prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Kevin Yorn an American entertainment attorney who represents an Australian actor who  played the role of Josh Taylor in what soap opera?

The following are given passages.
Context 1: Passage 1:
Roman Brady
Roman Brady is a fictional character from the long-running NBC soap opera Days of Our Lives  The role was originated in 1981 by Wayne Northrop, who played the role until 1984 and from 1991 to 1994, and is currently being portrayed by series veteran Josh Taylor, who stepped into the role in 1997  Roman is a member of the fictional Brady family, and has been a central character on the show since his introduction in 1981  Over the years, Roman has been involved in a number of storylines, including romances, family conflicts, and mystery plots 

Casting
The role was originated on December 8, 1981, by Wayne Northrop  Northrop departed from the series on November 26, 1984, and the character was killed off during a battle with his arch-nemesis, international criminal mastermind Stefano DiMera  On November 27, 1985, the series introduced a character known as The Pawn, an amnesiac mystery man ostensibly controlled by Stefano but now in the custody of Stefano's rival and local businessman/mobster Victor Kiriakis  The role was portrayed by Robert Poynton until January 20, 1986, though the character's face is wrapped in bandages  On January 23, 1986, The Pawn's bandages were finally removed as Drake Hogestyn made his first appearance as John Black, a character with no memory of his past or knowledge of his real identity  In May 1986, Hogestyn's character of John is revealed to be Roman who had been treated to extensive brainwashing and plastic surgery courtesy of Stefano, and Hogestyn played the role written as Roman until 1991  When Northrop returned as Roman on August 30, 1991, the character that Hogestyn had been portraying for five years was retconned to be an entirely separate character that had been brainwashed to believe he was Roman Brady  Northrop once again departed from the series on August 2, 1994  On July 18, 1997, Josh Taylor appeared in the role as a recast of Roman Brady  The casting was met with criticism due to Taylor's previous portrayal of Chris Kositchek, one of Roman and Marlena's closest friends  Northrop was later recast as another new character, Dr  Alex North, and scenes from Northrop's time playing Roman were edited to create the new character's backstory 

Characterization
Roman is the retired police commissioner of the fictional Midwestern town of Salem, and currently manages and tends bar at his family's business, the Brady Pub  He is also a former agent of the fictional International Security Alliance (ISA), a spy agency focused on all sorts of unusually high-level global conspiracies that tended to center around his otherwise-quiet home town  During his portrayal by Northrop, he was established as a top-notch cop but also a bit of a renegade, often accepting deep-cover assignments, and a master of disguise (similar to Sherlock Holmes)  Hogestyn's character was more by-the-book on the job, although still dangerous with a dark side somewhat characteristic of an ex-spy (which later fed into the "John Black" persona), with expertise in Bruce Lee's Jeet Kune Do, and a little more of a ladies' man  Taylor's portrayal is more that of a "regular guy", with a bit less intrigue and more straightforward professionally, although still with an eye for the ladies and more inclined to engage in one-night stands with various women than the character as portrayed by Northrop or Hogestyn (such as with Kate Roberts, Billie Reed, ex-wives Anna DiMera and Marlena Evans, and a strongly hinted at – but never confirmed – rendezvous with Nicole Walker) 
Over the years, much has been made of the creation (and constant retcon of the backstory) of Hogestyn's character John Black as an entirely separate character than that of Roman Brady, especially after the show had invested over five years in establishing John's identity as Roman, complete with a plausible backstory (and flashbacks) of his “time away” (while he was being held captive, brainwashed, and trained—-unsuccessfully—-to be an assassin by Stefano DiMera), and "Roman's" reemerging memories  However, with Roman's recasts and changes in characterization over the years (while John has consistently been played by Hogestyn), in hindsight it can be said that it was actually John Black that remained more true to the original "Roman" persona, and that it was Roman that was gradually developed into a separate character  This was especially illustrated in 2016 when Roman, who had always been a straight-shooter with regard to the law, became complicit in the cover-up of sister-in-law Hope Brady's murder of Stefano DiMera, who she wrongly believed was responsible for the disappearance and later death of her husband (and Roman's brother) Bo Brady 

Storylines
1981–84
Roman Brady first appeared on Days to protect Marlena Evans from a serial killer  He slept on her floor  The chemistry between the actors, and the characters, led to love  In 1983 on Days of Our Lives, Roman and Marlena were married  Over the next year Roman became embroiled in a storyline with Stefano DiMera  Stefano was a powerful and ruthless business tycoon (and organized crime figure) from Europe who had come to town to set up shop in Salem, and Roman being the city's top cop had gone after him  Subsequently Stefano framed Roman for serial killings that were being committed by his nephew Andre DiMera  At the time Marlena saw Roman killing a woman  Later it was shown that Andre had used a realistic mask  Roman was jailed  Mrs  Alice Horton baked him some drugged doughnuts, and on the way to the hospital Roman escaped  He went on the run to prove his innocence, and he accomplished that  He was promoted, and Stefano was on the run 
In November 1984, Roman tracked Stefano to a Caribbean island where many other characters had crash-landed, too  Stefano was suffering from incurable cancer, and needed to collect three mysterious prisms to unlock a secret formula to cure himself  Roman caught up to him on a cliff, but Stefano pulled a gun  He shot Roman, who seemingly fell to his death  His brother Bo cradled him in his arms on the beach, but had to leave him for a few minutes  When he returned the body was gone  Bo assumed that while he was away, the tide had come in and washed Roman’s body out to sea, for which Bo blamed himself for years  Several episodes later Roman was shown aboard Stefano's yacht, motionless 

1986–1990
In 1986 an amnesiac known only as "The Pawn" appeared in Salem on January 23, 1986  He assumed the name "John Black" after reading it on a Vietnam War memorial in Salem  Eventually the character was revealed to be Roman Brady having undergone extensive plastic surgery, brainwashing, and martial arts training (purportedly to be trained as an assassin) by Stefano DiMera  After an uneasy "re-introduction" to his family and friends in Salem, the character resumed his life as Roman 
In 1988, a storyline featuring a reappearance by Stefano (who had been believed dead) focused on what had happened to Roman during his time in captivity (1984–1986)  Roman and loved ones traveled back to the Caribbean island where Roman had "died" in 1984, and it was revealed that the ISA knew all along that Roman was being held by Stefano and being trained via brainwashing, and extensive instruction by a martial arts master named Orion Hawk, to be one of Stefano's assassins  In fact, the ISA unsuccessfully tried to infiltrate Orion's training camp to extract Roman, but this failed due to the high level of security at Stefano's compound as well as Roman's brainwashed state  This tied into the introduction of Benjy, Stefano's son (and Orion's grandson) who was fostered for a while by Steve and Kayla Johnson  Although subtle hints pointed to the possibility of this "Roman" turning out to be someone else, abetted by speculation by fans and by Hogestyn himself, the clues seemed to tie back together with the resolution that, at least for the moment, the character portrayed by Hogestyn was in fact Roman Brady 

1991–94
After believing that Roman's wife, Marlena Evans, had been dead for some years, he had fallen in love with a woman named Isabella Toscano  In 1991 Marlena turns up alive  In August 1991 the character who had been presumed as Roman Brady since 1986 is retroactively revealed to be a separate character (now once again called John Black) who was brainwashed to believe he was Roman, when what would now be the real Roman (once again played by Wayne Northrop) was found on an island where he had been imprisoned by Stefano  Roman was shocked when he found he had been replaced and all his family had accepted John Black as him and John Black had a difficult time accepting he was not really Roman  Roman went back to his life, and he and Marlena tried to live once again as man and wife  After the death of Isabella, in his grief John turned to Marlena for comfort  The two found themselves unable to resolve their feelings for each other from their life together when John believed himself to be Roman  He and Marlena had an affair that resulted in the birth of a daughter, Isabella, named after Isabella Toscano, whom Roman believed to be his own daughter  When he discovered that Marlena and John had an affair and that Belle was not his real daughter, Roman was crushed  In August 1994, Roman leaves town broken and bitter, once again with no family  Later it was said that Roman had died on a mission for the ISA 

1997–present
In 1997 Josh Taylor was brought in as Roman, who was revealed by Stefano DiMera and Kristen Blake to be alive after being exposed to biological warfare while on a deep-cover ISA mission in South America  The cure to his ailment was discovered by John, Hope, and Stefano in a jungle mission that was engineered to drive John and Marlena apart, but in the end had the opposite result 
Roman was "killed" during the Salem Stalker Murders in December 2003 during his wedding reception to Kate Roberts, but again was revealed to not really be dead  He lived on the island of Melaswen (New Salem) with every other victim from the Salem Stalker Murders, including Marlena  Eventually, other Salemites arrived on the island, trying to find their "dead" loved ones  Some of them went out in the jungle, looking for a way off the island, while the rest remained in "Salem" waiting for help  Help finally arrived  Jennifer got to the island, then Hope and Patrick and finally Bo and John  Everyone banded together to get off the island, but Tony wasn't going to make it easy  He created a volcanic eruption, which eventually caused a giant wave  As everyone gathered on makeshift rafts to get off the island, the wave crashed over them  The Coast Guard arrived and managed to rescue some of them, but Roman, Marlena, Jack, and his daughter Cassie were not saved  They were in the clutches of Tony DiMera once again, and he took them to a remote European castle where he held them captive 
While in the castle, Tony DiMera (actually Andre DiMera) tormented Roman and Marlena with video of John and Kate growing ever closer back in Salem  Eventually, they believed the two of them had sex, and Roman and Marlena, needing comfort, had sex as well  Shortly thereafter, Jack made his way into their room  They escaped! Through fire and explosions, our group of intrepid Salemites – Marlena, Roman, Jack and Cassie – all got out and were on their way home 
On the ISA jet on the way back to Salem, Roman and Marlena made the decision to not tell Kate and John that they had sex  Marlena was uncomfortable with lying to John, but eventually agreed with Roman  When they arrived back they were shocked to learn that John and Kate had fallen in love and were engaged to be married, but Roman and Marlena still didn't tell the truth about their affair  Soon after they were back Marlena discovered that she was pregnant and that Roman had to be the father, but when the truth came out John wasn't too forgiving  During a fight between Roman and John, Marlena tumbled down the stairs, causing a miscarriage 
As the second decade of the 21st century has unfolded, Roman is the commissioner of the Salem police force  After an ill-fated marriage to Kate Roberts, he has remained single and adopted an elder-statesman, back-burner role on the show  He serves primarily as the de facto patriarch of the Brady family and the supervisor and occasional voice-of-reason to junior police officers and ISA agents (with a catchphrase of sorts developing from his consistent inquiries of "what da hell" is going on)  He has largely made peace with his past with Stefano DiMera, John Black, and Victor Kiriakis, and remains friends with ex-wives Anna, Marlena and Kate, and is occasionally shown as having a soft spot for all of them  In March 2017, he retires as police commissioner and is seen later tending bar at the Brady Pub  In 2018, he begins working with his friends John Black and Steve Johnson at their private detective business, Black Patch  Hattie Adams, Marlena's doppelganger, develops feelings for Roman and tries to trick him into thinking she is Marlena, but this does not work out  In 2021, he rekindles his romance with Kate, and they remarry the following year 

External links
Roman at soapcentral com
Passage 2:
Kevin Yorn
Kevin Brett Yorn (born July 4, 1965) is an American entertainment attorney and investor  He co-founded Yorn Barnes Levine Entertainment Law Firm where he is managing partner 

Early life and education
Yorn was born in Montville, New Jersey to father Dr  Lawrence Yorn, a dentist and captain in the Army, and his mother, Joan Yorn  He has two brothers, Pete Yorn, a musician and Rick Yorn, a talent manager Yorn is an alumnus of Muhlenberg College in Allentown, PA  He graduated with a Juris Doctor degree from Tulane University Law School in 1990 and was admitted to The State Bar of California in 1991  Yorn has collaborated with Tulane University, his alma mater and created funds to promote entertainment and media law at Tulane Law School as well as to support the Gender & Sexuality Studies program in the School of Liberal Arts 

Career
Early Career
Yorn became a deputy district attorney in L A  County after graduating from Tulane Law in 1990  He was in the D A ’s office for five years, working in the Hardcore Gang Investigations Unit 

Yorn Barnes Levine
In 1996 Yorn was recruited from the D A 's to partner with Michael Barnes, Kevin Morris and Brian Wolf, forming Barnes Morris Wolf & Yorn, based in Santa Monica Aspiring writer Anthony Zuiker asked Yorn for help in escaping a screenwriting contract so that he could go on to create the television series CSI, which premiered in 2000 In 2013, Yorn worked on the deal to renew DeGeneres' talk show through 2016-17 In the summer of 2014, Yorn's firm made a deal with Hulu for three years of South Park reruns, reportedly at a price of more than $80 million, and he helped Zuiker make content deals with YouTube and Yahoo  Yorn also created a joint venture with Warner Bros , Ellen DigitalVentures, to help take advantage of Ellen DeGeneres’ social media reach, digital video content, games and apps, including Heads Up! Yorn was listed among The Hollywood Reporter’s Top 100 Entertainment Attorneys in 2013 and 2014, and one of Hollywood's top power lawyers every year between 2015 and 2023 

Investing
In 2021, Yorn co-founded private equity investment firm Broadlight Holdings with his brother Rick and David Dorfman  The firm is focused on investments in the global technology and consumer landscape 

Personal life
Yorn lives in Los Angeles, California  His parents moved to Los Angeles in 2000, and his mother Joan became a receptionist at Yorn Barnes Levine In 1996, he married film producer Julie Silverman in a Jewish ceremony in Tarrytown, New York  They later divorced in 2005 
Passage 3:
L  Londell McMillan
L  Londell McMillan  (born in 1966 in Bedford–Stuyvesant, Brooklyn, New York) is an American entertainment attorney, producer, and publisher 

History
He graduated from Brooklyn Technical High School in 1983 and received his undergraduate degree from Cornell University, where he was a Quill and Dagger member, honors graduate, and Academic All-American mentioned football player  After his time at Cornell, McMillan pursued a law career at the New York University School of Law McMillan was a faculty member with the Practicing Law Institute; lecturer and featured case study subject of the Harvard Business School   He also has been a guest and commentator on The Oprah Winfrey Show, Today, Entertainment Tonight, and CNN  In 2008, McMillan was named as one of The National Law Journal’s 50 most Influential Minority Lawyers in America, and in 2007 was recognized as one of New York’s Super Lawyers   He was a recipient of the Metropolitan Black Bar Association Haywood W  Burns, Lawyer of the Year Award in 2001 and was featured on the cover of Black Enterprise magazine in December 2003   McMillan has also been honored among Crain’s 100 Most Powerful Minority Leaders    McMillan founded The McMillan Firm;  he was a partner and co-head of the Media and Entertainment Global Industry Sector Group at the international law firm of Dewey & LeBoeuf LLP until 2012   McMillan is also the Chairman of The NorthStar Group which owns and operates The Source Magazine (print and digital), Jones Magazine (print and digital) and produces music, arts and cultural events locally, nationally and worldwide   McMillan serves as a business advisor and business manager for individuals and organizations in the private sector and non-profit community 
His clients over the years have included Prince before his death and his estate after his death, Lil' Kim, Stevie Wonder, Chaka Khan,  Michael Jackson before his death, Roberta Flack, Isaac Hayes, Spike Lee, LL Cool J, Nas, Kanye West, Zhane, Estate of Christopher Wallace, 1996 Olympic Women's Basketball Players Lisa Leslie & Dawn Staley, among other professional athletes and entertainers   Among his corporate clients have been The Discovery Channel, Time Warner, Screenvision, Radio One, and National Football League, and Mercedes-Benz 

Community service
L  Londell McMillan is committed to community service, having served as General Counsel of the NAACP, Brooklyn Chapter, serves as Chair of NorthStar Charities, Co-Founder of the Artist Empowerment Coalition, Founder of SOURCE360, and served on the Fund for Public Schools (which raises private financial support for New York City's public schools), and the Benefit Committee of The Jazz Foundation of America, as well as being a member of the Board of Directors  McMillan is the current owner and group publisher of The NorthStar Group, which publishes Jones Magazine and The Source 
Passage 4:
Liam Hemsworth
Liam Hemsworth (born 13 January 1990) is an Australian actor  He played the roles of Josh Taylor in the soap opera Neighbours and Marcus in the children's television series The Elephant Princess  In American films, Hemsworth starred as Will Blakelee in The Last Song (2010), as Gale Hawthorne in The Hunger Games film series (2012–2015), and as Jake Morrison in Independence Day: Resurgence (2016) 

Early life
Hemsworth was born in Melbourne, Australia, to Leonie (née van Os), an English teacher, and Craig Hemsworth, a social-services counsellor  He has two older brothers, Chris Hemsworth and Luke Hemsworth, who are also actors  His maternal grandfather is a Dutch immigrant, and his other ancestry is English, Irish, Scottish, and German  Hemsworth has said that though there is competition for jobs among them, it is friendly: "We are brothers and we are always competitive, but it is a good thing, it pushes us and we are always happy whenever someone books something "When Hemsworth was in year 8 high school, he and his family relocated to Phillip Island, a small Australian island southeast of Melbourne where he spent much of his time there surfing with his brothers  In March 2009, Hemsworth moved to the United States to pursue his acting career  He and his brother Chris first stayed in the guest house of Chris's manager, William Ward, before renting their own Los Angeles apartment 

Career
2007–2010: Career beginnings
Prior to becoming an actor, Hemsworth laid floors for six months  He began to seriously consider following his elder brothers' footsteps in high school by participating in school plays  Eventually, Hemsworth retained an agent  He attended his first audition at the age of sixteen and began his career in 2007 with guest appearances on the shows Home and Away and McLeod's Daughters  The week of 8 July 2007, Hemsworth began filming episodes for Neighbours, an Australian soap opera his brother Luke had previously starred in  Hemsworth's character, Josh Taylor, was a recurring character from 2007 to 2008  In the show, Josh was an athletic paraplegic who supported and began a relationship with character Bridget Parker after she was paralysed down one side of her body in a car crash  In 2008, Hemsworth began acting on the children's television show The Elephant Princess, playing "Marcus", the lead guitarist of the protagonist's band  Hemsworth later had roles in the television series Satisfaction and starred in the British film Triangle  He also made a brief appearance as an MIT student in the film Knowing In 2009, Hemsworth was selected to act opposite Sylvester Stallone in Stallone's 2010 film, The Expendables, but his character was written out of the script (Hemsworth later co-starred in The Expendables 2)  Hemsworth's brother, Chris, told Movieline that just a few hours after Hemsworth learned he would not appear in The Expendables, director Kenneth Branagh called to ask him to test for the lead role in the 2011 film Thor  Hemsworth moved to the States in March 2009 for screen tests  Though he eventually lost the role to Chris in May, Disney announced later the same week that Hemsworth had landed the part of Will Blakelee in the 2010 drama The Last Song, based on the Nicholas Sparks novel by the same name  Hemsworth plays the love interest of Miley Cyrus's character in the film  Nikki Finke reported that Hemsworth had been in Los Angeles for just three weeks and had not yet found an agent when he was cast  Hemsworth next appeared in the music video for Cyrus' "When I Look at You" which was recorded on 16 August 2009 In September 2009, Hemsworth appeared at a dinner event to promote Foxtel, an Australian pay television company  In March 2010, Details magazine selected Hemsworth as one of their predictions for "The Next Generation of Hollywood's Leading Men"  Later that month, it was announced that Hemsworth was in negotiations to star in Arabian Nights, a 3D action film that will be directed by Chuck Russell for Inferno Entertainment  It was later confirmed that he will be starring in the movie  He has also reportedly been offered the lead role in Northern Lights after Taylor Lautner withdrew from the David Ellison-financed project Hemsworth was the Nickelodeon Australian Kids' Choice Awards 2010 host  He and Miley Cyrus won the "Fave Kiss" category Hemsworth starred in the music video for "Colder Weather" by the Zac Brown Band 

2011–present: The Hunger Games series and beyond
On 4 April 2011, Lionsgate announced Hemsworth to be one of the leads, Gale Hawthorne, in The Hunger Games, which was released in 2012  In June 2011, he became attached to war drama Love and Honor which also stars Aimee Teegarden and Teresa Palmer In 2013, Hemsworth appeared in Empire State, with Emma Roberts, and Paranoia, co-starring Harrison Ford, Gary Oldman and Amber Heard  He reprised his role, Gale Hawthorne, in three sequels to The Hunger Games, The Hunger Games: Catching Fire, released in November 2013, The Hunger Games: Mockingjay – Part 1, released in November 2014, and The Hunger Games: Mockingjay – Part 2, released in November 2015 
On 11 June 2012, Los Angeles-based non-profit organization Australians in Film announced that Hemsworth would be honoured at an exclusive benefit dinner on 27 June 2012 in Hollywood  Hemsworth attended the invitation only event, held at the Intercontinental Hotel in Century City, with his then fiancée Miley Cyrus  It was their first public appearance together as an engaged couple In 2015, Hemsworth portrayed the love interest of Kate Winslet's character in the Australian literary adaptation The Dressmaker, which was filmed in Victoria in the summer of 2014  Hemsworth starred in director Roland Emmerich's 2016 film Independence Day: Resurgence  In 2019, following a three-year absence, he played a fantasy version of a romantic comedy leading man in the film Isn't It Romantic, and starred in the action crime film Killerman 
Hemsworth currently appears on the horror TV series, Most Dangerous Game, for Quibi, the short-form streaming platform  Hemsworth plays the lead role as a terminally ill man trying to provide for his pregnant wife before he dies In 2022, Hemsworth is set to star in the Netflix film Lonely Planet with Laura Dern  In October 2022, Netflix announced that Hemsworth would be replacing Henry Cavill as Geralt of Rivia from the start of Season 4 of The Witcher 

