[PAGE 1]
INVOTCE

MULRA Subproject-

At Date of Origical Pericl Tiae Exterded Allobnent facunò of Anthoriection Covered To Nutcer Ogligation

Additional PericdTisa. ExtendedAllotueat Acount\_er Antborizstions Coverel—10 thaber Gbligaticn

[PAGE 2]
TO:TSS/OC

1.- Date of Obligation:\_\_N/A

2. Purpose of Project:\_Disaster Study

3.Progresa to Date:Project being initiated:

4.Expiration-Date: N/A

5.Project Monitor:\_

FROM:-TSS/CD

Room B-10,

[PAGE 3]
Purposel To supcort, in part, the Disaster Study, Spocirically, to atudy the more constructive bebavior of individuals during perioda of extreme stresa (MOULTRA 126).

Initiated: :8aptember 1960

Contractor: grantee of Cost: \$4,225.00 C

Status: Unknóvn

[PAGE 4]
Cost Account1125/111912

[PAGE 5]
NMORARDUM FORI COMPTROLLER

ATTINNIONI Finance Divielon

SUPJRCT :=MRURA, rt 126

Voder the euthority granted in ths senorendua detod 13 Apr11 1953 fros tho DCI to the L0/A, si the.extension of this suthority in eubaequeat acoorande, Sutproject l26 haa teea aproved knd th,225.0 of the ovar\~all mLTRA projeet funda has been obligated to covor the subproject'e expenees. This oblicetion of furds shoula be charged to Allotaent 1525- 1009-1902.

APPAOVED POR OBLICATION

CERTIFY THAT FUNDS ARE AVAILABLE OBUGANCH REEUICE CHARCE 70 ALLOTAENT N. 918

Dater 12 SEP 151C

Distributioos Orig,a 2= Addrossee

1-TsD/0c
1 --TSD/PASS

AUTHORIZING OFRICER

O

16-4

15 8aptsaler 1960

1

[PAGE 6]
27 Septeaber 1960

MEMORANDUN PORT CHIEF, FIRANCK DIVISION

VIA

TSD/Budget Officer

SUBJECT

1HUITRA, SubproJect 126, Invoice No. 1 A110taent 1125-1009-1902

1. Invoice No. l is attached covering the above subproject. Paynent should bo mada as follovst 2

Cashier's chsck in the asount of th,225.00 payable to

2. The check, shculd be forvarded to Chler, Tso/Retearch Branch, through TsD/Budget Officer, no later than Tueeday, ll October 1960.

3. This ia a final invoice. Hcvever, sirce it is anticipated that odditional funda vill be obligated for this project, the files should pot be cloeed.

Attached: : Invoice & Certificationa

Distributioni Orig & 2 --Addressce

CERY AT  AARASLE OA 29 SEP 1960
50112520021902

126-5

ASTCZNG CHKA

11 196

[PAGE 7]
Summary Accounting of grant to

Salaries \$3,908.26

Travel160.65

Equipment 21.65=

Material and Supplies134.44

Total expended

\$4,225.00

This is a true statement of the expenses of Project-as reported to me from

I have exanined and approved the submitted expenditure3.

TSS/Chaaical Division

to: 4/2/02

Apri1 16, 1962

[PAGE 9]
MEMORANTUM FOR: CHLEF, PINARCE DIVTSION

VIA TED/budgot orficer

SUBJECT 1=HLRA, Subprojoct 126, Invoice No.1 Allotaent 1125-1009-1902

l. Invoice No. 1 ie attachod covoring the abova subproject. Payoent should bo made as follove:

2. The check should to forvardod to Chlef, T8D/Resesrch Branch, thraueh Top/mulget Orricer, no lator than Tuesdey, ll October 196o.

3. This is a firel invoice. Ecvevor, sinco it is anticipated thet adaitiocal funls vill be obligated for thia project, tho files should not be closed.

Attacbed::

Invoice a Certifications

Dietributioot

Orig & 2 Adárecsce

1-TSD/FASS

2 - TSD/rB

TSD/RB(27 Sept 60)

126-8

27Septeaber 1960

[PAGE 10]
CERTIVICATIONS

(1) It is hereby certifiod that this is Invoice No. l applying to Subproject No. l26 of MOLTRA, that perforwance 1s satisfactory, that services are bing accoapliebed in accordance vith mutual agreements, that a detailed agepda of the payuents and receipto is on file in TSD/RB, that thia bill is just ani correct and that payment thereof has not yet been nede.

Chief, TSD/Research Branch

Datel.

(2) It is hereby certified that this invoice applies to Subproject No. 126 of. MLRA which vas duly approved, and that the project 1s being carried cut in accoriance vith the memorandun of 13 April 1953 from the DCI to the DD/A, and the extenaion of this authority in sub sequent mezoranda.

Dato:.

IRVOICE

196-6

For Services

[PAGE 11]
SUBJECT : MKULTRA, SubproJect 126

1. It is requested that Subproject 126 be approved to support in part the. Disaster Study, wwsin accordance with the attached proposal.

Funds requested will be used to pay the salary of a principal

investigator, for three months and the salary

of a secretary for one year. Expenditure of funds for partial

payuent ofsalary conmits  to providing

2. The Disaster Study focuses primarily. upón the\_more-con-1 structive behavior of individuals during periods,of extreme-stress.

Accounting-for- funds expended shall conform to the establishedpro cedures of that organization.No permanent equipment has been budgeted for the project.

4.The total cost of this-project for a period of one year

be made against Allotment 1525-1009-1902.

[PAGE 12]
conduct of the-study,

Attached: Proposal-

Distribution: Original Only

APPROVED FOR OBLIGATION OF FUNDS:

Date:

[PAGE 13]
1. NATURE OF REQUEST:

A. APP&ICATION IB HERBEY MADE FOR A ORANT IN THE NHOUNT OF \$4,225.OO FOR THE PURPOSE OF COMPLETING A RCACAACH PROJECT ON THE FDLLOWING BUDJECTI DISASTER AND THE THERAPEUTIC SOCIAL SYSTEM: A HOOEL OF SOCIAL ADAPTATION TO OISASTER

B. THE FUNDS RCOUCOTED, IF GRANTEO, WILL BE USCD TO COMPLETC ARORARCH ALAEADY IH PROOREBS ANO TO PROOUCE A PINAL HANURCRIPT WHICH WILL (A) SATISFY THE APPLICANT'S PH.O. BISDEATATION REOUIREMENTS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY, UNIVERBITY OFUBA AND (B) SERYE AS THE BASE FOR A SUBBTANTIAL PUBLICATION WITHIN THE MEAR FUTURE.

