-starred in the Doctor Who audio play I D   From July to August 2009 he hosted the game show Knowitalls on BBC Two  In April 2010 he appeared on BBC Radio 4's Vote Now Show  He made a cameo appearance as himself in Channel 4 sitcom The IT Crowd, in the episode "The Final Countdown" 
A frequent guest on BBC television panel shows, he has appeared on six episodes of QI and six episodes of Have I Got News for You  He has appeared in episodes of Channel 5's The Gadget Show, and is a contributor to the BBC's early evening programme The One Show 
He appeared on Room 101 in 2005, while Paul Merton was host, successfully banishing the Royal Variety Performance and the British honours system into Room 101, saying that he would never accept an honour himself  In 2013 he clarified that position, stating that he had "no fundamental objection to the honours system", and that he selected the honours system for Room 101 because he could "tell funny stories about it" In October 2019, Brandreth appeared in series 3 of Richard Osman's House of Games, winning two of the five episodes 
Also in 2019, Brandreth appeared on series 1 of Celebrity Gogglebox alongside Sheila Hancock  In 2020 and 2021, Brandreth returned for Series 2 and 3, alongside Maureen Lipman  In 2022, he appeared in the series with Joanna Lumley and Carol Vorderman  In 2023, he returned with Lumley for Series 5, as well as Susie Dent 
In 2020, Brandreth and actor Sheila Hancock replaced Timothy West and Prunella Scales in a two-episode series of Great Canal Journeys, travelling down the River Thames  In the first episode Timothy West gave the two novice canal boaters a crash course in barging  They went down the Staffordshire Waterways in 2021 for another two-episode series On 16 October 2021, Brandreth appeared as a celebrity contestant on Beat the Chasers in aid of Great Ormond Street Hospital On 24 October 2022, Brandreth appeared on Bargain Hunt: BBC 100th Birthday Special to commemorate the BBC's 100th Anniversary  His team mate was Tony Blackburn 

Radio
Brandreth has presented programmes on London's LBC radio at various times since 1973, such as Star Quality  He frequently appears on BBC Radio 4's comedy panel game Just a Minute  He has appeared on several episodes of Radio 4's political programme The Westminster Hour, explaining his thoughts on how to make the most of being a government minister  From 2003 to 2005 Brandreth hosted the Radio 4 comedy panel game Whispers 
In 2006, Brandreth appeared in the Radio 4 comedy programme Living with the Enemy which he co-wrote with comedian Nick Revell, in which they appear as a former Conservative government minister and a former comedian  In 2010 he broadcast a Radio 4 documentary about his great-great-great-grandfather, Benjamin Brandreth, the inventor of a medicine called "Brandreth's Pills"  He is the host of the Radio 4 comedy panel show Wordaholics, first aired on 20 February 2012  He appeared on the Radio 4 programme The Museum of Curiosity in August 2017, to which he donated a button that was once owned by a famous actor 
In April 2019, Brandreth began co-hosting a podcast titled Something Rhymes With Purple alongside friend and colleague Susie Dent  The podcast discusses aspects of the English language such as historic or unusual words and their origins, as well as the origins of popular phrases and sayings 

Writing
Since the 1970s, Brandreth has written books for adults and children about Scrabble, words, puzzles and jokes, and co-founded the Games & Puzzles magazine  He wrote an authorised biography of actor John Gielgud, and lipogrammic reworks of Shakespeare  In the 1980s, Brandreth wrote scripts for Dear Ladies, a television programme featuring Hinge and Bracket  Brandreth created the stage show Zipp!, which enjoyed success at the Edinburgh Festival and had a short run in the West End In 1999, he published diaries chronicling his days as a politician between 1990 and 1997, called Breaking the Code In September 2004, Brandreth's book on the marriage of Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh, Philip and Elizabeth: Portrait of a Marriage was published  In July 2005, he published a second book on the royal family, entitled Charles and Camilla: Portrait of a Love Affair, which concerns the three-decade love affair between the then-Prince Charles and Camilla Parker Bowles In 2021, following the death of Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh, Brandreth wrote, "The duke showed me great friendliness over 40 years but royalty offer you friendliness, not friendship, and you have to remember the difference "Brandreth has written a series of seven works of historical fiction called The Oscar Wilde Murder Mysteries, in which Oscar Wilde works with both Robert Sherard and Arthur Conan Doyle Brandreth has written and toured in a number of comedic one-man shows, including The One-to-One Show in 2010–2011, Looking for Happiness in 2013–2014 and Word Power in 2015–2016 Brandreth has written a book entitled Have You Eaten Grandma?, about the English language and correct grammar 

Politics
Brandreth was a Conservative MP, representing the City of Chester, from 1992 to 1997  He proposed a private member's bill which became law as the Marriage Act 1994  In 1995, he was appointed to a junior ministerial position as a Lord of the Treasury, with his role being essentially that of a whip He broadcast reminiscences of his parliamentary career on BBC radio as Brandreth on Office and The Brandreth Rules in 2001, 2003 and 2005 In August 2014, Brandreth was one of 200 public figures who were signatories to a letter to The Guardian opposing Scottish independence in the run-up to September's referendum on that issue  In May 2016, Brandreth told The Spectator that he was likely to vote for the UK to stay in the European Union in the following month's referendum on the issue  In 2019, Brandreth confirmed that he had voted to remain, but accepted the result of the referendum and believed that the government had to "get Brexit done" 

Gyles & George Knitwear
Brandreth is known for the colourful, humorous jumpers he has designed and worn throughout his career   He has stated on the BBC that "it's all I'm really known for "  Collaborating with artist and knitwear designer George Hostler, Brandreth created hundreds of jumper designs that appear in books he and Hostler authored and produced under their knitwear label, Gyles & George Brandreth has a room in his London home devoted to his jumpers, and claims to have one for almost every occasion   To name just a few examples: he has a knitted jumper emblazoned with a green frog that he has worn for appointments with princes (Philip and Charles); on other royal occasions, he has worn sweaters featuring corgis and crowns   He has appeared on television talking about rail strikes wearing a jumper that features a steam locomotive, and wore a sweater bearing the words "The End" on the day Boris Johnson resigned  And he has a Scrabble-themed jumper which he wears in his capacity as president of the Association of British Scrabble Players In order to strike a more serious note, he wore lounge suits rather than novelty jumpers when serving in Parliament, though he has stated: "The first time I spoke in the House of Commons, I heard John Prescott on the bench opposite me muttering 'woolly jumpers ha ha ha ' He could see I was thrown and he carried on  Eventually I had to pause and point out to Mr Prescott that the joy of a woolly jumper is that you can take it off at will  Whereas the blight of a woolly mind is that you're lumbered with it for life "In 2020, Brandreth partnered with American designer Jack Carlson to revive the label for the 21st century, with Gyles & George joining Carlson's collective of brands, Blazer Group   They have collaborated to re-release many of Brandreth's original designs, including a jumper with the words "I'm a Luxury" across the front, famously worn by Diana, Princess of Wales, and another featuring the words "What the **** is going on?" (the back reads: "Don't ask me")  They have also released a popular collection of sweaters themed around the signs of the zodiac Aside from Brandreth himself, the brand's models and prominent customers have included Joanna Lumley, Floella Benjamin, Hugh Bonneville, Jane Asher, Elton John, Pete Davidson, Ziwe Fumudoh, Blanca Miro, Dwyane Wade, Keith Richards, and Diana, Princess of Wales In 2023, the Petersfield Museum opened an exhibition dedicated to Gyles & George and Brandreth's personal collection of jumpers 

Other activities
Brandreth is a former European Monopoly champion, and president of the Association of British Scrabble Players, having organised the first British National Scrabble Championship in 1971  Since 2015 he has been the president of the Oscar Wilde Society, which was founded in 1990 He is an after-dinner speaker and held the world record for the longest continuous after-dinner speech, twelve-and-a-half hours, done as a charity stunt  With his wife, he founded a Teddy bear museum  Located in Stratford-upon-Avon for 18 years, it was relocated to the Polka Theatre in Wimbledon, London  In 2016, the museum moved to Newby Hall in Yorkshire  He is a patron of the National Piers Society and vice-president of charity Fields in Trust (formerly the National Playing Fields Association) 
In 2014, Brandreth was awarded the honorary degree of Doctor of Letters (DLitt) from the University of Chester  In December 2016, he was named the university's chancellor, and officially took the role in March 2017 

Personal life
Brandreth met his future wife, Michèle Brown, at Oxford  Five years later, with Brown working as a television reporter and Brandreth in theatre, the couple decided to have a "quiet wedding"  They were married at Marylebone Registry Office on 8 June 1973, with actor Simon Cadell, Brandreth's best friend from school, as a witness  The couple have lived in Barnes, southwest London, since 1986 They have three children, including Aphra, a former Conservative councillor in Richmond  She is deputy chair of the Conservative Women's Organisation and was the party's unsuccessful candidate for Kingston and Surbiton at the 2019 United Kingdom general election Brandreth is a vegetarian, and stopped drinking alcohol in 1997 in order to lose weight 

Selected bibliography
Non-fiction
Created in Captivity (1972), a study of prison reform
The Funniest Man on Earth (1974), a biography of Dan Leno
The Joy of Lex: How to Have Fun with 860,341,500 Words (1980), ISBN 0-688-01397-X
The Complete Home Entertainer (1981) ISBN 0-7091-9145-6, 978-0-7091-9145-2
Everyman's Indoor Games (1981), ISBN 0-460-04456-7
The World's Best Indoor Games (1981), ISBN 978-0394524771
871 Famous Last Words, and Put-downs, Insults, Squelches, Compliments, Rejoinders, Epigrams, and Epitaphs of Famous People (1982) ISBN 0-5173-8349-7, 978-0-5173-8349-0
The Book of Mistaikes (1982), ISBN 0-7088-2194-4
Wordplay (1982), ISBN 0-7278-2017-6, 978-0-7278-2017-4
John Gielgud: A Celebration (1984) ISBN 0-907-51638-6
The Scrabble Brand Puzzle Book (1984), ISBN 0-671-50536-X
The Book of Solo Games (1984), ISBN 091174553X
A Guide to Playing the Scrabble Brand Crossword Game (1985), ISBN 0-671-50652-8
Wit knits: Lively and original hand-knitting designs (1985), ISBN 978-0-0021-8168-6 (with George Hostler)
The Great Book of Optical Illusions (1985), ISBN 0-8069-6258-5
Everyman's Classic Puzzles (1986), ISBN 0-4600-2466-3
The Scrabble Companion (1988), ISBN 0-09-172698-0 (with Darryl Francis)
Knitability: fun knits for all the family (1988), ISBN 978-0-0041-1-1988 (with Linda O'Brien)
World Championship Scrabble (1992), ISBN 0-550-19028-7 (with Darryl Francis)
Under the Jumper: Autobiographical Excursions (1993)  ISBN 0-86051-894-9
Breaking the Code: Westminster Diaries, 1992–97 (1999), ISBN 0-297-64311-8
Brief Encounters: Meetings with Remarkable People (2001), ISBN 1-902301-95-1
John Gielgud: An Actor's Life (2001), ISBN 0-7509-2690-2
The Biggest Kids Joke Book Ever! (2002), ISBN 0-233-05062-0
The Joy of Lex: An Amazing and Amusing Z to A and A to Z of Words (2002), ISBN 1-86105-399-1
The Word Book (2002), ISBN 1-86105-398-3
Philip and Elizabeth: Portrait of a Marriage (2004), ISBN 0-7126-6103-4
Charles and Camilla: Portrait of a Love Affair (2005), ISBN 1-84413-845-3
The 7 Secrets of Happiness (2013) ISBN 978-1780722047
Word Play (2015) ISBN 978-1-473-62029-2
Messing About in Quotes  (2018) ISBN 978-0-19-881318-7
Novelty knits: 35 fun & fabulous jumpers (2019), ISBN 978-0-8578-3-8476 (with Saethryd Brandreth)
The Oxford Book of Theatrical Anecdotes (2020) ISBN 978-0-19-874958-5
Philip: The Final Portrait (2021) ISBN 978-1-44-476960-9
Odd Boy Out (2021) ISBN 978-0-24-148371-8
Elizabeth: An Intimate Portrait (2022) ISBN 978-0-24-158258-9