Personal life
Hemsworth is the ambassador of the Australian Childhood Foundation  Hemsworth talked about his association with the foundation, "I have the best parents you can have  They have worked in child protection for twenty years and have only ever given me encouragement and support  The world is a scary enough place as it is for children  It is important that home should always be a safe place for them " When asked if he believed he was a hero to children, Hemsworth said he did not know, but that he would like to be a good role model Hemsworth was vegan and told Men's Fitness in 2015 that he found "no negatives to eating like this  I feel nothing but positive, mentally and physically " In 2020, following hospitalization for kidney stones, he told Men's Health that he had to "completely rethink what [he] was putting in [his] body "After his separation from Cyrus, Hemsworth began a relationship with Australian model, Gabriella Brooks 

Relationship with Miley Cyrus
While filming The Last Song in June 2009, Hemsworth began a relationship with his co-star Miley Cyrus  After a three-year on-again, off-again relationship, the couple announced their engagement in June 2012  They lived together in Los Angeles but ended their engagement in September 2013  Rumours began in January 2016, stemming primarily from sightings of the couple together at his Malibu home and the reappearance of the engagement ring on Cyrus  Cyrus confirmed in an interview on The Ellen DeGeneres Show in October 2016, they were once again engaged In November 2018, Cyrus revealed on social media that her and Hemsworth's home had burned down in the Woolsey Fire, and expressed devastation for her community and gratitude for the safety of herself, Hemsworth, and their pets  The following morning, Hemsworth responded on his social media by posting a picture he had taken of the charred rubble of their former home  In his posts he praised the residents of his community on how they united in helping with the consequences of the fire, and encouraged his followers to donate their time, money, and resources to The Malibu Foundation, a non-profit established in the wake of the Woolsey fire, and to his fiancée's own non-profit organisation, the Happy Hippie Foundation, to further contribute help with the aftermath  On 13 November 2018, Hemsworth and Cyrus made a joint $500,000 donation to The Malibu Foundation through Cyrus's foundation Hemsworth and Cyrus married on 23 December 2018 at their home in Nashville, Tennessee  On 10 August 2019, Cyrus announced their separation  Eleven days later, Hemsworth filed for divorce, citing irreconcilable differences  On 28 January 2020, it was announced that their divorce had been finalized 

Filmography
Film
Television
Awards and nominations
On 27 June 2012, Liam Hemsworth was presented with the Australians in Film Breakthrough Award for international success 
Passage 5:
Stefan Dennis
Stefan Dennis (born 30 October 1958) is an Australian actor and singer best known for playing the role of cold-hearted and ruthless businessman Paul Robinson in the soap opera Neighbours from its first episode on March 18, 1985  He departed Neighbours in 1992 before returning for a short stint in 1993  He then returned in late 2004 and played the character up until the show's temporary ending in 2022 and is set to return to the role in 2023  During his time away from Neighbours he was a cast member of Scottish soap opera River City produced and set in Glasgow, Scotland  He is also known for his 1989 single "Don't It Make You Feel Good", which reached Number 16 in the Irish and UK Singles Chart 

Early life
Dennis was born in Tawonga, Victoria but his family moved to Queensland for 12 years, where he did most of his schooling  He started showing his genuine interest in music and acting at the age of seven and was eleven years old when he started in amateur theatre in Queensland  His debut with this first theatre company was in Oliver!  Also, at this time he and his brother formed a vocal duo and performed on many occasions  They played at weddings, charity events, and some large concerts By the age of 14, Dennis was convinced he wanted to go into the entertainment business  He understood the pitfalls associated with choosing the career of an entertainer, so he decided to get a trade behind him to support him through the times when he might be out of work  He left school at 15 and took an apprenticeship as a chef  On completion of his chef's certificate, he moved from the Gold Coast to Melbourne 

Career
Dennis started out in guest roles on programmes such as Cop Shop, Skyways, Carson's Law, Young Ramsay, Prisoner, Home, The Henderson Kids, The Sullivans, The Young Doctors and Sons and Daughters and many others  Dennis has a number of credits to his name  He had a major role in The Henderson Kids, a co-lead in an ABC children's show called Infinity Limited, and he co-starred in The Flying Doctors mini-series  In 1984, he auditioned for the roles of Shane Ramsay and Des Clarke in a new soap opera, Neighbours where he was later cast as Paul Robinson instead  His role in Neighbours brought opportunities such as appearing at the Royal Variety Performance alongside fellow cast members 
After finishing Neighbours in 1992, Dennis moved to the UK and worked on a variety of TV shows and theatre productions  He appeared in many pantomimes, plays, and musicals including the pantomime Cinderella in Bournemouth, UK from 10 December 1992 to 17 January 1993  In 1994, he played Mickey in Blood Brothers, touring in New Zealand and Australia before returning to the UK to appear in the show in both the West End, and in a national tour of the UK  He appeared in many television shows, including Dream Team, River City, The Bill and Casualty  He also returned to Australia from time to time for guest roles in shows such as Blue Heelers, Good Guys Bad Guys and Stingers  Dennis has worked as a voiceover artist for many years both in Australia and the UK He was part of the team that set a new world record in 1995 for 24-hour endurance outdoor karting  The team – Stefan Dennis, David Brabham, Russ Malkin, Steve Malkin – set the record of 1,664 7 km (1,034 397 mi) on a 1 3 km (0 808 mi) track at Brooklands, Weybridge, Surrey, UK on 24 and 25 February 1995  While in the UK, Dennis became a partner in Lex Film Entertainment, and was associate producer on the film The Truth About Love 
He returned to Neighbours at the end of 2004, and continued as a regular character until the show's final episode in 2022  He is the only current cast member who appeared in the first episode, although he is not the longest serving due to his long break  Of his role in Neighbours, Dennis has said that people struggle to tell the difference between himself and the character and "shy away" from him because "they think I'm going to bark at them"  He has conceded that it could be a testament to his acting and says "It's a real compliment though, as people know the character that well, they actually think I am like him in real life"  As a matter of fact, although he portrays Paul Robinson as having a prosthetic leg, he has two good legs of his own In 2009, Dennis was stalked by two fans while presenting the Best Villain award at the British Soap Awards  He hosted a documentary special celebrating Neighbours' 30th anniversary titled Neighbours 30th: The Stars Reunite, which aired in Australia and the UK in March 2015  In 2018, Dennis appeared in the recurring role of Michael Armstrong QC in the sixth series of Wentworth 

Music
In 1989, Dennis started a side-line music career, and released the single "Don't It Make You Feel Good", which reached No  16 in the UK Singles Chart, in May of that year  He released a second single, "This Love Affair", which reached No  67 in the UK in October 1989  Dennis is a talented pipe organist (cite Australian Organist Association 1990 march)
In 2013, Dennis sang and appeared as Santa Claus in the music video for his Neighbours co-star Alan Fletcher's song "If You Want a Happy Christmas" 

Personal life
Dennis' older brother, John, was killed by a drunk driver at the age of 12  Of the sentencing, Dennis has said: "That driver was fined just $50 for what he did  And that same weekend someone who killed a koala at Currumbin Wildlife Sanctuary got fined $200  So    well, that's hard " Dennis has used the incident to raise awareness about drink driving via his Twitter account Dennis previously dated Natalie Imbruglia and Gayle Blakeney in the 1990s while they were co-starring on Neighbours with him He met and married his wife, Gail when in the UK  The couple have two sons, Cameron and Declan, and a daughter Darci  The family reside in Australia 

Filmography
Television
Films
Theatre
Passage 6:
Lisa A  Callif
Lisa Anne Callif (born January 6, 1974) is an American entertainment attorney specializing in independent film  She works in all aspects of the field with a focus on clearance work – enabling filmmakers to use a limited amount of unlicensed material in their projects with the U S  Copyright Law's fair use doctrine In 2008, Callif became a named partner at the Beverly Hills law firm Donaldson & Callif  She has worked on such documentary films as I'm Still Here, Waiting for Superman and Inside Job  Filmmakers she has worked with include: Oliver Stone, Jason Blum and Elise Pearlstein  She is an adjunct associate professor of law at Southwestern Law School in Los Angeles 

As an author
In 2010, Callif released The American Bar Association's Legal Guide to Independent Film Making, which she co-authored with law partner Michael C  Donaldson, whose book Clearance & Copyright: Everything the Independent Filmmaker Needs to Know is used as a textbook in over 50 college and university film schools across America 

Recognition
In 2011 Callif was named one of "The Best and the Brightest" of Hollywood Law by Variety magazine 

Bibliography
The American Bar Association's Legal Guide To Independent Filmmaking (2010) (by Lisa A  Callif & Michael C  Donaldson)
Passage 7:
Ernest Del
Ernest Del (born January 16, 1952) is an American entertainment attorney  Del served as Senior Advisor at ZeniMax Media from 2017 till 2021 
Del previously served as President of ZeniMax from 1999 up until April 2017  He also serves as a director of Delivery Agent and of the Silver Eagle Acquisition Corporation 

Education
Del graduated with degrees in economics and political science from the University of California, Berkeley in 1973 and earned his J D  degree from Stanford University Law School in 1976 

Career
Del began his law career in 1976 as an antitrust litigator at the law firm of Wyman, Bautzer, Rothman & Kuchel, focused primarily on cases addressing the transformation of the nationwide Bell telephone system in the late 1970s before shifting to transactional entertainment law  Initially he worked exclusively on feature films in the United States and abroad  He later worked on television and digital media 
In December 1999, he became President at ZeniMax Media  He additionally served as president of ZeniMax Europe from December 2010 to August 2012   Del later became part of the law firm Del, Shaw, Moonves, Tanaka, Finkelstein & Lezcano 

Entertainment law
Del's clients include: Fox's former executive and current CEO of Tribune Company, Peter Liguori, Kevin Reilly (Chairman of Entertainment for the Fox Broadcasting Company), Former CW executive Dawn Ostroff, 20th TV's Dana Walden, Lionsgate CEO Jon Feltheimer, former The WB Television Network network president David Janollari, Leslie Moonves ( former president and CEO, CBS Corporation), actor-producer Paul Reiser, Stuart Bloomberg the former chairman of ABC Entertainment, Bob Greenblatt (chairman of NBC Entertainment)  Some of his associates from Hollywood sat on ZeniMax's Board of Directors: Leslie Moonves, Harry Sloan and Jerry Bruckheimer Del helped Harry E  Sloan to rebuild MGM, when Sloan was  chairman and CEO there  He also repped Providence Equity Partners in the creation of Hulu, as well as advising Bethesda Softworks  In 2009 and 2010, Del was called a power lawyer by The Hollywood Reporter 

See also
Greg Bautzer
Passage 8:
Umar Lubis
Umar Lubis (born July 14, 1973 in Jakarta) is an Indonesian actor  He is known for his numerous roles in soap operas  He always role in SinemArt soap opera  Usually he always role as father in soap opera  He is son in-law from Rae Sita  His name started to be known by public when he play in soap opera Intan  In that soap opera, he roled as Dr  Frans, father of Lila who is roled by Ingka Noverita 

Personal life
Umar married  Ravelra Ruth Supit (October 14, 1975) in 1996  From their marriage, they have four children, there are Nabil Raehan Lubis (January 1997), Ramzie Rif'at Lubis (July 7, 1998), Rania Rizqina Lubis (July 24, 2002), and Raafi Ali Lubis (April 2011) 

Filmography
Films
Soap Operas
TVM
Kupilih Jalanku Sendiri (2017) as Akmal Fatoni
Passage 9:
Michael C  Donaldson
Michael C  Donaldson (born October 13, 1939) is an American entertainment attorney, independent film advocate and a recipient of the International Documentary Association's Amicus Award, an honor bestowed upon only two others, Steven Spielberg and John Hendricks, in the 25-year history of the awards  He is a proponent of the 165-year-old fair-use doctrine and, through its use, is known for saving documentarians hundreds of thousands of dollars while preserving their First Amendment rights In addition to serving as general counsel to Film Independent (home of the Independent Spirit Awards and the Los Angeles Film Festival) and the Writers Guild of America/West Foundation, Donaldson practices at his Beverly Hills law firm, Donaldson & Callif, where, in 2008, entertainment attorney Lisa A  Callif became a partner 

United States v  Stevens
Donaldson played a significant part in the Supreme Court of the United States’ United States v  Stevens case by arranging the amicus brief that was filed by four documentary film organizations the members of which were directly affected by the Supreme Court's decision – the International Documentary Association, Film Independent, the Independent Feature Project, and the Independent Film & Television Alliance The amicus brief was filed on behalf of a documentary filmmaker who made a film about the history of pit bulls and included a clip of dog fights in Japan, where dog fighting is legal  Filmmaker Robert Stevens was sentenced to three years in prison for violating a federal statute that criminalizes the depiction of cruelty to animals in film 
Through this brief the organizations urged the court to rule in favor of Stevens because of the case's First Amendment implications 
On April 20, 2010, the United States Supreme Court ruled 8–1 in favor of voiding a 1999 animal cruelty law in favor of free speech protections guaranteed by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution 

Chevron v  Joe Berlinger
Donaldson prepared an amicus brief in support of filmmaker Joe Berlinger, who was ordered to hand over some 600 hours of raw footage shot in connection with his documentary Crude  Chevron Corporation requested the footage, intending to use it to defend itself in an Ecuadorian class-action lawsuit (filed against it for environmental contamination to the Amazon rainforest) as well as to help fend off the threatened criminal prosecution of two of its attorneys in the litigation The brief was prepared pro bono by Donaldson's firm and filed in an effort to protect against the potentially devastating consequences the subpoena could have on the role documentary filmmakers play in providing independent information on human rights and social issues through their use of the First Amendment right known as Reporters' Privilege  A number of industry organizations and individuals signed on to the brief, including Film Independent, IFP Inc , Alex Gibney, and Eddie Schmidt, who was president of the International Documentary Association Actor, director, and environmental activist Robert Redford, has made his thoughts on the issue known in public media platforms 

Digital Millennium Copyright Act
On July 26, 2010, the United States Copyright Office ruled that documentary filmmakers would be exempt from the provisions of the DMCA (Digital Millennium Copyright Act of 1998) that criminalize the act of circumventing electronic and digital copyright protection systems when ripping material from DVDs  The exemption was the result of an action spearheaded by Donaldson who assembled a coalition of award-winning documentarians and filmmaker organizations and provided pro bono legal council for the legal request Prior to the ruling, documentary filmmakers were forced to use technically inferior methods to obtain copyrighted material permitted them by the fair use doctrine in United States copyright law  The exemption allows documentarians to legally obtain portions of encrypted or digitally locked material from DVDs for non-infringing use in their films The exemption was in effect through October 28, 2012   On October 26, 2012, the Librarian of Congress published a new set of exemptions, effective October 28, 2001 through October 28, 2015, that provide substantially the same filmmaker rights 

Net neutrality
Donaldson assisted in the effort to ensure that documentary filmmakers have the same rights as major studios in terms of the speed at which their films will be able to travel the internet  He, along with Jack I  Lerner and the USC Intellectual Property and Technology Law Clinic, organized the efforts on a pro-bono bases in support of the principle termed Net Neutrality  The fight was led by the International Documentary Association and was supported by such additional organizations as Film Independent, University Film & Video Association, Independent Filmmaker Project, Independent Feature Project Chicago, IFP Minnesota and National Alliance for Media Arts and Culture 
On January 2, 2011, the FCC ruled in favor of net neutrality in a 3-to-2 vote 

Lee & William Storey v  Commissioner of Internal Revenue
In support of the documentary film community's tax status, Donaldson, along with his firm's team of attorneys, prepared an amicus brief on a pro-bono basis urging the United States Tax Court to recognize that documentary films are overwhelmingly undertaken in the pursuit of a profit  It was filed in response to the Internal Revenue Service's challenge of filmmaker Lee Storey's business expenses associated with his documentary Smile ‘Til It Hurts: The Up With People Story 
During Storey's March 2011 trial, a judge expressed an inclination to hold that documentaries are intended to “educate and expose” rather than make a profit 
If documentary filmmaking were to be viewed by the IRS as merely a means to persuade or entertain – and not intended to turn a profit – documentarians would no longer be able to claim deductions incurred in the production of such films On Thursday, April 19, 2012, U S  Tax Court Judge Diane L  Kroupa recognized documentary filmmaking as a legitimate business and ruled that Storey can write off the entirety of her filmmaking losses, which were in the amount of hundreds of thousands of dollars 

Judge Learned Hand
On May 5, 2013, Los Angeles Review of Books – an online literary review journal that covers the American and international book scene – published Donaldson's review of the book Reason and Imagination: the Selected Correspondence of Learned Hand, a collection of Judge Learned Hand's personal letters  Aside from a few members of the US Supreme Court, Hand is the most-quoted judge in American history  In his extensive, 2700-word review, Donaldson describes the book as "a sweeping retelling of American history from one of its most intelligent, dispassionate participants "

Escape from Tomorrow
Donaldson was the key proponent in assuring the film Escape from Tomorrow fell under the fair-use doctrine and was insurable 
Escape from Tomorrow premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in January 2013  The film was shot entirely guerilla-style at Disney World and Disneyland without obtaining permission from the parks  The issue with getting the movie insured was not merely that it was shot secretly inside the parks, but that the movie is a parody of Disney that portrays a “darker” side, which goes against the company brand In order to get the movie insured, Donaldson issued an opinion letter to the insurance company presenting a case for fair use, trademark, public domain, and access issues  The opinion letter was the longest that his office had ever written; it took 4 months to assemble  The E&O insurance policy was issued in the standard time of one week  The film was released to theaters and video on October 11, 2013 

The Central Park Five
Donaldson worked alongside New York attorney Andrew Cielli to prepare and file an amicus brief on behalf of documentary filmmakers Ken Burns, Sarah Burns, and David McMahon, who produced the documentary The Central Park Five  The brief was supported by the International Documentary Association, NAMAC, and Film Independent The Central Park Five chronicles the story of five men wrongfully accused of raping a Central Park jogger in 1989  They were later exonerated after another man confessed and provided DNA evidence  Eight years later the wrongfully accused filed a 50 million dollar lawsuit against the state of New York, claiming their confessions were coerced and their case was mishandled  In its defense, the state of New York attempted to obtain outtakes from the film, claiming the documentarians forfeited their journalistic privilege because they advocated on behalf of the subjects of the documentary Donaldson fought for the filmmakers, arguing that preservation of journalistic privilege is essential in order for documentarians’ work to be effective, despite how the story was discovered or how passionately they advocate for their subjects  On February 19, 2013, U S  Magistrate Judge Ronald L  Ellis ruled in favor of the documentary filmmakers preserving their journalistic privilege 

Orphan works legislation
On April 2, 2014, Donaldson testified before the House Judiciary Committee in Washington, DC on behalf of the Independent Documentary Association and Film Independent on the subject of orphan works  Orphan words are copyrighted works whose owners cannot be contacted or found despite a diligent search  Donaldson's testimony urged Congress to consider documentary and independent filmmakers when crafting new legislation on orphan works since, under current law, filmmakers are at risk of being hit with huge damages when using unlicensed material, no matter how diligent a search for the owners 

As an author
Donaldson's Clearance & Copyright: Everything the Independent Filmmaker Needs to Know is used as a textbook in over 50 college and university film schools across America  He is also the author of Negotiating for Dummies, which has been translated into 9 languages, as well as Do It Yourself! Trademarks & Copyrights and Fearless Negotiating: The Wish, Want, Walk Method To Reaching Agreements That Work 
In 2010, Donaldson released The American Bar Association's Legal Guide To Independent Filmmaking, which he co-authored with his partner Lisa A  Callif 

Recognition
Donaldson was honored with the International Documentary Association's Amicus Award in 2009  He was included in The Hollywood Reporter's "Power Lawyers" list in 2010 and 2011  In 2012 he was included in Variety's Legal Impact Report 2012: Game-Changing Attorneys  And he was selected as a Super Lawyer in 2009, 2012 and 2013 

Bibliography
The E-Z Legal Guide to Trademarks & Copyrights (1995)
Do It Yourself! Trademarks & Copyrights (1995)
Clearance & Copyright: Everything the Independent Filmmaker Needs to Know (1996)
Negotiating for Dummies (1996)
Negotiating for Dummies 2nd Edition (2007)
Fearless Negotiating: The Wish, Want, Walk Method To Reaching Agreements That Work (2007)
Clearance & Copyright: Everything You Need to Know for Film and Television (2008)
The American Bar Association's Legal Guide To Independent Filmmaking (2010) (by Michael C  Donaldson & Lisa A  Callif)
Context 2: Passage 1:
Ovambo people
The Ovambo people (pronounced [ovambo] (listen)), also called Aawambo, Ambo, Aawambo (Ndonga, Nghandjera, Kwambi, Kwaluudhi, Kolonghadhi, Mbalantu), or Ovawambo (Kwanyama), are a Bantu ethnic group native to Southern Africa, primarily modern Namibia  They are the single largest ethnic group in Namibia, accounting for about half of the population  They have retained many aspects of their cultural practices, despite concerted efforts from Christian missionaries to wipe out what were believed to be ‘pagan practices’  They are also found in the southern Angolan province of Cunene, where they are more commonly referred to as "Ambo"  The Ovambo consist of a number of kindred Bantu ethnic tribes who inhabit what was formerly  called Ovamboland  In Angola, they are a minority, accounting for about two percent of the total Angolan population There are about 2 million ethnic Ovambo, and they are predominantly Lutheran Christians (97%) 

