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Access Controlled by
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TS#795052
Copy 1 of 2
CENTRAL
INTELLIGENCE
NITED STAT
OF AMERICA
AGENCY
OFFICIAL HISTORY
OF THE
BAY OF PIGS OPERATION
VOLUME III
EVOLUTION OF CIA'S
ANTI-CASTRO POLICIES,
1959-JANUARY 1961
(pages 1-203)
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TS#795052
DCI-8
December 1979
Copy 1 of 2
PERMANENT HISTORICAL DOCUMENT
DO NOT DESTROY
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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
OFFICIAL HISTORY
OF THE
BAY OF PIGS OPERATION
DCI-8
Volume III
EVOLUTION OF CIA'S
ANTI-CASTRO POLICIES,
1959 JANUARY 1961
Jack B. Pfeiffer
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December 1979
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Foreword
This is the third volume of the Official History
of the Bay of Pigs Operation and it focuses on the
problems of establishing a policy for the United
:.
--
;
States Government as Fidel Castro and his cohorts
came to power in Cuba.* The policy decided on by the
US Government in March 1960 called for the displace-
ment of Fidel Castro, and it was by no means a uni-
lateral decision promoted by the Central Intelligence
Agency although it is demonstrable that the Agency
was far more perceptive than the policy making bodies
in recognizing the threat to the Western Hemisphere
posed by Castro's communist affiliation. Because the
policy makers feared censure by the United Nations
and/or the Organization of American States, the myth
of "plausible deniability" was the caveat that deter-
mined the CIA would be the principal implementing arm for
the anti-Castro effort. From inception to termination,
* The preceding volumes were:
I
-
Air Operations
II
Participation in the Conduct of Foreign
Policy.
iii
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]
"deniability" would be the albatross around the necks
of Agency planners; and from D-Day minus 2,
(C.f.;
15 April 1961) it became the strangling cord insuring
the failure of the effort at the Bay of Pigs.
This volume describes the Agency's organization
designed to accomplish the assigned task; and it
records the interaction between the Agency and other
government components (State and the military in
particular), between the Agency and the White House,
and among various CIA components as the program
evolved. The relationships were sometimes less than
harmonious. Particular attention is focused on the
roles played by both President Eisenhower who author-
ized the anti-Castro program and Vice President Nixon
who has been charged time and again
as the record reveals
behind the operation.
--
-
unjustifiably
with being the mastermind
Emphasis also is focused on the drastic change
in the concept of the operation between the spring
and fall of 1960. From April's plans for the infil-
tration into Cuba of small teams of Agency trained
specialists in communications, sabotage, and para-
military operations to provide training and guidance
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to anti-Castro dissidents, November's plans called for
an amphibious landing with armor and combat air support
to establish a lodgement on Cuba soil from which a
by State controlled
provisional government (approved and sponsored by CIA)
could issue its clarion calls for US, UN, or OAS inter-
vention.
Encompassed in this volume are the records of
the policy level meetings which considered such items
as funding the operation, possible use of US personnel
in combat roles, the use of US bases for training or
for operations, types of direct action programs (e.g.,
propaganda drops vs sabotage), and the host of other
problems related to Castro's overthrow. It also makes
clear that various US corporate interests played an
active (sometimes overactive) role in support of the
anti-Castro efforts of the Government.
This volume also examines official records in
light of the allegations of the Senate Select Commit-
tee's investigations that the assassination plans being
developed by the Mafia were a fundamental part of the
official US Government program to overthrow Fidel
Castro.
There is no basis in fact for this change -
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Finally, the reader of this volume should gain
· some insights to the character of various of the
--
Agency and non-Agency
--
who were
principal actors
involved most closely with the Government's anti-Castro
policy during the period from its inception through
the close of the Eisenhower administration. Not all
of these impressions are flattering; but the author,
(who was in no way associated with the operation or
the Directorate of Plans (now Operations), hopes that
the presentation of the evidence has been as free from
bias as possible.
Again the author wishes to acknowledge the valu-.
able contributions of the other two members of the CIA
History Staff, Mrs. Eulalie Hammond and Mrs. Sharon
Bond, to the completion of this volume. Without their
unfailing willingness to perform either the `substantive
research or the grimly mechanical tasks required in
preparing a volume such as this, the task could have
been interminable.
For any errors of fact or questionable interpreta-
tions, the author alone is responsible.
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Foreword
Part I.
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Volume III
Contents
Page
Background
A.
1
Part II
.
Part III
Part IV
Watching from the Sidelines
B. Castro Takes Over
Castro Must Go
A.
Organizing for Covert Action
B. Forging the Tool
C.
Ꭰ. Personnel and Training
Changing Concepts
Presidential Resurgence
1
17
32
32
.80
•
Cooperation and Challenge
104
126
143
165
Part V
Direct Action Programs
204
A.
Propaganda
204
•
B.
Sabotage and other Exercises
233
Part VI
Mr. Nixon's Role
241
•
Part VII
The Question of Assassinations
277
•
•
.
Part VIII
Conclusions
290
A.
Appendixes
Memorandum for the Director of Central
Intelligence from J. C. King, 11 Dec 59 . . 296
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B.
A Program of Covert Action Against
C.
the Castro Regime, 16 Mar 60 .
CNO Correspondence with Department of State
and NSC:
1) Letter for Allen Dulles from
Arleigh Burke, 17 Mar 60
TS (DD/P 0-1436)
•
Page
300
311
2) Letter for Gordon Gray from
Arleigh Burke, 16 Mar 60
3) Memorandum for the Special
Assistant to the President
for National Security Affairs
from Haydn Williams, 16 Mar 60,
sub: US Policy toward Cuba
313
318
.D..
Memorandum for Assistant Deputy Director
(Plans) Action from J. D. Esterline,
2 May 60, sub: Liaison with US
Agencies on JMARC Activities
332
E.
Attack on Petroleum Refinery at
Santiago de Cuba, 13-14 March 1961
335
•
F.
Richard M. Nixon's Memorandum on Meeting
with Fidel Castro, 19 April 1959
337
G.
Memorandum for DCI (for Briefing Vice
President Nixon], 29 Feb 60, sub:
What We Are Doing in Cuba
344
Source References
Part I
Background
347
Part II
Castro Must Go
352
Part III
Changing Concepts
366
Part IV
Presidential Resurgence
369
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Page
Part V
Direct Action Programs
374
Part VI
Mr. Nixon's Role .
382
Part VII
Assassination
386
Part VIII
Conclusions
388
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THE BAY OF PIGS OPERATION
"
Volume III Evolution of CIA's
Anti-Castro Policies,
1950 January 1961
Part I
Background
A. Watching from the Sidelines
Fidel CASTRO RUZ was identified in one of the
BY
earliest reports in Agency files as "one of the young,
'student leaders' in Cuba, who manages to get himself
involved in many things that do not concern him." 1/
Beginning in 1948, the activities of Fidel Castro came
to be of increasing concern to the Central Intelligence
Agency and to the United States Government (USG).
early 1960 the USG officially adopted a covert action
program designed to remove the Castro government from
control of the island of Cuba. The policy of the USG
was to be carried out by the Central Intelligence Agency
and would culminate in the operations at the Bahia de
Cochinos from 17-19 April 1961.
Beginning in 1948 and continuing even after the
United States had formulated its official policy of
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removing Castro from the leadership of the Cuban
Government, the principal questions faced by CIA's
Western Hemisphere Division, by the Department of
State, and by other concerned principals in the United
States were: What is Fidel Castro? By whom is he
controlled? What does he represent? Is he, or is he
not, a Communist? The nature of the Agency's interest
in answers to these questions is reflected in various
of the records for the period beginning in the mid-
1950's when it appeared that the Agency depended in
considerable part on the reporting from the American
Embassy offices in Havana.
"
Commenting on a report entitled "Antidemocratic
Antecedents and Activities of Fidel Castro" prepared
by President Batista's Military Intelligence Service
(SIM) apparently in response to a request from the
Buró de Represión a las Activadades Communistas (BRAC) *
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to the Counselor of the American Embassy (Amembassy)
in Havana, Lincoln Vinton Chapin, told the CIA repre-
sentative among other things, that:
* Bureau for the Repression of Communist Activities.
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The SIM report is nothing more than
a summary of allegations and accusations
made against Fidel Castro during the
period 1948-1950. This summary has
apparently been slanted in an effort to
make Castro a "Rojo," but the result
is a rather poor one. 2/
1
The Department of State reporter refuted, on a
paragraph by paragraph basis, all of the allegations
which indicated that Castro had been tied in with
Communists, or Communist sympathizers, ever since
his university days; and in forwarding the report to
Chief, Western Hemisphere Division, the COS Havana
indicated that he was furnishing the information be-
cause of renewed interest by the State Department in
Fidel Castro. 3/
The tenor of State reporting continued in a
similar vein well into 1957. Charges that Castro
was a Communist could not be substantiated, but State
did note that in his student days, he 'was involved
in gangster-type activities." 4/ Havana Embassy
reporting also reflected another of the problems of
continuing concern to the US Intelligence Community
would Castro have sufficient force to oust Batista,
and were his basic feelings toward the US friendly. 5/
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In the mid-1950's, Havana Station ran seven
approved FI projects, most of which were aimed at
the Cuban Communist Party, the PSP (Partido Socialista
Popular). Agency funds also were used to support
the efforts of an anti-Communist organization engaged
principally in propaganda activities. 6/
Lyman Kirkpatrick, CIA's Inspector General,
apparently accompanied US Ambassador Gardner and
his party to a meeting with President Fulgencio
Batista in the summer of 1956, a meeting which prompted
the Cuban President to write to the DCI, Allen Dulles,
in praise of the meeting.* 7/ In fact, Agency support
for the peaceful transfer of power from Batista to a
democratically elected successor and amnesty for Castro
and his followers, as well as other anti-Batista dis-
sidents, was proposed in a memorandum from the Inspector
General in November 1957. 8/
* David R. McLean, a former member of the IG's In-
spection Staff, attached a cryptic note to the copy
of Dulles' letter of response to Batista, which he,
(McLean) included in the file of miscellaneous docu-
ments on the Bay of Pigs, which were inherited by the
present author. McLean suggested that Kirkpatrick
helped organize BRAC, but the present author has not
confirmed this story.
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In view of subsequent developments, one inter-
esting suggestion made by the Inspector General in
November 1957 was the following:
"
On the island of Cuba, probably only
a US citizen, in some way known to be
connected with the US Government and
"assumed" to be backed by Washington,
would have the ability to act as inter-
mediary between the various opposition
groups in the Batista Government and
work out a possible "cease fire.' This
would have to be done covertly, and any
results achieved either not ever publicly
announced or certainly not advertised
until after the election. Any public
attempt to bring peace would be fore-
doomed to failure by each side probably
indicating exorbitant demands and then
being unable to withdraw from its
announced position.* 9/
Although it may have had no relation to the
Kirkpatrick memorandum, on 25 November 1957, less
than a week following the Kirkpatrick memorandum,
William Wieland of the Department of State notified
Adolf Rerle, one of the country's leading experts on
Latin American Affairs and a former member of the
* It is interesting to speculate whether at this
time Kirkpatrick was thinking of William D. Pawley,
former US Ambassador to Brazil and Peru and an
American businessman who operated significant enter-
prises in Cuba, to negotiate with Batista. Within
a year's time, Pawley, who also stood high in the
ranks of the Republic Party contributors, was desig-
nated to undertake such a mission to Cuba.