2. RESEARCH PLAN:

A. GENERAL AIMI THIS PROJECT IS AINED AT THE AMALYTIC SYNTHEOIO OF A LAROE BOCY OF MEBEARCH DATA AND OESERVATTONS REGARDINO HUMAN BEHAYIOR IN DIBASTERS--VITH PARTTCULM CHPHADIB ON THE POSITIVE, THERAPEUTIC MRCHANIBHD WHICH NNMAN DOGIETICB DEYELOP TO OVERCOHE THE BUFFERINO LOSSES, AND PRIVATTON OF DISASTER ANO TO RCOCMERATE AMD AEVITALIZE THEIR DOCIAL LIFE.

ONE OF THE SINMIFICANT FACTO THAT CHERGED FROM AN SNTENBIVE AMD EXTENSIYE STUDY OF LARGE-SCALE DIOASTERL IS THAT THEY PRODUCE MATURAL GOCIAL ADAPTATIONS WICH PREVENT, RESOLYE, OR AHELTORATE MANY OF THS PATHOLOGICAL PEMAVIOMB NOR-MALLY EXPECTED UHOER CONDITIOHS OF OREAT STRESS AND CRISIS. THESE HATURAL ADAPTIYE MECHANIBHB ARE UBUALLY BUBSUMED UKDER BUCH BROAD RUDAICS AS "HORALE ANO "DOLIDARITY",: DUT THESE TERNS OFTEN OBSCURE HOAE THAM THET REVCAL, THE PREOCMT RESEARCH WILL ATTEMPT TO EXPLICATE IN CONBIDCRABLE DETAIL THE COMRIOM PROCESDEO AMD MECHANEBMG OF POSITIYE SOCIAL ADAPTATION TO DIOAOTER, THCIR CFFECTO ON INDIVIDUAL AND SMALL-QAOUP DEHAVIOR, AMD THEIR IMFCICATTONS

[PAGE 14]
FOR THE STUOY OF.CRISRS AND STAESSES OCCURRING VNDER HORE NORMAL COHDITIONS OF SOCIAL FUNCTIONING.

B. SPECIFIC AIMS: THE HORE SPECIFIC AINO OF THIS RESCARCH ARE SPECITIEO IN DZTAIL IM ATTACHKENT "A". BRIEFLY OUTLIHED, THEY ARER

1. TO DEVELOP AM EPIRTCALLY-DASED FRAMEWORN OR HODEL POR THE STUDY OF COMION OR UNIYERBAL HODES OF SOCTAL ADAPTATION TO DISABTER. TMIS HODEL WILL ATTENPT TO SPCCIFY THE SLTUATIORAL PEATURED OP DIBABTER AND THE TYPICAL ADJUBTMENTO TO DIBASTER SHICH CONTAIOUTC TO THE DEVELOPHENT OF A THERAPEVTTC BOCIAL MILIEV.

2. TO DOCUMENT, ELABORATE, AMO REFIME THE DALTENT ELEMEMTS OF THIO KODIL BY A DETAILED AMALYBIO OF OTOASTER RESEARCH DATA.

3. TO ASPLY THC HODEL AND ITS DERTVEO RYPOTHESEO TO\_CURRENTLY" AVAILADLE DIBASTER DATA TO TESY GENERAL CONDIDTENCY AND GOODHESD OF FIT.

b. TO DEYELOP THE IHRLICATIOMB OF THE HODEL FOR FURTHER AEBEAACH IN DIBADTERS AND OTHER FORHS OF CRLOLE, ANO FOR THEORETICAL FORHULATIOND RE-GARDINA THE RILATIONSHIP SETWEEN PCRSONAL AXO DOSIAL STAESSI THE EFFECTS OF COCIAL ISOLATION AXD ALIENATION IN CONTRTOUTINO TO MENTAL ILLNESS) POBITIVE COMCEPTIOMS OF "HENTAL HEALTHI THE NATURE OF "THERAPEUTIC COHRRNITIES"J AND OTHER BOCIOLOGICAL AND GOCIAL-PBYCHOLOOTCAL PROBLEKD EMCOHPASBEO OR TOUCHED BY THE MODEL FORMULATION.

C. SOURCE OF DATAT SIMCE 195O, OVER 14O FICLD STUDIEO OF DIOASTER HAVS DECN CONCUCYEO DY SOCIAL OCIENTTSTS IN THE UNITED STATES ANO BEVERAL PORSION COUNTAIES. THZOE IMCLUDE STVPIEO OP EARTHQUAXRD, EPIDCHICD, CAPLONIONS, FIAES, FLOODD, HURRICANEU NIME DISAOTERO, BNOVETORRS, TORNADOES, TOXICOLOOICAL EVENTS, AND MISCELLANEOVS OTHER ACCIDENTO AND DISASTERD. THE PUELIDHEO AND. UMPUSLISMCO DOCUHEXTO RELATINO TO THEOC BTUDIES ARE DETAILEO IN ATTACHHENT "3

[PAGE 15]
WHICH THEY ARE BASED, WILL JERVE AS THE MAJOR SOURCE OF DATA FOR TMIS AMALYBIO. THEY VILL BE SUFPLEMENTEO BY DATA FRON THE U. S. STRATCOIC BONBINS SUNVET STUOIEE IN WORLD WAR II AND FROH BOXE OF THE HORE CAREFULLY-DOCUMENTED OOCIAL MISTORIES OF OIBASTER. THE APPLICAMT HAD HOOT OF THESE DOCUMENTS IN MIO PERBOHAL FILE. OTHER RELEVANT DATA CAN BE OOTATMED FROM THE DISADTER REBEARCH GROUP. NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCEO-NATIOMAL REBEARCH COUNCIL, WABMINGTON, D.C.) AMO FAOM INOIVIDUAL REBEARCH GROUPB OR AGEMCITS.

D. METHOD OF PROCECURE: MANY OF THE CENTRAL IDEAS TO BE IKCORPORATED HERE HAVE ALREADY BEEN DEYELOPED OY THC APPLICANT IN PREYIOUS PAPEMD. TME ESSENTIAL TAUK REMAINING IS TO REFIHE, CLADORATE, ANO SYSTEMATIZE THEOC IDEAS ANO TO RELATE TMEH DOTH TO THE EMPIRICAL DAYA OF DTOASTER STUDICS AND TO. RELEYANT THEORIES AND CMPIRICAL OTUDIED IN SOCIOLOOY, BOCIAL PAYCHOLORY, AND DOCIAL PSYCHIATRY.: THID VILL RROUIRC THE ASOEMOLY, COLLATION, AMD CONPARISON OF A LAMOE DODY OF. DATA FROM THE DIBASTER REBEARCH LITERATURE AND FROM THE THEOCKTICAL ANO ENPIRICAL LITCRATURE ON STRLOS AND CRISISI IMSOFAR AS TINE AND RESOURCES PERNIT, DATA FRON PREYIOUBLY-CONDUCTCO DTSASTEA STUDIES MAY ALSO BE RECODED AND RETADULATIO IN OROER TO DEYELOP ADOITIONAL DATA RELEYANT TO THE NODEL OR PROVIDE PRELIMINARY TCOTS OF DERIVED HYPOTHESES.