Demographics
The Ovambo people reside in the flat sandy grassy plains of north Namibia and the Cunene Province in south Angola, sometimes referred to as Ovamboland  These plains are generally flat, stoneless and at high altitude Water courses, known as oshanas, irrigate the area  In the northern regions of Ovamboland is tropical vegetation sustained by abundant but seasonal rainfall that floods the region into temporary lakes and islands  In dry season, these pools of water empty out  The Ovambo have adapted to the widely varying seasonal weather patterns with their housing, agriculture, and livestock practices The Ovambo people are a Bantu-speaking group  In Namibia, these are the AaNdonga, Ovakwanyama, Aakwambi, Aangandjera, Aambalantu, Ovaunda, Aakolonkadhi, Aakwaluudhi and Aambandja  In Angola, they are the Ovakwanyama, Aakafima, Evale and Aandonga  The Ovakwanyama are the largest sub-tribe 

History
The Ovambo started migrating to their current location around the 14th century from the Zambia region to the northeast  They settled near the Angola-Namibia border then expanded further south in Namibia in the 17th century  They have a close cultural, linguistic and historical relationship to the Herero people found in more southern parts of Namibia, and Kavango people to their east settled around the Okavango River In contrast to most ethnic groups in Africa, their isolated, low-density pastoral nomadic lifestyle left the Ovambo people largely unaffected by Swahili-Arab and European traders before the 19th century  When Germany established a colony in Namibia in 1884, they left the Ovambo people undisturbed  The Germans focused on the southern and coastal regions  After World War I, Namibia was annexed by the South African government into the Union of South Africa as the Territory of South West Africa  This brought major changes, with South African plantation, cattle breeding and mining operations entering the Ovamboland  The Portuguese colonial administration in Angola, who had previously focused on their coastal, northern and eastern operations, entered southern Angola to form a border with the expanding South African presence  The Ovambo people launched several armed rebellions against South African rule in the 1920s and 1930s, which were all suppressed by the Union Defence Force The South African administration in Namibia continued the so-called "Police Zone" in south, a region created by the Germans with a veterinary Red Line covering about two-thirds of the province later to become Namibia  Ovambo people were not allowed to move into the Police Zone, neither other tribes nor Europeans could move north without permits  This isolated the Ovambo people, preserving traditional authorities and reducing numbers of White farmers in the north  However, because of labor shortage in the Police Zone and South Africa, in part because of massacre of native Africans such as through the Herero and Namaqua genocide, the South African government allowed migrant wage labor  Numerous Ovambo people became migrant laborers in South African towns such as Cape Town and in the Police Zone, where they experienced segregation and lived under highly restrained human rights The South African Apartheid rule was brought into the Ovamboland in 1948  The South African government declared the Ovamboland an independent province in 1973, and appointed chiefs aligned with the South African government's policies  The Ovambo people rejected these developments, and in 1975 the appointed chief minister of Ovamboland was assassinated  In conjunction with the armed SWAPO movement, Namibia and its Ovambo people gained independence from South Africa in 1990 

Religion
Traditional religion
The traditional religion of the Ovambo people is the primary faith of less than 3%, as most state Christianity to be their primary faith  The Ovambo's traditional religion envisions a supreme being named Kalunga, with their rites and rituals centered around sacred fire like many ethnic groups in southwestern Africa  The Kalunga cosmology states that the Supreme Being created the first man and first woman, who had a daughter and two sons  It is the daughter's lineage that created Ovambo people, according to the traditional beliefs of the matrilineal Ovambo people The rituals involve elaborate fire making and keeping ceremonies, rain making dance, and rites have involved throwing herbs in the fire and inhaling the rising smoke  The head priest traditionally was the king of a tribe, and his role was in part to attend to the supernatural spirits and be the chief representative of the Ovambo tribe to the deities 

Christianity
Christianity arrived among the Ovambo people in the late 19th century  The first Finnish missionaries arrived in Ovamboland in the 1870s, and Ovambo predominantly converted and thereof have identified themselves as Lutheran Christians  The influence of the Finnish missions not only related to the religion, but cultural practices  For example, the typical dress style of the contemporary Ovambo women that includes a head scarf and loose full length maxi, is derived from those of the 19th-century Finnish missionaries The Ovambo now predominantly follow Christian theology, prayer rituals and festivities, but some of the traditional religious practices have continued, such as the use of ritual sacred fire  They also invoke their supreme creator Kalunga  Thus, the Ovamba have preferred a syncretic form of Christianity  Most weddings feature a combination of Christian beliefs and Ovambo traditions  Their traditional dancing is done to drumming (Oshiwambo folk music) 

Society and culture
The traditional home is a complex of huts surrounded by a fence of large vertical poles linked by two horizontal poles on each side  The complex is a maze with two gates but it is easy to get lost within the homestead  Each hut generally has a different purpose, such as a Ondjugo (the woman of the homestead's hut) or Epata (kitchen area) 
The Ovambo people lead a settled life, relying mostly on a combination of agriculture and animal husbandry  The staple crops have been millet and sorghum (iilyavala), and beans (omakunde) are another popular crop  In drier regions or seasons, pastoral activity with herds of cattle (eengobe/eenghwandabi), goats (iikombo/onakamela) and sheep (eedi) becomes more important  The animal husbandry is not for meat (ombelela), but primarily as a source of milk (omashini)  Their food is supplemented by hunting, fishing, and gathering During the colonial era, the Ovambo were active in elephant (eenjaba) hunting for their tusks to supply the ivory demand, and they nearly hunted the elephants in their region to extinction 

Each Ovambo tribe had a hereditary chief who is responsible for the tribe  Many tribes adapted representation by having a council of headmen who run tribal affairs  Members of the royal family of the Owamboland are known as aakwanekamba, ovakwaluvala, ovakwamalanga, ovakwaanime, aakwanyoka and many more; only those who belong to this family by birth, through the maternal line, have a claim to chieftainship  The tribes figure their descent by a matrilineal kinship system, with hereditary chiefs arising from the daughter's children, not the son's  Polygyny is accepted, with the first wife recognized as the senior 

Ovambo brew a traditional liquor called ombike  It is distilled from fermented fruit mash and particularly popular in rural areas  The fruit to produce ombike are collected from makalani palms (Hyphaene petersiana), jackal berries (Diospyros mespiliformis), buffalo thorns (Ziziphus mucronata), bird plumes and cluster figs (Ficus racemosa)  Ombike, with additives like sugar, is also brewed and consumed in urban areas  This liquor is then called omangelengele; it is more potent and sometimes poisonous  New Era, a Namibian English-language daily newspaper, reported that clothes, shoes, and tyres have been found to have been brewed as ingredients of omangelengele 

Ovambo clans
The following table contains the names, areas, dialect names and the locations of the Ovambo according to T  E  Tirronen's Ndonga-English Dictionary  The table also contains information concerning the classification of noun class of the Proto-Bantu language for these words 

See also
Herero people
Himba people
Nama people
Oorlam people
Passage 2:
Santería
Santería (Spanish pronunciation: [san̪ t̪eˈɾi a]), also known as Regla de Ocha, Regla Lucumí, or Lucumí, is an African diasporic religion that developed in cuba during the late 19th century  It arose through a process of syncretism between the traditional Yoruba religion of West Africa, the Catholic form of Christianity, and Spiritism  There is no central authority in control of Santería and much diversity exists among practitioners, who are known as creyentes ("believers") 
Santería is polytheistic and revolves around deities called oricha  Deriving their names and attributes from traditional Yoruba divinities, they are equated with Roman Catholic saints  Each human is believed to have a personal link to a particular oricha who influences their personality  Various myths are told about these oricha, who are regarded as subservient to Olodumare, a transcendent creator deity  Olodumare is believed to be the ultimate source of aché, a supernatural force permeating the universe that can be manipulated through ritual actions  Practitioners venerate the oricha at altars, either in the home or in the casa (temple), which is run by a santero (priest) or santera (priestess)  Membership of the casa requires initiation  Offerings to the oricha include fruit, liquor, flowers and sacrificed animals  A central ritual is the toque de santo, in which practitioners drum, sing, and dance to encourage an oricha to possess one of their members and thus communicate with them  Several forms of divination are used, including Ifá, to decipher messages from the oricha  Offerings are also given to the spirits of the dead, with some practitioners identifying as spirit mediums  Healing rituals and the preparation of herbal remedies and talismans also play a prominent role 
Santería developed among Afro-Cuban communities following the Atlantic slave trade of the 16th to 19th centuries  It formed through the blending of the traditional religions brought to Cuba by enslaved West Africans, the majority of them Yoruba, and Roman Catholicism, the only religion legally permitted on the island by the Spanish colonial government  In urban areas of West Cuba, these traditions merged with Spiritist ideas to form the earliest casas during the late 19th century  After the Cuban War of Independence resulted in an independent republic in 1898, its new constitution enshrined freedom of religion  Santería nevertheless remained marginalized by Cuba's Roman Catholic, Euro-Cuban establishment, which typically viewed it as brujería (witchcraft)  In the 1960s, growing emigration following the Cuban Revolution spread Santería abroad  The late 20th century saw growing links between Santería and related traditions in West Africa and the Americas, such as Haitian Vodou and Brazilian Candomblé  Since the late 20th century, some practitioners have emphasized a "Yorubization" process to remove Roman Catholic influences and created forms of Santería closer to traditional Yoruba religion 
Practitioners of Santería are primarily found in Cuba's La Habana and Matanzas provinces, although communities exist across the island and abroad, especially among the Cuban diasporas of Mexico and the United States  The religion remains most common among working-class Afro-Cuban communities although is also practiced by individuals of other class and ethnic backgrounds  The number of initiates is estimated to be in the high hundreds of thousands  These initiates serve as diviners and healers for a much larger range of adherents of varying levels of fidelity, making the precise numbers of those involved in Santería difficult to determine  Many of those involved also identify as practitioners of another religion, typically Roman Catholicism 

Definitions
The term Santería translates into English as the "way of the saints"  This term was first used by scholarly commentators in the 1930s and later spread among the religion's practitioners themselves  It has become the most popular name for the religion, although some practitioners find it offensive  A common alternative is Regla de Ocha, meaning "the rule of ocha", ocha being a term for the religion's deities  Some adherents regard this as the religion's "official" name  The tradition has also been called Lucumí, in reference to the colonial Spanish term for the Yoruba people, or alternatively La Religión Lucumí ("the Lucumí religion") or Regla Lucumí ("the rule of Lucumí") Santería is an Afro-Caribbean religion, and more specifically an Afro-Cuban religion  In Cuba it is sometimes described as "the national religion", although it has also spread abroad  Santería's roots are in the traditional religions brought to Cuba by enslaved West Africans, the majority of them Yoruba, between the 16th and 19th centuries  In Cuba, these religions mixed with the Roman Catholicism introduced by Spanish colonialists  Roman Catholic saints were conflated with West African deities, while enslaved Africans adopted Roman Catholic rituals and sacramentals  In the 19th century, elements from Spiritism—a French variant of Spiritualism—were drawn into the mix, with Santería emerging as a distinct religion in western Cuba during the late 19th century Although Santería is the best known of the Afro-Cuban religions, and the most popular, it is not the only one  Others include Palo, which derives from practices originating in the Congo Basin, and Abakuá, which has its origins among the secret male societies practiced among the Efik-Ibibio  Many practitioners of Palo and Abakuá also follow Santería  Another Afro-Cuban religion is Arará, which derives from practices among the Ewe and Fon; although its origins are not Yoruba, it is sometimes considered a branch of Santería rather than a separate system  
Santería also has commonalities with other West African and West African-derived traditions in the Americas which collectively form the "Orisha religion", "Orisha Tradition", or "Orisha worship " These include Haitian Vodou and Brazilian Candomblé, sometimes characterized as "sister religions" of Santería due to their shared origins in Yoruba traditional religion Santería is a flexible and eclectic tradition, with considerable variation in how it is practiced  There is no strict orthodoxy, no key sacred text, and no central authority in control of the entire religion  It has absorbed elements from many cultures that it has encountered, such as that of the Chinese migrants who came to Cuba in the 19th century, while in continental North America, Santería has also incorporated influences from Central American and Mexican religions as well as from New Age and modern Pagan practices  As well as it being common for Cubans to idiosyncratically blend ideas from different religions, many of Santería's practitioners claim multiple religious allegiances  Santería's adherents often consider themselves to be Roman Catholics—some priests and priestesses of Santería refuse to initiate anyone who is not a baptised Roman Catholic—and others consider themselves to be Spiritists, Hindus, Vodouists, or Jews 

Terms for practitioners
Different vocabulary indicates the level of a practitioner's involvement, with the various terms sometimes reflecting different political and social agendas  Practitioners of both Santería and other Afro-Cuban religions are called creyentes ("believers")  Some people external to the religion have referred to its practitioners as "santerians" although this is not used by adherents themselves  A non-initiate, including those who may attend public Santería ceremonies, is an aleyo ("stranger"); these non-initiates make up the majority of people involved in the religion  Initiates are known as santero if male, and santera if female, although these two terms have sometimes been used for anyone, initiate or not, who participates in the religion  Alternative terms for an initiate are babalocha or babaloricha ("father-deity") if male and an iyalocha or iyaloricha ("mother-deity") if female  Those who have a sustained engagement with the religion are also referred to as omoricha ("children of the oricha"), aboricha ("one who worships the oricha"), and an oloricha ("one who belongs to the oricha") 

Beliefs
Olodumare and the oricha
Santería teaches the existence of an overarching divinity, known as Olodumare, Olofi, or Olorun  Practitioners believe that this divinity created the universe but takes little interest in human affairs  As this creator deity is inaccessible to humanity, no major offerings are dedicated to it  The three facets of this divinity are understood slightly differently; Olodumare represents the divine essence of all that exists, Olorun is regarded as the creator of all beings, while Olofi dwells in all creation  In taking a triplicate form, this deity displays similarities with the Christian Trinity 

The oricha
Santeria is polytheistic, revolving around deities called oricha, ocha, or santos ("saints")  The term oricha can be both singular and plural, because Lucumí, the ritual language of Santería, lacks plural markers for nouns  Practitioners believe that some oricha were created before humanity, while others were originally humans who became oricha through some remarkable quality  Some practitioners perceive the oricha as facets of Olodumare, and thus think that by venerating them they are ultimately worshipping the creator god  Certain oricha are female, others male  They are not regarded as wholly benevolent, being capable of both harming and helping humans, and displaying a mix of emotions, virtues, and vices Origin myths and other stories about the oricha are called patakíes  Each oricha is understood to "rule over" a particular aspect of the universe, and they have been described as personifications of different facets of the natural world  They live in a realm called orún, which is contrasted with ayé, the realm of humanity  Oricha each have their own caminos ("roads"), or manifestations, a concept akin to the Hindu concept of avatars  The number of caminos an oricha has varies, with some having several hundred  Practitioners believe that oricha can physically inhabit certain objects, among them stones and cowrie shells, which are deemed sacred  Each oricha is also associated with specific songs, rhythms, colors, numbers, animals, and foodstuffs 

Among the oricha are the four "warrior deities", or guerrors: Eleguá, Ogun, Ochosi, and Osun  Eleguá is viewed as the guardian of the crossroads and thresholds; he is the messenger between humanity and the oricha, and most ceremonies start by requesting his permission to continue  He is depicted as being black on one side and red on the other, and practitioners will frequently place a cement head decorated with cowrie shells that represents Eleguá behind their front door, guarding the threshold to the street  The second guerro is Ogun, viewed as the oricha of weapons and war, and also of iron and blacksmiths  The third, Ochosi, is associated with woods and hunting, while the fourth, Osun, is a protector who warns practitioners when they are in danger Perhaps the most popular oricha, Changó or Shango is associated with lightning and fire  Another prominent oricha is Yemaja, the deity associated with maternity, fertility, and the sea  Ochún is the oricha of rivers and of romantic love, while Oyá is a warrior associated with wind, lightning, and death, and is viewed as the guardian of the cemetery  Obatalá is the oricha of truth and justice and is deemed responsible for helping to mould humanity  Babalú Ayé is the oricha associated with disease and its curing, while Osain is linked to herbs and healing  Orula is the oricha of divination, who in Santería's mythology was present at the creation of humanity and thus is aware of everyone's destiny  Ibeyi takes the form of twins who protect children  Olokún is the patron oricha of markets, while his wife Olosá is associated with lagoons  Agagyú is the oricha of volcanoes and the wasteland  Some oricha are deemed antagonistic to others; Changó and Ogun are for instance enemies Although in Santería the term santo is regarded as a synonym of oricha and is not a literal reference to Christian saints, the oricha are often conflated with one or more Roman Catholic saints based on similar attributes  For instance, the Holy Infant of Atocha, a depiction of Christ as a child, is conflated with Eleguá, who is seen as having a childlike nature  Babalú Ayé, who is associated with disease, is often identified with the Catholic Saint Lazarus, who rose from the dead, while  Changó is conflated with Santa Barbara because they both wear red  Cuba's patron saint, Our Lady of Charity, is equated with Ochún  It has been argued that Yoruba slaves initially linked their traditional deities with Christian saints as a means of concealing their continued worship of the former from the Spanish authorities, or as a means of facilitating social mobility by assimilating into Roman Catholic social norms 

Relationships with the oricha
Santería's focus is on cultivating a reciprocal relationship with the oricha, with adherents believing that these deities can intercede in human affairs and help people if they are appeased  Practitioners argue that each person is "born to" a particular oricha, whether or not they devote themselves to that deity  This is a connection that, adherents believe, has been set before birth  Practitioners refer to this oricha as one that "rules the head" of an individual; it is their "owner of the head"  If the oricha is male then it is described as the individual's "father"; if the oricha is female then it is the person's "mother"  This oricha is deemed to influence the individual's personality, and can be recognised through examining the person's personality traits, or through divination To gain the protection of a particular oricha, practitioners are encouraged to make offerings to them, sponsor ceremonies in their honor, and live in accordance with their wishes, as determined through divination  Practitioners are concerned at the prospect of offending the oricha 
Creyentes believe that the oricha can communicate with humans through divination, prayers, dreams, music, and dance  Many practitioners also describe how they "read" messages from the oricha in everyday interactions and events  For instance, a practitioner who meets a child at a traffic intersection may interpret this as a message from Eleguá, who is often depicted as a child and who is perceived as the "guardian" of the crossroads  At that point the practitioner may turn to divination to determine the precise meaning of the encounter  The information obtained from these messages may then help practitioners make decisions about their life 

Birth and the dead
Santería teaches that the human head contains a person's essence, their eledá or orí  It maintains that before birth, the eledá goes before Olodumare, where it is given its essential character, and forms a link with the oricha who becomes "the owner of the head"  The concept of the eledá derives from Yoruba traditional religion, where it is seen as a person's "spiritual double"  In Santería, this concept idea has syncretised with Roman Catholic beliefs about guardian angels and Spiritist notions of the protecciones or protector spirits  There is no strict orthodoxy on this issue and thus interpretations differ  Practitioners often believe that everyone has a specific destiny, their destino (destiny) or camino (road), although their fate is not completely predetermined Ancestor veneration is important in Santería  The religion entails propitiating the spirits of the dead, known as egun, espíritus, or muertos  Practitioners believe that the dead must be treated with respect, awe, and kindness; they are consulted at all ceremonies  Although the dead are not deemed as powerful as the oricha, they are still thought capable of assisting the living, with whom they can communicate through dreams, intuition, and spirit possession  Santería teaches that a person can learn to both see and communicate with the dead  Practitioners will often provide offerings, typically seven glasses of water, to the egun to placate and please them  Especially propitiated are those egun regarded as ancestors; these ancestors can include both hereditary forebears or past members of one's congregation, with practitioners believing that a creyente becomes an ancestor when they die Adherents believe that everyone has a cuadro espiritual ("spiritual portrait" or "spiritual picture") of egun who protect them  Individuals can have as many as 25 protectores, or protective spirits  The religion maintains that all people have multiple egun accompanying them at all times, and that these can be benevolent, malevolent, or a mix of both  Practitioners also believe that the number and identities of these spirits can be determined through divination  It draws a distinction between evolved spirits, who can help those they are attached to, and unevolved spirits, who lack the wisdom and skill to be useful and instead cause havoc  Santería teaches that through offerings and prayers, individuals can help some of their unevolved spirits to become evolved  Santería also divides the spirits into categories that each exhibit different traits, reflecting stereotypes about different social groups, with such spirits often portrayed as African, Haitian, Gypsy, Arab, or Plains Indian  The gitano (gypsy) spirits for instance are believed capable of foreseeing impending troubles and diagnosing illnesses while the congo spirits of Africa are perceived as strong-willed, powerful, and adept at guiding people through hostile circumstances 

Aché
Aché is a major cosmological concept in Yoruba traditional religion and has been transferred to Santería  Aché is regarded as the organizing power of the cosmos; the Hispanic studies scholars Margarite Fernández Olmos and Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert referred to it as "a spiritual-mystical energy or power found in varying degrees and in many forms throughout the universe"  The medical anthropologist Johan Wedel described it as "life force" or "divine force", while the folklorist Michael Atwood Mason called aché the "ritual generative power"  The ethnomusicologist Katherine Hagedorn described aché as "the realized and inherent divine potential in all aspects of life, even in apparently inert objects " She added that "Aché is neither good nor bad; rather, aché is motion" While deeming Olodumare the ultimate embodiment of aché, practitioners believe that aché permeates all life, and is present in both the visible and invisible world  It is nevertheless deemed to sometimes congregate more densely, for instance in the forces of nature, specific locales, and in certain human individuals; initiates are believed to attract more of it than other humans  Santería holds that aché can emanate from the human body via speech, song, dance, and drumming, and can be transmitted through such acts as singing praise songs for the oricha or sacrificing an animal  Among practitioners, aché is sometimes described as conveying notions of luck, health, and prosperity, and has the power to fortify a person's health 