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State Department, that he was enroute to Cuba, ac-
cording to Berle, "to see whether anything can be
done to bring the Cuban revolt to any kind of an
orderly conclusion." 10/
Berle, with remarkable prescience, noted:
It is rough going, anti-intervention is
all right up to a point. But we are re-
sponsible for keeping order in the hemis-
phere quite aside from the proprieties, and
a rather bolder policy in that regard
seems indicated. 11/
By early 1958, the Agency had become sufficiently
concerned about the pro-Communist orientation of
Castro's government, and particularly the pro-Castro
proclivities of his two principal deputies, Ernesto
Che Guevara and Raul Castro Ruz, Fidel's brother, that
penetration of the Partido Socialista Popular was a
priority concern of the field. At least two agents
were successfully placed in PSP ranks, and in March
1958, one Agency officer managed to join the Castro
forces in the mountains for a period of two weeks and
to observe their tactics in combat. In June 1958,
Robert D. Wiecha, COB, Santiago de Cuba, got himself
"captured" by Raul Castro's forces in order to be
able to assist 29 US sailors and marines and 15 US
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businessmen who had been kidnapped by Raul Castro.
In both instances, the Agency representatives returned
unharmed; and both reported on the "radical" and anti-
American nature of the Castro movement. According
to one source, Wiecha found "definite communist over-
tones" among the Raul Castro forces.* 12/
Additional documentation of the pro-communist
nature of the Castro organization was reported with
great frequency during 1958 from contacts the Santiago
de Cuba Base had in Oriente Province. Whether Castro's
contingent was communist oriented or not, others such
as Adolf Berle and his friends (both in and out of
State Department), continued to reflect their concern
about the possible ways to combat the growing strength
of the Castro movement in Cuba. 13/ Berle was most
hopeful that the Castro situation could be remedied
by cooperation among Latin American liberals working
in conjunction with some of the more enlightened Cubans
who had broken with Castro (for example, Felipe Pazos
and Pepín Bosch) with additional support from the OAS
* The historian for WH Division provided the figures
on US captives shown here, but Hugh Thomas indicates
19 US businessmen and 27 servicemen were captured.
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and only minor participation from the US Department
of State. 14/
At a time when the Agency's fears about the
Castro movement were increasing, a rather different
proposal was put forward by the Chief of the Para-
military Division, Political and Psychological Staff,
of the Clandestine Service. Rather than trying to
whip Castro, Alfred Cox suggested that perhaps the
wisest move for the Agency would be to join Castro.
It was apparent, according to Cox, that since Batista
was on the way out, we should now try to remedy Castro's
hostile attitude toward the United States because of
‘our efforts to prop up Batista. To accomplish this,
Cox suggested that:
A practical way to protect United
States interests in this matter would
be to make secret contact with Castro,
assure him of the United States sympa-
thy with some of his objectives, and
to offer him support. The individual
chosen to make the contact should be
of such background that it is clear
that he speaks with the authority of
the United States Government.
Obviously, the support must be given
covertly so as not to endanger United
States relations with Batista. The most
effective means of help to Castro would
be arms and ammunition. Air dropping of
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this equipment might be dangerous from
the security aspect. Allowing a ship-
load of equipment manned by a Cuban
crew to evade our Coast Guard would
probably be a better method. The most
secure means of help would be giving
the money to Castro, who could then
purchase his own arms. A combination
of arms and money would probably be
best.* 15/
By late fall of 1958, when it became apparent
that the Batista regime in Cuba was about to go under,
the Agency in conjunction with the Department of State
supported a plan to have Batista bow out more or less
gracefully and to have the government of the country
taken over, not by the Presidential candidate who had
been elected in the rigged election, but by a junta
pending subsequent free, democratic elections.
When
* Not all Agency reporting out of the Cuban area was
biased against Castro. One report in the fall of 1958
indicated that Castro definitely was not a Communist,
citing as a reason for this: "Ninety-five percent of
his followers are good Catholics. Three Catholic
priests have joined Fidel Castro and his forces in
the Sierra Maestra, and one has joined Raul Castro
and his troops in the Sierra Cristal. The rebel forces
under the Castros, therefore, have four chaplains,
while the entire Cuban Army does not have a single
chaplain. (Source comment: The United States should
not be taken in by President Fulgencio Batista's attempt
to label the revolutionary movement as Communist in-
spired, dominated, or influenced.)" 16/
The source for this evaluation of Castro was, as
one might surmise, a Catholic priest.
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traveling to Miami with William Snow, an Assistant
Secretary of State, and Henry Holland, formerly a
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, Col. J. C. King,
Chief, Western Hemisphere Division, met with William
D. Pawley on 18-19 November 1958 to discuss a plan
which would have Pawley travel to Cuba to meet with
Batista in an attempt to convince him to bow out
gracefully.
Pawley was a long-time acquaintance and
friend of Batista from the days when Pawley had been
running the Cubana Airline.
ouster
In return for Batista's support for a friendly
military junta -- nominally to be responsible for his
the representatives of the Department of
State and the Agency agreed that Batista should be
provided safety for himself, his friends, and his
close cronies, particularly those whose lives would
be endangered should there ever be a truly violent
overthrow of the government. Batista also was to be
provided protection for his personal assets in Cuba.
Various individuals were identified as possible candi-
dates for the junta, and, according to King, the
objective was that various of these members would have
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sufficient political strength to weaken Castro's sup-
port.
Arriv-
Following the meeting in Miami, Pawley did
undertake the mission to see Batista in Cuba.
ing on 8 December in Havana he had a series of pre-
liminary meetings with the Cuban Foreign Minister,
who strongly supported the proposals that Pawley
indicated that he was going to make. Unfortunately,
however, the Foreign Minister told Pawley that it was
unlikely that Batista would accept the proposals.
The meeting between Pawley and Batista actually took
place on 11 December 1958 when, according to the re-
port from Havana station:
Pawley met with Batista for two hours
this evening. Laid his plan before
Batista without pulling any punches.
Batista] took it calmly. He agreed with
much of Pawley's analysis of situation,
but said he could not take the junta
way out. 17/
.'
Batista made no promises, and went through the
reasons why he couldn't possibly give up the office
for fear of being called a coward and traitor; that
there would be a blood bath; and that he had both.
moral and constitutional obligations.
COS Havana
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noted Pawley's evaluation of the meeting as follows:
Batista will not accept plan, and will
make every effort turn government over to
Rivera Aguero [the Batista candidate who
had been named Presidential successor in
a rigged election]. However, unfavorable
developments may produce change of attitude
on part of B[atista]. 18/
Following Pawley's visit with Batista, the situ-
ation in Cuba deteriorated rapidly and the policies of
the US Government regarding Cuba were ambivalent. A
representative of the Archbishop of Havana, Father Bez
Chebebe, approached the American Consul in Santiago to
float some proposals for resolving the differences be-
tween the two countries. The priest emphasized that
although a Castro take over was inevitable:
Both Fidel Castro and US interests
had important stake in sugar crop and
both undoubtedly wish resolve problems
caused by present situation. Also said
that there were matters now mostly minor
on both sides which have been sources
mutual irritation and misunderstanding
and that these should be eliminated
soonest, so that they would not grow
to affect future relations, which Father
considers inevitable. 19/
In addition, the representative of the Archbishop of
Havana indicated to the Amconsul that:
He though[t] US Government could
profitably send person of confidence,
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not necessarily an official, to discuss
mutual problems as discreetly as possi-
ble with Fidel. Implied that such would
be well received. 20/
Despite the fact that the communist proclivities
of Fidel Castro and his cohorts had been clearly stated
by Agency personnel in Cuba, on 18 December 1958, COS
Havana cabled Headquarters strongly supporting the
position that the Archbishop of Havana's representative
had proposed to the American Consulate, saying:
Havana Station feels proposal merits
serious State/CIA consideration. Opera-
tion this nature could pay big future
dividends if fully qualified person could
be found for job and dispatched quickly.
Regardless how we may feel about Castro
and his movement, both will be important
political forces for a long time to come.
Perhaps candidate could be found through
National Catholic Welfare Organization. 21/
At about the same time this proposal was being
put forward, WH Division had asked the Paramilitary
Division (PMD) to establish a small contingency task
force, capable of making air drops into Cuba. Two
representatives of PMD, Lucious L. Rucker and William
G. Redel were sent to Havana Rucker to locate and
survey possible drop zones and Redel to get himself
into position to see if he could locate dissidents who
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were both anti-Castro and anti-Batista.
What WH hoped
to accomplish, presumably, was that they could organize
these anti-Batista and anti-Castro dissidents and get
them armed in time so that they could prevent Castro
from taking over the government if Batista should
suddenly resign or decide to flee the country. 22/
On 31 December 1958, Paramilitary Division reported
to WH Division that a Helio Courier was already in
place in Key West with a backup Helio in Washington;
a sterile C-54 had been requested from Europe; and
the Office of Logistics would have an arms load
rigged for a drop by 2 January 1959. 23/
Cuba.
It was not until the last week of December 1958
that President Eisenhower became actively involved in
discussions and decisions affecting US policy toward
His interest was precipitated by a 23 December
1958 Memorandum on Cuba which had been prepared by
the Acting Secretary of State and sent to Eisenhower's
National Security Adviser, Gordon Gray, who discussed
the memorandum with Eisenhower and the DCI on 26 Decem-
ber. The President apparently indicated that he had
not been fully aware of the positions of State and CIA
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regarding Castro, and he suggested that meetings of
the Special Group under NSC 5412/2 should be held on
a weekly basis, with Cuba to be a regular subject
for discussion.
Gordon Gray and Allen Dulles had some differences
of opinion concerning the advisability of reading other
individuals into the act. Gray suggested that the
President's Board of Consultants (later the President's
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board) be made party to
the discussions, but Dulles rather strongly suggested
that there was a significant difference between the
discussions which were intended for the Special Group
5412 on Covert Operations, and PFIAB responsibilities
for general problems related to foreign intelligence.
Dulles made the specific point that if the Board of
Consultants was going to get involved in the details
of planned covert operations, they were then in a
position of reviewing US foreign policy. The discus-
sion also seems to have verged on the right of Congress
to attempt to oversee covert operations a point
about which Eisenhower expressed himself very strongly,
noting that such action by Congress would be an in-
fringement of his prerogative as Commander-in-Chief. 24/
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At 3:40 on the afternoon of 31 December 1958,
Even
there was another high level meeting attended by
Messrs. Herter, Murphy, and Rubottom, Department of
State; Irwin, Department of Defense; Admiral Burke,
the CNO; General Cabell, DDCI; and Gordon Gray at
which the Cuban situation was again discussed.
as the meeting was in progress, Batista was preparing
to flee Cuba; and possible US action, including direct
intervention by US Marines, was among the topics that
were discussed. There also was some suggestion that
the US take the responsibility for naming members to
a junta to succeed Batista, rather than permitting
Fidel Castro and his followers to take over the Cuban
Government. 25/
With some benefit of hindsight, Eisenhower re-
called this period in the following manner:
During the rush of these last events
in the final days of 1958, the Central
Intelligence Agency suggested for the
first time that a Castro victory might
not be in the best interests of the United
States. (Earlier reports which I had re-
ceived of Castro's possible Communism were
suspect because they originated with
people who favored Batista.)