Fiction
Here Comes Golly (1979)  ISBN 978-0-7207-1098-4
Who is Nick Saint? (1996)  ISBN 978-0-3168-7979-8
Venice Midnight (1999)  ISBN 0-7515-2658-4
Oscar Wilde and the Candlelight Murders (2007), (American title: Oscar Wilde and a Death of No Importance)  ISBN 978-0-7195-6930-2
Oscar Wilde and the Ring of Death (2008), (American title: Oscar Wilde and a Game Called Murder)  ISBN 978-0719569609
Oscar Wilde and the Dead Man's Smile (2009)  ISBN 978-1416534853
Oscar Wilde and the Nest of Vipers (2010), (American title: Oscar Wilde and the Vampire Murders)  ISBN 978-1-4391-5369-7
Oscar Wilde and the Vatican Murders (2011)  ISBN 978-1-4391-5374-1
Oscar Wilde and the Murders at Reading Gaol (2012)  ISBN 978-1-4391-5376-5
Jack the Ripper - Case Closed (2017)- ISBN 978-1-4721-5232-9 (American title: Oscar Wilde and the Return of Jack the Ripper (2019)  ISBN 978-1-64313-021-7)
Passage 6:
Keith Raffan
Keith William Twort Raffan (born 21 June 1949) is a former British politician  From 1983 to 1992, he served in the British House of Commons as the Conservative Member of Parliament (MP) for the Delyn constituency in Wales  Then from 1999 to 2005, he was a Scottish Liberal Democrat Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) for the Mid Scotland and Fife region 

Early life
Raffan was born in Aberdeen and educated at Robert Gordon's College, Trinity College, Glenalmond, and Corpus Christi College, Cambridge  Prior to entering parliament he was a parliamentary sketchwriter for the Daily Express 

Conservative MP, 1983–1992
Originally a Conservative, Raffan was in the early 1970s a chairman of Pressure for Economic and Social Toryism (a precursor of the Tory Reform Group), thus placing him on the left of the party  At this time he stood unsuccessfully for parliament in two general elections, at Dulwich in February 1974 and East Aberdeenshire in October 1974 He was elected as Conservative MP for the Welsh seat of Delyn from 1983 to 1992, but his views on issues like drugs put him out of favour with the prevailing leadership of Margaret Thatcher, and he was never made a Minister  Raffan was one of the few Conservative MPs to support the 'stalking horse' leadership challenge of Anthony Meyer (his constituency neighbour in north Wales) against Thatcher in 1989, and he then supported Michael Heseltine's challenge to Thatcher the following year 

Scottish parliament, 1999–2005
Raffan stood down from the House of Commons at the 1992 general election and abandoned the Tories, in part because of his strong support for Scottish and Welsh devolution  He joined the Liberal Democrats that same year, and after working as a broadcaster and public relations consultant in New York and for Welsh TV channel HTV moved to Scotland  In 1998 he stood as the Liberal Democrat candidate in the European Parliament by-election for North East Scotland, and soon afterwards was appointed the Scottish party's chief spokesman on home affairs In the 1999 Scottish Parliament election Raffan was elected as a regional list MSP to represent Mid Scotland and Fife  He was one of three Liberal Democrat MSPs – along with Donald Gorrie and John Farquhar Munro – who opposed the coalition with the Labour Party in the Scottish Parliament, and was alone in his Liberal Democrat colleagues in not backing Donald Dewar for First Minister (he abstained from the vote)  Noted for his flamboyant and theatrical manner when participating in debate, early in the parliament's first term he gained notoriety for tabling 38 written questions in one day Raffan was re-elected at the 2003 Scottish Parliament election, and became a Vice Convener of the Scottish Liberal Democrats  However, in December 2004 he was subject to wide criticism for claiming abnormally large expense costs from the Scottish Parliament, including travel in his Fife constituency at times he was known to be in Parliament in Edinburgh  The following month he resigned as an MSP, citing ill-health (and not the controversy his expense claims had caused) as the reason 
He faced further criticism after his resignation for working at ITV Wales despite being "too sick to work"  He was replaced in his seat by Andrew Arbuckle, who had been next on the Liberal Democrat list for Mid Scotland and Fife in 2003  The Scottish Liberal Democrats have confirmed to the press that Raffan is no longer a party member 

After politics
In the run up to the 2018 local elections, Raffan wrote a letter to the Evening Standard declaring that he was going to vote for the Labour Party in Kensington where he was living He has subsequently left his third political party and now considers himself an independent 
Passage 7:
Democratic Party (Denmark)
The Democratic Party (Danish: Det Demokratiske Parti, less officially Demokraterne) is a political party in Denmark  The party was founded in September 2012 by former conservative member of parliament and former chairman of the Christian Democrats, Per Ørum Jørgensen, a few weeks after his resignation as chairman  The new party has no religious profile, but is a socially conservative, centre-right party which focuses on social issues and on reducing the distance between the citizens and the government in several respects  It wants Denmark to leave the EU  Instead, it wants a union of the Nordic countries of the same type  The party has no parliamentary representation 
Passage 8:
Baron Dunleath
Baron Dunleath, of Ballywalter in the County of Down, is a title in the Peerage of the United Kingdom  It was created on 29 August 1892 for the businessman and former Conservative Member of Parliament for Downpatrick, John Mulholland  The Mulholland family were involved in the cotton and linen industry in Ulster in the north of Ireland  The first Baron's son, the second Baron, represented Londonderry North in the House of Commons as a Conservative  His grandson, the fourth Baron, was a member of the Northern Ireland Assembly for the Alliance Party  He was succeeded by his first cousin, the fifth Baron, who had already succeeded his father as second Baronet of Ballyscullion (see below)  As of 2017 the titles are held by the fifth Baron's son, the sixth Baron, who succeeded in 1997 
The Mulholland Baronetcy, of Ballyscullion Park in the County of Londonderry, was created in the Baronetage of the United Kingdom on 3 July 1945 for the Hon  Henry Mulholland  He was the third son of the second Baron Dunleath and notably served as Speaker of the House of Commons of Northern Ireland  He was succeeded by his son, the aforementioned second Baronet, who in 1993 succeeded his cousin as fifth Baron Dunleath 
The family seat is Ballywalter Park, near Newtownards, County Down in Northern Ireland 

Barons Dunleath (1892)
John Mulholland, 1st Baron Dunleath (1819–1895)
Henry Lyle Mulholland, 2nd Baron Dunleath (1854–1931)
Charles Henry George Mulholland, 3rd Baron Dunleath (1886–1956)
Charles Edward Henry John Mulholland, 4th Baron Dunleath (1933–1993)
Michael Henry Mulholland, 5th Baron Dunleath (1915–1997)
Brian Henry Mulholland, 6th Baron Dunleath (b  1950)The heir apparent is the present holder's son the Hon  Andrew Henry Mulholland (b  1981) 

Mulholland Baronets, of Ballyscullion (1945)
Sir Henry George Hill Mulholland, 1st Baronet (1888–1971)
Sir Michael Henry Mulholland, 2nd Baronet (1915–1997) (succeeded as Baron Dunleath in 1993)see above for further succession

Notes
Passage 9:
Celebrity Fifteen to One
Celebrity Fifteen to One is a celebrity version of the Channel 4 game show Fifteen to One  William G  Stewart presented the first two episodes, which were Christmas specials that aired on 27 December 1990 and 30 December 1992  Adam Hills has hosted subsequent episodes on 20 September 2013, 6, 13, 20 and 27 June 2014, a Christmas special on 23 December 2014 and 7, 14, 21 and 28 August 2015 
Richard Whiteley, Anna Raeburn, Sally Jones and Rory McGrath appeared on both 1990s episodes, with Alex Brooker, Jimmy Carr, Johnny Vegas, Rhod Gilbert and Gyles Brandreth also having made appearances on more than one Hills episode  Of these, Brandreth is the only person to have made appearances on episodes presented by both hosts 

Episodes
William G  Stewart era
The first episode was broadcast on 27 December 1990  The format is largely the same as that of Fifteen to One, though with the Barry Cryer rule: Those who get both questions wrong may still play round 2 with one life remaining, with Cryer being the only one to miss both questions  Cryer was also the first contestant to be eliminated   The programme is extended to 45 minutes from 30, with an extra advert added between the first and second rounds 
A second celebrity special aired on 30 December 1992  In his book "A Matter of Facts: An Insider's Guide To Quizzing", contestant Marcus Berkmann, who had previously appeared on a civilian episode of the show two years prior, explained that he was asked to appear on the programme after Vincent Hanna pulled out and noted that "clearly some barrels had been scraped for this, and [he] was at the bottom of the very last barrel"  The winner, Patrick Stoddart, won by taking a step back from the rest of the semi-circle, resulting in no one nominating him in round 2  This would be the last Celebrity Fifteen to One for over twenty years 

Adam Hills era
The show was revived on 20 September 2013 as part of a 1980s night  This version was hosted by Adam Hills and was 1 hour long rather than 45 minutes and did not reprise what UKGameshows com termed as the Barry Cryer rule; "just one life away for each incorrect answer in round one"  It did, however, slash the number of questions in round three down to 25, and eliminated the need for three correct answers to start question or nominate  Money was awarded for getting to the final: £1,000 for getting there; £5,000 for coming second; £10,000 for coming first + £1,000 for however many lives they have left + £1,000 for getting any of the questions right after both the other finalists have been eliminated + £100 for every life they entered the round with  Jo Brand won this episode, winning £21,100 for her charity 
After the first show aired, it was announced by Channel 4 that the show would be revived for four more celebrity specials featuring Hills and for twenty daytime episodes featuring Sandi Toksvig  Changes were made; money was not awarded for lives left at the end of the round two, and for the last celebrity standing, the last five questions are worth £2,000 each  The winners of these programmes were Josie Long, who raised £25,000, Stephen Mangan and Dave Gorman, who both raised £23,000, and Sian Williams, who raised £22,000  These episodes were transmitted on 6, 13, 20 and 27 June 2015 respectively 
A Christmas special was broadcast on 23 December 2014  Rufus Hound raised £11,000 after a particularly tight final round in which all three contestants were standing at the end of 25 questions, and Hound opted to take two questions from 71–82 down with only one life left 
Four more episodes of Celebrity Fifteen to One were broadcast on 7, 14, 21 and 28 August 2015  Winners of these episodes were Alex James, who raised £11,000, Kate Humble, who raised £26,000, Gary Delaney, who raised £11,000 and Tanni Grey-Thompson, who raised £13,000 
William G  Stewart hosted two celebrity specials across 35 series  The revival shows include ten celebrity specials across four series of the main daytime show  The fourth series began on 18 September 2015 
Passage 10:
Bossom baronets
The Bossom Baronetcy, of Maidstone in the County of Kent, is a title in the Baronetage of the United Kingdom  It was created on 4 July 1953 for the architect and Conservative Member of Parliament for Maidstone, Alfred Bossom  In 1960 he was further honoured when he was created a life peer as Baron Bossom, of Maidstone in the County of Kent  The life peerage became extinct on his death in 1965 while he was succeeded in the baronetcy by his second but only surviving son, the second holder of the baronetcy  He was a former Conservative Member of Parliament for Leominster 

Bossom baronets, of Maidstone (1953)
Sir Alfred Charles Bossom, 1st Baronet (1881–1965) (created Baron Bossom in 1960)
Sir Clive Bossom, 2nd Baronet (1918–2017)
Sir Bruce Bossom, 3rd Baronet (born 1952)The heir apparent to the baronetcy is his son George Edward Martin Bossom (born 1992) 

Notes
Context 2: Passage 1:
Lower South Bay, New York
Lower South Bay, commonly called South Bay, is a hamlet on the southwest corner of Oneida Lake, Oneida County, New York, United States  It is opposite North Bay, and is surrounded by many islands to the west, north and east, including Geersbeck Island, Hall Island, Glosky Island, Schroeppel Island, Denmans Island and Long Island (not to be confused with Long Island, New York City)  Lower South Bay also lies near the town of Cicero, approximately two miles west 
Passage 2:
Jones Beach Island
Jones Beach Island is one of the outer barrier islands off the southern coast of Long Island in the U S  state of New York 