C. PREVIOUS WOAN DOME OM THID PROJECT: IN A GENERAL SEMEE, THE APFLICANT HAS BEEM VORKINS O TNIS PROJECT SINCE SUNE, 195O, WHEN ME BEGAN ACTIYE RIBCARCH ON PROGLENS OF MUMAN DEHAYIOR RE SINCE TNAT DATE UNTIL THE PAEOENT TIKE, MY CNTIRC PROFESOTONAL CARECA HAS BECH OCVOTED TO AEOCARCH IN THE YOLLOVINE FODITION: (1)

136-9

3

THEEE DOCUMCNTS, TOGETHER WITM THE PRIMARY DATA ON

[PAGE 16]
THE PAST TEN YEARS.

THE PREOENT RESEARCH PROJECT WAS PARTIALLY ADUMBRATED IN A PAFER DELIVERED

3. PUELICATIONS

[PAGE 19]
4. PROPOSED BUDGET:

TWO-THIRDS OF PRTNCTPAL TNVESTIGATOR'S SALARY EOR JUNE, JULY, AUGUST,

SALARY OF SECRETARY FOR 12 HONTHS\$2 65O.00 TOTAL\$4,225.00

[PAGE 20]
MEMORANDUM FOR: THE RECORD

SUBJECT :Approval of Funds to Support Disaster Study

SUMMARY: Request for \$h,225.00 to support partially the salary o principal invostigator, and that of a secretary was approved Support for selary y11
bim.yorking on the.
untnr rall when a Statesulary can be obtained for Lim.

2.The disaster study specifically looks at the more constructive behavior of individuals during extreme stress. The results conceivably could contribute to increasing the sophistication of CIA's CA mission as vell as. help guide those governient agencies concerned with aiding duripg disaster-either at home or abroad.

3. Funding vi1l be effegted through the mechanism,Project participants Will remain unwitting or true Spopsor,

Distribution: Orig & 3 = TSD/RB

[PAGE 21]
You will recall our aevoral discussions about the
prospects\_of lending some support to our-developing It
now appears that we could very definitely use some
such support to carry us through a transition C
period.You may recall my explaining to you the arrangements we had made with The original plan was for him to come here for the
first year and to spend two-thirds of his time B conploting his work on the
agreed to support him for two-thirde
Balary during that time. We made arrangements to utilize him only one-third of the time during the first\_year and to support him accordingly.It was bur seeling that duripg .this year becould bhiin coopleting his and, also while B/ capleting his thesis for his Ph.D.

Aj is sometimes the case with governmental organizations. the signals have changed. told him, rather belatedly, that their grant would run out the-3lst\_of May, 1960, and that they would not be able\_to continue to pay him for the balance of the year-as pronieed. figuresthat he must. D spend about three months more working at his present rate in order to complete the ae originally outlined for and to put bim into position for beginning his second phase of data analysis from which he eventually hopes to produce a book, Naturally this work will be completed, whether anyone helps us pick-up the tab or not.I think that everyone agrees as to

[PAGE 22]
its worth.It would help us during this transition period if-we could obtain\_some\_outside support.

that psitlon r hild llkytoibtuppott tovfipaide B for June, July, and August. Baged on the earlier agreement,-we\_had put him on full salary beginning in September, 1960. Also, I would like to roquest support for a secretary to assist him in getting the material completed and to work with him in-the initial-phase of eetting up B division.If we can secure support for such a secretary: for this period, and including the balance of the fiscal year, we can stabilize the position by establishing a salary to begin with the\_next B biennium.In\_order to provide this support, we would need \$4,225.00 (that would be \$1,575. to finance s salary for the balance of the original year and \$2,650. to provide the secretarial services I mentioned above).. As I mentioned previously, it would be best for us,if this request is favorably considered, to have the money either paid directly

1ng the grant paid rough

I think that the materlal enclosed is:sufficiently detailed to describe the work, but if:you\_have any questions let me know. I shall look forward to hearing from you regarding this request,

The handwriting survey arrived today, for which I thank you. I will return it in accordance with your:request. I am wondering whetheri you intend to produce additional copies at some later date?

Best regards.

Rnclosures

136-11

June 17, 1960

Page -2-

[PAGE 23]
Thonetic Prospectus

Puroor

1. Puch of the talk anong behavioral sclentlsts working with disaster roterials hes concerned Itself with the nesd for applying existing thoories and concepts from the social and psychological sciences to the dlsaster materials. The ephosis here will be ploced on the obverse sido of this two - sidad coin: what the empiricol study of disoster materials suggests for a revisicn of some existing conceptualizations and:theories.In.partlculer it will atteept to develop and partially test an emplrically - derived model of huzan edaptation to disester - a model whlch focuses attention on the brosd social responses to dissster ond their otfects .on the socisl systea and small --group responses to disoster.

2. The present poper is simply a prolegomanon, designad to trace in broad cutllne some of tho central thematic eleeonts to be incorporated in the model and to suggest in embryonlc form soos of theiidsas that will be developad in greater detail in tho final product.

Bockoround: The Heed for Frerh Conceotuslizetion

3. At sce levels ot analysis and for scme types of. problems existing theories concerning human response to stress and crisls pay be adequate for: explaining the behavloral phenomena of dlsoster. During the course of almost ten years ot contlnuous wock with disoster rososrca meterials, however, 1 have concludod that nost current theorleo and hypothoses (a) have little or no predictive or control value at the soclal syetea leval; (b) leed to the selectlon of non - reprosontative, atyplcal, or unlque soclal facts from the streom of bohovloral phencaans in dleaster; and (c) correspondingly, leave much of tha totel behavlor in the social field ss an unexplained resldue. Thore sppoars to be e detlnite need to develop fresh concoptualizatlons or models which are more representational of the repeatadly - observed phanorena of disaster, rathor than attempting to force the dlsaater date into existing conceptual molds borrowed from other contexta. We will lose the unlque values ot disaster studles in contributlag to the social and psychological sciences if wo vlew such studles simply os a testing ground for pro-oxlstent. theories. They also provide en exceptlonel opportunity to reformulate our basic thought structure about the\_naturo of humon bohavior.