"Communists and other extreme radicals
appear to have penetrated the Castro move-
ment, 
" 
Allen Dulles said. "If Castro
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་་
takes over, they will probably participate
in the government. When I heard this
estimate, I was provoked that such a con-
clusion had not been given earlier.
At another point, the ex-President wrote:
Though our intelligence experts backed
and filled for a number of months, events
were gradually driving them to the conclu-
sion that with the coming of Castro, Com-
munism had penetrated this hemisphere. 26/
B. Castro Takes Over
During the first few weeks of 1959 following
Castro's take over, there was a flurry of activity
as Havana Station attempted to keep track of the
changes in government. The Station seemed assured
that it was cognizant of all of Castro's movements,.
especially on the developing military capabilities.
In fact, when the US Army suggested that the Station
provide support for the Army's covert collection of
military intelligence under commercial cover in Havaną,
COS took strong exception to the proposals, emphasizing
the Station's own capabilities in this area. COS was
overruled by Headquarters, however, and General Cabell
assured the Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence
of the Army that while he was aware that Havana had
☑
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objected to the Army's proposals, the COS nonetheless
had been "instructed" to cooperate.* 27/
In these early weeks of 1959, US representatives
in Havana were predicting that Castro would have a
difficult time holding his government together, and
among other things, one report emphasized the proba-
bility that Castro would soon find that he would have
to get along with the United States. 29/ The most
likely threat to relations with the United States
was the existence of the naval base at Guantanamo
Bay, but neither CIA nor State Department representa-
tives saw any threat to this installation, and this
belief was supported in early March 1959 by a Special
National Intelligence Estimate that, at most, Castro
"sooner or later [is] likely to ask for major increases
* An interesting side note to the discussions at this
time was that the Army Attache apparently had planned
to use a negro Lt. Col. who was on TDY in Havana to do
a study of the new Castro Army. In a memorandum to
the Chief, Western Hemisphere Division, and to the
Chief, Foreign Intelligence Staff, Al Cox, Chief,
Paramilitary Division reported without ever using
the term "black" that General Erskine (Army Special
Forces) believed that a "color bar" did exist in the
Caribbean area and that a better choice than Lt. Col.
Reuben Horner, the black officer in question, could
be made. 28/
--.
--
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in the nominal rent now paid for the Guantanamo Base,
revision of employment practices which appeared to
discriminate against Cuban workers, and perhaps other
changes." 30/
In the early spring of 1959, as Castro made
known that he was planning to visit the United States,
COS Havana revealed ambiguous feelings about the im-
portance of the Castro trip. He noted for Headquarters
information that:
Washington visit can make or break
Castro. Unless he gets a strong helping
hand from the United States, many serious
observers feel his regime will collapse
within a matter of months. 31/
" 32/ COS Havana
Pointing to the serious economic difficulties of the
new Cuban Government, COS Havana indicated that
Castro's popularity was very low among the middle and
upper classes, but at the same time he emphasized that
Castro was "the idol of the masses.
did an excellent job of predicting how Castro would
act when he arrived in the United States, suggesting
that Castro would probably make his pitch, not to the
heads of the State Department and to the press, but
that he would appeal to the workers, the farmers, the
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students, and the masses in America to support his
revolution. COS emphasized that Headquarters should
make no mistake that the Castro Government, while not
openly avowed Communist, was heavily infiltrated with
Communists and had taken no stand in opposition to
Communist positions, and, moreover, there was little
question about who would eventually control the Cuban
Government. COS did suggest that Headquarters give
serious consideration to planting embarrassing ques-
tions with reporters to stick to Castro while he was
in the US. 33/ Both the Department of State and COS
Havana were in general agreement about the results of
the Castro visit. COS Havana summarized one of his
dispatches as follows:
It would be unwise to assume from the
minor indications to date that Fidel has
undergone a serious change of heart as a
result of his visit to the United States. 34/
In a memorandum to Gordon Gray, President Eisen-
hower's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs,
Robert Murphy, Deputy Undersecretary of State noted.
that:
Despite Castro's apparent simplicity,
sincerity, and eagerness to reassure the
United States public, there is little
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i
probability that Castro had altered the
essentially radical course of his revolu-
tion. From his experience here, he has
gained a valuable knowledge of American
public reaction which may make him a more
difficult man to deal with on his return
to Cuba. It would be a serious mistake
to underestimate this man. With all his
appearance of naiveté, unsophistication,
and ignorance on many matters, he is clearly
a strong personality and a born leader of
great personal courage and conviction.
While we certainly know him better than
before, Castro remains an enigma; and we
should await his decisions on specific
matters before assuming a more optimistic
view than heretofore about the possibility
of developing a constuctive relationship
with him and his government. 35/
With the benefit of hindsight, it seems that in
this period shortly following Castro's visit to the
United States the COS Havana may have misjudged a
significant development which surfaced almost imme-
diately after Castro's return to Cuba. Remarking on
an apparent rash of anti-Communist statements appear-
ing in the Cuban press, one dispatch speculated that:
These demonstrations obviously welcome,
but possibly most significant aspect is
demonstration once again, enormous power
Castro, who with few words made anti-
Communism popular position. By same
token he could reverse trend at any time,
and skeptics speculating that current
stand is sop intended to make it more
difficult for U.S. interests to protest
effectively against stringent agrarian
reform law. 36/
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A follow-up dispatch within two days of that
cited above provided a more accurate insight as to
the depth of the struggle which was, in fact, being
waged within Cuba between the pro- and the anti-
Communist factions. Reporting on comments made by
the Executive Secretary of the Partido Socialista
Popular (PSP) with reference to the confusion among
party members regarding statements that Castro had
made while he was in the United States, Anibal Escalante
laid it on the line that there was a struggle between
the left and the right; and he emphasized that the
conservative element was trying to take advantage of
remarks which Castro had been forced to make while in
the United States. According to the source reporting
on Escalante's talk, Vice-President Nixon had told
Castro that unless he broke his alliance with the
Communists, the United States would cut off economic
aid to Cuba; and this threat had struck Castro as so
serious that he made some unwise statements. The
source, however, noted that the liberal forces of the
26 July movement in the Directorio Revolucionario (the
DR), were in control of the revolution, and that the
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duty of the PSP was to work toward unity and overcome
the counterrevolutionaries. 37/
In a Special NIE of 30 June 1959 on The Situation
in the Caribbean through 1959, the intelligence.com-
munity again indicated that the internal situation in
Cuba had not been decided. The SNIE commented:
The Communists probably do not now
control Castro, but they are in a posi-
tion to exert influence in his regime,
and to carry on further organizational
work. 38/
Through the summer and into the early fall of
1959, the degree of Castro's commitment to Communism
continued to be a major subject of discussion within
the intelligence community; and in the weekly reporting
that was begun by COS Havana in early June, this topic
continually occurred. In August 1959, when the Deputy
Chief of Western Hemisphere Division, Rudolph Gomez,
assisted Leo Churn in the preparation of an "Urgent
Report on Cuba" for distribution to members of the
Research Institute of America, Castro's Communist
association was prominently featured. At this time,
and reflecting the views of both Western Hemisphere
Division and the Department of State with whom Gomez
had coordinated the paper, Fidel Castro was not
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considered to be a Communist.
His brother Raul Castro,
however, was clearly identified as a hard-core Com-
munist.* 39/
The internal problem to which Anibal Escalante
had referred in mid-summer came to a head in mid-
October 1959 when Hubert Matos, a military leader in
Camaguey Province and formerly a strong supporter of
Castro, broke with Fidel over the increasing number
of leadership positions which were being turned over
to members of the Communist oriented PSP rather than
to members of the 26 July Movement. Matos resigned
as military leader of Camaguey on 19 October 1959 and
was arrested on 20 October. During the months prior
to his trial in December 1959, when he was found guilty
of treason and sentenced to 20 years imprisonment, a
* In view of the trend of recent years, it is inter-
esting to note that the Chuкn report found reason to
be somewhat critical of the Senate Internal Security
Committee (Sen. Eastland's Committee) for getting in-
volved in matters which were principally of concern
to the intelligence community. In this case, the
Senate Committee was criticized specifically for
taking Diaz Lanz, the head of Castro's Air Force who
had defected, and questioning him before turning him
over to the intelligence agencies for initial inter-
rogation.
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number of others who had been prominent anti-Batistianos
also broke with Castro. Among these were Faustino
Perez, Minister for Recovery of Illegally Acquired
Property; Rufo López-Fresquet, Minister of Finance;
Manuel Ray, Minister of Public Works; and Felipe Pazos,
head of the National Bank who was removed by Castro
and replaced by Che Guevera, whose expertise was in
revolution not in banking. As Theodore Draper has
said, this was the second civil war for Castro. 40/
Coincidental to the internal squabble that led
to Matos's resignation, the Deputy Chief of WH Division,
Rudy Gomez, was in Havana (15-18 October 1959) promot-
ing an increase in Station efforts to penetrate the
PSP. In the course of this tour, the qualifications
of the best of the agents who might conduct this pene-
tration were reviewed with còs Havana and Station
personnel. Gomez also pointed out that the anti-Com-
munist efforts in Havana should not be limited to
those who were FI or PP designees, but everyone in
the Station was urged to take advantage of opportunities
to push into the Partido Socialista Popular. In re-
porting on his visit with COS Havana, Gomez noted that
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the Ambassador and other members of the American
Embassy in Havana also were very much interested in
the program being advanced; and, in fact, asked Gomez
if CIA could "send a qualified Communist expert to
Havana to indoctrinate appropriate Embassy officers
on Communist doctrines, particularly on their modus
operandi and how Communists working under cover could
be recognized. Upon his return Gomez received J. C.
King's approval to comply with this request.* 41/
"
Even as Gomez was promising State's representa-
tives in Havana assistance in understanding Communist
activities, J. C. King, Chief of Western Hemisphere
Division, was going forward to the Director of Central
Intelligence with a memorandum complaining about the
Department of State's failure to provide CIA with a
policy action paper on Cuba
--
a paper which, accord-
ing to King, had been promised as early as May 1959,
yet had not been received by the end of October.
was there any indication when such paper might be
Nor
* It would appear from this request that both the DDP
and State were remiss in the training of their overseas
personnel. That the Station had to request Headquarters
for support on such an issue is difficult to imagine.
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expected, despite numerous meetings with Department
representatives. King also was particularly critical
of the fact that Ambassador Bonsal had been called to
Washington on two occasions, but in neither instance
--
this
had he called on the Agency for consultation
despite the fact that there had been indications from
the Department that such consultations were to be held. 42/
The ambivalence regarding Castro's relation to
the Communist Party was illustrated by the Deputy
Director of Central Intelligence on 5 November 1959
in testifying at the hearings of the Judiciary SubCom-
mittee which was investigating the "Communist Threat
to the US through the Caribbean. In response to the
question of whether Fidel was a Communist, General C.
P. Cabell stated:
"
Our information shows that the Cuban
Communists do not consider him a Communist
Party member or even a pro-Communist. On
the other hand, they are delighted with the
nature of his government, which was allowed
the Communists opportunity
free opportun-
--
--
ity to organize, to propagandize, and
to infiltrate. We know the Communists
consider Castro a representative of the
bourgeoise
Our conclusion, therefore,
...
is that Fidel Castro is not a Communist,
however, he certainly is not anti-Communist. 43/
In an attempt to resolve, at least part of the
dilemma a Related Mission Directive was approved on
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6 November 1959 and "would remain in effect until
further notice." The RMD stated in part as follows:
For the moment, CIA operations should
be carried out on the assumption that the
revolutionary government is basically non-
Communist, with legitimate reform goals
that deserve US respect and support. Cov-
ert operations should support overt efforts
to arrive at a rapprochement with the pres-
ent government and to eliminate the con-
ditions described above without resorting
to forceful means.