Etymology
It is named for Major Thomas Jones, who first came to Long Island in 1692, where he proceeded to build the island's first brick house near Massapequa  Jones built a whaling station on Jones Island near the present site of Jones Beach State Park in 1700 Jones Beach Island is sometimes referred to as Oak Beach Island and is the former home of the infamous Oak Beach Inn   Because of the ephemeral nature of the various inlets, the name Fire Island is sometimes used to refer collectively to the various barrier islands off the south shore of Long Island, but usually refers specifically to the island across the Fire Island Inlet to the east 

Geography
Jones Beach Island is separated from Long Island by South Oyster Bay and Great South Bay, from Long Beach Barrier Island by Jones Inlet to the west, and from Fire Island by Fire Island Inlet to the east   It straddles the line between Nassau and Suffolk counties From west to east, Jones Beach Island contains the following communities and parks:

Jones Beach State Park
John F  Kennedy Memorial Wildlife Sanctuary, a Town of Oyster Bay wildlife preserve
Tobay Beach, a Town of Oyster Bay beach
Gilgo, a census-designated place
West Gilgo Beach, a private gated community
Gilgo Beach, a community and Town of Babylon beach
Cedar Beach, a Town of Babylon beach
Overlook Beach, a residents-only Town of Babylon beach
Gilgo State Park, an undeveloped beach
Oak Beach, a census-designated place
Captree, a census-designated place
Captree State ParkThe southern side of the island is known for its beaches that face the open Atlantic Ocean  The best known of the public beaches on the island, Jones Beach State Park on the western tip of the island, is a summer recreational destination for the New York City area Jones Beach Island is accessible from Long Island on its western end by the Meadowbrook State Parkway to Merrick (with the Loop Parkway providing a spur to Long Beach), and the Wantagh State Parkway to Wantagh   The Robert Moses Causeway traverses its eastern end, linking to Babylon via the State Boat Channel Bridge and Great South Bay Bridge, as well as to Fire Island by the Fire Island Inlet Bridge  The Ocean Parkway connects all three causeways and runs the length of the island 
Passage 3:
Oak Beach–Captree, New York
Oak Beach–Captree, frequently just called Oak Beach, was a census-designated place (CDP) in the town of Babylon in Suffolk County, New York, United States  The population was 286 at the 2010 census Prior to the 2010 census, the area was part of a larger CDP called Gilgo-Oak Beach-Captree, New York  The Oak Beach–Captree CDP consists of some small beach communities on a barrier island along the southern edge of Long Island, including Oak Beach, Oak Island, and Captree Island  As of 2020, Oak Beach–Captree was split into two separate CDPs called Oak Beach and Captree 

Geography
Oak Beach–Captree was located at 40°38′21″N 73°17′35″W 
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP had a total area of 3 7 square miles (9 5 km2), of which 2 7 square miles (7 1 km2) is land and 0 93 square miles (2 4 km2), or 25 03%, is water 

Demographics
The census numbers are presumably for full-time inhabitants; many of these houses are second homes and not primary residences, although the proportion of seasonal residents is decreasing 
The land for these communities is not privately owned, but leased from the Town of Babylon through the year 2065  However, the residences on the property are owned  If the leases are not renewed at some point in the future, the owners will have to move the houses elsewhere, similar to what happened at High Hill Beach when Jones Beach State Park was created 
Passage 4:
South Oyster Bay
South Oyster Bay or East Bay is a lagoon and natural harbor along the western portion of the south shore of Long Island in New York in the United States  The harbor is formed by Jones Beach Island, a barrier island on the southern side of Long Island  It is approximately 3 mi (5 km) wide between the two islands, and approximately 15 mi (24 km) long  It links to Great South Bay on its eastern end and opens to the Atlantic Ocean through inlets on either side of Jones Beach Island The name refers to its history as one of the finest oyster beds in the world 

See also
Outer Barrier
Jamaica Bay
Oyster Bay, New York
Great South Bay
Patchogue Bay
South Shore Estuary
Passage 5:
Short Beach (New York)
Short Beach is the beach on the northern shore of the western end of Jones Beach Island  The beach faces South Oyster Bay instead of the Atlantic Ocean, thereby providing some shelter from storm waves   Since 1851 it has been the home of a coastal lifesaving station operated (at first) by the United States Life-Saving Service and later by the United States Coast Guard  The current facility, Station Short Beach, typically does around 500 search and rescue missions each year —one of the busiest units in the Coast Guard's 1st District   The Jones Beach State Park's West End Boat Basin is also on Short Beach  The Jones Beach West End barracks of the New York State Park Police is around 200 feet south of the Short Beach shoreline  An uninhabited islet, Short Beach Island, is usually just offshore, but occasionally connects to the beach when low tide exposes sandbars to the surface 

External links
United States Coast Guard Station Jones Beach
Passage 6:
Oak Beach Inn
The Oak Beach Inn, commonly referred to by the abbreviation OBI, was a Long Island nightclub located in Oak Beach, on Jones Beach Island near Captree State Park in the Town of Babylon, Suffolk County, New York 

History and controversy
In 1969, Robert Matherson bought what was then a waterfront barrier island restaurant and converted it into an enormously popular (and controversial) nightclub  The Oak Beach Inn, located in Oak Beach on Jones Beach Island, was the original, and later just referred to as The OBI  He later opened three more OBI nightclubs and named them according to their geographic location  The OBI North was in Smithtown, New York, the OBI East near the Shinnecock Canal en route to The Hamptons, and the OBI West locations in Island Park, New York (which had two locations: first at 3999 Long Beach Road, and later, briefly, at 50 Broadway)  All four clubs were located on Long Island and were wildly successful for many years, bringing people in from all over Long Island, New York City, Westchester, southern Connecticut and New Jersey and hosting acts such as Twisted Sister and The Good Rats In 1979, Matherson sued the town to lease him more land for additional parking, which the town granted  However two years later, new officials disagreed, which caused Matherson to sue again, and when the court favored with Matherson, the town granted him $3 million and the nine acres  In 1993, an unhappy Matherson started a "Move Out of New York Before It's Too Late" campaign complete with a hearse, banners and TV ads  An article in 1993 in The New York Times provided details about his campaign, including information that the New York State Division of Alcoholic Beverage Control raided the club one year earlier in 1992  One of the OBI West locations burned down after only a couple of years of packing in thousands on the weekends  Arson involving organized crime figures referred to in the movie Goodfellas was alleged but never substantiated 

Closure
Over the years, the OBI was involved in many disputes with the local community over issues such as noise, parking and traffic  Finally, in 1999, Matherson sold the property to developer Ross Cassata, who planned to build condominiums  Matherson then moved to Key West, Florida to open a new club of the same name  When it closed, the inn's two-ton statues of whales and dolphins, which were commonly touched by clubgoers, were moved to Danfords on the Sound in Long Island However, Cassata then sold the nine acres to Suffolk County for $7 95 million and the original property was torn down in 2003 and was replaced with a town-operated park, with later added plans of adding a bed and breakfast, upscale restaurant, boardwalk, water-sport area and boat ramp  The park now hosts activities, such as car racing, and it too has caused controversy  At the time of demolition, the Suffolk County Legislator commented that the park agreement avoided "an enormous tax increase in Babylon, which would have had to pay a court judgment of as much as $20 million or watch its coastline be forever scarred by high-rise development" and the money came from the county's greenway program 

Locations
The original OBI was at 1 Oak Beach Road  The building was sold in 1999, torn down in 2003, land turned into a park with a small beach simply called Oak Beach 
The OBI East was at 239 E Montauk Highway, Hampton Bays  The property underwent extensive renovations between 2018 and 2022 and was reopened as the Canoe Place Inn and Cottages with 20 rooms, 5 cottages, restaurant, bar and a 350 banquet room The OBI North was at State Road 25A, near Jericho Turnpike, Smithtown  The building burned down in 1980, and the land is now part of Willow Ridge at Smithtown HOA 
The OBI West was at 3999 Long Beach Road, Island Park  The building was torn down between 1994 and 2004, the land is now a parking lot for school buses 
It briefly was located at 50 Broadway (sometimes listed as 50 Austin Blvd ), Island Park as one of a series of famous nightclubs such as the Shell House, The Action House, The Rock Pile, and Speaks 
Robert Matherson later opened Oak Beach Inn at 227 Duval Street, Key West, Florida  Robert Matherson died in 2007 

In popular culture
Robert "Rosebud" Butt is credited with inventing the Long Island Iced Tea, while working as a bartender at the original OBI in the 1970s 
In 2010, the Babylon-based rock band Two Cent Sam released the "OBI Song" and a DIY video celebrating the Oak Beach Inn's history and impact on Long Islanders and the void in Long Island night life after the OBI's destruction 
Passage 7:
Great South Bay
The Great South Bay is a lagoon situated between Long Island and Fire Island, in the State of New York  It is about 45 miles (72 km) long and has an average depth of 4 feet 3 inches (1 3 m) and is 20 feet (6 1 m) at its deepest  It is protected from the Atlantic Ocean by Fire Island, a barrier island, as well as the eastern end of Jones Beach Island and Captree Island 
Robert Moses Causeway adjoins the Great South Bay Bridge, which leads to Robert Moses State Park 

The bay is accessible from the ocean through Fire Island Inlet, which lies between the western tip of Fire Island and the eastern tip of Jones Beach Island  The bay adjoins South Oyster Bay on its western end, and Patchogue and Moriches bays at the east end 

History
In the early 17th century, European settlers first encountered the native Montaukett Indian Nation  Among the earliest British families were the Smith, Carman and Hewlett families  Long Island's South Shore, adjacent to the bay, now includes the communities of Lindenhurst, Babylon, Islip, Oakdale, Sayville, Bayport, Blue Point, Patchogue, Bellport, Shirley, and Mastic Beach 

Environmental concerns
In the late nineteenth century Great South Bay provided many of the clams consumed throughout the region and even the country  The first oysters to be exported from the US to Europe came from Great South Bay  By the latter 20th century, a significant percentage of the habitat was lost  Hurricane Sandy, the largest storm to affect the region since 1938, made landfall with devastating impact to Fire Island sea shores, including multiple breaches, the largest of which formed just south of Bellport  This was formerly known as Old Inlet  Residents were concerned it would have effects on tidal increases and potential flooding, when in actuality it has allowed the bay to relieve some of its captive water, which has changed the salinity and nitrogen levels in the bay  After roughly 75 years, the bay begun flushing itself out which may improve the water condition within the bay  Regulations set forth by the US Government National Wildlife Preserve, which has a seven-mile stretch of land (The Otis Pike Fire Island High Dune Wilderness) prohibit any unauthorized parties from performing any kind of man made changes, thus the inlet has remained open  There have been a number of ongoing public meeting discussing the future of the Inlet  All the other breaches were closed by the Army Corps of Engineers  In 2012, The Save the Great South Bay (STGSB)  not-for-profit organization was formed in order to work towards better conservation of the water and its beachfronts  Save The Great South Bay has increased concerns about boat sewerage pumpouts in The Great South Bay as a serious ecological concern 