[PAGE 24]
Background: The Daficiencies of Prosent Models

4. The final poper will detail many of the speciflc deficiencies of current explanatory models for understanding social systen responses to disaster. Here we wiil simply suggust some of the aajor bieses that occur when presently - available modals are applied to disaster mateclals:

4.1 The Pathological Bias; This might be colled the "disaster is hell" bias and it-takes many forrs in social and psychological theory. Like the comwonsense conceptions of\_disoster,  it assures that the doath, destruction, and disorder\_caused\_by disoster are inevitably "bad" and productive of social-or-personal pathology. in the survivors,The focus on pathology tends to obscure the fact thot disastors may also have positive, adoptive effocts in the social system. i

4.2 The Hcneostasis Bias; The pre - disoster, "normal" state or equilibrium is viewad as the stondard by which all behaviors are judged. Any change or deviation trom this (hypothetical) standard is\_viewed as pothological, dysfunctional, irrational, etc. This bias also takes nurerous subtle:sub\_- forms:

4.2i The "Love thy Culture" Bias: It is assured that man's

sense of integrity and stability is totally rooted in the uniform and patterned life styles that can bo abstracted from the hetecogeneity of individual and smatl group behaviors in on ongoing social systen. Any los's of this standacd pattern leads to gross disorganization of personality and s strong dosire to return to things exoctly es they were before. We cry because wo soo our cuiture going down the drain ot history.Particularly when \$oplied to urben; mass societies, this thematic emphases tends to obscuro the many lmplicit and explicit sources of dissstisfaction and conflict that exist\_within a coaplex sociāl system and to minimize the divergence of individual and smeil- group norms and values from those characterizing the total sociol systom.

4.22 The persistence of Culture" Bios:  All bohavior

during end followlng the disaster is explained in terns of the continuity of the pre - existing social and cultural system; or, "the more things change, the more thay reraln the some." It leods not only to a distortion in the characterizotlon of the pre\_- existing social and cuitural svotea but also'to en ignoring of significant changos in social relationships and interactions that\_ occur os a result of disaster.

4.23 The yested Interegt" Bias: Forral authoritles and

people with a strong vested interest in the pre - existing system of powor snd control often view their loss. of control ot the situetlon or changes in the bxpected patterns of behavior as threats to thoir. status and, hence, tend to perceive and descrlbe the different or unexpected behaviors that they see in pathological terms. The classtc exomple is the Arey's concopt of "ponic" -- invented by colonels to ratlonalize and .exolain to superiors why theic men acted reasonably end rationally In the face of inedequate leadsrship, treining, battle plans, end loglstics.

[PAGE 25]
There are many more subtle examples, however: the tendency of the Red Cross and other-formal relief agencles-toattribut-"helptessness" to disaster victims in order. to justify o form of orgonizotion which emphasizes dependence on outside aid; a common tendency to\_use words like "shock" or "stun" to explain why disaster victims prefer to-develop their own informol solutions rather than accept ossistance of formal ogencies, the tendency for police and other control authorities to give gross exaggerations of the threat and incidence of looting and other forms of anti - social behavior to justity the-continuation ot a form\_of organization and method of operation which has little reality orientation under the changed circumstances of disaster, etc.This-bios espocially intrudes intc studies which are concorned with-the\_ maintenance\_of focmal organizational structures in disaster and which have relied primarily on formal ogency informants for their dato on behavior in disosters.A comon specific focm in which this. bios manifests itself-is the tendency to project the conflict and scapegooting activity among formal authorities into the total social-field as a cepresentative form of behavior.

4.24 The "Outsider" Bios: The outside observer usually comes to the scene of disoster with a mental image of-!"normal" behavior. Since the totai social field looks confused and the behavior. he observes does not fit his standard. preconceptions of order, he often tonds to perceive and déscribe the behavior as pathotogicol.-There is a common tendency to perceive the disorder but overlook the omergent order, to see the dromatic deviation but to overlock the repetitive and obvious elements of behavior. The disaster roports of experts or specialists in. vorious fields ore often as-biased in\_this sense as those of laymen, and, in addition, frequently distort the broad social patterns. of-behavior\_even more by virtue.of a highly selactive focus of attention of-behaviocal "problems."

4.3 The "Moment - in - Timo" Bias: Many of, the conceptualizations of crisis and stcoss focus ottention on a porticular segment or time phase of tho total process of behavioral adaptation and moke the implicit assumption that this porticular segment is representative of the whole process. when appliod to disèsters this sometimas results in the characterization of behaviors found\_in\_a-particuiar time phase as the disaster roaction.\_Unfortunatelv. mostiof the emoirical research on disosters has not been focused on the continuous study of the processes of behavioral. adoptotion through time; hence, the cucrentiy- available dato are particularly subject to this interpretative\_bios.\_

5. Thes biages. and the theoreticol or conceptual formulations from which they aro derived, are highiy useful for certoin purposes; but they contain inhecent limitotions for understanding and-explaining the process by which sociai systems overcome the stresses and disorganization of disbster and regenerate their social life,, The microscopic xamination of behavioral "problems" in disaster often - times blinds us to the fact that\_disasters. produce not\_only destructive, disintegrative effects, but siso reconstructive, regenerotive human responses. Throughout history tumon societies have been subjected to devastating destruction from

126.11

[PAGE 26]
disoster but, with minor exceptions, they have alwoys been reconstructed. It is difficult to find\_a\_single case-in history where a relatively complex social system has been destroyed by disoster alone. indeed thare seems to be considerable evidence-to support the generol volidity of Toynbee's "chollenge and response" thesis that those societies which have experienced disaster have not only proceeded rapidly to recoup their losses, but have also achieved a-higher level of integrotion, productivity, and creativity than they had prior to the disaster. One of the significant questions that requires more-detailed exploration, therotore, is: How \_and why do humon societies recuperate so rapidly from the destructive effects of disasters? The nodel to ba developed will ottempt to make a small contribution to this broad question. It will take an antithetical point of departure from those thooretical and conceptual formylations which emphasize the destructive-and pothological processes-and results of crisis ond stress. It will consciously de biased by a focus on the reorganizing, regonerotive, and revitslizing machanisms of social adoptation to disaster.

The Model

General Characteristics

6. Thé model to be developed can be-characterized by the following. goneral terms:

6.1 Ideol type -- i.e., s hypothetical or "as if" construct which attempts to abstract a number ot critical essences from the streom of behavioral flux in disoster, ond which is unlikely to exist\_in totally pure form in any porticuiar event.

6.2 Universol - in the senso thot unique features\_or outcomes will largely be neglected in favor ot an emphasis on changes which ore basic or comion to a\_social cotegory; snd in the sense that it sims to cut through the differentia of culturol elaboration in-its seerch for coamon behovioral phenomena.