Morality, ethics, and gender roles
Santería has standards for behavior expected of practitioners, encouraging behaviors influenced by the mythological stories about the oricha  The religion presents strict rules regarding how to interact with other people and with the supernatural, for instance placing emphasis on respect for elders and superiors  A general attitude in Santería is that if an individual maintains good character, the oricha will aid them  Practitioners generally take socially conservative stances, having high regard for traditional family structures, marriage, fidelity, and child-rearing; adherents in the United States often adopt more progressive stances on issues surrounding gender and sexuality than their counterparts in Cuba The religion is non-dualistic and does not view the universe as being divided between good and evil; rather, all things are perceived as being complementary and relative  Several academics have described Santería as having a "here-and-now" ethos distinct from that of Christianity, and the social scientist Mercedes C  Sandoval suggested that many Cubans chose Santería over Roman Catholicism or Spiritism because it emphasizes techniques for dealing with pragmatic problems in life  In the U S , some African American adherents have contrasted what they regard as the African-derived ethos of Santería with the non-African origins of Christianity, thus adopting it as a religion readily combined with black nationalism The scholar of religion Mary Ann Clark labelled Santería a "female oriented and female normative" religion, arguing that all of its practitioners are expected to take on "female gender roles" during its rituals  Women can hold the highest leadership positions, although restrictions are placed on them while menstruating  Similar restrictions are also placed on homosexual males, traditionally prohibiting them from taking part in certain forms of divination and ritual drumming  Many gay men are nevertheless santeros, and some santeras are lesbians  A stereotype exists that all male Santería priests are homosexual, and members of other Afro-Cuban traditions with a more masculinist orientation, such as Palo, have often denigrated it for being dominated by women and men they consider to be "womanly" 

Practices
Santería is a practice-oriented religion; ritual correctness is considered more important than belief  It has an elaborate system of ritual, with its rites termed ceremonias (ceremonies)  Most of its activities revolve around the oricha, focusing on solving the problems of everyday life  Practitioners usually use the term "work" in reference to ritual activity; thus "working ocha" describes its rites Santería is an initiatory religion, one which is organized around a structured hierarchy  An ethos of secrecy pervades many of its practices, with initiates often refusing to discuss certain topics with non-initiates  For this reason, Mason described Santería as a secret society  For ritual purposes, the Lucumí language is often used  Sometimes referred to as la lengua de los orichas ("the language of the oricha"), it is regarded as a divine language through which practitioners can contact the deities  Although some practitioners are uncomfortable using it, most initiates know tens or hundreds of Lucumí words and phrases  Most Cubans do not understand the Lucumí language, barring a few words that have filtered into Cuban Spanish  Lucumí derives from the Yoruba language, although it has become "increasingly fragmented and unintelligible" since the 19th century  As Yoruba transitioned into Lucumí, the Yoruba pronunciations of many words were forgotten, and in the early 21st century some practitioners have studied the Yoruba language to better understand the original meaning of Lucumí words 

Houses of worship
Rituals take place in the casa templo ("house of worship"), casa de santos ("house of saints"), casa de religión ("house of religion"), or ilé ("house")  This casa ("house") is usually the personal home of a santero or santera  It will typically have an inner room, the igbodu ("sacred grove of the festival"), where the most important rituals take place  There will also be an eyá aránla or sala, often a living room, where semi-private rites can be conducted  Another space, the iban balo, or patio, will be used for public occasions, as well as for the cultivation of plants and the housing of animals due to be sacrificed  The casa will typically include a place to store ritual paraphernalia, kitchen facilities, and space for visitors to sleep The casa refers not only to the building where ceremonies take place, but also the community of practitioners who meet there  In this sense, many casas trace a lineage back to the 19th century, with some santeros and santeras capable of listing the practitioners who have been initiated into it  In some ceremonies, the names of these individuals, who are regarded as the ancestors of the house, are recited in chronological order 
Although members of different houses often interact, each casa is largely autonomous, allowing for variation in their practices  In Cuba, it is common for Santería practitioners to meet with each other regularly, and to regard each other as being akin to a family: the familia de santo  Conversely, in an area like Veracruz in Mexico, many practitioners attend group rituals and then leave, sometimes never seeing their co-practitioners again Most casas are established by a santero or santera who has attracted a following  An apprentice is known as their ahijado (godson) or ahijada (goddaughter)  They refer to their santero/santera as padrino (godfather) or madrina (godmother)  The relationship between santeros/santeras and their "godchildren" is central to the religion's social organization, and practitioners believe that the more "godchildren" a santera or santero has, the greater their aché  The "godchildren" are expected to contribute both their labor and finances to events held at the casa and in return the santero/santera provides assistance for their needs  Within the religion, offending one's godparent is regarded as also offending the oricha that "rules the head"  Practitioners express respect both to their godparent and the oricha via a ritual prostration, the moforibale, in which they bow their head to the floor  The precise form of the moforibale differs depending on whether the individual's personal oricha is male or female 

Shrines
Altars or shrines to the oricha are typically found both within the igbodu and in practitioners' homes  Central to these altars are sacred objects, termed fundamentos ("fundamentals"), which are contained within porcelain vessels, often tureens, called sopera  The most important of the fundamentos are stones termed otanes (sing  otán), which are regarded as the literal and symbolic representation of the oricha, and thus living entities  They are deemed to be sources of aché, with older otanes having more aché than younger ones Practitioners will collect stones from the landscape and then use divination to determine which ones contain an oricha and, if so, which oricha it is  Specific otanes sometimes display traits linking them to particular oricha; for example ocean stones are linked with Yemaya, river pebbles with Ochún, and meteorite fragments with Changó  Each oricha is deemed to prefer a particular color and number of otanes in sopera devoted to them; Changó has six or ten black stones, Obatala has eight white stones, while Ochún favors five yellow stones  New otanes undergo a bautismo ("baptism") rite, entailing them being washed in osain, a mixture of herbs and water, and then "fed" with animal blood  When an initiate receives their stones, they take an oath to protect them and feed them at least annually 

Other material placed inside the sopera includes cowrie shells; usually 18 are added although the precise number differs depending on which oricha the sopera is devoted to  The sopera will often be covered by a cloth known as a pañuelo that is colored in accordance with the oricha in question  Often laid over the sopera are necklaces known as collares, again representing a particular oricha  On the altar, the sopera will be arranged in a descending hierarchy depending on which oricha each is dedicated to, with that of Obatala at the top Many altars contain few or no anthropomorphic depictions of the oricha, although will often include objects associated with them; a wooden axe for Changó or a fan for Ochún, for instance
Context 3: Passage 1:
Shystie
Chanelle Scot Calica (born 25 December 1983), better known by her stage name Shystie, is an English rapper, songwriter and actress  
She grew up in Hackney, East London  Shystie became famous in 2003 with her white label response to Dizzee Rascal's "I Luv U" and a tour with Basement Jaxx, The Streets and 50 Cent, which led to her being signed by major label Polydor  She is also the leading actress in the television series Dubplate Drama 

Debut album - Diamond in the Dirt
Shystie's debut studio album, Diamond in the Dirt was released in the UK only in 2004 by Polydor Records 
Her debut single was "One Wish", which peaked on its first week on the UK Singles Chart at number 40, having no mainstream radio or music channels' support besides Channel U and MTV Base  The B-side was "One Wish Remix", featuring Kano and produced by Terror Danja  Her second single was "Make It Easy" and the B-side was "Juiced"; it charted at number 57  Shystie's debut album went on to sell 60,000 copies across the UK, the same year she was nominated for 'Best Newcomer' at the MOBO Awards In 2004, Shystie featured in the computer game with her own character, Juiced, albeit only in the Acclaim beta version  She also recorded an accompanying song and video entitled "Juiced", which was featured on the game's beta soundtrack and her album as a bonus track  In the final version, Shystie is replaced by Sue Yen  This version of her song does not appear 

Dubplate Drama
Dubplate Drama is a British television series that aired on Channel 4 between 11 November 2005 and 3 July 2009  The show was created by Luke Hyamms, Shystie and her manager  The premise of the series involved a group of young musicians, with the leading role by Shystie, who was attempting to make it big by securing a record deal  Three series of the show were broadcast  The first series contained six fifteen-minute episodes, the second contained six thirty-minute episodes, and the third contained two feature-length specials of sixty minutes each  The show was described as "the world's first interactive drama series", as it allowed viewers to vote on the outcome of each episode  The first two series were released on DVD, with the third remaining unreleased  The show was notable for its well-known British talent, including roles played by Shystie, Noel Clarke, Adam Deacon, N-Dubz and Tim Westwood 

Kidulthood
In March 2006, Shystie had two songs, "One Wish" and "Woman’s World", featured in the film Kidulthood 

Adulthood
In June 2008, Shystie played the role of Lisa in the film Adulthood, the sequel to Kidulthood  She wrote the theme song "Arms Open Wide" which featured on the Adulthood soundtrack 

Sket
In September 2011, Shystie wrote the theme song for the feature film Sket along with writing four other songs which were used for the film 

Illegal Activity
In March 2012, Shystie played the role of Toya in the short film Illegal Activity, which premiered at the Bafta HQs 

Recent activity
In April and July 2011, Shystie released two mixtapes entitled You're Welcome and Blue Magic 
In September, Shystie modelled for English designer Nasir Mazhar at the London Fashion Week and was featured in Vogue for her performance 
In March 2012, Shystie released a promotional single and video for "Bad Gyal" and, in August, released her second promotional single and video for "Feel It", both from her EP Pink Mist, which was produced by LzBeatz 
In February 2013, Shystie modelled and performed at London Fashion Week again, and was featured in Vogue for the second time  The next month Shystie and Azealia Banks went from being friends to enemies after Banks posted on Twitter that Shystie and Azealia's "Control It" video was "bogus" and "not Azalea"  Shystie released a diss track directed at Banks called "Doppelganger"  The track replaced "Control It" as the third track on Pink Mist 
On 28 April 2013, Shystie released her EP independently through her in-house team Starwork Music, entitled Pink Mist via iTunes  It debuted at number 4 in the charts 

Filmography
Discography
Studio albums/EPs
Mixtapes
Singles
Promotional singles
Singles as featured artist
Soundtrack appearances
Music videos
Featured music videos
Awards and nominations
MOBO Awards 2004 - Best Newcomer - nominated
Broadcasting Press Guild Awards 2006 - Best Television Series [Dubplate Drama] - nominated
OMA Awards 2012 - Best Female for 2011 - nominated
OMA Awards 2012 - Best Video for a Mixtape for 2011 - nominated
OMA Awards 2012 - Best Grime Mixtape for 2011 - nominated
Passage 2:
Nathaniel Gist
Nathaniel Gist (15 October 1733 – 1812) was born in Maryland and fought during the French and Indian War and the American Revolutionary War  He was reputed to be the father of Sequoyah the famous Cherokee by Wurteh Watts  Like his father Christopher Gist (1706–1759), he served in Braddock's Expedition in 1755 and the Forbes Expedition in 1758  The outbreak of the American Revolution found him on the frontier  At first suspected of sympathizing with the British, he convinced the Americans of his loyalty 
George Washington, a close friend of his father, authorized him to form Gist's Additional Continental Regiment in January 1777  Gist probably participated in Light Horse Harry Lee's Paulus Hook Raid in 1779  He and his regiment were captured at the Siege of Charleston in May 1780  After the war, he took an American wife Judith Cary Bell (1750–1833) and the couple had four daughters, one of whom married Francis P  Blair  He is variously said to have died in 1796, 1812, or at the end of the War of 1812  He is confused with his uncle Nathaniel Gist (1707–1780)  He was a first cousin of Mordecai Gist 

French and Indian War
Born on 15 October 1733 in Baltimore, Province of Maryland, Gist's parents were Christopher Gist (1706–1759) and Sarah Howard (b  1711)  The surname was sometimes rendered Guest  In 1753 his father made a remarkable trek through the wilderness with George Washington  By this time the 20-year-old Nathaniel Gist was a trader living with the Overhill Cherokee near Echota  He and a partner Richard Pearis sold his father's goods to the Native Americans  Both men coveted the land at Long Island in the Holston River (now Kingsport, Tennessee) and soon fell out   Governor Robert Dinwiddie blamed the quarrel for the failure of the Cherokees to aid the British against the French  In 1755 Gist accompanied Braddock's Expedition in 1755, serving as a lieutenant in his father's ranger company in Washington's colonial regiment  He continued his military service in 1756, protecting the frontier against raids by pro-French Indians In 1757, Gist received promotion to captain and was given responsibility for 200 Cherokees living in Virginia  He was credited with leading these native peoples as an auxiliary force during the successful Forbes Expedition of 1758  In 1760, Gist accompanied Daniel Boone and other hunters on a trek to Abingdon, Virginia, then called Wolf Hill  The two then split up, with Boone going on to Long Island and Gist traveling to Cumberland Gap  He was said to have sired Sequoyah in 1760 or 1761, but this is unlikely because the Anglo-Cherokee War was raging and Gist was serving in Adam Stephen's colonial Virginia regiment against the Cherokees  This unit advanced as far as Long Island before peace was made between the two sides 

American Revolutionary War
Samuel C  Williams believed that Gist fathered Sequoyah around 1775 by his mother Wurteh Watts  Of a prominent clan, she was related to Old Tassel  Williams dismissed the story that Sequoyah's father was an itinerant German peddler by the name of Guess  He noted that Sequoyah went by George Guess, Guest, and Gist, and that he finished the Cherokee alphabet in 1821 when he was about 40  This was much too young for a man born in 1761  Williams noted that a letter showed that in 1828, Sequoyah visited Gist relatives in Kentucky and was acknowledged as a family member The year 1775 found Gist living with the Overhill Cherokees  After a trip to West Florida, he returned to Cherokee country with Henry Stuart, the brother of John Stuart, the British agent to the southern tribes  At this time, the Stuarts and another agent Alexander Cameron were trying to get the white settlers on the Nolichucky and Watauga Rivers to move to West Florida  When the American Revolution broke out, the British agents desired to separate the American loyalist settlers from the rebels, so that the Indians could attack the rebels  They apparently hoped to enlist Gist in the effort  Jarret Williams, a settler got back to Virginia with the news that Gist was working with the British  In fact, Gist was in the pay of Cameron at the time  For his part, Gist warned the Cherokees not to start a war, but they began attacking the settlements anyway 

In 1776, Virginia sent an expedition under William Christian against the Cherokees  He was enjoined to capture the Stuarts, Cameron, and Gist as enemies  When the column reached the French Broad River, Gist came into the Virginian camp under a flag of truce  On 15 October 1776, Christian reported to Governor Patrick Henry that some of the Virginia troops recalled Gist's exploits on the frontier in a good light, while most of the soldiers wanted to lynch him as a British spy  Christian thought Gist was remorseful for becoming involved with the British agents, but did not entirely trust him  Nevertheless, he kept him from harm and Gist later regained his popularity  Gist maintained that it was impossible for him to escape so he appeared to go along with the enemy purpose, a story that was accepted by Governor Henry and the Virginia council in December Washington appointed Gist colonel in command of Gist's Additional Continental Regiment on 11 January 1777  The regiment was intended to be a light infantry unit  Four companies of southern frontier rangers would be enrolled  In addition, Gist was to recruit 500 natives from the Cherokee and other tribes to serve as scouts  Aside from the military purpose, it was believed that enlisting the braves would bind the tribes in an alliance with the American cause  Only three companies were formed from Virginians and Marylanders  The regiment did not fight as a whole  Instead, the companies of Captains John Gist and Joseph Smith were attached to the 3rd Maryland Regiment while the company of Captain Samuel Lapsley served with the 12th Virginia Regiment  The three companies that comprised the regiment fought with the main army in the Philadelphia Campaign in the summer and fall of 1777 and at the Battle of Monmouth in June 1778 On 22 April 1779, Gist's Regiment absorbed Grayson's Additional Continental Regiment and Thruston's Additional Continental Regiment  The consolidated regiment reformed in the strength of eight companies  The unit was assigned to the 1st Virginia Brigade on 12 May  Gist preferred charges against Light Horse Harry Lee after the latter's capture of British prisoners at the Battle of Paulus Hook on 19 August 1779  Brigadier General George Weedon, who evidently disagreed with the charges, called Gist "the head of the Wrongheads"  On 4 December, the regiment was ordered to march to Charleston, South Carolina  On 6 April 1780, William Woodford's contingent of 750 Virginia Continentals arrived, having marched 500 miles (805 km)  Gist and his regiment were captured on 12 May 1780 at the Siege of Charleston  He retired from the army on 1 January 1783 Gist received 7,000 acres in Kentucky for his services in the war  He moved there in 1793 and built an estate called Canewood  At that time he was described as six feet tall and "stout-framed", with a dark complexion  Williams believed that he died around the end of the War of 1812  Historian Francis B  Heitman asserted that Gist died in 1796 

Family
Nathaniel had two brothers, Richard Gist, who was born on 2 September 1729 and died at the Battle of King's Mountain in 1780, and Thomas Gist, who moved to Kentucky after the American Revolutionary War  Heitman states that it was Nathaniel Gist Jr , an ensign in his father's regiment, who died at King's Mountain  His father had two brothers  Nathaniel is sometimes confused with his uncle Nathaniel  In 1783, Gist married Judith Cary Bell and the couple had four daughters, Eliza Violet, Sarah Howard, Anne Cary, and Maria  Eliza married Francis Preston Blair and was the mother of Montgomery Blair who served in Abraham Lincoln's cabinet and Francis Preston Blair Jr  a Union general and US Senator  Sarah married Jesse Bledsoe who became a US Senator, Anne wed Dr  Joseph Boswell, and Maria married Benjamin Gratz  The noted Maryland officer Mordecai Gist was his first cousin 

Notes
Footnotes

Citations
Passage 3:
Erik Watts
Erik Watts (born December 19, 1967) is an American semi-retired professional wrestler  He is best known for his appearances with World Championship Wrestling and the World Wrestling Federation in the 1990s  He is the son of wrestler Bill Watts 

Early life
Watts attended the University of Louisville, where he was a quarterback for the Louisville Cardinals 

Professional wrestling career
World Championship Wrestling (1992–1994)
Watts trained as a wrestler under his father, Bill Watts, and after wrestling for three months, he was hired by World Championship Wrestling  He debuted on August 27, 1992 in McMinnville, TN, and began a house show series against Buddy Lee Parker and Mark Canterbury  Still undefeated three months later, Watts would defeat Scotty Flamingo (later known as Raven), Vinnie Vegas, and a rookie Diamond Dallas Page  On November 2 Watts defeated Michael Hayes on WCW Saturday Night, and went on to score multiple victories against Mike Thor and Tex Slazenger  On November 8 he achieved a time-limit draw with Steve Austin on a live event in Winston-Salem, NC  In late November he entered his first feud, facing members of The Dangerous Alliance  On November 25 he upset Bobby Eaton in Baltimore, MD, winning by submission with an STF  The following month Watts took WCW US Champion Rick Rude to several time limit draws, and he gained his first pinfall victory over Steve Austin on December 5 in St Paul, MN  On December 7th at WCW Saturday Night his undefeated streak was ended by Rude  His constant pushes were controversial in that his father was WCW's booker at the time, leading to accusations of nepotism  On December 28, at Starrcade, Watts teamed with Jushin Thunder Liger, in a Lethal Lottery tag team match, losing to "Dr  Death" Steve Williams and Sting 
In January 1993 Watts gained victories over The Barbarian, Tony Atlas, and a returning Paul Orndorff  In February Watts teamed with Buff Bagwell and to take on Hollywood Blonds in a tag team match at SuperBrawl III, which Watts and Bagwell lost  Later in February, he was entered into a tournament to crown a new WCW TV Champion after previous titleholder Scott Steiner had departed four months earlier for the WWF  After defeating Johnny Gunn in the opening round, Watts beat Maxx Payne by disqualification in the quarter-finals  The last two rounds of the tournament were held on March 2 in Macon, GA  Watts pinned Vinnie Vegas in the semifinals, but was defeated by Paul Orndorff in the finals  Following his father's departure from WCW, Erik was targeted by Arn Anderson and began a house show series with The Enforcer as the Four Horsemen began the reformation  Watts continued to perform strongly against lower level competition, but was defeated by Steve Regal on July 18, 1993 at Beach Blast  In August, he began a house show series with Chris Benoit and came out victorious in each encounter  A month later however he began his first losing streak, dropping matches to WCW TV Champion Steve Regal on multiple occasions On November 30, 1993 he was involved in a major angle on WCW Saturday Night  After defeating Paul Orndorff, Paul Roma came out to ringside and attacked Watts  This would lead to the formation of eventual tag-team champions Pretty Wonderful  Meanwhile, Watts continued to be victorious in 1994 against lower level competition, but was unable to break through against more experienced competition like Regal or Orndorff  His final match was on August 1, 1994 against Jean Paul Levesque in Ft Pierce, FL 