If it should be established that the
Cuban government is Communist-led or Com-
munist-dominated, or if that government
cannot be swayed from adopting measures
which intentionally or unintentionally
accomplish Communist objectives, the
question of direct attacks against Castro
will be re-examined. In planning for such
a contingency, each existing or new asset
should be evaluated in terms of possible
future utility from a paramilitary point
of view, nor will the development or re-
cruitment of assets be precluded merely
because they lack a paramilitary capa-
bility. Under no circumstances would any
asset be apprised of this contingency
planning. In fact any disposition to
undertake violent action should be promptly
and emphatically discouraged pending a
change in policy at the policy-making
level. 441
Even as the RMD was being dispatched to the
field, another and more significant program was being
evolved in Headquarters. On 11 December 1959, J. C.
King, Chief, WH Division prepared a memorandum for the
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1
Director of Central Intelligence, through the Deputy
Director of Plans, forwarding a program having as its
specific objective "The overthrow of Castro within
one year, and his replacement by a junta friendly to
the United States which will call for elections 6
months after assumption of office." To achieve this
objective, Chief, WH/D put forward a program, to in-
clude among other items the following:
1.
Clandestine radio attacks on Cuba,
from liberal Caribbean countries.
2. Intrusion operations against Castro's
TV and radio, to be mounted from within Cuba.
3. Formation of pro-US opposition groups
to establish by force a controlled area
within Cuba.
Colonel King then went on to suggest that:
Thorough consideration be given to the
elimination of Fidel Castro. None of those
close to Fidel, such as his brother Raul
or his companion Che Guevarra [sic], have
the same mesmeric appeal to the masses.
Many informed people believe that the
disappearance of Fidel would greatly ac-
celerate the fall of the present govern-
ment. * 45/
* The reader's attention is drawn to Appendix A (see
page 296) which reproduces the original 11 December
1959 J. C. King memorandum to the DCI. In light of
subsequent investigations, hearings, and publicity
regarding the Agency's complicity in assassination
(footnote continued on following page)
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As 1959 drew to a close, a final Special National
Intelligence Estimate, "The Situation in the Caribbean
through 1960," indicated that Castro was in to stay,
despite internal difficulties. The SNIE saw no serious
threat to Castro's continued rule, and it pointed out
that if there was direct US intervention, "Most Cubans
including the military, would react violently." 46/
As 1960 began, General Cabell, the Deputy Direc-
tor of Central Intelligence, held a joint briefing
plots aimed at Fidel Castro and others, pages 2 and 3
of Appendix A show two significant corrections in Allen
Dulles's own handwriting to the text submitted by Col.
King. In paragraph 3d, the phrase "thorough consider-
ation be given to the elimination of Fidel Castro"
carries Dulles's pencilled correction making the text
read "removal from Cuba" rather than "elimination."
--
--
At a later point in the same paragraph the
original text said "many informed people believe that
the disappearance of Fidel would greatly accelerate
the fall of the present government". Mr. Dulles has
substituted the word "removal" for the word "disappear-
ance."
These significant changes in the text on the
original copy of King's memorandum which the author
has recovered support the contention that the author
has made in the Foreword to this Volume that the com-
ponent (WH/4) officially charged with the conduct of
the Agency's anti-Castro program was neither charged
with nor responsible for programs designed to assas-
sinate Castro in the course of the Bay of Pigs Opera-
tion. Colonel King's memorandum of 11 December 1959,
with the pencilled corrections noted above, was con-
curred in by Richard M. Bissell and approved by Allen
W. Dulles on 12 December 1959.
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(8 January 1960) on Cuba for the Department of State
and the Joint Chiefs of Staff. He reviewed the in-
creasing hold that the Communist idealogy and those
affiliated with the Communist Party were exerting
the Castro government. At this time, the DDCI also
discussed the need for increased covert and semi-
covert programs aimed at Castro psychological war-
--
fare, political action, economic action, and para-
military action, all of which had been conducted in
some degree during the past year. 47/ This 8 January
1960 briefing can be used to denote the beginning of
the serious anti-Castro programs by Central Intelli-
gence Agency which would culminate at the Bay of Pigs.
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Part II
Castro Must Go
Organizing for Covert Action (January-March 1960)
The first mention of a formal Agency structure
to deal with the matter of Fidel Castro was noted by
Colonel L. K. White, then Deputy Director for Support,
in reporting on the DCI's morning meeting of 8 January
White's diary noted:
1960.
There was considerable discussion of
the situation in Cuba, and the Director
requested Dick Bissell to organize a
special task force to insure that we were
attacking this situation from all possible
angles. 1/
The instruction was taken to heart, for on 18 Jan-
uary 1960 the WH Division organized Branch 4 (WH/4) as
an expandable task force to run the proposed Cuban Op-
erations. The initial Table of Organization totaled
40 persons, with 18 at Headquarters, 20 at Havana Station,
and 2 at Santiago Base. 2/
Named to head the new Branch in Western Hemisphere
Division, was Jacob D. Esterline, recently returned COS,
Caracas, Venezuela, and formerly one of the principals
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in Project PBSUCCESS, the operation which had resulted
in the overthrow of the Communist-dominated government
of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954. Esterline was
the choice of J. C. King, Chief, WH Division; and to
the best of Esterline's recollection, toward the end
of his two year tour in Venezuela he had been queried.
by King about remaining in Venezuela or coming back
to Headquarters to work on the Cuban problem. It was
shortly after his return to the States in January of
1960 that Esterline became Chief, WH/4. 3/
In addition to his participation in the Guatemalan
episode and his extensive guerrilla warfare experience
in World War II with the OSS, Esterline thinks that
he got the job because J. C. King "had pretty much
confidence in my judgment."* 4/ The relationship
between Esterline and J. C. King, Chief, WH Division
and the relationship between King and Richard Bissell,
Deputy Director for Plans (DDP) during the course of
The author had heard that Esterline had been directly
selected by the DDP, Richard Bissell, to be the head of
WH/4. Bissell made no mention of this, and it is con-
trary to the story noted above, as told by Esterline.
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the Bay of Pigs Operation has been the subject of
considerable speculation ever since the close out of
the invasion. It seems appropriate that some atten-
tion should be devoted to this subject before going
further into detail about the evolution of the covert
plans to oust Castro. One source close to the DDP
at the time of the anti-Castro activity stated flatly:
A task force was formed under Bissell,
excluding J. C. King, Chief, WH/D, from
having in fact any control whatsoever
over the activity. 5/
The WH/D history states:
There was an informal but understood
short cut in the chain of command; basic
decisions were made at the DDP, DCI, or
Presidential level. Although some of
the key personnel were detailed from WH
Division, the Cuban Headquarter's unit
was in another building; and no one pre-
tended that J. C. King was running the
show. Jacob D. Esterline
was the
Chief of the Cuban Unit, during the
build-up and invasion attempt and took
his orders from the DDP. 6/
...
Walter Elder, formerly Special Assistant to Allen
Dulles at the time of the Bay of Pigs Operation has
indicated that there was a deliberate attempt to keep
King on the outer edges of the anti-Castro activity;
but according to Elder, Col. King always knew what
was going on and was thoroughly involved in the Bay of
-
34
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Pigs activity from its inception until its conclu-
sion.* 7/
Esterline himself declined to comment for the
record on this particular speculation, but indicated
that he was not sure what J. C. King was up to at all
times. It is clear, however, that Esterline was in
very close contact with Col. King throughout the
course of the Bay of Pigs Operation.**
Additional insights concerning J. C. King's
role in Bay of Pigs Operation have been provided by
Richard D. Drain, who was Chief of Operations for WH/4,
and by Richard Bissell, the DDP. Drain has stated:
J. C. King never was told, I think for
understandable reasons, to what extent he
* Elder suggested to the author that "they" wanted
King out of the operation because of his strong Re-
publican affiliations. "They" were never identified,
but King was well acquainted with highly placed figures
and contributors to the Republican Party.
**
This will become most apparent in the subsequent
discussion of the relationships between WH/4 and
William D. Pawley. During the author's initial conver-
sation with Esterline about the Bay of Pigs, Esterline
did state, in a manner similar to Elder, that J. C.
King was out of the mainstream of the anti-Castro
effort, because he had known Republican Party
affiliations. 8/ There was no elaboration indicating
the impact of such affiliations on King's role, and
there is nothing in the record to support this allega-
tion.
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was in it, to what extent he was not in
it. Therefore, from time to time, he
would protrude sometimes, saying that
he was sorry to protrude; and then he
would retract; and then he would be in;
and then he would be out
that's as
...
a person. Then again, his Deputy, Ray
Herbert, would call and say "I just don't
understand Cable 18963 IN from Guatemala
today. Would you come over and explain
to me what that's all about;" and I would
step out of the maelstrom of JMATE
they were just working flat out
go over.
...
...
and
There would be the old WH types
doing their thing in the old WH way.
Maybe two cables a week from the stations,
and quite leisurely
I think what had
happened to J. C. King was that he had
stayed overlong in the same job; and he
was "Mr. WH," by Gawd. With the excep-
tion of first Guatemala and then Cuba,
there was very little that ever happened
in Latin America which got to be, given
our other worldwide responsibilities in
the DDP, a very front priority matter;
and consequently, at Staff meetings, for
example, they would go around and talk
about the Soviet Union and China and
Europe and even Africa. Then, if there
was any time left, J. C. King would have
his time at bat and report some relatively
minor thing. Except in the case of
Guatemala there was, as everybody knows
now, a very substantial paramilitary
operation which was run by Richard M.
Bissell in his capacity as Special As-
sistant to the Director for Planning and
Coordination.
I think that one of the many reasons
and I never was able to get much in
the way of history on Guatemala as an aid
to the study of the Cuban operation
while the latter was in process
...
...
was
-
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---
--
that this had never set very well with
J. C. King. He was divested of the
Guatemalan experience, and particularly
when it turned out to be a success
PBSUCCESS was a success, through dumb
luck more than anything else. J. C.
couldn't take any of the bows for it.
All right, that rankled, I am sure. Now
this one comes along, and rather than ex-
pand WH/4, or whatever the hell it was,
and leave this JMATE Project within that
Branch, and build up that Branch
oh,
no. Once again the same man, Dick Bissell
now, however, DDP instead of SAPC
becomes the case officer for the thing;
and his assistant, Tracy Barnes, is all
over him. One of J. C. King's few very
good men, Jacob D. Esterline, is pulled
aside and made Chief of the project
The old man had a great deal of amour
propre, J. C. King did. He was very vain.
He had all of the area expertise that one
would like to see in a Division Chief,
but he had been at it an awful long time.
It was a very incestuous Division. In
terms of the rotation, it was solely
within WH. There were very few people
in WH who had served outside of the
Western Hemisphere, except in Washington.
They were a tight-knit little group, and
here now, for the second time running, one
of their big chances to shine there
was a lot of money and all that kind of
stuff again had been taken away
and it was it was tough. 9/
--
...