6.3 Instrumental-- in the sense that ;is value is viewed puroly in terms of its ability to yield testable propositions or hypothoses which improve our understanding and control over the phenonena-under observation. (Or, in more down - to - earth terms: How far\_can\_you run with this model betore its usefulness is exhausted?)

6.4 Social - psychological -- in the sense-that its primary focus will be\_on the experience and meaning of disaster from the point of view of the affected octors as they relate to social phenomens.

6.5 Sociological -- in tho sense thst it.views the behavior\_of the actors within the contoxt of the larger social system and is concerned with the linkoges between large - scale-system components of. behavior and mmaller sub:--system components.

O

126-11 -4

[PAGE 27]
Definition of "oisester"

7. For general orientational purposes, the following doflnition of "disaster" will be\_used:

an event, concentrated in tire and spaçe, in whiçh e society, or a relatively self - sufficient subdivision of a society. undergces severe danger and incurs losses to its mombers and its physicel appurtenances such that the social structure is disrupted and the fultillment of all or some ot the essential functions of the society is prevented.

8. It should be noted thot this dofinition ploces emphasis on events which damage and disrupt the systems of biologicel survival (subsistence, shelter, health); order (social roles, cultucal norms, authority oatterns, division \_of laboc, etc.); meaning (values, shared definitions of reality, communication nechanisms); and reproduction, \$ocializotion, and motivation. If an event is disrupting to individuals or gaall groups but does not involve these vital functions of a society, it moy be considered a-crisis or an accident, but it is not,in\_the terms used here, o disoster.

Disaster os o Form of Crisis

9. Much of the thinking about crisis and stress Bssumes a-kind of linear continuum rangtng from minor to major, small to large. W. I. Thcaas, for examote,defined "crisis" brosdly as any interruption of habit ond ranged thg vorious types of crisis on o continuum from momentary individual\_interruptions of attention to widespread social catastroones. This tyo of thinking is useful insotar as it oncoucages behavioral scientists to look for similarities and differences among the many different types ot crisis or stress. It baccees misleading if the additional assuption is ade that the findings\_derived from one form of ccisis\_can be extrapolatod vithout\_change. to other forms of crisis. The direct extrapolation of findings derived from clinical studies, from smoll-- scale experimentally-Induced crises, from individual family. crises, or from "accident" type:sltuotions to disosters accounts for many of the serious predictive and judgmental errors that have been made about behavior in disaster.

.lO. It aooears useful to distinquish three different referentisl contoxts within which stress or troums con occurt (a) an intact, ongoing (undisturbed) sociat-system; (b) en accident - struck (partially disturbed) system; and (c) a\_disester - struck (totally disturbed) system.There ere various dimonsions\_along which these three contexts, may be distinguished .o.. the degree to which the pain, injury, or punishrent can be viewed os criginating within the system and correspond with pre -. existentsocial distinctions and-contlicts: the\_extent to.which existing sociat-and cultural solutions can be readily applied to the situation; the extent to which. the phonomena of loss and individuol suffering cen be hid from public scrutiny; the size of the sociai unit within which poin and suffering is shared; the

126-11 -5

[PAGE 28]
extent to which the larger social system recognizes the suffering of the victims by coapensotory changes in the reward structure, otc. Behaviors r in an occident - struck system\_may\_be expected to differ somewhat from those occurring in.response to stressas and losses within an intact, everydoy life, context; but for present purposes the distinctions ore somewhat irrelevant because the general societal context remains essentially the some. The ensuing discussion will be concerned primarily with the contrast between the disaster\_ context\_and\_the\_other two contexts.

Il. There is constderoble ovidence to suggest that the initial, immediate. or:momentary individual and small- group reactions to. sudden changes in thè-environment are roughly comparoble from one form of crisis to another, For example, the initial perceptions of disaster victims -- the tendency for attention to be narrowed, to assimilate disaster cues to normal contpxt. to act in terms of the immediate perceptual fleld - are closely akin to those\_found in other forms of criseg. Initial motional responses to situations of danger and loss also seom to be roughly comparable -- e.g., the foelings of shock, numbness, and disbeliet noted in family bereavoment have interesting porallels with the initial cesponses of disoster victimslt is posited here that this commonality or likeness of response from one\_focm\_ot\_crisis to\_another\_is rooted in the fact that\_the basic roferential fromowork is the fromework of the normal, ongoing social system. The culture persists so long as people can continue to view the phenomena of disaster as fomiliar or expected phenomena which can be dealt with by ore -. established behaviorol patterns and which have\_ceference only to the setf and immediate ego - involved associates.As soon as the denger and dostructive forces of ice disaster are perceived as vastly transcending the self and the primary reference groups, however, a rapid shift In the referentiol and motivational framework of behavior occurs. This shift coincides with the recognition that the integrity and continuity of the society itself -- the social system which provides the undoroinnings without which the mony socisl subsystems cannot continue to exist -- is endangered. From this polnt on, we begin to see a step function or generic change in responses to crisis or stress -- a change which cennot be coarpletely understood in terms of knowledgg about the pre - existing systoa or in terms of knowledge about reactions-to stress, trousa, and privation which has been derived from non -disaster. events.

The Emergent "Society of Sutferers"

12. With the recognition of the transcendental quality of the disoster effects, there omerges a "society of suffarere," whose nombership is recruited from the fortuitous involvement in the dongers and privations imposed by the disester agent. This emergent soclety develops an interactional system uniquely its cwn--a system which does not have primory reference to the pre - existing system but to the situations and experiences produced by the disaster, Both its membership and interactional pattern energe in the process of individual and collective activity aimed at comprehending and coping with the effects of the disoster.It is this emergont unit which will be focused upon in the development of the model suggested here.

126-11

[PAGE 29]
13. Tho mergence-of this "society of sufferers, is posited as 8 universol featyre\_ot disasters where the survivors are permltted to moke an unimpeded social sdjustment to the disaster effects.\_ lts persistonce in tlme and totāl effect ln changing the pre - existent soclal\_system ore variables determined in large psrt by the scope and destructive powor of the disaster, the possibility of continuing or recurrent danger of slmilar magnitude, and by the power of remaining societal components to superimpose:elther the pre - existing system or a variant system on the emergent society. In general, howover, It is assured that this society will exist in potent and active form long enough to reinstate basic sociotalifunctions and achieve st leant minimel life stability among its mombership. (it may and frequently does continue to exist as a loss potent associational and identificational unlt long ofter this time.)

14. The changes in stcucture and forms\_of interoction sdopted by this society of sufferers are posited as both individually and societally therapeutic in nature and effect, in the sonse that they:

14.l:Resolve and omeliorate pre - existing personal and soclai conflicts that might endanger the present and future continuity of social life.:

14.2 Attenuste or prevent the usual disorganizing individual and smell - group responses to danger, trauma, loss, and. privation.