World Wrestling Federation (1995–1996)
In 1995, Watts followed his father to the World Wrestling Federation  In the WWF, Watts was renamed "Troy" and, together with Chad Fortune as "Travis", formed Tekno Team 2000  Wearing silver smocks and tight zubaz, their gimmick was that they represented the cutting edge of cyberculture  Their tag team made its debut on the May 27, 1995 episode of Superstars in a victorious effort against The Brooklyn Brawler and Barry Horowitz  They wrestled two more matches on TV the following month, but disappeared from television until reappearing at In Your House 2 pay-per-view, acting as lumberjacks for the main event  After being absent from TV for a year, they resurfaced in 1996, but still failed to achieve any success and both men were released from the WWF 

Return to WCW (1998–1999)
On the April 16, 1998 edition of Thunder, Watts returned to WCW for a match against Yuji Nagata  Eight months later Watts made a full-time return, and would win his first 2 matches back out of the gate  Before mainly being used as enhancement talent working on Saturday Night, WorldWide and on rare occasions on Monday Nitro  He would receive a shot at the WCW Television Championship on the March 30 edition of WCW Saturday Night, but would fall short at the hands of Booker T  His last TV appearance was on November 13 as he lost a match against Disco Inferno on Saturday Night 

Extreme Championship Wrestling (2000)
Watts joined the Philadelphia-based Extreme Championship Wrestling promotion in 2000, losing to Spike Dudley in his ECW Arena debut  He remained with the promotion for two months before departing 

All Japan Pro Wrestling (2000)
In late 2000, Watts worked for All Japan Pro Wrestling 

Turnbuckle Championship Wrestling (2001)
In 2001, Watts worked for Dusty Rhodes's Turnbuckle Championship Wrestling in Philadelphia where he won the TCW Tag Team titles with Scotty Riggs 

NWA Total Nonstop Action (2002–2005)
In 2002, Watts joined NWA Total Nonstop Action  He eventually formed a heel stable with David Flair and Brian Lawler (two other second generation wrestlers whose careers were overshadowed by those of their famous fathers, Ric and Jerry) known as "The Next Generation"  After the faction disbanded, Watts turned face  He acted as the TNA Director of Authority from July 23, 2003 to January 28, 2004, before being ousted from his position by Don Callis  Watts then feuded with his on-screen girlfriend, Goldy Locks, throughout 2004  In late 2004, he feuded with Raven, defeating him at Final Resolution on January 16, 2005 before leaving the promotion in February 

Retirement (2005–present)
After leaving TNA, Watts began working primarily for the Georgia-based Great Championship Wrestling promotion  He also appeared with AWA Superstars of Wrestling, defeating Diamond Dallas Page for the vacant International Heavyweight Championship on February 4, 2005 in Tucson, Arizona in a match refereed by Mick Foley  The title was retired by the AWA Board of Directors later that year  In November 2009, Watts returned to Great Championship Wrestling, now based in Phenix City, Alabama, to be the promotion's booker  He is also playing an authority role on their weekly live events 

Championships and accomplishments
AWA Superstars of Wrestling
AWA Superstars of Wrestling International Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
Great Championship Wrestling
GCW Heavyweight Championship (2 times)
GCW Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with John Bogie
NWA Spinebuster
NWA Spinebuster Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
Pro Wrestling Illustrated
Rookie of the Year (1992)
Ranked No  37 of the top 500 singles wrestlers in the PWI 500 in 1998
Turnbuckle Championship Wrestling
TCW Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with Scotty Anton
Wrestling Observer Newsletter
Most Overrated Wrestler (1992)
Readers' Least Favorite Wrestler (1992)
Most Disgusting Promotional Tactic (1992) Being pushed by WCW
Passage 4:
TCW Tag Team Championship
The TCW Tag Team Championship was the primary professional wrestling tag team title of Turnbuckle Championship Wrestling  It was originally won by Scott Anton and Erik Watts who defeated Glacier and Jorge Estrada, coincidentally opponents for the TCW Heavyweight Championship, in Dothan, Alabama on March 3, 2001  Unlike the singles titles, the tag team titles changed hands very often when the promotion toured outside the state of Georgia, as far away as Alabama and Tennessee 

Title history
Passage 5:
Ockelbo-Lundgren
Ockelbo-Lundgren was the nickname of Erik Lundgren (19 February 1919 – 16 September 1967), a Swedish racing driver that produced replica cars and boats under the name Ockelbo He first became known during the 1940s as "Trollkarlen från Ockelbo" (The Wizard from Ockelbo) when he participated in several races in a Ford 38 powered by a V8 engine with eight carburettors producing 280 hp – at speeds up to 220 km/h Lundgren built and sold tuning items and in the mid-1950s he heard about a burned-out Alfa Romeo Giulietta Sprint and got the idea to make his own bodywork for it  He made a fibreglass mould using Uffe Norinder's Ferrari 500 Mondial and then started making his own bodies  They were considered very good (according to some better than the original) and could take many different donors for chassis and drive line, like VW Beetle, Saab, DKW, MG, Simca, Porsche, etc  As of 2014, the Ockelbo-Ferrari was still made (under the Pagano brand) Later Lundgren also made fibreglass boats, from the company Ockelbo-Båtar AB that was in business until 1979 

Formula One World Championship results
(key) (Races in bold indicate pole position; Races in italics indicate fastest lap)
Passage 6:
Bill Watts
William F  Watts Jr  (born May 5, 1939) is a retired American professional wrestler, promoter and former American football player  Watts garnered fame under his "Cowboy" gimmick in his wrestling career, and then as a promoter in the Mid-South United States, which grew to become the Universal Wrestling Federation (UWF) 
In 1992, Watts was the Executive Vice President of World Championship Wrestling (WCW) but after clashes with management over a number of issues, as well as feeling pressure from Hank Aaron over a racially insensitive interview, he resigned  He was subsequently replaced by Ole Anderson In 1995, Watts briefly worked as a booker for the World Wrestling Federation (WWF)  In 2009, he was inducted into the WWE Hall of Fame 

Football career
Watts played as a linebacker for his high school football team, the Putnam City Pirates  Bud Wilkinson recruited him to play for the Oklahoma Sooners, where he played as a guard during his sophomore and junior years  However, his junior year was marred by a near fatal car accident involving him and his mother, resulting in him going into a coma  When he came out, he had lost a significant amount of weight, and had to put it back on, despite the coaches at the time preferring their players to be small and quick, which Watts had struggled with before the accident  Former Sooners teammate Wahoo McDaniel (then of the Houston Oilers of the AFL), introduced him to professional wrestling for the first time, something McDaniel did in the off-season  Watts turned professional in 1961 and joined the Oilers, but did not last long there, and according to a shoot interview, he left after knocking out a coach Through McDaniel's friendship with defensive coach Bob Griffin, Watts played for the Indianapolis Warriors of the United Football League, while also being able to wrestle for NWA Indianapolis  Watts then had a try-out with the Minnesota Vikings of the National Football League (NFL), but after a discussion with general manager Jim Finks, who wanted him to quit his wrestling career, Watts left the Vikings having decided he could make more money back in Oklahoma 

Professional wrestling career
Wrestling career (1962–1979)
As a professional wrestler, he famously feuded with WWWF Champion Bruno Sammartino, but was unable to win the title  In the 1960s, he wrestled in many areas, such as San Francisco, Chicago, St  Louis, and even Japan for All Japan Pro Wrestling (AJPW)  During these periods, Watts challenged for both the National Wrestling Alliance (NWA) and American Wrestling Association (AWA) versions of the World Title 

Booking career (1979-1995)
Mid-South Wrestling / Universal Wrestling Federation (1979–1987)
Watts is perhaps even more famous for being a pioneering promoter in the Mid-South area of the United States, with his base of operation being in the Shreveport, Louisiana area  His promotion was known as Mid-South Wrestling  He is often credited with creating the current and popular "episodic" style of TV wrestling, building solid creative storylines week-on-week, with an emphasis on solid in-ring action with dependable wrestlers like "Dr  Death" Steve Williams, The Junkyard Dog, Ted DiBiase and Jim Duggan  He is an outspoken critic on breaking kayfabe and "smart" wrestling fans  A Watts-run promotion always had face and heel wrestlers dress in different locker rooms and to have faces and heels not meet publicly  He has also been known to revamp his booking plans in order to protect the business from such fans 
After losing over half a million dollars, Watts sold the UWF to NWA Mid-Atlantic's Jim Crockett Promotions, who kept many of their stars, such as Sting  Instead of having UWF as a separate organization, Crockett sent his mid-card wrestlers to the UWF and had them quickly win their titles  Eventually, the UWF folded, and Crockett would be bought out by Ted Turner in 1988  In April 1989, after firing George Scott, WCW offered Watts the chance to book, but he declined the offer and WCW instead decided to go with a booking committee, which included Ric Flair and Kevin Sullivan  It is said that Flair would seek advice on booking or how to formulate a document correctly from Jim Cornette, who is often miscredited as a member of the actual committee 

World Championship Wrestling (1992–1993)
Watts became Executive Vice President of World Championship Wrestling (succeeding Kip Frey) in 1992  He took many of his old-school values with him, such as banning moves from the top rope and the babyfaces and heels separation  His tenure was not long, nor were his ideas overly embraced  According to his autobiography, Controversy Creates Ca$h, Eric Bischoff (who worked under Watts at the time) felt Watts would intimidate anyone he was talking to and was only interested in taking the WCW product back to 1970s standards, with poorly lit arenas and house shows in remote rural towns 
The circumstances of Watts' departure in 1993 are controversial  Prior to 1992, he had given an interview to a wrestling newsletter  Most notably, Watts had commented on Lester Maddox, a restaurant owner (and future Governor of Georgia) who was told he had to serve black people but instead closed down his business  Watts felt Maddox stood up for what he believed in and acted accordingly  He also made several other controversial statements pertaining to race and sexual orientation  When he was hired by WCW, Watts had explained the situation to Turner president Bill Shaw, apparently to his satisfaction  However, a year later wrestling journalist Mark Madden brought the interview to the attention of Hank Aaron, himself a vice president in the Turner organization with the Atlanta Braves, who then pushed for Watts' removal  While Madden takes credit for Watts getting fired, Watts himself disputes this account, saying he was not fired for the comments but quit his position out of frustration over "backstabbing" by Shaw and (unbeknownst to Shaw) had already resigned by the time Aaron got the newsletter  Watts was replaced by Ole Anderson 

World Wrestling Federation (1995)
Watts later went on to a position of booking power in the World Wrestling Federation (WWF)  His tenure there was short, as he stated in later interviews that he was only there on a three-month contract and had no interest in staying long-term  On April 4, 2009, Watts was inducted into the WWE Hall of Fame as a part of the Class of 2009 

Personal life
Watts has five children  From his first marriage, he has a son, William III (nicknamed Biff), and from his second marriage, he has three sons, Joel, Erik, Micah and a daughter, Ene  In March 2006, Watts released his autobiography The Cowboy and the Cross: The Bill Watts Story: Rebellion, Wrestling and Redemption through ECW Press  The book chronicles his upbringing, his career as first a wrestler, then a promoter, along with events in his personal life  The book also details his becoming a born-again Christian 
Watts is a Republican, and in an ROH shoot interview with Jim Cornette, filmed in 2006, he criticised Bill Clinton and the Democrats numerous times  He also said, "All men are equal, but some men are more talented than others, and worth more "
Watts served as co-host of a sports talk radio show on The Sports Animal in Tulsa, Oklahoma until late 2008  He was a longtime resident of Bixby, a Tulsa suburb 

Championships and accomplishments
American Wrestling Alliance
AWA United States Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
Cauliflower Alley Club
Other honoree (2001)
Championship Wrestling from Florida
NWA Florida Heavyweight Championship (3 times)
NWA Southern Heavyweight Championship (Florida version) (1 time)
George Tragos/Lou Thesz Professional Wrestling Hall of Fame
Class of 2013
Gulf Coast Championship Wrestling
NWA Gulf Coast Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
Japan Wrestling Association
NWA International Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with Tarzan Tyler
Mid-South Sports
NWA Georgia Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
NWA Tri-State / Mid-South Wrestling Association
Mid-South North American Heavyweight Championship (2 times)
Mid-South Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with Buck Robley
NWA Louisiana Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with Buck Robley
NWA North American Heavyweight Championship (Tri-State version) (7 times)
NWA Tri-State Brass Knuckles Championship (2 times)
NWA Tri-State Tag Team Championship (5 times) – with Jerry Kozak (1), Billy Red Lyons (1), Greg Valentine (1), Billy Robinson (1) and Buck Robley (1)
Professional Wrestling Hall of Fame
Class of 2013
Southwest Sports, Inc 
NWA Texas Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
World Wide Wrestling Federation / World Wrestling Entertainment
WWWF United States Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with Gorilla Monsoon
WWE Hall of Fame (Class of 2009)
Wrestling Observer Newsletter awards
Most Obnoxious (1992)
Wrestling Observer Newsletter Hall of Fame (Class of 1996)
Passage 7:
Vicki Fowler
Vicki Fowler is a fictional character from the BBC soap opera EastEnders, played by Emma Herry from the character's birth in 1986 to 1988, Samantha Leigh Martin from 1988 to 1995, and Scarlett Alice Johnson from 2003 to 2004  She is the daughter of Michelle Fowler (Susan Tully) and Den Watts (Leslie Grantham)  The character is born in the serial, conceived in a controversial storyline about teenage pregnancy  Exploiting a whodunnit angle, at the time of the first showing, viewers were not initially told who was the father, and press interest in the fledgling show escalated as journalists attempted to guess  The audience finally discovered his identity in October 1985 in episode 66  Written by series co-creator/script-editor Tony Holland and directed by co-creator/producer Julia Smith, it was considered a landmark episode in the show's history  Early suspects were Ian Beale (Adam Woodyatt) and Kelvin Carpenter (Paul J  Medford), but then four possible suspects are seen leaving the Square early in the episode: Tony Carpenter (Oscar James), Ali Osman (Nejdet Salih), Andy O'Brien (Ross Davidson), and Den Watts  As Michelle waits by their rendezvous point, a car pulls up and the fluffy white legs of the soap landlord's poodle Roly leap out of a car to give it all away: Den Watts is the father of Michelle's baby  After this storyline the programme started to appear in newspaper cartoons as it moved more and more into the public mainstream Vicki's character was written out in 1995, after Susan Tully, who played Vicki's mother Michelle, decided to leave the soap  After an eight-year absence, she was reintroduced by Executive Producer Louise Berridge in 2003 as a rebellious teenager  Her reintroduction was part of the soap's attempt to rebuild the Watts clan, a successful family headed by Den, which had featured prominently in the 1980s  Johnson quit the role in 2004  The media was generally critical about the character upon her return, due to her American accent and its sudden disappearance  During the character's original stint, a storyline featuring Vicki being kidnapped was criticised due to its coincidental airing alongside the real-life abduction and murder of toddler James Bulger 

Storylines
1986–1995
16-year-old Michelle Fowler gets pregnant in 1985 after a one-night stand with her best friend Sharon's (Letitia Dean) father, Den Watts (Leslie Grantham)  Her family decide Michelle should have an abortion but she refuses, keeping the baby but keeping the father's name a secret  Vicki, named in honour of her great-grandparents Lou Beale (Anna Wing) and Lou's late husband Albert, is born in 1986 and Den is allowed to hold her but he and Michelle agree that he should keep his distance so nobody guesses he is her father  Michelle raises Vicki with her fiancé, Lofty Holloway (Tom Watt), who she marries after jilting him at the altar, although Den provides for Vicki secretly  After Sue Osman (Sandy Ratcliff) realises that she has had a phantom pregnancy, she is devastated and suggests to Michelle that she lets her and Ali Osman (Nejdet Salih) adopt Vicki, which infuriates Michelle  Vicki's grandmother, Pauline Fowler (Wendy Richard), realises Den is Vicki's father when she sees him give money to Michelle and slaps him  Lofty begins to pressure Michelle to let him adopt Vicki and have another child, but their marriage soon breaks down after Michelle has an abortion and Michelle refuses to name Vicki's father upon Lofty's departure  When Den is shot and presumed dead, Michelle tells Sharon that Vicki is her half-sister and Sharon is devastated whilst Arthur is furious  Vicki survives meningitis but Dr Legg (Leonard Fenton) fails to diagnose it, reuniting Michelle and Sharon 
Michelle decides to go on the run with Clyde Tavernier (Steven Woodcock) after he is accused of murdering Eddie Royle (Michael Melia), taking Vicki and Kofi Tavernier (Marcel Smith), Clyde's son, with them  Michelle and Clyde are caught by the police when trying to flee the country and Vicki and Kofi are sent to a children's home, but are later collected by their grandmothers  Vicki is kidnapped when an old woman, Audrey Whittingham (Shirley Dixon), takes her from outside her school  A national police investigation is launched and Vicki is returned home safely  When Michelle is shot by Dougie Briggs (Max Gold), Vicki discovers she is Sharon's half-sister when she stays with Sharon and her husband, Grant Mitchell (Ross Kemp) and the following day, Sharon tells Vicki about her father, which infuriates Michelle  The truth about Vicki's paternity spreads and Michelle's aunt, Kathy Beale (Gillian Taylforth), is upset about not being told by Michelle herself, finding out from Mandy Salter (Nicola Stapleton)  In October 1995, Michelle and 9-year-old Vicki leave Walford for Birmingham, Alabama, in the United States 

2003–2004
A teenage Vicki returns to Walford in February 2003 when she runs away from home  She has been arguing regularly with Michelle and it is decided that she can stay in Walford  After clashing with her grandmother Pauline, Vicki moves in with Sharon  Manipulative and mischievous, Vicki does as she pleases  Just weeks later, she discovers that she and Sharon have a half-brother, Dennis Rickman (Nigel Harman) – and persuades him to move to Walford  When she becomes pregnant by Spencer Moon (Christopher Parker), Sharon, who believes she is infertile, offers Vicki £10,000 to give her the baby to bring up as her own  Spencer wants to be a father but Vicki terminates the pregnancy 
Dennis soon tells Vicki that Den, who had supposedly died in 1989, is alive and living in Spain, and she brings him back to the Square to reunite with his family  She's horrified to discover that Sharon and Dennis have started a romantic relationship  Although they aren't biologically related, Vicki cannot accept it and rebels by dating Ash Ferreira (Raji James), which ends when he realizes that she is using him to get at her siblings  Eventually, Vicki and Den's objections take their toll on Sharon and Dennis and they end the relationship 
In 2004, an 18-year-old Vicki starts a relationship with her 46-year-old college lecturer, Tommy Grant (Robert Cavanah); her family, particularly stepmother Chrissie Watts (Tracy-Ann Oberman), are outraged  Tommy feigns love for Vicki and they talk about leaving Walford to go travelling  Knowing that Tommy is untrustworthy, Chrissie attempts to seduce him  After a brief kiss, Chrissie strips him naked in the toilets of The Queen Victoria public house, on the promise that she will soon join him  She steals his clothes and forces Vicki to see him for the lying cheat he is  Vicki is devastated and initially furious with Chrissie but eventually realizes she had her best interests at heart 
During a family meal on Christmas Day 2004, Sharon and Dennis announce that they have resumed their romantic relationship, only for Dennis's girlfriend Zoe Slater (Michelle Ryan) to announce that she is pregnant  Sharon decides to go to America alone and persuades Dennis to stay with Zoe and their baby  Den talks to Sharon alone, trying to persuade her to stay  Vicki overhears him say he does not love Vicki as much as he loves Sharon  Deciding she cannot live with such a father, Vicki decides to return to her mother in America  It is later revealed that she has moved to Australia and reunited with Spencer 
In January 2014, Sharon tells Spencer's brother, Alfie Moon (Shane Richie), that they need someone to help them open a bar in Sydney, so Alfie goes there for a few weeks to work with them  Vicki and Spencer are unable to attend Sharon's wedding to Phil Mitchell (Steve McFadden) in September 2014, nor are they able to attend the wedding of Vicki's relative Ian Beale (Adam Woodyatt) to Jane Beale (Laurie Brett) in February 2015  When Lofty returns to Walford in 2019, he gives Sharon  a £20,000 cheque to give to Vicki  In 2022, Vicki is revealed to be back in the USA when Sharon flies over to be with her whilst Vicki undergoes emergency surgery 

Creation and development
Conception and childhood characterisation
The conception of Vicki Fowler in 1985 was one of the first controversial storylines featured in EastEnders since its inception that February, as it involved the pregnancy of a schoolgirl, Michelle Fowler (Susan Tully)  Exploiting a Whodunit angle, viewers were not initially told who was the father, and press interest in the fledgling show escalated as journalists attempted to guess  The audience finally discovered his identity in October 1985 on episode 66  Written by series co-creator/script-editor Tony Holland and directed by co-creator/producer Julia Smith, it was considered a landmark episode in the show's history  Four possible suspects were seen leaving the Square early in the episode: Tony Carpenter (Oscar James), Ali Osman (Nejdet Salih), Andy O'Brien (Ross Davidson), and Den Watts (Leslie Grantham)  As Michelle waited by their rendezvous point, a car pulled up and the fluffy white legs of the soap landlord's poodle Roly leapt out of a car and gave it all away: Den Watts had fathered Michelle's baby  After this storyline the programme started to appear in newspaper cartoons as it moved more and more into the public mainstream Baby Emma Henry originated the role and played Vicki until 1988, when her parents moved to Scotland  The role was recast to Samantha Leigh Martin, who learned to call Susan Tully "Mummy Shell" and referred to Letitia Dean who played her mum's best friend, "Daddy Sharon"  Tully has commented, "What's lovely about working with Samantha is that she's always happy  When it comes to work, she knows it's playing a pretend game, she knows my real name but she knows to call me 'Mummy Shell' when the cameras are running  If she isn't involved for a couple of weeks, I like to visit her at home, so she's always relaxed with me " Tully worried about this when it came to filming scenes in 1989 where Vicki contracted meningitis and was hospitalised and placed in an incubator with tubes attached to her body  Tully said, "[Samantha] has seen me in all kinds of situations but I didn't know how she'd cope if I cried over her"  At Tully's suggestion, the BBC built a hospital room with minimal equipment and a consultant was present to make sure the BBC had the details correct and that neither the viewers or Samantha would be too distressed  Tully insisted that the child was not present when she had to film scenes of Michelle sobbing over the incubator In 1995, after 9 years onscreen being featured in various plot lines such as kidnapping, Vicki was written out of EastEnders, moving to America with Michelle 