See also
South Shore Estuary
Passage 8:
Great South Bay Bridge
The Great South Bay Bridge  is a bridge on the southwest side of Suffolk County, New York, on Long Island  It connects the Robert Moses Causeway from Long Island's mainland over the Great South Bay, connecting to Captree and Jones Beach islands
Context 3: Passage 1:
Charles Haughey
Charles James Haughey (; 16 September 1925 – 13 June 2006) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach on three occasions – 1979 to 1981, March to December 1982 and 1987 to 1992  Haughey led four governments while serving as Taoiseach; December 1979 to June 1981, March to December 1982, March 1987 to June 1989, and June 1989 to February 1992  He was also Minister for the Gaeltacht from 1987 to 1992, Leader of the Opposition from 1981 to 1982 and 1982 to 1987, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 to 1992, Minister for Social Welfare and for Health from 1977 to 1979, Minister for Finance from 1966 to 1970, Minister for Agriculture from 1964 to 1966, Minister for Justice from 1961 to 1964 and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice from 1959 to 1961  He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1957 to 1992 Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD in 1957 and was re-elected at every election until 1992, representing successively the Dublin North-East, Dublin Artane and Dublin North-Central constituencies 
Haughey was the dominant Irish politician of his generation, as well as the most controversial  Upon entering government in the early 1960s, Haughey became the symbol of a new vanguard of Irish Ministers  As Taoiseach, he is credited by some economists with starting the positive transformation of the economy in the late 1980s  However, his career was also marked by several major scandals  Haughey was implicated in the Arms Crisis of 1970, which nearly destroyed his career  His political reputation revived, his tenure as Taoiseach was then damaged by the sensational GUBU Affair in 1982; his party leadership was challenged four times, each time unsuccessfully, earning Haughey the nickname "The Great Houdini"  Revelations about his role in a phone tapping scandal forced him to resign as Taoiseach and retire from politics in 1992 
After Haughey's retirement from politics, further revelations of corruption, embezzlement, tax evasion and a 27-year extra-marital affair tarnished his already chequered reputation  He died of prostate cancer in 2006, aged 80 

Early life
He was born in Castlebar, County Mayo in 1925, the third of seven children, of Seán Haughey and Sarah McWilliams, both natives of Swatragh, County Londonderry   Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the National Army of the Irish Free State  Seán Haughey left the army in 1928 and the family moved to County Meath; he subsequently developed multiple sclerosis and the family moved again to Donnycarney, a northern suburb of Dublin, where Charles Haughey spent his youth Haughey was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers at St Joseph's secondary school in Fairview, where one of his classmates was George Colley, subsequently his cabinet colleague and rival in Fianna Fáil  In his youth he was an active amateur sportsman, playing Gaelic football with the Parnells GAA Club in Donnycarney; he won a Dublin Senior Football Championship medal in 1945  Haughey studied commerce at University College Dublin (UCD), where he took a first class Honours degree in 1946  It was at UCD that Haughey became increasingly interested in politics and was elected Auditor of the Commerce & Economics Society  He also met there one of his future political rivals, Garret FitzGerald He joined the Local Defence Force during "The Emergency" in 1941 and considered a permanent career in the Army  He continued to serve in the reserve FCÁ force, until entering Dáil Éireann in 1957 On VE-day Haughey and other UCD students burnt the British Union Jack on College Green, outside Trinity College Dublin, in response to a perceived disrespect afforded the Irish tricolour among the flags hung by the college in celebration of the Allied victory which ended World War II 
Haughey qualified as a chartered accountant and also attended King's Inns  He was subsequently called to the Irish Bar  Shortly afterwards, he set up the accountancy firm of Haughey, Boland & Company with Harry Boland, son of Fianna Fáil Minister Gerald Boland 
On 18 September 1951, he married Maureen Lemass, the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach Seán Lemass, having been close to her since their days at UCD, where they first met  They had four children together: Eimear, Conor, Ciarán and Seán After selling his house in Raheny in 1969, Haughey bought Abbeville and its estate of approximately 250 acres (100 ha), located at Kinsealy, north County Dublin   This historic house, once owned by Anglo-Irish politician John Beresford, had been extensively re-designed by the architect James Gandon in the late 18th century and it became the Haughey family home, where he lived for the rest of his life  This marked the beginning of a long period when Haughey's spending was well beyond his apparent income level  For the rest of his life Haughey would refuse to say where the extra money came from 

Early political career
He started his political career as a local councillor, being a member of Dublin Corporation from 1953 to 1955  Haughey's first attempt at election to Dáil Éireann came in June 1951, when he unsuccessfully contested the general election  While living in Raheny, Haughey was first elected to the Dáil as a Fianna Fáil TD at the 1957 general election for the Dublin North-East constituency; it was his fourth attempt 
Haughey was re-elected in every election until 1992, representing Dublin North-East from 1957 to 1977, Dublin Artane from 1977 to 1981, and Dublin North-Central from 1981 until his retirement in 1992 (moving constituencies in line with boundary changes) 
In 1959, Haughey obtained his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice, serving under his constituency colleague Oscar Traynor, appointed by the first government of his father-in-law Seán Lemass  It is unclear whether the choice was made by Lemass directly as Taoiseach, or by the cabinet against his wishes  Lemass had advised Haughey;

As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it 
Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted the offer  Although officially junior to Traynor, Haughey was the de facto minister, as Traynor, a minister in governments since the 1930s, was elderly and in poor health, and only nominally running the department  Haughey and Traynor clashed openly Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician – the "men in the mohair suits"  He regularly socialised with other younger cabinet colleagues, such as Donogh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan 
By day he impressed the Dáil  By night he basked in the admiration of a fashionable audience in the Russell Hotel  There, or in Dublin's more expensive restaurants, the company included artists, musicians and entertainers, professionals, builders and business people 
His companions, Lenihan and O'Malley, took mischievous delight in entertaining the Russell with tales of the Old Guard  O'Malley in turn entertained the company in Limerick's Brazen Head or Cruise's Hotel with accounts of the crowd in the Russell  On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread 
Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Leader of the Opposition James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's "skill with which he has had recourse to his brief," as well as his "extraordinary erudition" and "his exceptional and outstanding ability "

Ministerial office
Minister for Justice
When Traynor retired in 1961, Haughey succeeded him as Minister for Justice  As such, he initiated an extensive scale of legislative reforms  He introduced new legislation including the Adoption Act; the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives and children; the Criminal Justice Act, which severely restricted the application of capital punishment; and the Extradition Act, which virtually prevented extradition for IRA offences  Haughey also introduced the Special Military Courts which helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army's Border Campaign 

Minister for Agriculture: 1966 Farmers' Strike
In 1964, Lemass appointed Haughey as Minister for Agriculture  Criticism was voiced from the National Farmers Association (NFA) of the appointment of a non-rural person to the position, and there was increased antagonism from farmers towards the government  Haughey became embroiled in a series of controversies with the NFA and with another organisation, the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association (ICMSA)  Twenty-seven ICMSA picketers outside Leinster House, were arrested on 27 April 1966 under the Offences Against the State Act, an act originally intended for use against the IRA  78 were arrested the following day, and 80 a day later as the dispute escalated  The general public was supportive of the farmers, who were not in a position to hold a strike to air their grievances, and who were clearly only posing a problem to the Minister, rather than the state  The farmers then began a national solidarity campaign, and even farmers who supported Fianna Fáil turned against the government  Haughey, who did not rely on rural voters, was under intense pressure from fearful members of his own party to negotiate a deal and reduce the tension  It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the "Farmers' Strike" 

Minister for Finance and 1966 presidential election
Haughey was appointed by Fianna Fáil to run President Éamon de Valera's re-election campaign for the 1966 presidential election  His interventions proved highly controversial  Fine Gael chose a comparatively young TD and barrister, Tom O'Higgins (nephew of Kevin O'Higgins), to run against de Valera  Aware that de Valera's age (84) and almost total blindness might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaign drew comparisons with the equally youthful US President John F  Kennedy, Haughey launched what was seen as a political stroke  He insisted that it was beneath the presidency to actively campaign, meaning that de Valera would have a low profile  Therefore, in the interests of fairness the media was asked to give O'Higgins an equally low profile, ignoring his speeches and publicity campaign  The print media, both nationally and locally, ignored Haughey's suggestion  But the state-run Raidió Teilifís Éireann, facing criticism from Lemass' government for being too radical in other areas, agreed and largely ignored the O'Higgins campaign 
De Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the fiftieth anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising, of which he was the most senior survivor  While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored by RTÉ, de Valera appeared in RTÉ coverage of the Rising events regularly  To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged for milk price increases to be given to farmers on the eve of polling, as a way of reducing farmer disquiet after they had effectively become an opposition movement to the government 
These tactics should have ensured an easy de Valera victory  Instead O'Higgins came within less than one percent of winning the vote, with de Valera re-elected by a narrow margin of ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million  De Valera came to distrust Haughey; Frank Aiken, Minister for Foreign Affairs under de Valera and his lifelong political confidant, dismissed Haughey's political motives as being entirely selfish, and believed he was motivated to hold power for its own sake and not duty 
In 1966, the Taoiseach Seán Lemass retired  Haughey declared his candidature to succeed Lemass in the consequent leadership election, and George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise  As this meant that there were three strong candidates who held strong and divisive views on the future of the party, the party elders sought to find a compromise candidate  Lemass himself encouraged his Minister for Finance Jack Lynch, to contest the party leadership, and encouraged Colley, Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, arguing that they would not win a contest against him  However, Colley refused the Taoiseach's request and insisted on remaining in the race, but he was defeated by Lynch  Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch, in a cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley  The inexpensive and socially inclusive initiatives that Haughey made caught the public imagination; these included popular decisions to introduce free travel on public transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for pensioners, the granting of special tax concessions for the disabled and tax exemptions for artists  They increased Haughey's populist appeal and his support from certain elements in the media and artistic community 
As Minister for Finance, Haughey on two occasions arranged foreign currency loans for the government which he then arranged to be left on deposit in foreign countries (Germany and the United States), in the local currencies, instead of immediately changing the loans to Irish pounds and depositing them in the exchequer  These actions were unconstitutional, because it effectively meant that the Minister for Finance was making a currency speculation against his own currency  When this was challenged by the Comptroller and Auditor General Eugene Francis Suttle, Haughey introduced a law to retrospectively legalise his actions  The debate was very short and the record shows no understanding of the issue by the Opposition Spokesperson for Finance, O'Higgins for Fine Gael and Tully for Labour  The legislation was passed on 26 November 1969 

Arms crisis
The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland  Haughey was generally seen as coming from the pragmatist wing of the party, and was not believed to have strong opinions on the matter, despite having family links with Derry  Indeed, many presumed that he had a strong antipathy to physical force Irish republicanism; during his period as Minister for Justice he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA  The hawks in the cabinet were seen as Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney, both sons of founding fathers in the party with strong Old IRA pasts  Blaney was also a TD for Donegal; a staunchly Republican area which bordered Derry  They were opposed by those described as the "doves" of the cabinet; Tánaiste Erskine Childers, George Colley and Patrick Hillery  A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid  Haughey, as Finance Minister would have a central role in the management of this fund 
There was general surprise when, in an incident known as the Arms Crisis, Haughey, along with Blaney, was sacked from Lynch's cabinet amid allegations of the use of the funds to import arms for use by the IRA  The Garda Special Branch informed the Minister for Justice Mícheál Ó Móráin and Taoiseach Jack Lynch that a plot to import arms existed and included government members, however Lynch took no action until the Special Branch made Leader of the Opposition Liam Cosgrave aware of the plot  Cosgrave told Lynch he knew of the plot and would announce it in the Dáil the next day if he didn't act  Lynch subsequently requested Haughey and Blaney to resign from cabinet  Both men refused, saying they did nothing illegal  Lynch then asked President de Valera to terminate their appointments as members of the government, a request that de Valera was required to grant by convention  Boland resigned in sympathy, while Mícheál Ó Móráin was dismissed one day earlier in a preemptive strike to ensure a subservient Minister for Justice was in place when the crisis broke  Lynch chose government chief whip Desmond O'Malley for the role  Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Captain James Kelly, and Albert Luykx, a former Flemish National Socialist and businessman, who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms  After trial all the accused were acquitted but many refused to recognise the verdict of the courts  Although cleared of wrongdoing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished  Blaney and Boland eventually resigned from Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained  He spent his years on the backbenches – the wilderness years – building support within the grassroots of the party; during this time, he remained loyal to the party and served the leader, but after the debacle of the "arms crises" neither man trusted the other 