14.3 Reduce or prevent self -aggresslvo and antl - sociai behavior arising from the losses snd privations lmposed by the disaster.

14.4 Re - notivate the actors in the systea to dovote tholr entrgies to socletolly reconstructive and regenerative,tasks.

Therapeutic Adaotive Mechanisms

15, The therapeutic elements of social. adoptation-to disoster are usually subsuwd under such broad\_rubrics as social solldarity" and porale. but these terms have been used in such a global and static mannar that they obscure many of the lrportont phenomene and processes that comprise them.The dovelopment of the prosont modoi will involve an ettompt to specify in sose detail both the situatlonai features ot disaster and the typicel adjustmants to dlsaster that contribute to the developrent of:e-therapeutic socisl mlileu. For present purposes, these foetures have been translated into mechanisas of adaptatlon and ore broodly cutlinbd as follows:

15.l The source of paln and suffering is objectified and specified as something which ls external to and beyond the control of any individusl member of the systen. it is defined as somothing "out there" rather than "in here." By deflning the ceusative factors es objectively -specifloble "things" in the externel environment, anxlety is converted to fear and humon\_energy is freed to deal directly

16-11

[PAGE 30]
with the feored object. (Because the threots and dangers from dlsoster come from outside existing social and personal systems, an integrated response of the system guo system is facilitated.)

15.2 The remadiai moasures neoded to cope with the teared object and its effects\_ore\_translated into\_cleocly - defined, objective acts which are within the capobilitios and resources of the human actors. (Because remedial-needs in dlsoster ace immediate, imperative,'and clearly specifiable in the external environment, consensus on needs and requirements for need fulfillment is rapidly and readily achieved.)

15.3 There is on implicit recognition thot the most officient

method of overcoming personal disorgonization and achioving personal reintegration and stability involves a chançe of the systen within which the actors perform rother than changing the actors\_individuolly. The remedial reasuces, in othor words, ore viewed os a collective rosponsibility, roquiring change in the collectivity as-a-whole, rather than simply an-individual or small- group responsibility. As 8 consiquence of this recognition, the "normal, pre- crisìs soctal system undergoes a besic transformation, involving the following changes:

15.3i Pre - existing values and norms which ore

discordant with present life\_conditions are sloughed off and viewed as irrolevant: to the situation. New norms ond values arise to fit the present situational imporatives. The blanking out of past and future concerns frees-human energy for a concentroted attock, on-present problems, and permits the actor to measure his efforts against standards which are ciearly adapted to present and immediate needs. This\_dicect and immadiate feedback situation produces a satisfying sense\_ of unity of the actor with the systes.

15.32 Pre - existing invidious social distinctions

and constraints to social mobility are eliminated and many of the sources of such invidious distinction and constraint (e.g., inequalitios in the distribution of goods, sorvices, and other fangible rewards) are tempororily removed. -There is a generol "democrotization" of the social structure and the developrent of a systen of societal rewards bosed on achievement rather than ascription. What a person does for the present society, rather than what he represented in the pre - existing society, becomes the bpsis for judging human acts.

15.33 The constraints against direct emotional expression and intimate conmunication are removed. Forms of expressive behavior which are normatty circumscribed\_or inhibited by cultural:toboos and the etiquette of social interaction\_are not only tolerated but are openly discussed ond sanctioned. The entire society talks much more-openly. ond freely about intimate feelings of fear, guiit, shome,' despair, hope, love, and other important concerns\_of human life.

15.34 Sufferers receive a massive dose of love and

[PAGE 31]
reassuronce from the other survivocs, The society offers "proof" of its concern for icdivldual suffering not only by symbolic acts of sympathy and kindness, but also.by providing the physical aid needed to minimize the objective bases of punishment and deprivation. What people prosently need, rether than who or what they represented in the pre - existing system, becomes the essontial basis for the dlstribution ot scarce soctetal resources ond sorvices.

15.35 A tmoll group of the most extreme sutferers are singled out and socially recognized as a reference point for assessing and comparing one's own deprlvations. The ctor con always polnt to an objective caso of someone who ls much "worse off" than he The extreme sufferers themselves are glvon special compensatory rewards In the form of material ald and symbols of socletal rocognitlon for their losses and saccifices.

15.36 The event. preclpitating the crisis is used to make a clean breok with the post. There is the dovelopment of o kind of socletal tabula rasd -- a wiping of the slate:clean in terms of past behavlor that has no rolevance for present conditions. The actors are absolved from responsibillty for whot hoppened before the event and told in effect: "The rewards ond senctions: for behavior are based solely on what you do from now on. There is continuing public recognition of this societal absolution in the symbolic representotion of the disastor as an importont juncture in human oxperience. Subsecuont heppenings are rated and dated in terms of:"Betore" and "After" the disostor.

16. Those soclal rechanisas produce a hlghly satisfying, "utoplan" form of social life rarely attained undor normol conditions of social functioning. The roturn to elemontary, primary group forms of lnteractlor on a-tarçe scalo serves to eliminate feeling\$ of laolatlon, lonellness, anxlety, powerlessness, meaningleesness, normlessness, self - estrangtsont ond other expressions of allenation and conflict and replace them lth a now senso of purpose, power, moanlngfulness, and unity betseon selt and soclety. Tha not result ls a vast empliflcation and concontratton ot eurvlving human energy oround the societol gcals of survlval and rocovery --a concentration of energywhlch not only eventuotes In ths reconstruction ot the society but also In mony cases enablos the society to echleve a higher lovel of Integration, vitality, and productivity then it hed prlor to the disaster. This: "ompllfled robound" oftact can bo ettributed to the perslstence of sone of the changes in values, norms, and forms of social Interecticn developod during the emergency period beyond tho point where they are needed to reinstitute the pre - existing level of funcfioning -- or,in-other words, to the institutionallzation of sore of the changes produced by the dlsester.

l7. It is postulated that those mechonisas ond changes appeor in societal disosters of elt types, but that they achjeve their naximol development in-disastors which strike indiscrimlnantly and unexpectodly, where the threats ond dangers ere clearly percelvabie and specifloble

[PAGE 32]
in the extornal environment, where the dangers end dostructive effocts can be attacked by simple, direct, combative actlon ty the\_general populace, where tho accomplishnent of ameliorative and reconstructive tasks does not involve obvious mortal danger to the actors, and where the procoss of odaptation is not interfered witn by the forcoful superimpositlon of an extraneous fora of authority andorganlzotion,

Some Applicotions of the Model

18. For purposes-of reality testing, this model and its derived Implications can be applied both (a) to the comporison of dlsaster behavior with behavior in-other forms of crises and stress; and (b) to the analysis of bohavioral phenomena wlthin a disaster tromework. The tollowing paragraphs suggest sone of the hypotheses that can be used in refining and testing the modei within these two frameworks.