--
...
...
Where Drain implied that J. C. King was cut com-
pletely out of WH/4 activities and operations, Mr.
Bissell had indicated that the situation was somewhat
different. In the course of an oral interview, the
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former DDP responded to questions concerning J. C.
King in the following manner:
Question: I would like to clarify at
this point J. C. King's relationship
to the Bay of Pigs project. I have
heard it on both sides that he was
involved and that he was deliberately.
end-run.
--
--
Mr. Bissell: There is no doubt in my
mind that that was the case. I was
going to say that both of the things
that you have heard have an element of
truth in them. There was a deliberate
decision fairly early in the game
I doubt if it was as early as March
[1960. In fact,] I am pretty sure
that it wasn't, [but] I am reasonably
sure that the decision I speak of was
made by some such date as June [1960]
[that] Esterline would take charge
of this Project and Esterline would
have direct access to me. He would.
not be under the usual requirement of
all the cases going through J. C. King.
Now, as the scope of the scale of this
operation increased, and with the passage
of time, Esterline's direct channel to
me came to be more exercised; and there
was frequent interchange between Ester-
line and myself that didn't go through
J. C. King in the sense of a command
channel. On the other hand, J. C.
was brought into all the consultations
and was fully informed from the very
beginning about this operation. His
advice was sought and given, and I
usually found it very good and followed
it. I remember no specific case where
either J. C. King's specific advice or
general attitude toward the operation
was inconsistent with, or in conflict
with my own.
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Question: Why did you make this decision
with regard to Jake, coming directly to
you and not going through King? Was it
just a matter of great efficiency, or
what precipitated that?
Mr. Bissell: I think it was in part on
the model of the Guatemalan operation,
and in part, I think, a feeling, probably
on my own part in some degree perhaps
on the part of Allen Dulles that J.
--
--
C. was not effective enough to handle
this kind of very fast moving, quite
large scale, quite complex, paramilitary
operation.
Question:
Do you recall any instances
where there was a serious conflict be-
tween what Jake wanted to do and what
J. C. King thought should be done?
Mr. Bissell: I don't remember many, if
any, and I believe that the relation-
ships between Jake and J. C. were pretty
good throughout. 10/
Certainly the written record bears out Bissell's
contention that King was fully informed and that the
relationship between King and Esterline was, if not
love, at least mutually respectful.*
* The only point of contention between King and Ester-
line that surfaced in the records concerned the degree
to which William Pawley should be involved in affairs
related to the organization of the Cuban exiles. At
one point, Jake suggested to the DDP that all contact
with Pawley be cut off, but in sending Esterline's
memorandum through channels, J. C. King noted that he
was against cutting Pawley completely off from contact
with WH/4. In fact, Pawley was in continuous contact
even though in disagreement with both Jake and
King until the close out of the operation.
--
39
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Another of the questions which must be addressed
in setting the stage of the Bay of Pigs operation is
the failure of Richard Helms
Operations (COPS) for the DDP.
--
--
at that time Chief of
to become more than
marginally involved in the Cuban project.
Oral inter-
views again provided the best explanations, and, con-
sequently, are entered into this record in rather full ·
detail. Dick Drain, who became COPS/WH/4, made the
following comments:
--
...
--
--
which I doubt
--
Helms was COPS [Chief of Operations].
Either on his own volition, which I sus-
pect or on order
Dick
Helms completely divorced himself from this
thing. I mean absolutely! The one time
that I heard from Helms during this entire
project was I am sitting down there in
my chair, as COPS of the project, on a
Monday, having spent the entire goddamned
weekend working with the guy who is now
the head of MI-6 Maurice Oldfield,
who was then the MI-6 resident in Washing-
ton trying to get an airplane and some
Cubans out of Montego Bay before the
Brits in Jamaica came back from their
long weekend I am sitting there con-
gratulating myself that the plane is out,
and the Cubans are out, and the British
are back, and it hasn't hit the fan, and
I get a telephone call from Dick Helms's
long time secretary, "Mr. Helms would
like to speak to you." Well, fine
well, the whole thing on his part was so
incredibly apologetic
\three times he said to me in different
parts of the conversation .. "As you know,
I have nothing to do with this project.
What he did have to do with, ever since
...
to me
...
...
It
...
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the Francis Gary Powers thing, he had
been a member of an inter-Agency com-
mittee that met with periodic regularity
to discuss air matters of any sensitivity.
I guess he'd had enough to do with this
project so that somebody [who] had [been]
reading the cable traffic told him ..
"Well, those nuts down in Quarters Eye
seem to have lost an airplane this week-
end." He was going to the regular com-
mittee meeting that afternoon, so he had
to ask me the details
very apologetic-
ally. The third time that he said, "You
know I have nothing to do with this
་
project, I said, "Well Mr. Helms, I don't
want to be fatuous about this, but I wish
to Christ that you did have because we
could use your expertise." He said,
"Hahaha
...
yes, well thank you very much,"
and that was the end of that. He avoided
the thing like the plague. One of the
reasons may have been that, of course,
life went on; and if Bissell was getting
increasingly immersed in this one thing,
somebody had to watch the whole worldwide
store
which of course Helms was damned
good at. A less attractive suggestion is
that Helms figured that there was a high
likelihood that this thing would screw up,
and he didn't want to have the tar baby
around him. I don't know. 11/
...
Bissell, in responding to the question about.
Helms' role during the course of the Bay of Pigs, com-
mented as follows:
I think that he [Helms) saw most all
of the cable traffic and I think he was
pretty well informed as to what was going
on, very well informed; but he was really
out of the line of command on this opera-
tion. There was something of a tacit
agreement between us, that he would be
devoting himself to a lot of the other on
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going business of the DDP office, be-
cause this was taking a great deal of
my time.
Question: This was a tacit agreement,
this wasn't a session in which you
and Helms
Bissell:
--
--
...
Let me say this was probably
not that explicit. I would make an
observation here, and I don't want
you to infer anything really beyond
what it says, it was not particularly
easy I did not find it particular-
ly easy
to discuss things clearly
and derive a clear understanding with
Dick [Helms) about the division of
labor between us when he was my Deputy.
I don't imply by this any sense of
conflict or rivalry, but he would go
ahead and handle certain kinds of
matters, and I would go ahead and
handle certain kinds of matters.
We saw one another, of course, all the
time. Quite often I would consult him
about something that I was handling.
I think rather less often he would con-
--
sult me. I don't mean to imply however
in that any kind of concealment from me
I never had that feeling at all
but it really was our habit during the、
whole time that we were in those posi-
tions that the division of labor between
us was more tacit than explicit. 12/
Simultaneously with the decision to create a
separate Branch in WH Division to handle the anti-
Castro activity discussions were begun by both the
Special Group 5412 and on an inter-agency basis as
to the nature of the anti-Castro effort.
Among the
many questions raised early in the game was whether
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the US program should be overt or covert, with the
overt implications being the ultimate application
of US military force to oust Castro. DCI Dulles
emphasized that contingency planning should be under-
taken by the Special Group, without necessarily in-
volving either the President or the National Security
Council.
The Department of State was concerned that if
Fidel Castro were deposed, perhaps his successors, Che
Guevara and Raul Castro, would be even worse than
Fidel. As reported in subsequent congressional reve-
lations concerning CIA's role in assassination plots,
it was during the Special Group Meeting of 13 January
1960 that the Director of Central Intelligence "empha-
sized that we do not have in mind a quick elimination
of Castro, but rather actions designed to enable re-
sponsible opposition leaders to get a foothold." 13/
At this same Special Group Meeting, President
Eisenhower's National Security Adviser, Gordon Gray,
predicted with uncanny accuracy the situation which
would ultimately develop as one of the key weaknesses
in the whole concept of the Bay of Pigs Operation.
According to the report on the Special Group Meeting:
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sense.
Mr. Gray commented that a problem
would be posed for administration offi-
cials if a decision should be taken to
change our attitude toward Castro, as
outlined earlier in the meeting. He
acknowledged that any such decision
must be kept highly secret, but he
foresaw difficulties which would arise,
for example, during testimony by the
Secretaries of Defense and Treasury
before Congress, at public gatherings,
etc., if they should have to give an
impression that the US was not doing
anything about Cuba. 14/
This in fact, was the "damned if I do, damned if
I don't" position in which Richard Nixon found himself
in the Fall of 1960 and the position in which the United
States found itself with reference to both the United
Nations and the Organization of the American States
throughout the course of the Bay of Pigs operation as
the myth of "plausible deniability" overruled common
Following the initial Special Group meeting,
there was a flurry of activity seeking some solid
proposals; and in a CIA meeting of 21 January 1960,
C. Tracy Barnes (the Assistant DDP for Action), J. C.
King, Jake Esterline, and Dick Helms among others,
discussed a whole series of issues which would be
basic to the program from this time forward: identi-
fication of the principal Cuban leaders Ramon Barquin,
Justo Carrillo, and Miro Cardona (who would eventually
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head up the principal anti-Castro organization sup-
ported by the Agency) were mentioned; radio propaganda
operating out of either Third country or US areas
The
was raised; the training program for both communica-
tors and for PM trainers at Fort Randolph in the Canal
Zone was discussed; and the possible acquisition of
aircraft for support operations and the question of
US business as a cover for the operations of the exile
groups in the United States were all discussed.
possible involvement of US businesses to put overt
pressure on the US government for the possible imposi-
tion of economic sanctions and as a covert means of
raising money for the support of Cuban exile organiza-
tions also surfaced. This initial meeting also recog-
nized the problem of trying to gain the support of
the more liberal Latin American Governments (e.g.,
that of Betancourt in Venezuela). 15/
Al Cox, one of the senior officers in paramilitary
operations was in attendance, and he would subsequently
note:
Stringent security precautions were
placed on JMARC, including the exclusion
of the PP Staff and other Agency compo-
nents from all cable and dispatch traffic
and from access to correspondence between
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...
the project and the office of the DDP
In point of fact, such restrictive
measures were somewhat meaningless inso-
far as keeping awareness of the project's
activities away from PP/PMG. The A/DDP/P
granted permission to PP/C/PMG to read the
daily project traffic, (with Esterline's
knowledge and permission). Esterline
personally knew the majority of the PP/PMG
senior officers, and in no time he had
drafted six or seven of these, including
the Deputy Chief, PMG, for assignment to
JMARC
This, of course, was valuable
as a built-in penetration of JMARC in
the best FI and CI tradition.* 16/
Early in February of 1960, Allen Dulles was
briefed in general terms on the planning that was
"
being initiated by WH Division, and at the same time
J. C. King told the Director "that the Branch concept
was used [in establishing WH/4] rather than the term
Task Force for greater security and to simplify chan-
nels of command." The Director subsequently explained
to the Special Group (3 February 1960) some of the
activities that were being undertaken, noting that
within the next week or two, the Group would receive
* The crypt for the WH/4 anti-Castro operation was
initially JMARC. Following compromise of this crypt,
the project became JMATE (sometime in the period be-
tween 6-13 December 1960). Throughout this volume
the project will be identified as JMATE, except in
direct quotations.