Leadership years
Opposition to Jack Lynch
In 1975, Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough grassroots support to warrant a recall to Jack Lynch's opposition front bench  Haughey was appointed Spokesman on Health and Social Welfare, a fairly minor portfolio at the time, but Haughey used the same imagination and skill he displayed in other positions to formulate innovative and far reaching policies  Two years later in 1977, Fianna Fáil returned to power with a massive parliamentary majority in Dáil Éireann, having had a very populist campaign (spearhead by Colley and O'Malley) to abolish rates, vehicle tax and other extraordinary concessions, which were short-lived  Haughey returned to the cabinet, after an absence of seven years, as Minister for Health and Social Welfare 
In this position he continued the progressive policies he had shown earlier by, among others, beginning the first government anti-smoking campaigns and legalising contraception, previously banned  Following the finding by the Supreme Court of Ireland, in McGee v The Attorney General, that there was a constitutional right to use contraceptives, he introduced The Family Planning Bill which proved to be highly controversial  The bill allowed a pharmacist to sell contraceptives on presentation of a medical prescription  Haughey called this bill "an Irish solution to an Irish problem"  It is often stated that the recipient of the prescription had to be married, but the legislation did not include this requirement 
The fallout from the giveaway concessions that had re-elected the government under Lynch, led to a succession race to succeed Lynch  As well as this a group of backbenchers began to lobby in support of Haughey  This group, known as the "gang of five," consisted of Jackie Fahey, Tom McEllistrim, Seán Doherty, Mark Killilea Jnr and Albert Reynolds  Haughey was also helped by the TD Síle de Valera  The granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, she was highly critical of Jack Lynch's policy regards to Northern Ireland  In a speech at the Liam Lynch commemoration at Fermoy on 9 September, de Valera made a series of thinly veiled attacks on Lynch  Although Lynch quickly tried to impose party discipline, attempting to discipline her for opposing party policy at a parliamentary party meeting held at the 28th, de Valera correctly pointed out that she had not opposed the party policy regarding Northern Ireland which called for the declaration of the British intent to withdraw from Northern Ireland  Lynch left for a trip to the United States on 7 November  On the same day the government lost two by-elections to Fine Gael in Cork and in Cork North-East  During the trip Lynch claimed in an interview with The Washington Post that a five-kilometer air corridor between the border was agreed upon during the meeting with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, to enhance security co-operation  This was something highly unsavoury to many in Fianna Fáil  When Lynch returned he was questioned on this by a Clare backbencher Bill Loughnane, along with Tom McEllistrim at a parliamentary party meeting  Lynch stated that the British did not have permission to overfly the border  Afterwards Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party  An attempt to remove the whip from Loughnane failed  At this stage Lynch's position had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey and George Colley caucusing opinion within the party 
In December 1979, Lynch announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil  The leadership contest that resulted was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste, George Colley  Colley had the support of the entire cabinet, with the exception of Michael O'Kennedy, and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole 
Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by a number of his cabinet colleagues, but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats  When the vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party  In a conciliatory gesture, Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over whom Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and for Defence  This was due to his distrust of Haughey on security issues (because of the Arms Crisis)  However, he was removed from the important position of Minister for Finance 
Nonetheless, on 11 December 1979, Charles Haughey was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, almost a decade after the Arms Crisis set back his political career  In 2010, a founder of the Saatchi & Saatchi advertising firm, said that Haughey had asked for "a new image" similar to the one provided for Margaret Thatcher for the 1979 general election 

Taoiseach (1979–1981)
When Haughey came to power, the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis, following the 1979 energy crisis  Haughey effectively acted as his own Minister for Finance, ignoring the views of his Minister  One of his first functions as Taoiseach was a televised address to the nation – only the third such address in the Republic's history – in which he outlined the bleak economic picture:
I wish to talk to you this evening about the state of the nation's affairs and the picture I have to paint is not, unfortunately, a very cheerful one  The figures which are just now becoming available to us show one thing very clearly  As a community we are living away beyond our means  I don't mean that everyone in the community is living too well, clearly many are not and have barely enough to get by, but taking us all together we have been living at a rate which is simply not justified by the amount of goods and services we are producing  To make up the difference we have been borrowing enormous amounts of money, borrowing at a rate which just cannot continue  A few simple figures will make this very clear     we will just have to reorganise government spending so that we can only undertake those things we can afford…
While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy, his actions made the problem worse  He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level  By 1981, Haughey was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election  However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the hunger strikes of IRA volunteers for political status  The Anti H-Block Committee announced that they would field abstentionist candidates which many predicted correctly would take Republican votes away from Fianna Fáil  This coincided with the Stardust Disaster, where a fire destroyed a night club in Haughey's constituency and claimed the lives of 48 young people; these caused Haughey to delay the Ard Fheis and the election  The poll was eventually held in June, much later than Haughey wanted  In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland  The campaign was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Leader of the Opposition Garret FitzGerald, of Fine Gael, over the major issues  On the day of the vote Fianna Fáil won 45 5%, failing to secure a majority in the 166-seat Dáil  A Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition came to power, under FitzGerald and Haughey went into opposition 
Within days of his becoming Taoiseach, Allied Irish Banks forgave Haughey £400,000 of a £1,000,000 debt  No reason was given for this



ground_truth: Parliament

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Oak Beach, New York and Great South Bay are both situated between what same island?

The following are given passages.
Context 2:  It serves as access via the Robert Moses Causeway to both of the downstream crossings, the State Boat Channel Bridge and the Fire Island Inlet Bridge, also leading visitors and on-lookers to either the Fire Island Lighthouse or the Robert Moses State Park 

History
The bridge was originally a single span, that opened in 1954 and was called the Captree Bridge  Today it carries southbound traffic 
In 1964, a second parallel span opened to traffic and carried northbound traffic  This brought much needed relief to traffic heading back from Jones Beach, Robert Moses, and Captree parks  The bridges are through trusses and are painted a traditional "bridge green" 
In 1997, a major rebuild of the deck of the older span began and was completed in 2000  Safety compliant railings were installed on the older span  In 2013–2014, the northbound span received upgraded railings  Major improvements NYSDOT is considering is a cycle/pedestrian path shared with the northbound lanes  NYSDOT has not released any official plans 

See also
State Boat Channel Bridge
Passage 9:
Oak Beach, New York
Oak Beach is a small community and census-designated place located near the eastern end of Jones Beach Island, a barrier island between the Atlantic Ocean and the Great South Bay of Long Island  The community is part of the village of Babylon in Suffolk County, New York, United States  The eastern part, the Oak Island Beach Association, is gated, whereas the western part is not  The Oak Beach CDP was first listed prior to the 2020 census  Prior to that the community was part of the Oak Beach–Captree census-designated place 

History and amenities
Oak Beach has been inhabited since at least the first decade of the twentieth century, when a U S  Coast Guard lifesaving station was located there, although it could not be reached overland at that time   Prior to that, marsh bird hunters had kept shacks in the area   Ferry access from Babylon enabled cottages to be built and made more accessible by car after construction of Ocean Parkway; it was largely a summer community until the completion of the Robert Moses Causeway in 1951, which allowed much faster travel from the main part of Long Island  It has gradually evolved since then to become a location where most residents live year-round Although now entirely residential, Oak Beach was once the location of the popular but controversial Oak Beach Inn, which was closed in 1999 and torn down in 2003, along with a small general store ("The Store") and bait/tackle/surf shop that closed a decade earlier   There is now a public park at the site  The "park" is unusual, in that it lacks any amenities other than a fishing dock and a single portable toilet  While the park encompasses over nine acres of land, there are but two trees and nearly 300 parking spots  In the warmer months the park - or rather the parking lot - collects an informal early Sunday morning motor rally, attracting local motorcycle and car enthusiasts 

Geography
Oak Beach is in southwestern Suffolk County, in the southeast part of the village of Babylon  The census-designated place includes the community of Oak Beach on Jones Beach Island, as well as the community of Oak Island, directly to the north  The CDP is bordered to the east by Captree State Park and to the west by Gilgo State Park  To the south is the west end of Fire Island 

Ownership
The land is not owned by the residents but is on long-term lease from the Village of Babylon   In the early 1990s, New York State litigated against extension of the lease   After much negotiation, including detailed environmental impact statements, the lease was renewed (currently through 2050), although with a ramp up in costs  In 2012, the Village of Babylon agreed to extend the current leases through 2065 

Shannan Gilbert
On May 1, 2010,  Shannan Gilbert disappeared after fleeing a client's house in the Oak Beach Association  In December 2010, while searching for Gilbert, the police found 10 dead bodies along the adjacent highway, some bodies in December 2010, others in April 2011  Consequently, the community attracted much public attention 
In December 2011, the body of the original missing sex worker Shannan Gilbert was found in the marsh east of the community  On November 29, 2011, the police announced their belief that one person is responsible for all 10 deaths (whom the press refers to at various times as: "the Long Island serial killer", "LISK", "the Gilgo Beach Killer", or "the Craigslist Ripper"), and that they did not believe the case of Gilbert, who went missing before the first set of bodies was found, was related  "It is clear that the area in and around Gilgo Beach has been used to discard human remains for some period of time," said Suffolk County District Attorney Thomas Spota On December 10, 2015, Suffolk County Police announced that the FBI had officially joined the investigation  A spokesperson for the FBI confirmed the announcement  The FBI had previously assisted in the search for victims, but was never officially part of the investigation until this announcement  The investigation is ongoing 
Passage 10:
Gilgo-Oak Beach-Captree, New York
Gilgo-Oak Beach-Captree, frequently just called Oak Beach, was a census-designated place (CDP) in Suffolk County, New York within the Town of Babylon  The population was 333 at the 2000 census 
Following the 2010 census, the area was delineated as two CDPs: Gilgo and Oak Beach–Captree  The original CDP contained several small beach communities on a barrier island along the southern edge of Long Island  In order from west to east, these included West Gilgo Beach (on the Nassau/Suffolk county border), Gilgo Beach, Cedar Beach (no residences), Oak Beach (including the Oak Island Beach Association), Oak Island and Captree Island  They are connected to the mainland by Ocean Parkway from the west and Robert Moses State Parkway from the north 
Prior to the 2020 census, the Oak Beach-Captree CDP was further split into the Oak Beach and Captree CDPs 

Geography
Oak Beach is located at 40°38′28″N 73°16′42″W (40 641100, -73 278195) According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP had a total area of 3 7 square miles (9 6 km2), of which 2 7 square miles (7 0 km2) was land and 0 9 square miles (2 3 km2), or 25 21%, is water 

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 333 people, 161 households, and 94 families residing in the CDP  The population density was 122 1 inhabitants per square mile (47 1/km2)  There were 305 housing units at an average density of 111 9 per square mile (43 2/km2)  The racial makeup of the CDP was 97 00% White, 0 30% African American and 2 70% Asian  Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1 80% of the population 
There were 161 households, out of which 14 9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 50 9% were married couples living together, 6 2% had a female householder with no husband present, and 41 0% were non-families  34 8% of all households were made up of individuals, and 11 8% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older  The average household size was 2 07 and the average family size was 2 64 
In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 13 5% under the age of 18, 1 5% from 18 to 24, 28 8% from 25 to 44, 34 8% from 45 to 64, and 21 3% who were 65 years of age or older  The median age was 48 years  For every 100 females, there were 109 4 males  For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 100 0 males 
The median income for a household in the CDP was $66,250, and the median income for a family was $105,870  Males had a median income of $61,250 versus $37,083 for females  The per capita income for the CDP was $55,813  None of the families and 0 9% of the population were living below the poverty line, including no under eighteens and none of those over 64 
The census numbers are presumably for full-time inhabitants; many of these houses are second homes and not primary residences, although the proportion of seasonal residents is decreasing 
The land for these communities is not privately owned, but leased from the State of New York through the year 2050   However, the residences on the property are owned   If the leases are not renewed at some point in the future, the owners will have to move the houses elsewhere, similar to what happened at High Hill Beach when Jones Beach was created 
Context 3:  The Economist obituary on Haughey (24 June 2006) asserted that he had warned the bank "I can be a very troublesome adversary" 

Opposition (1981–1982)
FitzGerald's government lasted until January 1982, when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed the application of Value Added Tax to children's shoes, previously exempt  FitzGerald, no longer having a majority in the Dáil, went to Áras an Uachtaráin, to advise President Hillery to dissolve the Dáil and call a general election  However, the night the government collapsed the Fianna Fáil Front Bench issued a statement encouraging the President not to grant the dissolution and to allow Fianna Fáil to form a government  Phone calls were also made to the President by Brian Lenihan  Haughey, on attempting to contact his former colleague, the President, and on failing to be put through to him, was reported to have threatened the president's aide de camp by telling him that he would be Taoiseach one day and when that happened, "I intend to roast your fucking arse if you don't put me through immediately"  Hillery considered such pressure to be gross misconduct, and granted the dissolution 
A biography of Hillery blames Haughey for the sex scandal rumours which almost destroyed the presidency of Hillery in 1979 