Comoorlson of Digoster Responses with Responses to Other Forms of Crißla and Stress

18.l:The model suggasts thot the behavior of members of the society of sufterers in disoster wili differ from the behavior of victims who sutter comparablo kinds ot loss or prlvationin- non - disaster context. The differences suggested include the following:

18.ll Greater probability of spontanecus romtssion of pre - existent neurotic and psychosomatic symptoms.

18.T2 Lesser tendency to deny tho existence of a crises.

18.13 Lesser preoccupation with matters of-guilt and other self - punitivo mschonisos.

18.14 Lesser tendency to project blame on persons and groups within the\_society; greater tendency to assess causotive factors in naturalistic terms and locate ther outside the system.

:18.15 Loseer tendency to moke invidious distinctions between one's owa punishaent and suffering and that of others.

18.16 Greator tendency to underestimate cwn doprivations, both absolutely (i.e., in terns of pre - existont standords of valuo) and relativaly (i.e., in terre of how others have suffered).

18.17 Leus demanding of attention trom othors (including reliet and control orgenlzations), more gratoful for sid received, and more acception of failures or inefficiencios in others.

18.i8 Greater attention to human (interactionai) needs and values, lésssr attention to materiel values and symbols,

1611

[PAGE 33]
18 19 Greater degree of positive orlentotion and teeling of identitication with others (reflected in graater capacity to take the roles of culturally = divergent sociäl types).

18.2o Lesser tendency to engage in categorical-rejection or acceptance of other groups in the reference society.

18.2l- Lesser preoccupatton with self and fomilial troubles, greater tendency to view own troubles and deprivationas soclat rather than personal problems.

18.22 Greater willingness to discuss normally toboo subjects (including negative self - evaluations) and to accept normaliy deviant formsof behovior.

18.23 Lesser preoccupation with post (pre - crisls) happenings and events, greater emphasis on present conditions and future prospects.

18.24 More active, outward - oriented behavior designed to secure moaning ciosure and behavioral stabilization.

18.25 Hor intense, but briofer pericd of mourning (accompanied by more direct and open expression of grlef responses).

l8.26 Greater optimism about the possibility of changing and restructuring social relationships and achieving personal aspirations.

18.27 Greater tolerance for and copaçity. to accept social change.

18.28 Better memory recall of crisis events (lesser tendency to repress or-Inhibit recall of painful experiences).

18.29 Greoter flexibility and odoptabillty in subsequent interpersonel crises (roflected in a reduction in number and disruptive quality of interpersonal crises which occur subsequent-to the disastor).

Analysis of Disoster Behavior

19. Byintroducing additional anolytic distinctions, the model can be used in various woys for onalyzing behavior in actual disasters. For illustratlve purposes, hypotheses relating to the following three distinctions are given telow: (a) the extent to which survivors are integreted iato the therapeutic society; (b) differences-in-the mode of operotion adopted by outside authorities and ogencies vis - a - vis the soclety of sufferers; and (c) differences in behovior in different time phases in-the adaptation cycle.

[PAGE 34]
Ogree of Integration into Theropeutic Society.

19,l The model suggests the usefulness of a distinction between disaster victims who become integrated into the therapeutic society and thoșe who remain peripheral to it or become datached from it. It may be hypothesized that isolation or removal of indlviduals from the therapeutic soclety will delay the process of recovery and moke adjustwent to the losses incurred in disaster more comparoble with those found in other forms of crisis -- particularly if the victim or victims are placed in an intact (non---disaster) social context where there\_ace few or no other victims wlth whom they moy interact.A comporlson-ofisolated evocuees or persons withdrown from tho ared of central interoction with persons who ore more cleariy Integrated into the intoractional field of sufferers on thb dlmensions suggestod above wouid enable a test of this hypothesis.

19.1] By virtue of physical incopacitation oc other restrictions of: opportunity for interaction and communication with other victims, people located within the central inferoctional fiold moy have different degrees of exposure to the therapoutic society. Insofar as these restrictions adhere to certein foniTiol\_or other bosic social roles (e.g., wives with young dependent childron; the sged; etc.), we may expect persons occupying these rolos to have less exposure to the theropeutic oftects of tha society of sufferers and, consoquentiy, to experience greoter difficuities in assimilating the disoster experience and rostabilizing their lives. à

19.12 Correspondingly, the greater the frequency of contact and cormunication with numerous other disoster victims, the groater the expected therapeutic effect on the actors.

Mode of Oooration Adopted by Outside Control: Reliof, and Rehabilitation Aoencies

19.2 The change in norns and values In the socioty of sufterers oftentimes\_goes unrecognized or unevaluated by outside agencies, who attempt to administer to the emergent society in terms of values and norma rooted in the pre - existing structure.It Is hypothesized thst the lack ot coincidonce and concord batween the values and norms used by outsido agencies ond those adopted by the society of sufferers is a mojor source of negative response and potential conflict found in disoster populations. Since there are usually numerous outside ogencios which operate in a given disoster, and these agencies often hove contrasting or different torms of organization and modes of operation (e.g., Red Cross vs. Soivation Army), thore are opportunities to tost the hypothesis that outside agencies will gain more rapid and widespread acceptonce of their organtzations and methods if they adapt their. structure ead mode of operation to the eergent norms and structure of the society of sufferers. More spaclfically, it is suggested that disaster - struck socleties tend to Judge the adequacy and efticiency of outside agencies by the extent to which these agenciest mode of operation:

[PAGE 35]
19.2l\_Is flexibly dosigned to cover a wide range of needs, from simple acts of emotional reossurance to the replacoment of material losses;

19.22 Assunes the existence of a feling of quality and coawonality ot suffering and does not attempt to make fine distinctions in degrees of loss or suffering;

19.23 Ignores pre - existing social and cuitural distinctions and background characteristics and is based solely on disoster - induced needs;

19.24 ls capidly administered, with minimal deloy between promise and delivery:

19.25 Ploces emphosis on bosic survival needs and "humon" (interactional) values, rather than property rights or pre - xisting symbols of weolth\_or status;

l9.26 Is delivered directly to the victims and offered indiscriminantiy, rather than cequiring initiative action on the part of the sufferors or "tests of eligibility":

i9.27 Is administered by direct, personal contact between givers and receivers;

: 19.28 is accompanied by expressions of intimate, personal sentiments, utilizing-the direct, candid, emotional torminology employed by disaster sufferers;

19.29 Permits the sufferers to specify-their own needs and to utilize the aid in their own way;

19.30 Is given with "no strings attached," no formolistic ritual of giving, and no obvious attempt to oxploit the act of giving for outside purposes.