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a paper outlining the Agency's thoughts on the programs
which had been initiated against the Castro Govern-
ment. * 17/
it
The proposals of which the DCI had spoken were
discussed in a DDP review session on 11 February 1960
which was attended by Tracy Barnes, Jake Esterline,
Al Cox, Dave Phillips, and Jim Flannery. The focus
was on sabotage of the Cuban sugar industry, ** propa-
ganda broadcasts, and funding. Noting that WH Division
had roughly $50,000 available for immediate use,
was speculated that the "ultimate magnitude" of the
anti-Castro effort might reach 3 million dollars
an estimate that would, in effect, be some 40 million
short of the eventual cost. It was stated, however,
that funds would easily be obtainable from the Agency
reserve to meet any shortages. At this planning ses-
sion, the training program for the PM cadre at Fort
Randolph in Panama was given minor attention; and
* In addition to the Special Group, which included
a DOD representative, WH/4 worked directly with other
representatives of DOD regarding current developments
and the possible coordination of activities vis-a-vis
Cuba. 18/
** "The big sugar sack?"
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here, too, the seeds were planted by Tracy Barnes
for an attitudinal survey of "Cuban society" which
ぐ
could have (and should have) caused CIA planners to
re-think the whole anti-Castro effort.* 19/
A very similar briefing, with somewhat more
emphasis on possible paramilitary action, was given
to a high level group from DOD on 12 February 1960;
and the agenda for the 17 February 1960 meeting of
the Special Group, again emphasized that the Castro
Government was dependent on sugar revenues for both
continuation of popular domestic and hemispheric
subversion programs.** 20/ It was further suggested
1
to the Special Group that dissidents within Cuba
might also be stimulated to sabotage, with the ulti-
mate result leading to Castro's ouster. 21/ The
recommendation that the DCI made to the Special
Group was as follows:
*
This refers to the Lloyd Free Report, which is
discussed subsequently in this Volume, see pp. 222-226.
** The DOD representatives who were briefed were the
Deputy Secretary, Mr. Douglas; Mr. John Irwin, Assis-
tant Secretary of Defense for International Security
Affairs; General Erskine; and General Lansdale.
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That CIA be authorized to initiate
operational planning, including covert
spotting and assessment of potential
agents, for eventual sabotage of both
Cuban and American-owned sugar mills.
Should this course of action prove feas-
ible and desirable, the operation would
be designed to deny Castro as much as
possible of the revenues anticipated
from the 1960 sugar crop. 22/
Interestingly enough, although the briefing for
DOD had placed considerable emphasis on paramilitary
planning, apparently no mention of the subject was
made to the Special Group.
On 17 February 1960 when Allen Dulles presented
the sugar sabotage plan to the Special Group, he em-
phasized that he was not asking for permission to
engage in action, only that he was looking for a
Special Group approval. Mr. Irwin (Assistant Secre-
tary of Defense for International Security Affairs)
noted that he and the Deputy Secretary of Defense,
Mr. Douglas were all for the plan; and the Group agreed
to present the plan to the Secretary of State and to
Gordon Gray so that the latter could get the Presi-
dent's reaction.
President Eisenhower was less than enthusiastic
about the sugar sabotage plan, reportedly doubting
that the loss of sugar revenues would impact on
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Castro's ability to continue to finance subversive
activities in other Latin America areas.
President
Eisenhower also objected to the focus on economic
sabotage, and he would not agree to the plan to
identify assets specifically for sabotage operations
against the sugar industry. Eisenhower was willing
to support a program to identify assets for the sugar
industry ○" and other things as well including
...
even possibly things that might be drastic." In
addition to identifying assets on a broad basis, the
President also requested that a comprehensive covert
action program be prepared by Mr. Dulles. This, it
:
was suggested, should go to the Special Group; and
if they approved the plans, then the President wanted
to discuss them. In any event, action on the PM pro-
gram would be delayed until Eisenhower returned from
his upcoming Latin American visit and gave his
specific approval.* 23/
*
The Minutes of the Special Group Meeting of 17 Feb-
ruary 1960 also noted that
Mr. Joseph Scott of State also reported
later that Mr. Herter had made exactly the
same point.
This appears to have been one of the few instances
where Department of State representatives indicated
support for possible direct action programs rather
than political solutions to the Cuban problem.
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Despite the rather positive doubts that the
President had about the sugar sabotage activity, J.
C. King charged ahead almost immediately following
the Special Group Meeting of 17 February 1960. On
18 February, King and Milo Perkins had a detailed
discussion concerning the disruptive effects which
might result from interference with the Cuban sugar
operation. Perkins was planning meetings with Am-
bassador Hill and Thomas ("Tommy the Cork") Corcoran,
and King brought to Perkins's attention that Corcoran
had been willing and able to provide valuable assist-
ance to the Agency in the past. Later in the month,
Col. King met with Thomas Mann, the Assistant Secre-
tary for Economic Affairs (subsequently Assistant
Secretary for American Republic Affairs) who reportedly
was in favor of both reduced sugar quotas and direct
sabotage of Cuban sugar mills. According to King,
Secretary Mann also would support both cut backs in
US oil companies deliveries to Cuba and actions which
might cut back on US tourist trade with the island. 24/
Col. King also consulted with former Ambassador
William Pawley, whom he asked to make arrangements
for the publication of Diario de la Marina in Miami,
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and also "to raise at least a portion of the money,
which would be needed for this operation." In addi-
tion to Pawley, King also contacted Henry Holland in
New York City, suggesting that Holland raise money,
through Cuban exile Justo Carrillo, to help pay for
the propaganda efforts of New York radio station WRUL.
King agreed that Holland could tell prospective donors
that the "money was going to be used on behalf of
non-Batista groups who were going to make a serious
effort to remove Fidel Castro." 25/
In addition to J. C. King's high level con-
tacts, Jake Esterline and Mr. Dulles had a meeting
with Abbott Washburn, Deputy Director of the US In-
formation Agency who had requested a briefing on the
current state of activities in Cuba Washburn was
concerned lest there be a conflict of interests be-
tween USIA and the CIA's ongoing effort in the area.
Washburn presented the Agency with a copy of some
proposals which the State Department had approved
for implementation by USIA in Cuba. USIA's pitch
would be that the long-standing friendship between
Cuba and the United States was being endangered by
the infiltration of Communists and Communist ideology
-
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into Cuba at the same time not denying that the
US was sympathetic to the need for a change in Cuba.
The Director and Mr. Esterline agreed that it would
be advisable for Mr. Washburn, who was planning to
visit Cuba, to meet Jim Noel, COS Havana, and out-
line the USIA program for Mr. Noel's benefit.* 26/
As the propaganda activities were being pushed
forward, as plans were being made for training Cuban
exiles, and as the possibilities of sabotage, PM
action, and other measures against Castro were being
contemplated, a cautionary memorandum apparently was
drafted by one of the individuals most closely con-
cerned with the potential anti-Castro operations.
The memorandum, undated and unsigned, reviewed the
anti-Arbenz operation in Guatemala in light of what
was being planned for Project JMATE. It noted some
of the similarities or differences with respect to
'the removal of Jacobo Arbenz in contrast to the pos-
sibilities of removing Fidel Castro; and in light of
the ultimate tragedy at the Bay of Pigs, some of the
One result of the meeting with Washburn was a de-
cision to turn over a planned USIA anti-Castro car-.
toon effort to CIA.
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key points made in this memorandum are worth repeat-
ing even though it is not known who read the piece.
Among other things, for example, the author of the
memorandum stressed "the unique coincidence of favor-
able factors" with reference to Guatemala and suggested
that it was unlikely that any of these would operate
with reference to Project JMATE.
It was noted that the Guatemalan leadership was
"unusually inept"; that "Communist support for Arbenz
came from the local Communist Party, which was immature,
badly led, and generally weak"; and, that "we had un-
believable luck." 27/ The memorandum also noted that
there were a number of circumstances which would not
recur during the course of the anti-Castro activity.
Specifically pointing out that where Arbenz was a
weak leader, Castro was obviously a strong leader;
that Castillo Armas was a Guatemalan leader of high
character and standing, but no one of similar stature
had surfaced in Cuba to oppose Castro; and that in
Guatemala Arbenz had made no changes in the armed
forces of Guatemala, and when the crisis came, he
could not depend on his army. Castro, on the other
hand had eliminated the Batista influence, and filled
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the key military positions with his own followers
and "introduced a system of intense ideological in-
doctrination."
Furthermore, the unknown author pointed
out that while Moscow's interest in Guatemala was
compartatively mild the Soviet Ambassador to Mexico
--
City was the nearest Soviet official available to the
Arbenz Government
--
in Cuba, the heavy economic and
propaganda support from both Moscow and Peiping were
a matter of record. 28/
The memorandum closed by pointing to three areas
where the writer claimed that tactical -- not strategic
--
errors were being made. It stated that the blunt
propaganda attacks on Castro were forging all anti-US
elements in Cuba into a united front and US efforts
should be attempting to drive a wedge between Castro,
as a victim of international Communism, and the Com-
munists both Cuban and foreign. Secondly, it was
pointed out that the propaganda broadcast out of US
commercial radio stations, even if the time were
legitimately being purchased by Cuban exile groups,
would be a "kiss of death" for anyone who tried to
deny US intervention in Cuban affairs. In part re-
lated to the propaganda activities, the planned use
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of US business groups as a cover for the Agency's
support of the Cuban opposition, particularly the
use of US business as a funding mechanism, was also
hazardous in the eyes of the author of the memorandum
under study. If the author was correct in assuming
that this cover would not withstand careful scrutiny,
it would mean that the anti-American contingents would.
have additional ammunition to use against the US.
The memorandum suggested that many of these risks
could be eliminated if propaganda activities were
moved to Third countries and if fund raising activi-
ties were run out of Latin America or Western Europe. 29/
Based on the language, the familiarity with the
Guatemala activity and the nature of the critique,
it is probable that Tracy Barnes wrote the memorandum
in question. The memorandum may have been prompted
in part by the increasing attention which the OCB and
the Cabinet had been giving to fire bomb attacks on
the Cuban cane fields by light aircraft flying out
of the United States. The Agency fully supported Gen-
eral Quesada's effort to put an end to such flights.* 30/
* Quesada was Director of the Federal Aviation Agency. ·
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From 2 March 1960, when the Director briefed
Vice President Nixon on Agency activities in Cuba
and the state of Cuban affairs, until 17 March 1960,
when President Eisenhower formally approved the cov-
ert anti-Castro plan, CIA personnel most closely
involved in the anti-Castro effort were fully immersed
in the efforts to define
and refine
--
a US policy.
which would be acceptable to President Eisenhower.
In the course of this two week period, they were en-
gaged in efforts to satisfy the 5412 Group, the National
Security Council, and themselves that they had developed
a viable program which would lead to the downfall and
ouster of Fidel Castro and his principal cohorts, Che
Guevara and Raul Castro, and the elmimination of
Communism from the island of Cuba and, in effect,
from the Western Hemisphere.