Second term as Taoiseach (1982)
After the February 1982 election, when Haughey failed to win an overall majority again, questions were raised about his leadership  Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach  Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership  However, on the day of the vote O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee  He engineered confidence and supply agreements with the Independent Socialist TD, Tony Gregory (in return for £100 million of investment in the Dublin North Inner City; a deal dubbed the Gregory Deal), the Independent Fianna Fáil TD Neil Blaney and three Workers' Party TDs, which saw him return as Taoiseach for a second time 
Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive 'overall majority' in the Dáil  With Haughey and his supporters taking a dangerously populist line in every area of policy, and refusing to address serious shortcomings in the performance of the state, a growing minority in his own party were becoming increasingly concerned  The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey  Desmond O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion of no confidence all the same  O'Malley resigned from the cabinet prior to the vote as he was going to vote against Haughey  A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership  After a marathon 15-hour party meeting, Haughey, who insisted on a roll-call as opposed to a secret ballot, and won the open ballot by 58 votes to 22  Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called "The Way Forward," which would lead to massive spending cuts  Fianna Fáil lost the November 1982 election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach at the head of a Fine Gael-Labour coalition with a comfortable Dáil majority  Haughey found himself back in opposition 
In August 1982, the Attorney General Patrick Connolly was the subject of controversy when a man in his house was arrested for murder  At a press conference on the affair, Haughey was paraphrased as having described the affair as "grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented", from which journalist and former politician Conor Cruise O'Brien coined the term GUBU 

Return to opposition (1982–1987)
Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for a third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tapping of political journalists  In spite of huge pressure Haughey refused to resign and survived yet another vote of no-confidence in early 1983, albeit with a smaller majority  Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD Clement Coughlan, a supporter of O'Malley  Haughey's supporters managed to have the meeting moved to the following week after the funeral, which gave him more time to manoeuver  Having failed three times to oust Haughey, most of his critics gave up and returned to normal politics 
In May 1984, the New Ireland Forum Report was published  Haughey was involved in the drafting of this at the time he was in office and had agreed to potential scenarios for improving the political situation of Northern Ireland  However, on publication, Haughey rejected it and said the only possible solution was a United Ireland  This statement was criticised by the other leaders who forged the New-Ireland Forum, John Hume, Garret FitzGerald and Dick Spring  Desmond O'Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate  At a Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party meeting to discuss the report, the whip was removed from O'Malley, which meant he was no longer a Fianna Fáil TD  Ironically, when Haughey returned to power he embraced the Anglo-Irish Agreement that had developed from the New Ireland Forum Report 
In early 1985, a bill was introduced by the Fine Gael–Labour government to liberalise the sale of contraceptives in the country  Fianna Fáil in opposition opposed the bill  O'Malley supported it as a matter of principle rather than a political point to oppose for opposition's sake  On the day of the vote O'Malley spoke in the Dáil chamber stated:

But I do not believe that the interests of this State or our Constitution and of this Republic would be served by putting politics before conscience in regard to this     I stand by the Republic and accordingly, I will not oppose this Bill 
He abstained rather than vote with the government  Despite this Haughey moved against O'Malley and in February 1985, O'Malley was charged with "conduct un-becoming"  At a party meeting, even though O'Malley did not have the party whip, he was expelled from the Fianna Fáil organisation by 73 votes to 9 in roll-call vote  With George Colley dead, O'Malley expelled and other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil 
O'Malley decided to form a new political party and 21 December 1985, Desmond O'Malley announced the formation of the Progressive Democrats  Several Fianna Fáil TDs joined including Mary Harney and Bobby Molloy 
In November 1985, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed between Garret FitzGerald and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher  The agreement gave Ireland a formal say in Northern Ireland and its affairs  As was the case with the New Ireland Forum Report, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was harshly criticised by Haughey, who said that he would re-negotiate it, if re-elected  FitzGerald called a general election for February 1987  The campaign was dominated by attacks on the government over severe cuts in the budget and the general mismanagement of the economy  When the results were counted Haughey had failed once again to win an overall majority for Fianna Fáil  When it came to electing a Taoiseach in the Dáil Haughey's position looked particularly volatile  When it came to a vote the Independent TD Tony Gregory voted against Fitzgerald but abstained on Haughey, seeing Haughey as the "lesser of two evils" (the reason for this was Gregory's opposition to the Anglo-Irish agreement as well as his personal dislike of Garret FitzGerald and Fine Gael)  Haughey was elected Taoiseach on the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle 

Final term as Taoiseach (1987–1992)
Haughey now headed a minority Fianna Fáil government  Fine Gael under leader Alan Dukes, made the unprecedented move, with its Tallaght strategy, of supporting the government and voting for it when it came to introducing tough economic policies  The national debt had doubled under previous administrations, so the government introduced severe budget cuts in all departments  The taxation system was transformed to encourage enterprise and employment  One of the major schemes put forward, and one which would have enormous economic benefits for the country, was the establishment of the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) in Dublin 
In late April 1989, Haughey returned from a trip to Japan, to the news that the government was about to be defeated in a Dáil vote, on a private members' motion regarding provision of funds for HIV/AIDS sufferers  The government lost the vote, which was seen as merely embarrassing, but Haughey, buoyed by opinion polls which indicated the possibility of winning an overall majority, called a general election for 15 June  Fianna Fáil however ended up losing four seats and the possibility of forming another minority government looked slim  For the first time in history a nominee for Taoiseach failed to achieve a majority when a vote was taken in the Dáil, on 29 June 1989  Constitutionally Haughey was obliged to resign, however he refused to, for a short period  He eventually tendered his resignation to President Hillery and remained on as Taoiseach, albeit in an acting capacity  A full 27 days after the election had taken place a coalition government was formed between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats  It was the first time that Fianna Fáil had entered into a coalition, abandoning one of its "core values" in the overwhelming need to form a government 
Haughey in 1990 had more difficulties than successes  The first half of the year saw Haughey in a leading role as European statesman, when Ireland held the presidency of the European Community, which rotated semi-annually between the member states of the European Union  Haughey supported German Reunification and during the extraordinary Dublin Summit, which he called for in April, he pressed this viewpoint forward  He believed both Ireland and Germany were similar in that both countries were divided  During a Dáil debate on German Reunification, Haughey stated "I have expressed a personal view that coming as we do from a country which is also divided many of us would have sympathy with any wish of the people of the two German States for unification" The presidential election was disappointing for Haughey with Brian Lenihan, the Tánaiste, who was nominated as the party's candidate, being defeated by Mary Robinson  During the campaign the controversy over the phone calls made to the Áras an Uachtaráin in 1982, urging the then President not to dissolve the Dáil resurfaced  Lenihan was accused of calling and attempting to influence the President, who as Head of State is above politics  The Progressive Democrats threatened to pull out of the coalition and support a Fine Gael no-confidence motion unless Haughey forced Lenihan out  Haughey tried to force Lenihan to resign, and sacked him when he refused to do so  Lenihan's dismissal damaged Haughey's standing in the Fianna Fáil organisation 
Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991  There was a series of resignations by chairmen of semi-state companies, followed by an open declaration by Minister for Finance Albert Reynolds, that he had every intention of standing for the party leadership if Haughey resigned  Following a heated parliamentary party meeting, Seán Power, one of Reynolds's supporters, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey  Reynolds and his supporters were sacked from the government by Haughey, who went on to win the no-confidence motion by 55 votes to 22 

Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach  Controversy erupted over the attempted appointment of Jim McDaid as Minister for Defence, which saw him withdraw his nomination under pressure from O'Malley  Worse was to follow when Seán Doherty, who as Minister for Justice had taken the blame for the phone-tapping scandal of the early 1980s, went on RTÉ television, and after ten years of insisting that Haughey knew nothing of the tapping, claimed that Haughey had known and authorised it  Haughey denied this, but the Progressive Democrats members of the government stated that they could no longer continue in government with Haughey as Taoiseach  Haughey told Desmond O'Malley, the Progressive Democrats leader, that he intended to stand down shortly, but wanted to choose his own time of departure  O'Malley agreed to this and the government continued 
On 30 January 1992, Haughey resigned as leader of Fianna Fáil at a parliamentary party meeting  He remained as Taoiseach until 11 February 1992, when he was succeeded by the former Finance Minister, Albert Reynolds  During his final address to the Dáil he quoted Othello, saying "I have done the state some service, they know it, no more of that"  Haughey then returned to the backbenches before retiring from politics at the 1992 general election  His son, Seán Haughey, was elected at the election that followed, in his father's old constituency  Seán Haughey was appointed as a Minister of State at the Department of Education and Science in December 2006 

Retirement, tribunals and scandal
Financial scandals
Haughey's personal wealth and extravagant lifestyle (he owned racehorses, a large motor sailing yacht Celtic Mist, an Inishvickillane island and a Gandon-designed mansion) had long been a point of speculation  He refused throughout his career to answer any questions about how he financed this lifestyle on a government salary  Despite his professed desire to fade from public attention, these questions followed him into retirement, eventually exploding into a series of political, financial and personal scandals that tarnished his image and reputation 
In 1997, a government-appointed tribunal, led by Judge Brian McCracken, first revealed that Haughey had received substantial monetary gifts from businessmen and that he had held secret offshore bank accounts in the Ansbacher Bank in the Cayman Islands  Haughey faced criminal charges for obstructing the work of the McCracken tribunal  His trial on these charges was postponed indefinitely after the judge in the case found that he would not be able to get a fair trial following prejudicial comments by the then PD leader and Tánaiste Mary Harney Also in 1997, the public were shocked by allegations that Haughey had embezzled money destined for the Fianna Fáil party, taxpayers' money taken from government funds earmarked for the operation of a political party, and that he had spent large portions of these funds on Charvet shirts and expensive dinners in a top Dublin restaurant, while preaching belt-tightening and implementing budget cuts as a national policy The subsequent Moriarty Tribunal delved further into Haughey's financial dealings  In his main report on Charles Haughey released on 19 December 2006, Mr Justice Moriarty made the following findings:

Haughey was paid more than IR£8 million between 1979 and 1986 from various benefactors and businessmen, including £1 3 million from the Dunnes Stores supermarket tycoon Ben Dunne  The tribunal described these payments as "unethical" 
In May 1989 one of Haughey's lifelong friends, former government minister Brian Lenihan, underwent a liver transplant which was partly paid for through fundraising by Haughey  The Moriarty tribunal found that of the £270,000 collected in donations for Brian Lenihan, no more than £70,000 ended up being spent on Lenihan's medical care  The tribunal identified one specific donation of £20,000 for Lenihan that was surreptitiously appropriated by Haughey, who took steps to conceal this transaction 
The tribunal found evidence of favours performed in return for money (bribes): Saudi businessman Mahmoud Fustok paid Haughey £50,000 to support applications for Irish citizenship 
In other evidence of favours performed, the tribunal reported that Haughey arranged meetings between Ben Dunne and civil servant Seamus Pairceir of the Revenue Commissioners  These discussions resulted in an outstanding capital gains tax bill for Dunne being reduced by £22 8 million  Moriarty found that this was "not coincidental", and that it was a substantial benefit conferred on Dunne by Haughey's actions 
Allied Irish Banks settled a million-pound overdraft with Haughey soon after he became Taoiseach in 1979; the tribunal found that the lenience shown by the bank in this case amounted to an indirect payment by the bank to Haughey The tribunal rejected Haughey's claims of ignorance of his own financial affairs and Haughey was accused by the tribunal of "devaluing democracy" Haughey eventually agreed a settlement with the revenue and paid a total of €6 5 million in back taxes and penalties to the Revenue Commissioners in relation to these donations  In August 2003 Haughey was forced to sell his large estate, Abbeville, in Kinsealy in north County Dublin for €45 million to settle legal fees he had incurred during the tribunals  He continued to live at Abbeville and own the island of Inishvickillane off the coast of County Kerry until his death 