Recast (2003)
In 2002, executive producer Louise Berridge decided to reintroduce the character 8 years after she had last appeared  Auditions were held to cast the role to a professional actor; however, auditionees were not informed which character they were auditioning for  The first audition was a group workshop of 30 auditionees, who were asked to perform improvisations  After whittling down potential actors from 500 to 4, the second stage of the audition process was an interview with EastEnders' Casting Director  The auditionees were asked to perform a monologue in front of a camera and do a screen test with one of the actors already in the show, Christopher Parker, who played Spencer Moon 17-year-old actress Scarlett Alice Johnson was cast: "At the second audition they gave me a monologue to read, but they'd been really careful about it  They hadn't said what the character's name was, they didn't give away anything in the monologue that might tell me who I was auditioning for  So I didn't know until I got the part who I was going to be playing—I'd been guessing for ages!" Asked how she felt when she knew she was playing Vicki Fowler, a character linked to the show's early history who is the daughter of 2 prominent original characters, Johnson said: "I felt very honoured, but it was quite scary  I knew there'd be a lot of people out there with expectations of what she'd be like  But it's good fun actually  It means you don't have to introduce yourself to everyone  You can really play with that [   ] My family are EastEnders addicts, we've watched it our whole lives  I remember the first Vicki, I remember Michelle and I definitely remember Dirty Den! My knowledge of the show really helped a lot, because I didn't have to do any research into the character  When I joined the show, I felt like I was meeting the actors for a second time  I'd already met them in my home on TV, then I had to actually meet them in real life!" The character made her reappearance in January 2003, turning up unexpectedly at her grandmother Pauline's (Wendy Richard) house To signify the character's eight years living in America, Johnson was required to use an American accent while playing Vicki  She was given a voice coach and a sheet of American phrases to practice weekly  She commented, "It is hard work, but it's becoming second nature now  As soon as I know that I'm Vicki, the accent just comes with it " After 6 months in the role, Vicki dropped the American accent  Johnson explained the reason for the change in 2004: "The producers knew that I had to have an American accent when I came into the show because my character had been living in America but it's not the kind of accent that you'd want to have for a long time on a show like EastEnders  It's not something that's going to fit in for a long period of time  What would have been perfect would have been to have it gradually fade out, but as you film 8 episodes at a time, this would be nigh on impossible  The decision was made that in the story Vicki was coming to terms with the fact that she wanted to live in London so therefore she was going to make a conscious effort to fit in with everyone around her and blend in with London life "The reintroduction of Vicki was part of the producers' plan to reform the Watts family, including the resurrection of Vicki's father Den, who had been presumed dead for 14 years  Discussing working with Leslie Grantham, who played Vicki's "iconic" father Den, Johnson said, "I was 2 when he left EastEnders [in 1989] so I never witnessed the hype surrounding him  I'm very aware of the legend  How could I not be? My only concern was that he should take me seriously [and] It's been fabulous  I can't wait for our scenes to be shown  They're really edgy and no one does edgy better than Leslie  It's been a massive challenge but I think the results are incredibly hard-hitting  EastEnders is becoming more like a serial drama than a soap  It's so well-written "

Personality
Vicki has been described as a "little madam" and a rebel   An EastEnders source commented, "Vicki has inherited a lot of her dad Den's traits – she is going to be a right handful"  Johnson has said, "Everyone loves to hate her, but I rather like that  I'd be more upset if she was nondescript  At least I provoke a passionate response in people  It's great being a bad girl "

Departure (2004)
In August 2004, the BBC announced that Johnson had decided to quit her role as Vicki  She commented, "I've had a really good two years, enjoyed all the experiences but it's time to move on"  Johnson filmed her final scenes in October and her departure coincided with that of Vicki's half-sister, Sharon (Letitia Dean)   Vicki departed on the Christmas Day episode of 2004  12 3 million viewers watched the episodes that involved the Watts family's disbandment  Media reports claimed that there were plans to bring Vicki back the following year, played by a new actress; this proved to be false  Her character was notably absent at the funerals of Vicki's father Den in September 2005, her brother Dennis in January 2006, and her grandmother Pauline in January 2007 
Following her departure from EastEnders, Johnson was more candid in her reasons for leaving: "I've had a great time but it got to the point where I was sat in bed at night thinking: 'Tomorrow will my character be crying, getting drunk or having an argument?'  It soon became physically exhausting and draining [   ] I don't think the producers were very happy when I said I wanted to leave  I was still very new and they had just set up the new Watts dynasty but no-one could have made me change my mind  When I said to the producers I wanted to go they told me they might have to recast Vicki  I don't mind  Life goes on and EastEnders goes on  I wouldn't want to go back at the moment – but never say never "

Reception
According to author Hilary Kingsley, the scenes in EastEnders' early years that showed toddler Vicki  "chattering happily" with the baby actor who played her uncle Martin (Jon Peyton Price) were viewer favourites  EastEnders was criticised in 1993 for featuring a storyline about child abduction at an inappropriate time  In the storyline, six-year old Vicki was abducted, leaving Michelle frantic with worry  In what has been described as a "coincidence of ill-timing", the storyline was screened at the same time as the real-life abduction and murder of two-year-old James Bulger  The BBC was forced to transmit a health warning prior to the airing of the episodes, announcing that the storyline would be "resolved positively" In the book, Social Issues in Television, a senior, nameless script editor opined that the abduction storyline sought to engage the audience at the expense of any parent's realistic concerns: "We get it wrong when we take the easy route like the kidnap snatch with Vicki  My argument about this was that I am a father but have never had my kids snatched  If I'm just sitting at home and my children are out late at night and they say they're going to be back at midnight and they don't come back, you immediately think they're dead and you start to worry  If they'd actually been snatched, it would have affected my entire life forever  I would never have recovered from it  I would have been frightened every time one of them left my side  Therefore the consequence of running a storyline like that is immense  If we were being totally responsible about it the fallout on Michelle would have been, well I just don't think she would have been the same person again "
The character received media criticism due to her American accent upon her reintroduction in 2003  Johnson said, "I knew that would happen because I'm the only character who speaks differently  I haven't taken any of that to heart " However, when the accent was altered from American to British, this received criticism too with Ian Hyland from the Daily Mirror describing it as "hilarious" and branding the character "Go Away Again Vicki"   He added, "Presumably the producers decided the reason viewers found her so annoying was her whiny American voice  Try again, guys " Upon her departure in 2004, Johnson was also critical about her character's alternating accent: "When I took the job they weren't sure what accent they wanted Vicki to have and about a week before they told me it should be American  I did that for a few months and then one day out of the blue I arrived on set and they told me they wanted me to change to Cockney  It was the producer's decision  I was as stunned as everyone else – all the criticism was perfectly justified  It's probably the most stupid decision they could have made  People assumed I was slipping out of the accent – but it was nothing to do with me  I've taken a lot of stick  But it doesn't bother me because I know the truth "A proportion of viewers responded negatively when Vicki was shown to have an abortion  Johnson claims she received abusive letters from fans of the show and that she was stopped in the street twice by older women who told her "it was quite wrong [   ] to have got rid of the baby  I found that awkward at the time  But, gradually, I came to realise it was rather flattering  Those women believed in my character so completely they forgot she wasn't real  So now I think I must have been doing a good job " Johnson has since been critical of the storylines given to her character describing them as weak 
Passage 8:
James Prinsep Beadle
James Prinsep Beadle (22 September 1863 – 13 August 1947) was an English painter of historical and military scenes 

early life
Born in Calcutta on 22 September 1863, his father was Major-General James Pattle Beadle  For three years, he studied with Legros at the Slade School in London and at the Ecole des Beaux Arts in Paris under Alexandre Cabanel; his final studies were back in London with G  F  Watts 

Painting career
Beadle first exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1884 and also at the Paris Salon  Five years later, he was awarded a bronze medal at the Paris Exposition Universelle  Growing up in a military family, the artist was particularly attracted to military subjects and one of his earliest pieces depicted the inspection of the Duke of Yorks Own Loyal Suffolk Hussars at Bury St  Edmonds in 1893  From then on, he was a frequent exhibitor of 'battle' paintings at the RA, the New Gallery and elsewhere  In a review published in the Illustrated London News on 19 May 1894, Beadle's military pieces were singled-out for praise: "He does not go out of his way to flatter 'Tommy Atkins', but he shows him to the public under many forms and in many becoming uniforms  He has studied him at home and abroad, at peace and at war, on horseback and on foot   "
While many of his scenes represented contemporary events such as the Franco-Prussian War, the Boer War and the First World War, Beadle found the subject of the Peninsular War, particularly interesting and visited Spain and Portugal in 1912 to sketch the battlefields  As late as 1924, the artist was still paintings scenes from the Peninsular War, but the events of 1914-1918 were also occupying his mind, and several notable paintings were produced including Neuve Chapelle, 10 March 1915, Dawn: Waiting to go over, and Breaking the Hindenburg Line  In his final years, he lived in Kensington and died at his home on Eldon Road on 13 August 1947, leaving his widow, A M G  Beadle 

Paintings
George II knighting Trooper Brown (Queen's Royal Hussars)
The Rearguard (Retreat to Corunna) (The Rifles)
Sahagun, December 1808 (The Light Dragoons)
Vitoria, 21 June 1813: The Village of Gamara Mayor carried by the 4th, 47th and 59th Regiments of General Robinson's Brigade (Nuneaton Art Gallery)
St  Sebastian, August 1813 (Regimental Museum, King's Own Royal Regiment, Lancaster)
Salamanca (Regimental Museum, King's Own Royal Regiment, Lancaster)
The Passage of the Bidassoa by Wellington's Army, 7 October 1813 (1908 - Queen's Royal Hussars)
Napoleon's last inspection at Waterloo
"1815 " The Captive Eagle  Corporal Styles of the Royal Dragoons, etc (1892 - Norfolk Museums Service)
Saving the Guns at Maiwand (1893 - National Army Museum)
The Victors of Paardeberg
The Empty Saddle: South Africa, 1900 (Queen's Royal Lancers)
Bergendal, South Africa: Charge of the 2nd Battalion Rifle Brigade (1914 - The Rifles)
Battle of Gheluveldt, 31 October 1914 (1920 - Worcester Museum and Art Gallery)
Dawn: Waiting to go over (Imperial War Museum)
Neuve Chapelle, 10 March 1915: 2nd Rifle Brigade and 39th Garwal Rifles clearing the village (Maidstone Museum & Art Gallery)
Battle of the Somme: Attack of the Ulster Division, 1 July 1916 (Belfast City Hall)
Breaking the Hindenburg Line (Imperial War Museum)
The Lost Patrol (East Riding Yeomanry in Palestine, 1917 (Queen's Own Yeomanry, York)
The Action of the 6th Mounted Brigade (The Bucks, Berks and Dorset Yeomanry) at El Mughar (1922 - Crown Commissioners, Institute of Directors, Pall Mall)
Charge of the Bucks, Berks, and Dorset Yeomanry at El Mughar, Palestine Campaign, 13 November 1917 (1936 - Staff College, Camberley)
Passage 9:
The Watts Prophets
The Watts Prophets were an American political poetry group from Watts, California, United States  Like their contemporaries The Last Poets, the group combined elements of jazz music and spoken-word performance, making the trio one that is often seen as a forerunner of contemporary hip-hop music  
Formed in 1967, the group comprised Richard Dedeaux, Fr Amde Hamilton (born Anthony Hamilton), and Otis O'Solomon (also billed as Otis O'Solomon Smith) (O'Solomon removed the "Smith" from his name in the 1970s)  Hamilton is the last surviving member as of March 2022 

History
Hamilton, O'Solomon, and Dedeaux first met and collaborated at the Watts Writers Workshop, an organization created by Budd Schulberg in the wake of the Watts Riots, as the Civil Rights Movement was beginning to take a new cultural turn  Fusing music with jazz and funk roots, and rapid-fire, spoken-word poetry, they created a sound that gave them a considerable local following  They released two albums, 1969's The Black Voices: On the Streets in Watts and 1971's Rappin' Black in a White World, which established a strong tendency toward social commentary and a reputation for militancy  The group was unable to secure another record deal; a promising deal with Bob Marley's Tuff Gong label famously fell through  Unable to sustain success, the group has performed only sporadically since the mid-1970s 
In recent years, the group's profile has improved somewhat  The 1997 recording, When the 90's Came, found them in the studio with pianist Horace Tapscott, and a European tour reunited the trio with former collaborator DeeDee McNeil  In 2005, Things Gonna Get Greater: The Watts Prophets 1969-1971 combined the group's first two efforts, bringing them back into print for the first time in more than a decade 
Amde Hamilton, who is now a priest of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, can be seen performing a spoken-word piece at the 1981 funeral service of Bob Marley in Jamaica in the 1982 film Land of Look Behind  He also claims to have baptized Nina Simone (who was later funeralized in a Catholic church—the faith in which Hamilton was raised) 
In 1994, the group appeared on the Red Hot Organization's compilation CD, Stolen Moments: Red Hot + Cool, appearing on a track entitled "Apprehension" alongside Don Cherry (trumpeter)  The album, meant to raise awareness of the AIDS epidemic in African-American society was named "Album of the Year" by Time Magazine Richard Dedeaux died in December 2013  O'Solomon died in March 2022 

Discography
1969 - The Black Voices: On the Streets in Watts
1971 - Rappin' Black in a White World
1997 - When the 90's Came
2005 - Things Gonna Get Greater: The Watts Prophets 1969-1971 (compilation)

See also
The Last Poets
Gil Scott-Heron
Passage 10:
Angela Lonsdale
Angela Lonsdale (née Smith; 13 October 1967) is an English actress 

Biography
Born to a policeman father, Lonsdale trained at Brewery Youth Theatre at the Brewery Arts Centre, Kendal  She took part in a large number of amateur productions, including plays by local playwrights John Newman-Holden and Tim Bull  After initial rejection, Lonsdale then graduated from the Royal Scottish Academy of Music and Drama  Lonsdale is best known for playing police officer Emma Taylor on Coronation Street, later the wife of Curly Watts  Both characters left the programme in 2003 
She then took a regular part in the long-running television series The Bill  Lonsdale appeared as DI Eva Moore in the daytime BBC series Doctors  She left in October 2008, after her character was shot and presumed dead  She made a brief return to Doctors in September 2011  In 2012 and 2013 Lonsdale played the role of the mother in a family of wolves in children's TV drama Wolfblood 

Personal life
In 2005 Lonsdale married actor Perry Fenwick, who plays Billy Mitchell in EastEnders  They separated in 2010 

Filmography



ground_truth: Neighbours

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Migene González-Wippler is leading expert on a religion that developed among which ethnic group ?

The following are given passages.
Context 2:  Creating these altars is deemed expensive and time-consuming  Material may be selected based on the tastes of the adherent; anthropologists have observed practitioners who have included Taoist figurines or statues of wizards, on their altars  Food and flowers are often placed on the altar as offerings  Although rarely included on their altars, practitioners will often have statues of Roman Catholic saints elsewhere in their homes In addition to their altar to the oricha, many practitioners have altars set aside for the spirits of the dead  These typically consist of a white-covered table known as a bóveda, something derived from the White Table of Spiritism  Bóveda often feature photographs of deceased relatives, to whom offerings are given; popular offerings for the spirits of the dead include seven glasses of water, a cafecito coffee, and the aguardiente liquor  Alternatively, many practitioners of Santería—like those who follow Palo—will have a rinconcito ("little corner"), a small area in which they collect together assorted objects, often those typically found in a household, as a material manifestation of the dead  Offerings to the dead may be placed here  Many practitioners will also enshrine their family ancestors under the bathroom sink  This location is chosen so that the ancestors can travel between the realms of the living and the dead via the water in the pipes 

Offerings and animal sacrifice
Offerings are called ebbó (or ebó), and are given to the oricha, ancestral spirits, to a person's own ori, and sometimes to the earth  These offerings can consist of fruit and other foodstuffs, liquor, flowers, candles, money, or slaughtered animals  Divination is often used to determine the exact nature of the offering; initiates are supposed to provide offerings on a regular basis, and at least once a year  Given to strengthen the supernatural forces, to thank them, or as a supplication, they help form a reciprocal relationship with these entities in the hope of receiving something in return  If this fails to materialise, practitioners may resort to several explanations: that the details of the ritual were incorrect, that the priest or priestess carrying out the rite lacked sufficient aché, or that the wrong ebbó was provided for the situation Conducted by a matador, animal sacrifice is called matanza  It is usually carried out by a man, with menstruating women prohibited from involvement   Birds—including guinea fowl, chickens, and doves—are commonly sacrificed, usually by having their throats slit or their heads twisted and ripped off  For rituals of greater importance, sacrifices are often of four-legged animals  Some practitioners describe the killing of animals as an acceptable substitute to human sacrifice, and in Cuba there have been persistent rumours of children being sacrificed in Santería rites  The oricha and egun are believed to "eat" the blood of the victim; the latter's lifeforce is deemed to transfer to the oricha, thus strengthening its aché  An animal that struggles to avoid being killed is sometimes understood as having particular strength which will then pass to the oricha Once killed, the animals' severed heads may be placed on top of the sopera belonging to the oricha to which the sacrifice has been directed  After the carcass has been butchered, some of the organs—known as acheses—may be cooked and offered to the oricha; other parts will be eaten by practitioners  Some of the blood may be collected and added to omiero, an infusion of herbs and water  Believed to contain much aché, this liquid is used for removing malevolent influences and in ceremonies for baptising ritual tools  Santería's animal sacrifice has been a cause of concern for many non-practitioners  It has sometimes brought adherents into confrontation with the law, as with the 1993 case of Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye v  City of Hialeah, in which the U S  Supreme Court ruled that animal cruelty laws targeted specifically at Santería were unconstitutional 

Initiation
Initiation is known as kariocha, "making ocha", or "making santo"  A charge is levied for initiation; this varies depending on the client, but is often equivalent to a year's wage  Each initiation varies in its details, which are often concealed from non-initiates  The initiate is known as an iyabó or iyawó, a term meaning both "slave of the oricha" and "bride of the oricha"  As well as the santero or santera overseeing the initiation ceremony, the event may be attended by an oyubona or oyugbona ("one who witnesses"), who acts as a secondary godparent to the new initiate The initiation process takes seven days, plus two days of preparatory rituals  During this preparation, a misa espiritual ("spiritual mass") will typically take place to gain the blessings of the ancestral egun, and an ebó de entrada ("opening sacrifice") will be made to the oricha or the egun  Next comes the ceremonia del río ("ceremony of the initiate"), in which offerings are given to Ochún, and the rompimiento ("breaking"), in which the oyubona takes the initiate to purify themselves in a river  The rest of the initiation takes place in the igbodu, where the initiate sleeps upon a mat on the floor for the seven days  No one uninvolved in the initiation is permitted entry  The initiate is given their own otanes, as well as objects representing the warrior oricha  They are also given beaded necklaces, known as elekes, ilekes, or collares  Each necklace is a different color associated with a specific deity  During the prendición ("pinning") ritual, a heavy necklace known as the collar de mazo is placed on the initiate  During the lavatorio ("washing"), the initiate's head is bathed in omiero, designed to rid them of any malevolent spirits attached to them  Often, their hair will be shaved off 

On the día del itá ("day of history"), usually the third day, the initiate will undergo the itá, a session with a diviner  The diviner will reveal the initiate's Lucumí ritual name, a praise name of the oricha that rules their head  This name often incorporates elements indicating the initiate's tutelary oricha; devotees of Yemajá for instance usually include omí ("water"), while those of Changó often have obá ("king")  Next comes the asiento ("seating"), or coronación ("coronation"), which marks the point when the aché of the tutelary oricha is believed to literally enter the initiate's cranium  The otanes of several oricha are placed to the initiate's head, culminating in those of their tutelary oricha  An animal sacrifice usually follows, involving at least five four-legged animals and 25 birds  The following day is el Día del Medio ("the middle day"), when guests—including the initiate's family and friends—pay homage to them  It includes drumming and a feast  On the seventh day of the initiation, the new initiate leaves the casa and visits the marketplace, where they make offerings to Eleguá and steal something small, also as an offering to Eleguá The initiate can finally take their otanes home  They may then undergo a year-long period, the iyaworaje ("journey of the iyawo"), during which they must observe certain restrictions, the nature of which depends on their tutelary oricha  This may for instance include abstaining from sexual intercourse, wearing only white, or not cutting their hair  The iyaworaje ends with the ebó del año ceremony  Once this is done, they may lead rituals and help initiate others  Thenceforth, they will celebrate the annual anniversary of their initiation, their cumpleaños de santo ("birthday in the saint")  Although a largely orally-transmitted tradition, santeros and santeras often emphasise teaching in a non-verbal manner, encouraging their initiates to learn through taking part in the ritual activities  Since at least the 20th century, some initiates have kept libretas, notebooks in which they have written down material relevant to the practice of Santería  These may be shared with their own initiates or kept private 