During this period of evolution of national
policy, WH/4 held its first official meeting as a
branch on 9 March 1960. J. C. King and Jake Esterline
were in charge of the meeting and outlined the general
nature of the programs that were going to be put into
operation (propaganda activity, PM training, commo
training) and they emphasized the need for cooperation
-
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and support from all of the offices that were repre-
sented at the meeting, including, among others, the
Office of Training, the Office of Communications,
the Comptroller's Office, the DDS, DPD, the PP Staff,
Personnel (particularly the Military Personnel Divi-
sion), and the Office of Security. At this initial
meeting, Jake Esterline mentioned that Bob Reynolds,
Deputy Chief, WH/4, Dave Phillips, Propaganda Officer,
Phil Toomey, Political and Psychological Stategist,
Bob Wedbee, the Economist, and Ed Stanulus, his Plans
and Ops Officer, would be the principals who would
be in contact with other Agency elements which would ·
be called on for support. In addition, Esterline also
noted that liaison channels would be established with
other elements of the US Government, particularly with
the Office of Special Operations of the Department
of Defense. 31/
It was during the period between 8-17 March 1960
that the previously mentioned covert anti-Castro pro-
gram which Allen Dulles had agreed (on 17 February
1960) to provide to the Special Group evolved. Among
those in the Agency having a direct hand in preparing
a suitable paper for the Director's presentation, were
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C. Tracy Barnes, Richard Bissell, Dick Helms, Jake
Esterline, J. C. King, and Tom Parrott, among others.
Those who figured most prominently among the Special
Group representatives at this time were Livingston
Merchant, Department of State; John Irwin, Assistant
Secretary for International Security Affairs, Depart-
ment of Defense; Admiral Burke, Chief, Naval Opera-
tions; and Gordon Gray, the President's National
Security Adviser. Other than the more than a dozen'
memorandums and drafts and other papers related to
the development of the policy paper, perhaps a note
from Richard Helms to C. Tracy Barnes on 8 March 1960
best illustrates the seriousness with which the Agency
approached the task of writing a paper for the Direc-
tor. Mr. Helms's note to Mr. Barnes read as follows:
Tom Parrott gave me for security late
this afternoon the attached paper for the
5412 Group outlining the proposed covert
action program against Fidel Castro.
After reading it, I asked Tom to defer
consideration of Cuba until next week
since I feel that this document needs re-
drafting whether it is used by the Direc-
tor for an oral briefing or handed to the
designated representatives for their en-
lightenment.
I think you will agree with me that
the paper is poorly drafted and needs
considerable pointing up in various
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places.
I do not disagree with the listed
recommendations in paragraph 6, but I do
feel that the backup material in paragraphs
2 and 3 needs recasting. For example, the
reference to a "short-wave radio station
patterned after Radio Free Europe", is no
way, in my opinion, to describe what we
have in mind. Also the paragraph on covert
economic action is not sufficiently precise
and raises more questions than it answers.
There are other points, but there is no
sense in belaboring them in this note to
you.
May I ask that you take this matter in
hand and advise WH how to put it in suit-
able shape for use by the Director with
the 5412 Group next week. 32/
In the paper to which Mr. Helms referred the
problem facing the US was stated rather simply as
follows:
To replace the present Government of
Cuba, headed by Fidel Castro, with one
that will be acceptable to the United
States; and to cause this change to occur
in such a manner that anti-US repercussions
are not induced in Latin America. 33/
Throughout the discussion of the Agency's role
in the anti-Castro activity, there was a tremendous
concern that there be no "anti-US repercussions,"
not only in Latin America per se, but particularly
among the Latin American representatives in the Or-
ganization of American States and in the United Nations.
The constant quest for plausible deniability would
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become the holiest of grails
--
constantly, and un-
successfully, to be sought throughout the course of
the operation by Agency planners.
The proposed paper for the Special Group (the
paper which Mr. Helms found somewhat lacking) empha-
sized those areas highlighted in previous Special
Group sessions anti-Castro propaganda, disrup-
tions of the Cuban economy, including large scale
sabotage operations, and the development of instructor
cadres to provide both communications and PM training
cadres to resistance groups already extant in Cuba.
Interesting, too, is the fact that at this early
stage of US planning mention was made of the offer
from the Guatemalan Government of a training site
for the PM cadres, or "action groups" as they were
called. A financial annex included in the proposals
for the Special Group indicated the need for $900,000
for the remainder of FY 1960 and $1.6 million for
FY 1961.* 34/
*
Apparently Mr. Helms failed to read the financial
annex carefully enough, for the estimated requirement
for fiscal. 1961 which is shown as $1.6 million, was
either a typographical error, or a mistake in addition
--
the sum of the parts shown for FY '61 is $1.7 million.
It also was noted that for the remainder of FY '60,
the Agency reserve funds would have to be drawn on to
meet these "non-program requirements.
"
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As the paper was being prepared for Special
Group consideration, J. C. King, Chief, Western
Hemisphere Division had forwarded a memorandum for
the Director of Central Intelligence, providing him
with additional information for use during the Special
Group discussions; and the transmittal to the DCI
recorded that this paper had been used to brief Mr.
Nixon on 2 March 1960. King's memorandum covered
much the same ground as the paper which went to the
Special Group, but contained considerably more de-
tail about the activities of the Castro Government
which were directly aimed at overthrowing the legiti-
mate governments and replacing them with Communist
oriented governments. Col. King's paper also re-
vealed that both Guatemala and Nicaragua
--
the only
two governments in Latin America which were to throw
their full support behind the Agency's anti-Castro
activity
--
had made offers at this time for both
radio time for anti-Castro broadcasts and, also, for
training facilities for anti-Castro groups which the
Agency might wish to sponsor. 35/
Despite President Eisenhower's previous objec-
tions to the over-emphasis on plans to sabotage Cuba's
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sugar industry, King's paper did reflect considerable
emphasis on disruption of that economic sector.
Another item which Col. King saw fit to include in
his memorandum was the following:
We have available, a drug, which, if
placed in Castro's food, would make him
behave in such an irrational manner that
a public appearance could have very damag-
ing results to him.* 36/
Even as the Special Group was planning its ses-
sions on the anti-Castro program, so, too, was the
National Security Council being geared up for discus-
sions of the same situation. Again, there was great
concern over the question of possible loss of prestige
should the US act independently of the international
organizations.
There also was interest in protecting
US business and in the protection of US lives, and
the question of viability of the Guantanamo Base was
of considerable concern to the President's National
Security adviser, Gordon Gray. The policy that Gray
was advised to recommend to the National Security
Council regarding US bases stated:
Take action as necessary, including
military action, to insure the continued
* For comments on this subject see Part VII of this
volume.
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availability to the United States of
bases and base rights in Latin America
that are considered vital to the secur-
ity of the United States. 37/
An additional aspect of the basic national secur-
ity policy for Latin America which Gordon Gray was
being encouraged to promote with the National Security
Council on 10 March 1960 recommended that:
In the event of an imminent or actual
Communist seizure of control from within,
take all feasible measure[s] to thwart it,
including military action if finally re-
quired and appropriate to cope with the
situation.* 38/
Following Gordon Gray's briefing of the National
Security Council on 10 March 1960, President. Eisenhower
approved the following rather innocuous actions:
1. Every effort should be made to in-
fluence the other members of the Organiza-
tion of American States to recognize the
dangers involved in the Cuban situation
and support action with respect to them.
*
Mr. Gray also was advised to play both sides of the
street for with reference to the disruptive efforts of
non-Communist groups, the position he was being urged
to promote was the following:
The United States should be prepared, if
required to protect US interests, to take
similar actions against subversion or armed
rebellion by non-Communist elements hostile
to US interests.
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2.
The responsible Departments and
Agencies should keep current plans to
deal promptly with likely contingencies
which might develop with respect to Cuba,
especially those involving the safety of
US citizens in the Guantanamo Base.
3. The developments with regard to
the situation in Cuba should be reviewed
by the Council each meeting, for the
immediate future. 39/
Subsequent to the NSC meeting of 10 March 1960,
Gordon Gray informed the President that the Special
Group had set aside a 2-hour session on 14 March "to
discuss the whole range of assets and possibilities
in Cuba." 40/ Prior to the 14 March meeting, Messrs.
Bissell and King received a somewhat strange memorandum
from Allen W. Dulles offering 'some suggestions as to
possible added 'starters' for our Cuban paper; use
your own judgment as to adding them." 41/ Among these
starters was Dulles's suggestion that the International
Transport Union somehow be induced to refuse to load
"dangerous" munitions intended for Cuba and then Dulles
made the following rather unusual suggestion:*
-
* In addition to the International Transport Union,
Dulles also suggested that an attempt be made to in-
duce Cuban laborers to resist unloading explosives
that were sent to Cuba, but as he himself pointed out,
Castro probably would use the Cuban Army should the
dockworkers refuse to do the unloading.
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Stress point that while the dynamism
is running out of the Marxist-Leninist
revolution in Russia, it still remains
in China. This explains Chicom special
interest in supporting the Cuban revolu-
tion and expanding it, with the ultimate
aim of facilitating mass emigration of
Chinese to the Latin American continent
to meet their over-population problem.
(This may be premature, but there may be
something to it.) 42/
As promised by Gordon Gray, the Special Group
Meeting of 14 March 1960 focused exclusively on the
Cuban problem, and Mr. Dulles presented the members
with the paper entitled "General Covert Action Plan
for Cuba." Much of the ground was already familiar
to the participants, but the memorandum of the meet-
ing reflects a number of items worth review. Even
though Dulles's paper placed heavy emphasis on the
propaganda needs, even greater emphasis was urged
for covert and overt propaganda activities, not only
through WRUL, the commercial broadcasting operation,
but also through the efforts of USIA's programs for
Latin America programs which apparently had been
sharply curtailed in the recent past. The question
of location for the Agency's covert broadcasting
activity was again raised and discussed, the question
being whether it should be somewhere in the Florida
--
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Keys, in some Caribbean country, or elsewhere.
Somewhat more attention was focused on the para-
military plans during this discussion than had occurred
before, and Mr. Gray was particularly concerned by the
Agency estimate that: "it appears no large scale para-
military effort (other than wholly overt) will be
feasible in less than 8 months"; and he wondered if
a crash program was feasible to speed up the training
program. 43/ The questions of economic sanctions, OAS
and individual Latin American country involvement, the
choice of the proper Cuban exiles to represent the
government in exile, and the question of a budget
the $900,000 for fiscal 1960 and the $1.6-1.7 million
for 1961 were also the subjects of discussion.
One additional subject of disucssion at this
Special Group meeting as recorded by Col. J. C. King
was:
What would be the effect on the Cuban
scene if Fidel and Raul Castro and Che
Guevarra [sic] should disappear simultan-
eously. 44/
In the reported context of the discussion it is not
believed that the term "disappear" was a euphemism for
assassination, but rather referred to the ouster of
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Castro's government from political power.
The para-
graph which had raised the question then continued:
Admiral Burke said that the only orga-
nized group within Cuba today were[sic] the
Communists, and there was therefore the
danger that they might move into control.
Mr. Dulles felt that this might not be
disadvantageous because it would facilitate
a multilateral action by OAS. Colonel King
said that there were few leaders capable
of taking over so far identified.
sibility was Nunez Jiminez, the head of the
Agricultural Reform Program. No other
One pos-
names were widely enough known to be men-
tioned. *
Other discussion, notwithstanding, the focus of
Mr. Dulles's recommendations on 14 March 1960 was that
the Central Intelligence Agency should be authorized
to take a number of steps which were specifically re-
lated to the development of the guerrilla capacity of
the anti-Castro groups, both within and without Cuba...
The Agency should be responsible for broadening its
contacts with such groups and attempting to unify
--
--
* This comment and one made five days earlier (9 March
1960) by J. C. King that "unless Fidel and Raul Castro
and Che Guevara could be eliminated in one package
which is highly unlikely this operation can be a
long drawn-out affair and the present government will
only be overthrown by the use of force" were discussed
(pp. 93, 114-116) in SSC report on Alleged Assassination
Plots Involving Foreign Leaders, and it is apparent from
the recollections of the participants in the meetings
that assassination was not the issue in these two
instances.