Terry Keane affair
In May 1999, Terry Keane, gossip columnist and once wife of former Chief Justice of Ireland Ronan Keane, revealed on The Late Late Show that she and Haughey had conducted a 27-year extramarital affair  In a move that she subsequently said she deeply regretted, Keane confirmed that the man she had been referring to for years in her newspaper column as "sweetie" was indeed Haughey  The revelation on the television programme shocked at least some of the audience, including Haughey's son Seán who was watching the show  Haughey's wife Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation 

Death and funeral
Haughey's attendance before the tribunals had repeatedly been disrupted by illness  He died from prostate cancer, from which he had suffered for a decade, on 13 June 2006, at his home in Kinsealy, County Dublin, aged 80 Haughey received a state funeral on 16 June 2006  He was buried in St  Fintan's Cemetery, Sutton in County Dublin, following mass at Donnycarney  The then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern delivered the graveside oration The funeral rites were screened live on RTÉ One and watched by a quarter of a million people  It was attended by President Mary McAleese, the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, members of the Oireachtas, many from the world of politics, industry and business  The chief celebrant was Haughey's brother, Father Eoghan Haughey 

Legacy
Former Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald said that Haughey had the potential to be one of the best Taoisigh that the country ever had, had his preoccupation with wealth and power not clouded his judgement: Charles Haughey spent much energy fending off leadership challenges, chasing an elusive Dáil majority and dealing with GUBU-like events "
He comes with a flawed pedigree      His motives can ultimately only be judged by God, but we cannot ignore the fact that he differs from his predecessors in that these motives have been widely impugned, most notably by those in his own party who have observed him over many years 
Taoiseach Bertie Ahern said,
He had an immense ability to get things done and he inspired great loyalty amongst many of his followers both inside and outside Fianna Fáil 
In recent times, these achievements have become clouded by the revelations that are the subject of inquiry by the Moriarty Tribunal 

History will have to weigh up both the credit and the debit side more dispassionately than may be possible today, but I have no doubt its ultimate judgement on Mr Haughey will be a positive one 
Historian Diarmaid Ferriter said, He was a very promising minister in the '60s, but once he became leader all he was concerned with was staying leader  It was always about the cult of leadership  His sense of himself was much more important than any vision he had for the country  People say he discovered fiscal rectitude in '87, and people talk about his contribution to Anglo-Irish affairs, but really if you try and look for any consistency in his affairs after the late '70s you can't find it because it's just about him 
Historian John A  Murphy said, His vision was one of personal vanity  I don't think history's assessment will be the one Bertie uttered over his grave 
Haughey was characterised in a 2012 novel Ratlines, by Stuart Neville  A three-part television drama Charlie, covering Haughey between 1979 and 1992, débuted on RTÉ in January 2015, with Aidan Gillen in the title role  

Governments
The following governments were led by Haughey:

16th Government of Ireland (December 1979 – June 1981)
18th Government of Ireland (March 1982 – December 1982)
20th Government of Ireland (March 1987 – July 1989)
21st Government of Ireland (July 1989 – February 1992)

See also
Families in the Oireachtas
Haughey
Haughey (TV series)
Passage 2:
Members of the 25th Dáil
The 25th Dáil was elected at the 1987 general election on 17 February 1987 and met on 10 March 1987  The members of Dáil Éireann, the house of representatives of the Oireachtas (legislature), of Ireland are known as TDs  The 25th Dáil was dissolved by President Patrick Hillery on 25 May 1989, at the request of the Taoiseach Charles Haughey  The 25th Dáil lasted 808 days  There were no by-elections during the 25th Dáil 

Composition of the 25th Dáil
Fianna Fáil, denoted with bullet (●), formed the 20th Government of Ireland 

Graphical representation
This is a graphical comparison of party strengths in the 25th Dáil from March 1987  This was not the official seating plan 

Ceann Comhairle
On 10 March 1987, Seán Treacy (Ind) was proposed by Charles Haughey and seconded by Brian Lenihan for the position of Ceann Comhairle  He was approved without a vote 

TDs by constituency
The list of the 166 TDs elected is given in alphabetical order by Dáil constituency 

Changes
See also
Members of the 18th Seanad
Passage 3:
Members of the 21st Dáil
The 21st Dáil was elected at the 1977 general election on 16 June 1977 and met on 5 July 1977  The members of Dáil Éireann, the house of representatives of the Oireachtas (legislature) of Ireland, are known as TDs  The 21st Dáil saw a change of Taoiseach from Jack Lynch to Charles Haughey  On 21 May 1981, President Patrick Hillery dissolved the Dáil on the request of Taoiseach Charles Haughey  The 21st Dáil lasted 1,417 days 

Composition of the 21st Dáil
In July 1977, Fianna Fáil, denoted with a bullet (●), formed the 15th Government of Ireland, a majority government, led by Jack Lynch as Taoiseach  In December 1979, Charles Haughey succeeded as Fianna Fáil leader and Taoiseach, forming the 16th Government of Ireland 

Graphical representation
This is a graphical comparison of party strengths in the 21st Dáil from July 1977



ground_truth: Long Island

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Charles Haughey held what position when he dissolved the list of members who were elected to the lower house of the Oireachtas of Ireland on 25 May 1989?

The following are given passages.
Context 3:  This was not the official seating plan 

Ceann Comhairle
On the meeting of the Dáil, Joseph Brennan (FF) was proposed by Jack Lynch (FF) and seconded by George Colley (FF) for the position of Ceann Comhairle  Seán Treacy (Lab) was proposed by Garret FitzGerald (FG) and seconded by Joseph Bermingham (Lab) for the position  Brennan was elected by a vote of 84 to 60 Brennan died on 13 July 1980  On 15 October 1980, Pádraig Faulkner (FF) was appointed Ceann Comhairle on a temporary basis  On 16 October 1980, Faulkner was proposed by Jack Lynch for the position on a permanent basis, and was elected without a vote 

TDs by constituency
The list of the 148 TDs elected is given in alphabetical order by Dáil constituency 

Changes
On 11 February 1981, a motion to move the writ for the vacancy in Tipperary North was rejected on a vote of 40 to 66 

See also
Members of the 14th Seanad
Passage 4:
Members of the 23rd Dáil
The 23rd Dáil was elected at the February 1982 general election on 18 February 1982 and met on 9 March 1982  The members of Dáil Éireann, the house of representatives of the Oireachtas (legislature), of Ireland are known as TDs  On 4 November 1982, President Patrick Hillery dissolved the Dáil at the request of the Taoiseach Charles Haughey after the loss of a vote of confidence  The 23rd Dáil is the third shortest Dáil in history, lasting 241 days 

Composition of the 23rd Dáil
Fianna Fáil, which formed the 18th Government of Ireland, is marked with a bullet (●) 

Graphical representation
This is a graphical comparison of party strengths in the 23rd Dáil from March 1982  This was not the official seating plan 

Ceann Comhairle
On the meeting of the Dáil, John O'Connell (Ind), who had served as Ceann Comhairle in the previous Dáil, was proposed by Neil Blaney (IFF) and seconded by Garret FitzGerald (FG) for the position  He was elected without a vote 

TDs by constituency
The list of the 166 TDs elected is given in alphabetical order by Dáil constituency 

Changes
See also
Members of the 16th Seanad
Passage 5:
P  J  Mara
Patrick James Mara (1 February 1942 – 15 January 2016) was an Irish public affairs consultant and politician who served as Senator from July 1981 to October 1981 and May 1982 to December 1982  He was most renowned for being the political adviser to former Taoiseach Charles Haughey  He also served as Press Secretary to Fianna Fáil from 1983 to 1987 and Government Press Secretary from 1987 to 1992 He was appointed the Fianna Fáil Director of Elections for the 1997, 2002, and 2007 general elections  He was a member of the board of Digicel, the company founded by Denis O'Brien to build mobile networks in the Caribbean 
He was regularly lampooned on the satirical Raidió Teilifís Éireann (RTÉ) radio sketch show Scrap Saturday, which ran from 1989 to 1991 

Early life
Mara was born in Galway, but was raised in Millmount Avenue in Drumcondra, Dublin  He was educated at O'Connell's Richmond Street, and at Coláiste Mhuire, an Irish-language Christian Brothers secondary school (Gaelscoil) on Parnell Square  Mara's father, a Garda, died when Mara was still in school  He was raised by his mother and sister  After school, Mara worked at Boland's Mill for a short time  After a few more jobs, he started working in the textiles industry 

Earlier career
Mara started becoming actively involved in politics in his late 20s, having come from a family background of support for Fianna Fáil  He unsuccessfully ran for public office multiple times 
Mara began to show interest in the career of Charles Haughey in 1970, during the Arms Trial, and began a professional relationship with him, eventually becoming his right hand man and confidante  Haughey and Mara at the time would travel around Ireland visiting local branches of Fianna Fáil  Mara assisted Haughey with strategy during election campaigns  His attempts at a non-political entrepreneurial career were sidelined by his political aspirations, including his carpet sales business, which failed 
When Haughey came back from the political wilderness in the late 1970s, Mara helped to secure support for him in the 1979 leadership election of the party  In his first government, Haughey appointed Mara as a senator 
In 1982, despite having no previous experience in public relations, Mara was appointed press secretary for Fianna Fáil by Haughey  He made innovations in how to operate public relations for the party, including holding opposition press briefings  He also tried to increase the electability of Haughey, particularly among young people  
Mara adopted techniques of electioneering from US politics for the campaign for the 1987 Irish general election  He devised a strategy for the election by consulting with a broad range of people, to aid re-election  When the party went back into government in 1987 with Haughey as Taoiseach, Mara served as the press secretary for the new government, and until the resignation of Haughey  He did not work with Albert Reynolds in government 

Flood Tribunal
Mara was one of the components of the so-called Century Radio module at the Flood Tribunal  Mara told the Tribunal that during the course of his employment as a Press Secretary, his financial remuneration was not sufficient to meet his immediate financial requirements, and he experienced financial difficulties  He said he received assistance from his friends, Oliver Barry and financier Dermot Desmond, in the form of loans  However, there was no interest charge, nor was there any fixed schedule for repayment  Those making the loans did not intend that the sums advanced would be treated as gifts by Mara, but were content to receive their money back, once Mara was in a position so to do  Desmond told the Tribunal that he had lent £46,000 to Mara between 1986 and 1989  Barry said he remembered lending Mara a sum of £2,000 on one occasion between 1982 and 1984 In the Second Interim Report of the Flood Tribunal, Judge Feargus Flood found that Mara failed to co-operate with the Tribunal by: "Failing to provide the Tribunal with details of an account in the name of Pullman Limited, operated by him at Royal Bank of Scotland in the Isle of Man, when swearing his Affidavit of Discovery made pursuant to an Order of the Tribunal requiring him to discover, inter alia, any such account "

Later career
Mara was the director of elections for Fianna Fáil when Bertie Ahern was leader, which included managing the campaigns for the party in the general elections in 1997, 2002, and 2007 
Starting in the 1990s, Mara began working as a public relations consultant for many prominent Irish businessmen  He worked closely with Denis O'Brien in the later stages of his life 

Personal life
Mara married Breda Brogan from Kinvara, County Galway, who was a model and later an entrepreneur, setting up a clothing wholesales company which was later bought out by Penney's  They had one son, John  Breda died in 2003  With his partner Sheila, Mara had a daughter, Elena, born in 2013  Mara pursued unsuccessful business ventures, which included selling carpets   While Mara was wealthy in his earlier career before politics, and during it, at one point after he could not even get the credit to buy a used car 

Death
Mara died at the Beacon Hospital after a long illness on 15 January 2016 at the age of 73  He died without a will, leaving an estate of €1,593,213  He was buried in Kinvara, County Galway 
Passage 6:
Members of the 28th Dáil
The 28th Dáil was elected at the 1997 general election on 6 June 1997 and met on 26 June 1997  The members of Dáil Éireann, the house of representatives of the Oireachtas (legislature) of Ireland, are known as TDs  The 28th Dáil lasted 1,765 days, the 2nd longest after the 10th Dáil  The 28th Dáil was dissolved by President Mary McAleese on 25 April 2002, at the request of the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern 