Toque de santo
Santería's main public ritual is a drumming ceremony called the toque de santo, or tambor  Lasting for up to several hours, this is usually seen as an offering to the oricha, performed to gain their favor  The goal of the rhythms and songs is to summon the oricha to earth, at which point they can possess one of the participants  It is believed that the collective energy built up by the group is necessary in achieving this  In turn, the oricha are believed capable of soothing the grieving, healing the sick, blessing the deserving, and rebuking those who have behaved badly The toque de santo uses double-headed drums called batá, which are sometimes regarded as the central symbol of Santería  There are multiple types of batá: the iyá is the largest, the itótele is smaller, and the okónkolo is the smallest  For ceremonial purposes, these drums must be wooden; adding metal elements could offend Changó, who is associated with wooden artefacts, because of their links with his enemy, Ogun  They may however have brass bells associated with Ochún, known as chaworo, affixed to their rim  Before being used in ceremonies, these drums are baptized, after which they are referred to as a tambor de fundamento  This baptism entails washing the drums in omiero, making sacrifices to Osain, and affixing an afoubo, a small leather bag containing items including a parrot feather and glass beads, to the interior of the drum 

Practitioners believe that the consecrated batá contain a substance called añá, itself an avatar of Ochún  Many drummers avoid mentioning the añá in public and may not refer to it by name  Drums which have not been baptised are not viewed as containing añá, and are called tambores judìos ("Jewish drums")  Particular rhythms played on the drums may be associated with a specific oricha, a group of oricha, or all of the oricha  Those playing the batá are called batáleros  Santería drumming is male dominated; women are discouraged from playing the batá during ceremonies, although by the 1990s some women practitioners in the U S  had taken on the role  Practitioners explain the taboo with the view that menstrual blood can weaken the drum's añá, and that women playing these drums during ceremonies become infertile Praise songs are sung for the oricha, with specific songs associated with particular deities  The lead singer at such ceremonies is known as an akpwón  During the opening verse of the song, the akpwón may break into a personal prayer  The akpwón can switch from song to song quickly, with the drummers having to adapt their rhythm accordingly  A chorus of singers will respond to the akpwón, often while swaying back and forth  These choral responses may split into a two or three-part harmony  Dancing also takes place, with each oricha associated with a particular dance style  The dances at the toque de santo are believed to generate aché, strengthening the link between the realms of the oricha and humanity  Dancing either alone or first in front of the drums at the toque de santo is considered a privilege and is usually reserved for the most experienced initiate present  There are specific rules of engagement that are laid out for taking part in the toque de santo; dancing poorly at the ritual is considered an insult to the oricha 

Possession
Possession is important in Santería, and the purpose of the toque de santo is to call down an oricha to possess one of the participants  The possessed individual is referred to as the "horse", with the oricha having "mounted" them  According to practitioners, becoming possessed by an oricha requires an individual giving up their consciousness to the deity, and accordingly they often claim no memory of the events that occurred during the possession  Some have stated that reaching the mental state whereby an individual can become possessed takes much practice  The onset of the trance is marked by body spasms, termed arullarse Once an individual is possessed, they may be taken into an adjacent room where they are dressed in the ritual clothing pertaining to the possessing oricha, after which they are returned to the main room  As well as speaking in the Lucumí language, those possessed may then display gestures associated with a particular oricha; for instance, those believing themselves possessed by Ochún may wipe their skirt over other people, representing the waves of the ocean, while those regarding themselves as being possessed by Eleguá may steal from assembled participants  The possessed individual will then provide healing or dispense advice; sometimes a possessed person will reprimand others present, for instance for failing to carry out their ritual obligations, or issue them a warning  Some practitioners have also reported becoming possessed by an oricha in non-ritual contexts, such as while sleeping or walking through the streets, or during drumming performances carried out for non-religious purposes 

Healing and amuletic practices
Healing is important in Santería, and health problems are the most common reason why people approach a santero or santera for help  When operating as healers, practitioners are sometimes termed curanderos, or osainistas  Particular focuses of Santería healing include skin complaints, gastrointestinal and respiratory problems, sexually transmitted infections, and issues of female reproduction; some practitioners provide concoctions to induce abortion  Santería healers will typically use divination to determine the cause of an ailment before prescribing treatment Santería teaches that supernatural factors cause or exacerbate ailments  It claims that oricha may make someone sick, either as punishment or to encourage them to make a change in their life, often to become an initiate  The oricha must then be propitiated to stop, sometimes with the sick individual receiving initiation  Santería also holds that a spirit of the dead may attach itself to an individual and thus harm them  Adherents also often believe that humans can harm one another through supernatural means, either involuntarily, by giving them the mal de ojo (evil eye), or deliberately, through brujería (witchcraft)  The latter are often perceived as acting out of envy, utilising cursing techniques from Palo, for which they have employed material, such as hair or nail clippings, taken from their victim Herbalism is a major component of Santería healing practices, with healing plants, termed egwe, having an important role in the religion  Practitioners believe that each species of plant has its own aché which holds healing power; medicinal plants are deemed more powerful if harvested from the wild rather than being cultivated, for the latter can lack aché  Adherents often believe that different types of plant have different temperaments and personalities; some are shy or easily frightened and thus need to be approached with the appropriate etiquette 

To heal a patient, the santero/santera may also prescribe omiero, give them a cleansing bath, or provide them with a collares necklace  They may perform a ritual to transfer the sickness to an animal, sacrifice an animal to a specific oricha to request healing, or encourage an oricha to possess the sick individual and thus heal them  Different oricha are linked to the healing of specific ailments; Ochún is for instance usually requested when dealing with genital problems  People who are sick may undergo the rogación de la cabeza ("blessing of the head"), in which coconut water and cotton are applied to the head to feed the orí  Many practitioners will also encourage their clients to seek mainstream medical assistance, either from doctors or psychotherapists, with Santería healing seen as complementary to medical science Santería features protective talismans known as resguardos  These are created using herbs and blood and produced while in contact with the otanes  Resguardos are often given to small children, who are deemed particularly vulnerable to sorcery  Charms and amulets are also used as a general prophylaxis against illness; one example are ears of corn that are wrapped in purple ribbon and placed behind a doorway  Other rituals are designed to protect against sorcery, as for instance with the scattering of petals of the gálan de día in the house or the placement of okra by the door  In Cuba, protective rituals from Santería have often been invoked in hospitals to prevent the cambio de vida ("life switch"), a practice by which the ailments of a sick person are believed to be transferred to another individual, often without the latter's knowledge 

Divination
Divination is a central aspect of Santería, taking place before all major rites and being utilized by adherents at critical moments of their life  Three main divinatory techniques are employed: obi, dilogún, and Ifá  Highly skilled diviners are known as an oríate or italero/italera (male and female), and sometimes work in this role fulltime 

Clients approach these diviners for a divinatory consulta (consultation), usually to ask for advice about their health, family problems, or legal issues, and in doing so will pay the diviner a fee, the derecho  Attending a divination ritual in this way is commonly the first time that an individual encounters Santería so directly  During the session, offerings will be given to an overseeing oricha; the diviner will then cast small objects onto a board or table and interpret the way in which they fall  The diviner asks the client questions and seeks to answer them by making multiple throws  The diviner will ultimately determine which oricha will assist the client in dealing with their problems and outline what sacrifices will be appropriate to secure the aid of said oricha Obi, also known as biagué, involves the casting of four pieces of a dried coconut shell, with the manner in which they fall being used to answer a question  Any practitioner can utilise this technique, which is also used in Palo  Dilogún entails the casting of cowrie shells, and is considered more complex in that it requires a knowledge of the patakie stories  Dilogún typically involves a set of 21 cowrie shells, filed flat on their round side; these are fed with both omiero and blood  Like obi, dilogún is generally seen as being open to all practitioners of Santería, although some groups reserve it for postmenopausal women Ifá is the most complex and prestigious divinatory system used in the religion  It typically involves the casting of consecrated palm nuts to answer a question, with the nuts offering 256 possible configurations  Although Ifá also has a separate existence from Santería, the two are closely linked, sharing the same mythology and conception of the universe; the oricha of Ifá, Orula or Ọ̀rúnmila, has a prominent place within Santería  High priests of Ifá are known as babalawos and although their presence is not essential to Santería ceremonies, they often attend in their capacity as diviners  Many santeros are also babalawos, although it is not uncommon for babalawos to perceive themselves as being superior to most santeros  Unlike the more open policy for Santería initiates, only heterosexual men are traditionally allowed to become babalawos, although some babalawos are gay men, and since the 21st century a small number of women have also been initiated 

Funerals and mediumship
Funeral rites, called itulu, are designed to appease the soul of the deceased  As part of this, a funeral mass is held in a Roman Catholic church nine days after the individual has died to ensure that their soul successfully travels to the realm of the spirits  A year of additional rites for the dead individual follow, a period ended with the levantamiento de platos, the breaking of a dish, to symbolise the deceased's final departure from the realm of the living As well as having been influenced by Spiritism, Santería is often intertwined with Espiritismo, a Puerto Rican tradition focused on contacting the dead; this is particularly the case in areas such as New York and New Jersey  Sometimes the word "Santerismo" is used to refer to a blend between the two traditions  Various santeros or santeras are believed capable of communicating with spirits; seances conducted for this purpose are called misas espirituales ("spiritual masses") and are led by mortevas ("deaders") who are usually women  During these rituals, the medium may be possessed by a spirit of the dead, who then engages in healing practices or offers advice and warnings to those assembled  Adopted from Espiritismo, they are often included in initiation and funerary rites  An additional ritual found in Santería is the tambor para egún, a drum ceremony for the spirits of the dead Some practitioners whose approach to Santería is influenced by Espiritismo also create cloth dolls for deceased family members and spirit guides  The spirit is believed to enter and inhabit the doll, with some practitioners stating that they can see the inhabiting spirit  Sometimes the doll's clothing is changed to please the spirit, while offerings, such as glasses of water or fruit, are placed before them  These spirit dolls may also be passed down through the generations within a family 

History
Background
After the Spanish Empire conquered Cuba, the island's Arawak and Ciboney populations dramatically declined  To provide a new labor source for the sugar, tobacco, and coffee plantations they had established on Cuba, the Spanish then turned to buying slaves sold at West African ports  Slavery was widespread in West Africa; most slaves were prisoners of war captured in conflicts with neighbouring groups, although some were convicted criminals  The first enslaved Africans arrived in Cuba in 1511, although the largest numbers came in the 19th century  Cuba continued to receive new slaves until at least 1860, with full emancipation occurring in 1886  In total, between 702,000 and 1 million enslaved Africans were brought to Cuba  Most came from a stretch of Western Africa between the modern nation-states of Guinea and Angola  The great plurality were Yoruba, from the area encompassed by modern Nigeria and Benin; the Yoruba had a shared language and culture but were divided among different states  They largely adhered to Yoruba traditional religion, which incorporated many local orisha cults although with certain orisha worshipped widely due to the extent of the Yoruba-led Oyo Empire In Cuba, slaves were divided into groups termed naciones (nations), often based on their port of embarkation rather than their own ethno-cultural background; those who were Yoruba speakers, as well as Arara and Ibo people, were identified as the "Lucumí nation"  Enslaved West Africans brought their traditional religions with them to Cuba; some were from the priestly class and possessed knowledge of traditions such as Ifá  While hundreds of orisha were worshipped across West Africa, fewer than twenty became prominent in Santería, perhaps because many kin-based orisha cults were lost when traditional kinship networks were destroyed through enslavement  Orisha associated with agriculture were abandoned, probably because slaves had little reason to protect the harvests of slave-owners  Many myths associated with the oricha were transformed, creating kinship relationships between different oricha which were not present in West African mythologies  As Santería formed, separate West African orisha cults were reconstituted into a single religious system, one which had a newly standardized pantheon of oricha In Spanish Cuba, Roman Catholicism was the only religion that could be practiced legally  Cuba's Roman Catholic Church made efforts to convert the enslaved Africans, but the instruction in Roman Catholicism provided to the latter was typically perfunctory and sporadic  In Cuba, traditional African deities perhaps continued to be venerated within clubs and fraternal organizations made up of African migrants and their descendants  The most important of these were the cabildos de nación, associations that the establishment regarded as a means of controlling the Afro-Cuban population  These operated as mutual aid societies and organized communal feasts, dances, and carnivals  The Catholic Church saw these groups as a method for gradual evangelisation, through which they tolerated the practice of some African customs while stamping out those they most fiercely objected to  It is probable that in these groups, priests of different West African orisha interacted and began to develop a new system  In the late 18th and early 19th century new laws restricted the cabildos' activities, although their membership expanded in the 19th century 
The final decades of the 19th century also saw a growing interest in Spiritism, a religion based on the ideas of the French writer Allan Kardec, which in Cuba proved particularly popular among the white peasantry, the Creole class, and the small urban middle class  Ideas from Spiritism increasingly filtered into and influenced Santería 

Formation and early history
The earliest casas teaching Santería emerged in urban parts of western Cuba during the late 19th century  As a trained priesthood emerged, they ensured a level of standardisation among new initiates  Although it drew on older West African cults, Santeria was, as described by Clark, "a new religious system"  Urban-to-rural migration then spread Santería elsewhere in Cuba, and in the 1930s it probably arrived in Cuba's second largest city, Santiago de Cuba, which lies at the eastern end of the island Following the Cuban War of Independence, the island became an independent republic in 1898  In the republic, Afro-Cubans remained largely excluded from economic and political power, and negative stereotypes about them remained pervasive throughout the Euro-Cuban population  Afro-Cuban religious practices were often referred to as brujería (witchcraft) and thought to be connected to criminality  Although the republic's new constitution enshrined freedom of religion and Santería was never legislated against, throughout the first half of the 20th century various campaigns were launched against it  These were often encouraged by the press, who promoted allegations that white children were being abducted and murdered in Santería rituals; this reached a fever pitch in 1904 after two white children were murdered in Havana in cases that investigators speculated were linked to brujería One of the first intellectuals to examine Santería was the lawyer and ethnographer Fernando Ortiz, who discussed it in his 1906 book Los negros brujos (The Black Witchdoctors)  He saw it as a barrier to the social integration of Afro-Cubans into broader Cuban society and recommended its suppression  In the 1920s, there were efforts to incorporate elements of Afro-Cuban culture into a wider understanding of Cuban culture, such as through the Afrocubanismo literary and artistic movement  These often drew upon Afro-Cuban music, dance, and mythology, but typically rejected Santería rituals themselves  In 1942, Rómula Lachatañeré's Manuel de santería was published, representing the first scholarly attempt to understand Santería as a religion; in contrast to Ortiz, he maintained that the tradition should be seen as a religious system as opposed to a form of witchcraft  Lachatañeré was instrumental in promoting the term Santería in reference to the phenomenon, deeming it a more neutral description than the pejorative-laden terms such as brujería then in common use 

After the Cuban Revolution
The Cuban Revolution of 1959 resulted in the island becoming a Marxist–Leninist state governed by Fidel Castro's Communist Party of Cuba  Committed to state atheism, Castro's government took a negative view of Santería  Practitioners experienced police harassment, were denied membership of the Communist Party, and faced limited employment opportunities  They required police permission to perform rituals, which was sometimes denied  The state nevertheless promoted art forms associated with Santería in the hope of using them to promote a unified Cuban identity  While espousing anti-racism, Castro's government viewed the promotion of a separate Afro-Cuban identity as counter-revolutionary Following the Soviet Union's collapse in the 1990s, Castro's government declared that Cuba was entering a "Special Period" in which new economic measures would be necessary  As part of this, it selectively supported Afro-Cuban and Santería traditions, partly out of a desire to boost tourism; this Santería-focused tourism was called santurismo  Priests of Santería, Palo, and Ifá all took part in government-sponsored tours for foreigners desiring initiation into such traditions, while Afro-Cuban floor shows became common in Cuban hotels  In 1991, the Communist Party approved the admission of religious members, and in 1992 the constitution was amended to declare Cuba a secular rather than an atheist state  This liberalisation allowed Santería to leave behind its marginalisation, and during the 1990s it began to be practiced more openly 

The second half of the 20th century saw a growing awareness of Santería's links with other orisha-worshipping religions in West Africa and the Americas  These transnational links were reinforced when the Ooni of Ife Olubuse II, a prominent Yoruba political and religious leader, visited Cuba in 1987  Cuba's government permitted the formation of the Yoruba Cultural Association, a non-governmental organization, in the early 1990s, while various practitioners of Santería visited Nigeria to study traditional Yoruba religion  A yorubización (Yorubization) process emerged, with attempts made to remove Roman Catholic elements from Santería; this process was criticised by those who saw Santería's syncretism as a positive trait The Cuban Revolution fuelled Cuban emigration, especially to the United States, Puerto Rico, Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela  With an increased Cuban presence in the U S , Santería grew in many U S  cities, being embraced by Latino Americans as well as European Americans and African Americans  Some African Americans regarded it as an authentically African religion, especially when purged of Roman Catholic elements, sometimes perceiving it as a religious wing of the Black Power movement  A prominent exponent of this approach was the black nationalist activist Walter King  After being initiated in Cuba, he established a temple in Harlem before relocating with his followers in 1970 to a community in Sheldon, South Carolina, that they called the Yoruba Village of Oyotunji  Having a strained relationship with many other santeros and santeras, who accused him of racism, King gradually came to call his tradition "Orisha-Voodoo" rather than Santería  In the U S , Santería, along with Haitian Vodou, also proved an influence on the revival of Louisiana Voodoo in the late 20th century  One of the most prominent figures in this revival, Ava Kay Jones, had previously been involved in King's Orisha-Voodoo 

Demographics
The scholars of religion Anibal Argüelles Mederos and Ileana Hodge Limonta estimated that in the early 21st century around 8% of Cubans were initiates of Santería, which would amount to between 800,000 and 900,000 people  There are a greater number of people who are not initiates but turn to santeros and santeras for assistance on practical matters  In 1991, the Cuban anthropologist López Valdés suggested that about 90 percent of Cuba's population practiced some form of religion and that of that 90 percent, a greater number practiced one of the Afro-Cuban religions than "pure Catholicism"  In 2004, Wedel suggested that practitioners of Santería "greatly outnumber" those who practiced Roman Catholicism, Protestantism, or Judaism in Cuba Although also found in rural areas, in Cuba Santería has always been a primarily urban phenomenon, predominating in the north-west provinces of La Habana and Matanzas  While it has both Afro-Cuban and Euro-Cuban followers, Wedel noted that in the 1990s Santería was "more common in working-class, low-income neighborhoods dominated by Afro-Cubans " Wedel believed that men and women practice in roughly equal numbers  Some practitioners grow up in Santería as the children of initiates, although others only approach the religion as adults  While it accepts new followers, Santería is a non-proselytizing religion Emigration has spread Santería across most of Latin America and also to the United States and Europe  In Mexico, it established a particular presence in Veracruz and Mexico City, in Canada it centred in Toronto, while in Europe casas have been formed in Spain and Germany  Santería was present in the U S  by the 1940s, increasing its presence following the Cuban Revolution  Clustering in Florida, California, New Jersey, and New York, it attracted converts from varied ethnic backgrounds  U S  casas vary in their ethnic makeup, often reflecting broader racial divisions in U S  society  Based on his ethnographic work in New York City during the 1980s, Samuel Gregory noted that there Santería was not a "religion of the poor", but contained a disproportionately high percentage of middle-class people such as teachers, social workers, and artists  The American Religious Identification Survey of 2001 estimated that there were then approximately 22,000 practitioners in the U S , although in the mid-1990s the scholar Joseph Murphy suggested that hundreds of thousands of people in the country had engaged with Santería in some form, often as clients 

Reception
By the late 1980s, Santería had received considerable interest from established Christian churches, health professionals, and social scientists  Some initiates mistrusted academics and were thus either vague or deliberately misleading in their answers to the latter's questions, although the 1990s saw non-Cuban ethnographers seeking initiation into the religion, thus blurring the distinction between practitioner and anthropological observer  The religion was also explored in other media; the Cuban filmmaker Gloria Rolando released the film Oggún in 1992  Various songs have referenced Santería and its oricha; the Cuban American singer Celia Cruz for example recorded a version of "Que viva Chango" ("Long Live Chango"), while a Cuban band called themselves Los Orichas  Santería's influence can also be seen in the names of the Cuban liquor Santero and the state-owned machete factory Ogún Christian views of Santería have been largely negative, and in Cuba, it has faced much opposition from the Roman Catholic clerical establishment over the centuries  Many Cuban intellectuals and academics also take a dim view of Santería  Opposition to the religion is also evident outside Cuba  When the International Afro-Caribbean Festival in Veracruz was launched in 1994, it showcased art and ritual by Mexican santeros/santeras, although this brought public protests from Roman Catholic organizations, who regarded such rites as Satanic, and animal welfare groups, who deemed the sacrifices to be inhumane  The festival's organizers yielded to the pressure, cutting the Santería elements of the festival by 1998  Pervasive stereotypes link Santería to criminal activity, and its rituals for self-protection have been adopted by various groups involved in narcotics trafficking within the U S  Santeros and santeras are often accused of financially exploiting their initiates and clients—an accusation sometimes made by other practitioners of Santería itself  Various practitioners have also found that their involvement in Santería has strained their relationship with spouses or other family members who are not involved, and in some cases adherents have abandoned Santería to join other religious movements such as Pentecostalism 
Passage 3:
Fezara people
Fezara is an ethnic group of Sudan, who emigrated from Arabia to Egypt, and then to Sudan  The number of persons in this ethnic group is about 200,000  Most members of this ethnic group are Muslims  This ethnic group speaks Sudanese Arabic 
Passage 4:
Migene González-Wippler
Migene González-Wippler is a Puerto Rican new-age author and a leading expert on the Afro-Caribbean religion of Santería 

Education
González-Wippler was born in Puerto Rico and has degrees in psychology and anthropology from the University of Puerto Rico, and from Columbia University, from where she earned a Ph D  in cultural anthropology 

Career
In addition to her solid background in social sciences she has also worked as a science editor for the Interscience Division of John Wiley, the American Institute of Physics, and the American Museum of Natural History, and as an English editor for the United Nations in Vienna, where she resided for many years    She is a cultural anthropologist and lectures frequently at universities and other educational institutions    She writes about Santeria-its practices, beliefs and organization 

Bibliography
El libro completo de magia, hechizos, y ceremonias
El libro de las sombras
Keys to the Kingdom: Jesus & the Mystic Kabbalah
Book of Shadows
The Complete Book of Amulets & Talismans
Luna, Luna: Magia, poder y seducción
La Magia de las piedras y los cristales
Sueños: Lo que significan para usted
Amuletos y Talismanes
La magia y tú
What Happens After Death: Scientific & Personal Evidence for Survival
Santería: La Religión
Dreams and What They Mean to You
The Complete Book of Spells, Ceremonies & Magic
Las llaves del reino: Jesús y la cábala cristiana
Kabbalah For The Modern World
Angelorum: El libro de los ángeles
Santería: mis experiencias en la Religión
Peregrinaje: la vida después de la muerte
 Santería: the Religion: Faith, Rites, Magic, Llewellyn Publications: 2002 ISBN 9781567183290
Cabala para el mundo moderno
 Powers of the Orishas: Santeria and The Worship of Saints



ground_truth: West African descendants

prompt_front: Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: When was Erik Watts' father born?