Time Phases in the Adeptive Cycle

19.4 It is assued that the development of the soclety of sufferers reaches its fultest axpression in the emergency and immediate post - omergency restoretive period (a period thot may last for weeks, months, or years, depending cn the scope and destructive characteristics of the disaster). As the bosic functions of the society becore restored and as more and\_more victims achieve a satisfying level of stebility the process of socisl differentiaticn returns and the soliderity of the society ot sufferers grodually disintegrates or loses its potency. Coinciding with this shift, the basic contextual reference shifts from values and norms assoclated with sociotal survival and recovery to moro individualized concerns with matecial symbols of status, from concerns wtth the present to concorns for the future. When people begin re  evatuating their loeses, gains, and future prospects within a more stable or "nocmal" framework of ceterence, many of the more

-13

[PAGE 36]
common sources of anxiety, alienation, and conflict moy reappear.

19.5 The\_domocratization that occurs in disasters is, in most coses. a depoccatizotion of personal. sufforing and an equalization in the distribution of survival\_resources; it is not usually a democratization of the means of production or the reai (property) wealth of the soclety. The relatively pure form of democratic, achievement - oriented socioty cannot be sustained because the pre - existont sources of social distinction and difforentiation remain (latently) imbedded in the system.

i9,6 It is postulated that mony of the personal and sociol contlicts that moy emerge in-the loter post - disaster adaptation phsse take their point of departure from the contrasting characteristics of social life in the society of sufferers and the differentiated socist ilfe which develops in the return to the norms and values of an equilibriated society. A kind of "parodise lost" disenchantment and disiliusionment Ray set in es people realize thst the satisfying gains in intergroup and interpersonal solidarity are beginning to disoppear, os:they ses the values and norms of societal unity and cooperation increasingly replaced by values and norms which rewacd acts of self - agorandizement and Bcial competition.

19.7 1t is hypothesized that the roturn to stabilized forms of social life vill have a different offect on different groups and individuals, cepending on ths extent to which the benefits and rewards derived from the socioty of sufterecs and the ceward structure\_of post -disaster life offer sources of invldious comparlson. Specifically, it is hypothesizod that:

19.71 Personal\_and sociol confllcts Cand their corrolative gubjective exoresstons of rosentmant, hostility, disillusionsont, allenation, self - estrangement, etc.) increase progressively (over,that charocterizing the therapeutic society) in the period follcwing generel socletal recovery, and are tound especially among individuals and groups who achieved new and higher status, prestige, or feelings of security and porsonal worth in the soclety ot sufferers, but who lose or oxperience a relative decline ln thls status, prestige, or socurity in the subsequent return to nocraL life. (At the operationat level, this suggests s careful look at minority group and lower class mombers vis- vis thelr counterports and, at the Indivldual tevel, at cases of individuals who achieved high prestigo as o resylt of heroic ectivity or great personal sacrifices In tho disaster, but who do not have tho kind of soclal role in nornal life which allows thom to sustain or cepitellze on this prestige.)

19.72 The specific objects of negetive oppraisal or resentment may vary widely in eny particular dissster, put one salient catagory of such objecta wlll be agents of the old (pre- disaster) order (persons or groups) who have retoined their relative power position, but whose present (post -'disaster) position of status, power, or: prestige was not validates during the emorgency perlod by the aociety of:sufferers.

i9.73 individuals and groups who experienced a rise in status os a consequence-of their participation In the soclety of sufferers

136011

[PAGE 37]
and who have a substontial base for consolidating or capitalizing on this new status (in the form of professionat skills, ownership-of business, continuation of emergency role in normal emergency organizations, etc.) in the post - disester society will usualiy be able to rotain their nowly - derived status or achieve "rub off" volue from it.  Consequently, we may expect people in this category to manifest less personat confllct, grearer feelings of identity and other positive evaluative and attutudlnal responses than those whose newly - gained statuses have not been secured in the post - disoster society. (At the operational level, this suggests the possible vaiue of a comparison of young, middle - aged pales who have played an active role in- rescue, relief, or rehabilitatlon activities, in terms of their possussion or non-possession of public roles which permit capitalization of disoster - achlaved statuses.):

Work to be Done on Model

20. Insofer as the avallable time and resources permit, work on the model will invotve the foliowing (items 20.1 through20.4 listed roughly in order of priority):

Model Building

20.l Further elaboration and refinement ot the model, inciuding documentation of salient elements of the model from numecous-disoster sources.

20.2 Furthor operational speciflcation of distinctions inherent in model and of hypotheses relevent to model tosting.

Model Tosting

20,3 Application of aodol and derived hypotheses to currently\_- availablo disaster findings to test general consistency, and "goodness of fit."

20.4 Hore specific tests of derived hypotheses by:

20.41 Tobulation ot xlsting coded data which are presently not tabulated in forms relevent to the model. (Emphasis here will be placed on soo of the mora salient or criticalhypotheses and on the more systematic existing studies, especioily the Ncrc Arkansas study.)

20.42 Selective re - analysis of existing tnterview dato fros varlous fisid studies to develop content categories which have not been cotegorized or coded in existing analyses, but which can provide useful tests of, hypotheses suggested by the model.

20.43 Colloction of additional dota to fill mojor gaps in content cotogories relovent to the podel. This rey take two possible forms:

20,431Assombly and anolysis of previcusly collected data which are relevant to the model, but which have not been brought into a disaster rasearch porspective (e.g., followup-intervlows

1X11

[PAGE 38]
with Hiroshima 'and Nagasaki survivors collocted by the Atomic Bomb Casualty Comission, miscellaneous statistical data\_on disaster- struck compunlties and societies, etc.)

20.432 Brief\_field trips to sites of prevlous disoster studies to collect follow - up data (including pertinent statistical record date and interviews with special informants who can furnish information on particular problems pertinent to the model).

Develcoing the Imolications of the Hodel

20.5 The results of the work accomplished in model buildlng and testing will be tronslated into:

20.51 Suggestions for further reseorch!in-disaster and other forms ot crisis;

20.52 A statement of theoroticsl implications for various sociological and social - psychological problem areas encompassed or touched by the model formulation, including:

social stross;

20.521The relationship between personai and

20.522The effects of social isolation ond alienation in contributing to sental illness;

20.523 Positive conceptions of "mental health";

20.524 Techniques of socletal or comunal therapy (the "therapeutic cosmunity" concept);

20.525 Processes of instituticdalization and

20.53 The statepent of major implicatións for proctical measures of disester preperation, control, relief, and recovery.

-16 196-11