Composition of the 28th Dáil
Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats, denoted with bullets (●), formed the 25th Government of Ireland 

Graphical representation
This is a graphical comparison of party strengths in the 28th Dáil from June 1997  This was not the official seating plan 

Ceann Comhairle
On 26 June 1997, Séamus Pattison (Lab) was proposed by Dick Spring and seconded by Mary O'Rourke for the position of Ceann Comhairle  Pattison was approved without a vote 

List of TDs
This is a list of TDs elected to Dáil Éireann in the 1997 general election, arranged by party  This table is a record of the 1997 general election results  The Changes table below records all changes in membership and party affiliation 

Changes
See also
Members of the 21st Seanad
Passage 7:
Arms Crisis
The Arms Crisis was a political scandal in the Republic of Ireland in 1970 in which Charles Haughey and Neil Blaney were dismissed as cabinet ministers for alleged involvement in a conspiracy to smuggle arms to the Irish Republican Army in Northern Ireland  At the ensuing Arms Trial, charges against Blaney were dropped, and Haughey, along with co-defendants Captain James Kelly, John Kelly and Belgian businessman Albert Luykx, were found not guilty of conspiracy  Blaney claimed that the then government knew about the plan, while Haughey denied this 

Background
The events occurred during the Fianna Fáil government of Jack Lynch  Amid the 1969 Northern Ireland riots, which would lead to the Troubles, nationalist families were being forced from their homes, and refugees "streamed over the border" into the Republic  The Dublin government established a cabinet subcommittee to organise emergency assistance and relief   Haughey, then Minister for Finance and the hardline Blaney, Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries who was from the Donegal North-East constituency bordering Northern Ireland were members of the subcommittee, along with Pádraig Faulkner and Joseph Brennan  Jack Lynch took little interest in the work of the subcommittee, and after an initial meeting, Faulkner and Brennan seem to have left their senior colleagues Haughey and Blaney to their own devices  A government fund of £100,000 was set up to provide relief to civilians forced out of their homes by the Troubles, and Haughey was given sole authority over this money Haughey and Blaney disapproved of the cautious policies of Taoiseach Lynch on Northern Ireland and favoured a more robust approach  In August 1969, after Blaney had proposed military intervention in Northern Ireland, Lynch had asked Irish Army Intelligence to draft proposals for limited military intervention in Northern Ireland to protect nationalist areas from Ulster loyalist mobs, known as Exercise Armageddon, but it was seen to be unworkable and was not adopted by the cabinet  The nationalist areas were given a form of protection later in August by British forces in Operation Banner, and Lynch saw this as an effective short-term measure  On 30 October 1968, Lynch had met with Harold Wilson, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, in London and had called on Britain to take steps to end the partition of Ireland 
Blaney, the then Minister of Agriculture, was an outspoken critic of government policy on Northern Ireland  In a speech in 1969 he said "the Fianna Fail party has never taken a decision to rule out the use of force if the situation in the Six Counties so demand"  Haughey had not publicly opposed Lynch's policy, but was concerned about being outflanked by his Fianna Fail leadership rival 
In October 1969, a meeting of the Northern Citizen Defence Committees, which had been set up to defend nationalist areas from unionist attack, and which included IRA officers, was held in Bailieborough, County Cavan, with Irish Army intelligence officer Captain James Kelly in attendance  Captain Kelly promised the Northern Citizen Defence Committees  £50,000, that would be made available to buy weapons for defense of nationalist areas against loyalist attack 
After the Bailiebourough meeting, Kelly reported directly to Blaney, who in turn brought him to Haugheys's house to give account of the meeting  Kelly suggested that the government should support the IRA, acknowledging "this would mean accepting the possibility of armed action of some sort as the ultimate solution" Blaney allegedly made plans with Captain Kelly to import weapons from continental Europe  Haughey provided the money for the purchase from his civilian relief fund, and also made a failed attempt to arrange customs clearance for the shipment Haughey met with the IRA Chief of Staff Cathal Goulding  Garda Special Branch informed the Minister for Justice Mícheál Ó Móráin of this meeting and he reported it to the Cabinet, but Haughey dismissed it as a chance encounter  In November 1969, a Belfast republican leader named John Kelly, and Haughey's brother Jock, traveled to London to purchase arms, but Kelly became suspicious that their plot had been discovered and they returned to Ireland 

Revelation and trial
By late April 1970, the Garda Síochána Special Branch were aware of the plot and had informed Lynch  However, Lynch took no action until the leader of the opposition, Liam Cosgrave was also informed by the Special Branch of the smuggling scheme and pressed the Taoiseach to take action  Haughey and Blaney were sacked by Lynch on 6 May when they refused to resign   Kevin Boland, the Minister for Social Welfare resigned from the government in protest at the sackings as he was adamant (as were the accused) that Jack Lynch and most of the Cabinet—in particular Jim Gibbons, then Minister for Defence—knew about the plan to import arms  The Minister for Justice, Mícheál Ó Móráin who was in hospital at the time was asked to resign on 4 May  He later claimed that he had in fact informed Lynch of the individuals involved 
On 28 May 1970, Haughey and Blaney went on trial in Dublin, together with an Irish Army intelligence officer, Captain James Kelly, John Kelly and Belgian businessman Albert Luykx, who had allegedly agreed to use his contacts to acquire the weapons  All charges against Blaney were dropped in the District Court on 2 July 1970 and as a result he was not tried, before the main trial got underway under Justice Aindrias Ó Caoimh  The trial collapsed a week later as Ó Caoimh withdrew after allegations of bias  Following a second trial, presided over by Justice Seamus Henchy, the other four defendants were cleared on 23 October At the trial there was a direct contradiction of evidence regarding the sanctioning of the imports between Haughey and the chief prosecutorial witness, Jim Gibbons, Minister for Defence at the time of the attempted imports  Haughey admitted arranging customs clearance for the shipment, but claimed in his defence that he did not know it consisted of weapons  This directly contradicted the evidence of Gibbons and Peter Berry that Haughey was fully aware of all the details of the conspiracy  It also contradicted the testimony of his co-defendants, who admitted that they had tried to import weapons, but maintained that the shipment had been legally authorised by the government  During the trial the judge remarked that either Haughey or Gibbons had to be committing perjury 

Impact
The resignations and sackings left four vacancies in cabinet   As a result, there was a major cabinet reshuffle and some senior politicians of the future, such as Desmond O'Malley and Gerry Collins, got their first step on the ministerial ladder 
The scandal led to bitter divisions in Fianna Fáil between supporters of the sacked ministers Haughey and Blaney and supporters of Lynch   The same divisions affected government policy on Northern Ireland   Although the events led to Haughey being demoted to the back-benches, he remained a member of Fianna Fáil, while Boland was expelled in 1970 and Blaney in 1971   Blaney went on to found his own party, Independent Fianna Fáil, which re-joined Fianna Fáil in 2006, eleven years after Blaney's death   Haughey later returned to ministerial office and succeeded Lynch as party leader in 1979  There was no rapprochement in the relationship between Gibbons and Haughey and when Haughey became Taoiseach, Gibbons was dropped from his ministerial office   During a later leadership contest, Gibbons was assaulted in Dáil Éireann by Haughey supporters in retaliation for his testimony at the Arms Trial The events came to be one of the defining periods of Lynch's term as leader, during which there were several crises   Lynch supporters saw him as exhibiting strength in facing down the rebel ministers and his detractors saw it as an illustration of his weakness on the national question and procrastination in the face of difficult decisions 
As state papers relating to the period were released after 1995, further light was shed on the events, questioning the outcome   Much remains unknown about the truthfulness of the various personalities involved, and what exactly each knew, and when they came to know it  The diaries of Peter Berry, Secretary of the Department of Justice, published in Magill magazine, claimed that Lynch had not been forthright publicly  Documents released through the Freedom of Information Act 30 years later showed that the state had altered statements by Colonel Hefferon to suppress the fact that he and Captain Kelly had kept Gibbons informed  This caused the then Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, to publicly state that Captain Kelly had done nothing wrong 

See also
Exercise Armageddon
Passage 8:
Members of the 27th Dáil
The 27th Dáil was elected at the 1992 general election on 25 November 1992 and met on 14 December 1992  The members of Dáil Éireann, the house of representatives of the Oireachtas (legislature) of Ireland, are known as TDs  The 27th Dáil lasted 1,614 days  The 27th Dáil saw a change of Taoiseach from Albert Reynolds to John Bruton in December 1994, the only time there was a new Taoiseach with a change in the party composition of the government during a Dáil term  The 27th Dáil was dissolved by President Mary Robinson on 15 May 1997, at the request of the Taoiseach, John Bruton 

Composition of the 27th Dáil
23rd Government of Ireland (1993–1994) coalition parties denoted with bullets (●)
24th Government of Ireland (1994–1997) coalition parties denoted with daggers (†)

Graphical representation
This is a graphical comparison of party strengths in the 27th Dáil from January 1993  This was not the official seating plan 

Ceann Comhairle
On 14 December 1992, Seán Treacy (Ind) was proposed by Albert Reynolds and seconded by John Bruton for the position of Ceann Comhairle  Treacy was approved without a vote  On 23 April 1997, Treacy announced to the Dáil that would not be availing of his constitutional right to automatic re-election to the 28th Dáil 

TDs by constituency
The list of the 166 TDs elected is given in alphabetical order by Dáil constituency 

Changes
On 24 February 1994, Proinsias De Rossa (DL) sought to direct that the writ be moved for the by-elections in Dublin South-Central, and Enda Kenny (FG) sought to direct that the writ be moved for the by-elections in Mayo West  This was opposed by the government  The government moved the writs on 18 May 1994  The by-elections were held at the same date as the European Parliament election and the local elections 

See also
Members of the 20th Seanad
Passage 9:
Members of the 20th Dáil
The 20th Dáil was elected at the 1973 general election on 28 February 1973 and met on 14 March 1973  The members of Dáil Éireann, the house of representatives of the Oireachtas (legislature) of Ireland, are known as TDs  On 25 May 1977, President Patrick Hillery dissolved the Dáil on the request of Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave  The 20th Dáil lasted 1,534 days 

Composition of the 20th Dáil
Fine Gael and the Labour Party, denoted with bullets (●), formed the 14th Government of Ireland, known as the National Coalition, with Liam Cosgrave as Taoiseach and Brendan Corish as Tánaiste 

Graphical representation
This is a graphical comparison of party strengths in the 20th Dáil from March 1973  This was not the official seating plan 

Ceann Comhairle
On the meeting of the Dáil, Seán Treacy (Lab) was proposed by Liam Cosgrave (FG) and seconded by Brendan Corish (Lab) for the position  His election was approved without a vote 

TDs by constituency
The list of the 144 TDs elected is given in alphabetical order by Dáil constituency 

Changes
See also
Members of the 13th Seanad
Passage 10:
Members of the 26th Dáil
The 26th Dáil was elected at the 1989 general election on 15 June 1989 and met on 29 June 1989  The members of Dáil Éireann, the house of representatives of the Oireachtas (legislature) of Ireland, are known as TDs  The 26th Dáil lasted 1,226 days, and saw a change of Taoiseach from Charles Haughey to Albert Reynolds  The 26th Dáil was dissolved by President Mary Robinson on 5 November 1992, at the request of the Taoiseach Albert Reynolds  There were no by-elections during the 26th Dáil 

Composition of the 26th Dáil
On 12 July 1989, Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats, denoted with bullets (●), formed the 21st Government of Ireland, led by Charles Haughey  On 11 February 1992, they formed the 22nd Government of Ireland led by Albert Reynolds  The Progressive Democrats left the government on 4 November 1992 

Graphical representation
This is a graphical comparison of party strengths in the 26th Dáil from June 1989  This was not the official seating plan 

Ceann Comhairle
On 29 June 1989, Seán Treacy (Ind) was proposed by Charles Haughey for the position of Ceann Comhairle  Alan Dukes proposed Paddy Harte for the position  Treacy was approved by a vote of 87 to 78 

TDs by constituency
The list of the 166 TDs elected is given in alphabetical order by Dáil constituency 

Changes
See also
Members of the 19th Seanad



ground_truth: Taoiseach of Ireland