The following are given passages.
Context 4: 
Best Newcomer: Tom Senior with One Nice Family Photo
Best Student Film: Reza Dolatabadi with Khoda

FLIP Festival 2007
2007's FLIP Festival took place on 1–3 November 
The award winners for 2007's Festival were:

Best Film: Lizzy Hobbs with The Old, Old, Very Old Man 
Best Student Film: Paul O’Flanagan with Beauty Now 
Special Mention (Student Film): Julian Kok with Mimos and the Egg 

Best of FLIP
FLIP Festival also does several small screenings throughout the year of either just the award winners or all the selected submissions  The "Best of FLIP" is usually shown at various venues throughout the West Midlands  For the 2010 season, FLIP had "best of" screenings at both the Stoke Film Theatre and the Wem Town Hall and there was also a special screening at Artsfest '10 in Birmingham, UK 

Notes
External links
FLIP Festival’s website
Light House Media Centre's website
Passage 7:
Mount Von Braun
Mount Von Braun (71°59′S 169°34′E) is a mountain (3,275 m) located 4 nautical miles (7 km) south of Mount Sabine in the Admiralty Mountains  Mapped by United States Geological Survey (USGS) from surveys and U S  Navy air photos, 1960–63  Named by Advisory Committee on Antarctic Names (US-ACAN) for Wernher von Braun of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, a visitor at McMurdo Station, 1966–67 
 This article incorporates public domain material from "Mount Von Braun"  Geographic Names Information System  United States Geological Survey 
Passage 8:
Operation Lighthouse (1937)
Operation Lighthouse was the name given to the failed experimental launch of four Aggregate 3 liquid-fuel rockets by Wernher von Braun and Walter Dornberger on the German island of Greifswalder Oie in December 1937 

Background and preparation
In the summer of 1937 the German Aggregate 3 series of rockets was nearing the testing stage  Several were tested on a special stand at Kummersdorf in an attempt to evaluate guidance systems  These consisted of vanes designed to deflect the rocket exhaust and control the missile's course  On September 1, Dornberger ordered that von Braun's team prepare for a series of test launches in the first part of November from the small island of Greifswalder Oie in an operation he designated "Lighthouse"  Von Braun assigned the head of his measurement unit, Gerhard Reisig, to prepare the expedition to the island In November, rain and snow storms kept the project behind schedule, delaying ferries and nearly collapsing the tent erected as a preparation site  Rodents gnawed on tar paper and telephone cables  Amidst the setbacks, Dornberger and von Braun hunted rabbits and pheasants  The rockets and launch site were not ready until December 

Launches
The first launch was ordered for December 2, but again weather and technical problems delayed the operation  On December 4 the first rocket blasted off just after 10 AM  Set on a test ring without a guide rail, the rocket rose vertically for three seconds, but then the parachute deployed and dragged, burning, behind the vehicle  After less than seven seconds the engine cut out and soon the rocket fell back to the ground, landing 1,000 feet (300 meters) from the launch site  It exploded and burned upon impact, leaving little wreckage to examine Another missile was launched on the afternoon of December 6 and followed a similar pattern, crashing and exploding in the sea less than twenty feet from the island's cliffs  The wreckage did not yield an explanation for the failure, but the parachute system was suspected For the third launch, the parachute was replaced with a flare  The rocket was set off in the afternoon of December 8  The missile turned from the vertical into the wind and after four seconds the flare deployed  At 1,000 feet (300 meters) the engine quit, and without the drag of a burning parachute (like the previous two rockets) it achieved a greater distance before crashing over a mile offshore and exploding in the sea Despite the disappointing results of the first three launches, Dornberger and von Braun decided to launch their last A3  After further weather delays, the last rocket was set off on the morning of December 11 but demonstrated a performance much like the third 

Aftermath
The failure the project launch came as a shock to von Braun, who set to trying to find the causes  He suspected both the guidance control system and the jet vanes  Additionally, he developed a theory that an electrostatic charge caused the parachute to deploy early in the first two launches  Tests conducted at Kummersdorf on an electrically insulated rocket seemed to discount this explanation  Instead, von Braun figured that the rocket had rolled upon launch enough to deploy the parachute, which was set to act when the missile rolled more than six degrees per second  Because the missiles tested had not been painted in patterns, it was only upon reviewing photographs that the roll was detected Ultimately, the failure of the A3 launches showed the relative lack of experience of von Braun's team and Kreiselgeräte, the company that designed the guidance system  The A3 was essentially abandoned and thoroughly redesigned as the A5  By January 1938 von Braun and Dornberger decided to keep the propulsion, pressurization, and tank systems, but discarded the body and fin design in favor of something that could be better controlled  Additionally, unlike the A3, the A5 would not be designed to carry any scientific instrumentation, but only guidance and control systems 
Furthermore, the failure of the A3 launches held back the development of the A4 (later known as V-2) rocket for at least a year  Von Braun had hoped to launch the world's first ballistic missile by 1940, but the Oie expedition forced this aspiration further into the future 
Passage 9:
Magnus von Braun
Magnus "Mac" Freiherr von Braun (10 May 1919 – 21 June 2003) was a German chemical engineer, Luftwaffe aviator, rocket scientist and business executive  In his 20s he worked as a rocket scientist at Peenemünde and the Mittelwerk 
At age 26, he emigrated to the United States via Operation Paperclip, where he worked for some years at Fort Bliss  In 1955 he began a career as a senior executive with Chrysler's missile and later automotive divisions, retiring in 1975  He lived for 58 years partially in the United States and partially in the United Kingdom until his death  He was the brother of Sigismund and Wernher von Braun 

Biography
Von Braun was born in Greifswald, Pomerania, to Magnus Freiherr von Braun and Emmy von Quistorp  After completing boarding school at Hermann Lietz-Schule in Spiekeroog, he began his studies in 1937 at Technische Universität München  There he remained after receiving his master's degree in organic chemistry, and became an assistant to Nobel laureate Hans Fischer Von Braun arrived at Peenemünde in July 1943 at the request of Wernher von Braun   In March 1944 he was arrested with fellow rocket specialists Wernher von Braun, Klaus Riedel, Helmut Gröttrup, and Hannes Lüersen, but was later released   In late summer 1944 he transferred to the Mittelwerk where he engineered V-2 rocket gyroscopes, servomotors, and turbopumps 
The Mittelwerk was an underground munitions factory dug into Germany's Harz Mountains in order to avoid aerial bombardment by British and American planes  It consisted of two tunnels bored through the mountain range near the town of Nordhausen, each a mile long and connected by dozens of cross tunnels  Railways laid through the main tunnels brought raw materials in and finished rockets out  The entire cavity provided some 35 million cubic feet of space  After massive Allied bombing disrupted the original V-2 development center in the Baltic town of Peenemünde in mid-1943, the majority of German rocket production was moved to the Mittelwerk  Prisoners from the nearby Mittelbau-Dora concentration camps provided slave labor for this huge endeavor  Inmates were marched into the tunnels daily and compelled to work by the notorious Nazi SS, who handled all security issues  The usual horrific methods were employed and over 20,000 slaves perished during this subterranean rocket factory's existence 
Magnus von Braun's involvement with the Mittelwerk began in the fall of 1944, soon after full production began  The first V-2s produced earlier that year had a high failure rate and sabotage was suspected  Concern about these problems prompted Wernher, who was still based at Peenemünde, to send his younger brother to the Mittelwerk in September  While some minor sabotage did occur in the tunnels, it was relatively rare  The real reason for the poor quality of early Mittelwerk missiles was the effort to take cutting-edge research technology and put it into mass production under slave labor conditions 
Tossed into this brutal environment, Magnus reported directly to the factory's chief of rocket production, Arthur Rudolph, who had an office in one of the main tunnels  This work connection with Rudolph would span decades and continents  After Germany surrendered in 1945, Rudolph was part of a group of Nazi scientists who emigrated with the von Braun brothers to the United States as part of Operation Paperclip  The U S  Army put them to work in New Mexico developing intercontinental ballistic missiles  Moving on to NASA in the 1960s, Rudolph continued to collaborate with Magnus, who by then was employed by the main contractor for the Saturn V lunar rocket, Chrysler Corporation   As Nasa's project director for the Saturn V, Rudolph was publicly acclaimed after the Moon landing, but towards the end of his life, his wartime complicity in using slave labor at the Mittelwerk became more widely known  These revelations then forced Rudolph to make a 1983 deal with the U S  Justice Department in which he voluntarily relinquished his U S  citizenship to avoid prosecution and possible loss of his government pension and Social Security benefits  Rudolph then returned to Germany, where he died in 1996 
In November 1944, Rudolph put Magnus in charge of rocket fin servomotors, which were the most troublesome V-2 component at that time  During this period, concerns over sabotage were at their height  In a notorious incident that winter, several Russian prisoners suspected of sabotage were executed by being hanged from cranes used to lift rocket parts and left dangling for a full work day, as an example to other inmates  In this tense atmosphere, servomotors were at the heart of two abuse accusations leveled against Wernher von Braun by Mittelwerk prisoners after the war, one that may have actually involved Magnus  Michael Neufeld, a Smithsonian historian and author of a 2007 biography of Wernher, has tried to unravel claims by Dora prisoners that they personally witnessed brutality administered by the more famous von Braun brother  In a 2002 article about Wernher's potential culpability in Nazi slave labor at Mittelwerk and several other locations, Neufeld dismissed most claims that von Braun carried out direct sadistic behavior as spurious, easily disproved by tracking his known locations during the war  However, Neufeld felt that there were two accusations in particular that merited further study, the second of which might have involved Magnus  "[R]eports that [Wernher] von Braun attended hangings, ordered hangings, attended hangings in SS uniform, etc , have scarcely been discussed in the literature because such testimonies lack credibility," Neufeld wrote  "But in recent years I have received two reports from French Dora survivors that deserve more consideration " In the first incident, survivor Georges Jouanin, whose job was to climb into upright tail sections of V-2s to install cables to the servomotor, placed a wood shoe on one of the units  He later recorded that "someone has noticed my wooden-heeled clog atop such a fragile organ, and I feel a hand pulling insistently on the end of my striped pants, thus forcing me out of the tail unit  'You, out of here, man, you're committing sabotage  You shouldn't step with your foot on this ' I get slapped in the face twice and my head bounces against the metal panels of the tail unit  Cap in hand, I find myself in front of a man in his 30s, rather well dressed, angry, to who I am not allowed to give an explanation  The seven or eight engineers or technicians in the group of which he came out seem disconcerted, astonished    I went back to my work space and the incident seemed over, without consequences  My civilian foreman, Manger is his name, returns from break and tells me     'Our big boss boxed your ears! That was V  Braun '"
In the second case, an inmate named Guy Morand testified that while testing rocket servomotors, he tried to cover for another prisoner who had mislaid a chronometer, which brought the wrath of an enraged foreman down upon him  "Like the good Nazi he was," Morand remembered, "he immediately started shouting it was sabotage, when just at that point von Braun arrived accompanied by his usual group of people  Without even listening to my explanations, he ordered the Meister to have me given 25 strokes in his presence by an SS [man] who was there  Then, judging that the strokes weren't sufficiently hard, he ordered that I be flogged more vigorously, and this order was then diligently carried out " Morand went on to say that "following the floggings, von Braun made me translate that I deserved much more, that in fact I deserved to be hanged, which certainly would be the fate of the 'Mensch' (good-for-nothing) I was " Morand adds that the man was "one of the inventors of the V-2" and frequently made "rapid inspections" of his work area 
This description of "von Braun" is closer to Magnus in his role at the rocket factory than that of Wernher, who visited only occasionally  Neufeld raises the possibility of an identity error in Morand's recollections: "In September 1944, Wernher assigned his younger brother Magnus, a chemical engineer and Luftwaffe pilot, as his special liaison to the Mittelwerk, particularly for servomotor production, which was afflicted with serious technical problems  Magnus von Braun stayed in the Nordhausen area full-time until the evacuation of April, 1945  In contrast, his older brother visited the Mittelwerk, by his estimates, twelve or fifteen times in total  Morand gives the time of the incident as the 'second half of 1944,' which corresponds to Magnus von Braun's assignment to the factory, and the testimonial never actually gives 'von Braun' a last name "
In a footnote to this same 2002 article, Neufeld refers to another incident on the record  A Dora survivor named Robert Cazabonne reported "that a fellow prisoner witnessing a hanging in the tunnel pointed out one of the German onlookers and said, 'That's VON BRAUN!'" Neufeld concludes, "We know with near certainty that Wernher von Braun was not there; however, it might have been his brother Magnus, as civilian employees were expected to attend "
Neufeld continues, "Morand's story necessarily brings Jouanin's identification into question, as both deal with servomotors  Although Jouanin's first instinct on timing was early May 1944, when I wrote him about it, he was less than certain  The description of a man in his thirties he saw only once fits Wernher von Braun better than Magnus, however  In the end, it is impossible to say with certainty that Georges Jouanin's identification of Wernher von Braun can be accepted as meeting a reasonable standard of certainty, as believable as I find it personally  Nor can we conclude with assurance that Magnus von Braun was responsible    "
These prisoner recollections of a sadistic scientist named von Braun stalking the Mittelwerk tunnels, especially on occasions when it can be shown that Wernher could not have been there, is not final proof of Magnus's guilt  However, the possibility of the younger brother's involvement in such abuse requires consideration of an unpleasant facet of his personality that was documented in postwar U S  Army files kept on all former Nazi scientists who worked in the United States 
Magnus was born nearly a decade after his two older brothers, who had come of age before the Nazis took power in Germany  Unlike them, Magnus had a National Socialist adolescence  While the older brothers can be seen as having joined the Nazi party for reasons of professional advancement, Magnus signed on to fascism at a point in life before such concerns became important  His was an ideological commitment  He was thirteen when Hitler became chancellor and thus participated in the Hitler Youth organization and experienced a secondary school environment and curriculum adapted to fascism  His politicized early years naturally influenced his character  Even after the war, Magnus stood apart from Wernher by his displays of arrogance and aristocratic pretension, duly noted by the Army officers who kept files on both men after their 1945 immigration to the United States  Sigismund, the eldest brother, became a diplomatic attaché for the German government in 1936 and passed his war years in Vatican City on consular duty  Though a Nazi party member like his brothers, he avoided direct complicity with regime atrocities such as slave labor and was able to join the new West German foreign service after the war  He rose to become a notable diplomat for West Germany during the 1960s and 1970s 

Surrender at Reutte
After evacuating from Nordhausen, Magnus von Braun was at the Behelfsheim in Weilheim when Wernher von Braun arrived there from Oberammergau on 14 April 1945   The next day, Magnus had arrived at the Haus Ingeborg in Oberjoch by the end of the day  When Huzel became von Braun's assistant, Dr  Kurt Debus became Engineer in Charge of Test Stand VII—Huzel had served since May 1944 after replacing his old friend Hartmut Kuechen  The Mittelwerk was designated for production after the 17 August 1943 Operation Hydra bombing of Peenemünde, and production started well afterward, so Magnus von Braun's claim that he was selected to transfer in October 1943 is inaccurate   After hearing the radio report of Hitler's death, Wernher von Braun announced to his group early in the morning of 3 May 1945 that "Magnus, who speaks English, has just left by bicycle to establish contact with the American forces at Reutte   We cannot wait here forever "  "It was quite courageous for Magnus to come down on his bicycle and find the American troops," said Dr  Ernst Stuhlinger,  member of the V-2 team  "He had a white handkerchief tied to the handlebars of the bicycle and that was all he had to protect him "
On May 10, 1919, I was born in Greifswald, the son of a government administrator, Magnus Freiherr von Braun, and his wife, Emmy, née von Quistorp  I spent my youth in Berlin, where I attended the Prep School and the French School until Easter 1934   Finally, I went to the Hermann Lietz School in Spiekeroog, North Sea, a boarding school from which I graduated Easter 1937   After having spent six months in the Arbeitsdienst, I began studies at the Technical Institute of Munich in the fall of 1937, majoring in organic chemistry   Then when I received my master's degree, I became the assistant in organic chemistry to Professor Hans Fischer (Nobel Prize winner in chemistry) for ¼ year, at which time I was drafted into the Air Force (October 1940)   After the completion of flight training and a short stay as a flight instructor, I came to the Heimat Artillery Park II, Kalshagen, in July 1943   In Karlshagen, I worked with Mr  Gerhard Heller, the director of fuel chemistry, who put me in charge of hypergolic fuels for the newly developing Wasserfall Project   In this capacity, I worked in conjunction with the I  G  Farben Industry   In October 1943, my brother, Professor Wernher von Braun, requested me to work as his personal assistant 
About two in the afternoon, Magnus returned, "I think it went well, I have safe conduct passes and they want us for further interrogation " The Mission Accomplished: The Battle History of the 44th Infantry Division claim that there was a "hectic night of interrogation, plans and counter-proposals" after Magnus von Braun rode his bike downhill in the morning and met members of the "Anti-tank Company, 324th Infantry" "before he went out and in a short time returned with his brother" is inaccurate: Huzel, McGovern, & Ordway, in their researched works, distinctly state Magnus returned about 2 in the afternoon the same day Dieter Huzel described the surrender of the group: "Thus, in the dull, rainy, late afternoon of Wednesday, May 2, 1945, seven men [Magnus & Wernher, Walter Dornberger, Axster, Huzel, Lindenberg, & Tessman]     began their lonely descent from Adolf Hitler Pass toward     Schattwald      Suddenly, around a curve, an American soldier     waved us to a stop   Magnus got out and showed a piece of paper to the guard     After about a half an hour,     we were flanked by two    "jeeps,"    We reached Reutte after dark       The next morning     we emerged from the mess hall     several Army photographers were on hand and spent some time taking pictures " During a photo shoot the next day, Magnus von Braun commented "We're celebrating now, but I'll bet they will throw telephone books at us if we ever reach New York   By noon, Magnus von Braun (along with Axster, Huzel, Lindenberg, & Tessman) arrived in Peiting where forty other Peenemünde personnel already had arrived, and the Germans departed for Garmisch-Partenkirchen on 8 May 

Operation Paperclip and work at Fort Bliss
Von Braun arrived in New York on 16 November 1945 aboard the SS Argentina and was soon at work at Fort Bliss, Texas and later at Redstone Arsenal in Huntsville, Alabama   Von Braun was interrogated as a witness for the Andrae war crimes trial in which Mittelwerk general manager Georg Rickhey was acquitted   Fort Bliss Army CIC agents believed he was a "dangerous German Nazi", with one agent remarking, "his type is a worse threat to security than a half a dozen discredited SS Generals " Soon after his arrival, he was caught trying to sell a brick of platinum he'd stolen from the base to a jeweler in El Paso  The incident was quickly hushed up, though he was informally punished by means of a terrible beating given by his brother Wernher the politician 

Career with Chrysler
In 1955, von Braun began a career with Chrysler—first in the missile division and then in the automotive division  He also resided in Huntsville, Alabama, for a while before moving to Michigan   After living in Michigan, he relocated to the UK, working in London and Coventry as Chrysler UK export director   Von Braun retired from Chrysler in 1975 and returned to the States, where he settled in Arizona and resided until his death 
Passage 10:
Von Braun Ferry Rocket
Von Braun Ferry Rocket was a concept design for a shuttle spacecraft that was developed by Wernher von Braun in a seminal series of early-1950s Collier's magazine articles, "Man Will Conquer Space Soon!" by Wernher von Braun et al  The Ferry Rocket concept has evolved over time 

Re-creations
The Ferry Rocket is modeled in the following flight and spaceflight simulators:

Orbiter, a freeware simulator by Martin Schweiger
X-Plane

See also
"Man Will Conquer Space Soon"
Reusable launch system



ground_truth: May 5, 1939