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The DCI
them to direct their efforts against Castro.
proposed that CIA should take the lead in assisting
these groups to develop friendships among various of
the Latin American Governments which were skeptical
of Castro and that the Agency should be responsible
for identifying and training in facilities in the
United States or elsewhere
--
--
those who would be the
leaders of the Cuban guerrilla warfare groups. At the
conclusion of the 14 March meeting, it was agreed
that the Agency would revise the paper on the basis
of the discussions and plan to present it to President
Eisenhower later in the week. 45/
As part of the effort to improve the paper on
the proposed anti-Castro operations, the Agency pre-
pared additional backup material which could be cranked
into the version which would eventually go to the
President.
On 14 and 15 March, the records reveal
copies of two drafts of such a paper, one of which
was labeled as "revised version, done by [C. Tracy]
Barnes, evening 14 Mar," which went into more detail
on both the political opposition to Castro and on the
propaganda activities that were being mounted against
Castro. These papers also noted that paramilitary
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activity would "take the longest to become a usable
"
asset. 46/ The most important difference between
these papers and the covert action plan presented
by Dulles was that the Financial Annex showed a sharp,
upward increase in the anticipated costs for FY '61
--
--
with the
from $1.6-1.7 million to $3.5 million
heaviest increment coming in terms of the proposed
paramilitary operation. The sum for PM operations
was revised from an estimated $500,000 in Dulles's
14 March presentation to a total of $1.3 million for
that same year.
From the time Allen Dulles enunciated the covert
action plan (14 March) until President Eisenhower ap-
proved it (17 March), there was an interesting bit of
bi-play between the National Security Council and the
Special Group 5412. One of the principal concerns of
the National Security Council was the proper US re-
sponse should the Cubans try to intervene or inter-
fere with operations of the Naval base at Guantanamo
Bay, including a possible takeover of the Base. On
16 March 1960, after Gordon Gray had been fully apprised
of the proposed plan for covert action submitted by
Allen Dulles, Gray was the recipient of a briefing
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note from a member of his own Staff, Samuel E. Belk,
for the planned National Security Council meeting
of 17 March which again focused exclusively on the
situation at Guantanamo Bay. It appears as though
Mr. Belk, even though he was a member of the NSC
Staff was completely in the dark as to the planning
that had already been undertaken with regard to
Castro's ouster. At a time when the President had
already indicated that proposals for economic action
or direct sabotage of the Cuban sugar industry were
less than what he desired, Mr. Belk, for whatever
reason, suggested again that with the new sugar
legislation, perhaps Castro could be straightened
out. In addition, Belk suggested a plan which was
"unconventional and radical" having President.
Eisenhower send a message directly to Castro telling
him that he was concerned over the deterioration of
relations between the two countries and suggesting
that Castro have private conversations with an emissary
whom the President would personally designate.
Staffer Belk believed that this was a "can't
lose" situation for the US. If Castro refused to
meet with Eisenhower's representative, then he would
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be condemned throughout Latin America. The US on the
other hand would receive the blessings of the OAS and
the UN for its efforts. If Castro did agree to meet
with the President's representative, then relations
between the US and Cuba probably would be improved. 47/
Mr. Belk's suggestions apparently never went beyond
Mr. Gray.
At 1430 hours on 17 March 1960, Mr. Dulles pre-
sented his covert action plan to a combined meeting
of the National Security Council and the principals
of the Special Group. In attendance with the Presi-
dent were Vice President Nixon, Secretary Herter, Mr.
Merchant, Mr. Rubottom, Secretary of Treasury Ander-
son, Secretary Irwin, Admiral Burke, Richard Bissell,
Colonel King, Gordon Gray, Major John Eisenhower, and
General A. J. Goodpaster.
report on the meeting:
Based on General Goodpaster's
The President said that he knows of no
better plan for dealing with this situa-
tion. The great problem is leakage and
breach of security. Everyone must be pre-
pared to swear that he has not heard of
it. He said we should limit American
contacts with the groups involved to two
or three people, getting Cubans to do
most of what must be done
He under-
stood that the effort will be to under-
mine Castro's position and prestige
...
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The President told Mr. Dulles he thought
he [Dulles] should go ahead with the plan
and the operations. He and the other
agencies involved should take account of
all likely Cuban reactions and prepare the
actions that we would take in response to
these
The President said he would
like some groundwork laid with the OAS to
let the Latin American countries know that
if the Cubans were to start to attack our
people in Cuba we' would be obliged to take
action ..
...
...
The President said that at the next
meeting, he would want to know what is
the sequence of events by which we see
the situation developing -- specifically
what actions are we to take. He said
our hand should not show in anything
that is done. In the meantime State
should be working on what we can do in
and out of the OAS
Essentially,
...
the job is to get the OAS to support
us. 48/
During the course of this meeting, Secretary of
the Treasury Anderson exhibited great concern over the
welfare of the US firms which had investments in Cuba;
and he was pushi̇ng for US intervention to protect
these private property rights. The President, how-
ever, cut him rather short on this. Vice President
Nixon, too, indicated some concern with the American
business interests in Cuba; and suggested that steps
might be taken to cut off the flow of new capital in-
vestment by US firms in Cuba, terminating private
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businesses already there, and reducing American tour-
ism.* 49/
President Eisenhower's approval of the 17 March
1960 covert action program against the Castro regime
thus set US policy. Briefly restated, the four major
courses of action called for the formation of an anti-
Communist exile political opposition located outside
of Cuba which would be the focal point for all of the
anti-Castro elements, provision for a powerful propa-
ganda offensive against the island, perfection of a
covert intelligence-in-action network organization
within Cuba, and the development of a paramilitary
force outside Cuba, with the necessary logistical
support for covert military operations on the island.**
* Col. King prepared a memorandum on the same meeting,
but, strangely enough, failed to include a list of the
participants. The fact that the President, Vice Presi-
dent, and Secretary of State were in attendance could
not be known from King's memo alone. 50/ Not in attend-
ance at this meeting was Jake Esterline, Chief, WH/4.
This was one of numerous instances where higher level
personnel in this instance, the DCI, Col. King, and
Bissell were the principals in a meeting at which
Esterline would seem to have been an equally legitimate
participant.
**
--
--
Even as President Eisenhower was approving the anti-
Castro effort a Special National Intelligence Estimate
was in process and would state that Castro was not
"demonstrably under the domination or control of the
international Communist movement." (SNIE 85-60,
22 March 1960, p. 3. S.)
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It is particularly important in light of changes which
were subsequently made in the covert action plan to
note the language of the approved policy with reference
to the paramilitary operation:
Initially, a cadre of leaders will be
recruited after careful screening and
trained as paramilitary instructors. In
a second phase, a number of paramilitary
cadres will be trained at secure locations
outside of the US so as to be available for
immediate deployment into Cuba to organize,
train, and lead resistance forces recruited
there, both before and after the establish-
ment of one or more active centers of resis-
tance.
At no point in this Presidentially-approved plan
for covert action by the Agency is there any hint of
invasion. The paramilitary activity was clearly to
be in the context of guerrilla warfare with leader-
ship and training to the dissident activities inside
Cuba being provided by Cubans trained by United States
technicians.* Finally, with reference to the approved
* Colonel Jack Hawkins (USMC) who was Chief, WH/4/PM
correctly noted in his memorandum for record of PM
operations for Project JMATE that:
The only approved, written policy
governing paramilitary action against
Cuba is contained in paragraph 2d of
the Policy Paper approved by the Presi-
dent on 17 March 1960." (Emphasis added
by author.) 51/
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plan, the overall budget for the remainder of FY '60,
and FY '61 of $4.4 million was approved with the
caveat that should there be cost overruns, these could
be drawn up from the Agency's reserve for contingen-
cies. *
*
A copy of the approved Program of Covert Action
Against the Castro Regime is given as Appendix B.
(Appendix B, page 300).
The reader is also
urged to examine Appendix C, a set of correspondence
between the Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral Arleigh
Burke, and Livingston Merchant, the Undersecretary of
State for Political Affairs. (Appendix C
page 311.)
Admiral Burke apparently had become ex-
tremely agitated about the rise of Castro to power
in Cuba; and on 26 February of 1960, he had forwarded
a paper on US action in Cuba, to both Secretary Merchant
and also to the Assistant Secretary of Defense for
International Security Affairs, Irwin, in which the
Navy's senior officer took it upon himself to examine
the various options available to the United States to
reassert itself in the Western Hemisphere vis-a-vis
the growth of Communist power represented by Castro.
Admiral Burke outlined a series of options that were
available to the United States, such as multilateral
action through the OAS, unilateral overt action by
the US, or covert unilateral action by the US.
--
Leaning heavily on both the Monroe Doctrine and
Article 5 of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal
Assistance (the Rio de Janeiro Treaty of 1947) Burke
made a series of recommendations covering the same
ground propaganda, organization of the anti-Castro
exiles who were in the US, or direct US military inter-
vention which had already been considered at high
levels and were already familiar to both Secretaries
Merchant and Irwin. On 10 March 1960, Merchant replied
to Burke's memorandum noting "a marked degree of simi-
larity in the suggestions of the Navy and of our people
here concerning the need to reverse the trend in Cuba
and the methods which are best calculated to achieve
(footnote continued on following page)
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With reference to his action of 17 March 1960,
President Eisenhower subsequently wrote:
this result." Merchant then went on to review the
bidding that had already been done, particularly in
the Special Group, on the question of how to handle
Castro, emphasizing, of course, that State was very
much concerned that precipitate action against Castro's
government would work, if not immediately, certainly
in the long run, to the detriment of the United States,
particularly in its relations to the other governments
of Latin America.
Whether the response did not satisfy Admiral
Burke or whether he sincerely believed that the Navy,
more than any other US Agency, should be principally
responsible for setting US policy toward Cuba is not
known. In any event, on 16 March 1960, he forwarded
another set of proposals for US action in Cuba to both
Gordon Gray, the Special Assistant to the President
for National Security Affairs, and to Allen W. Dulles.
Burke's comments on the transmittal sheets to these
two individuals are interesting. To National Security
Adviser Gray he wrote:
Dear Gordon: Enclosed is my copy of a
memorandum on U.S. Action in Cuba which
may be of interest to you. Sincerely yours,
Arleigh Burke.
To the Director of Central Intelligence he wrote:
Dear Allen: Enclosed is a memorandum
my Staff prepared containing some sugges-
tions which might be useful to you in your
work. Naturally, I do not agree with
quite all the comments contained in the
memorandum but I know that you will for-
give the impatient young lad for his de-
sire to make sure no opportunity is left
uncovered. Warm regards. Sincerely,
Arleigh Burke.
Why one of the recipients was cautioned about "the im-
patient young lad" and the other was not is something
(footnote continued on following page)
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On March 17, 1960, less than two weeks
after my return from Puerto Rico, I
ordered the Central Intelligence Agency
to begin to organize the training of
Cuban exiles, mainly in Guatemala, against
the possible future day when they might
return to their homeland. More specific
planning was not possible because the
Cubans living in exile had made no move
to select from among their numbers, a
"
of a mystery. Certainly the proposals by one J. E.
Pond, Jr., reflect at least, Pond's youth and immatur-
ity. For among other things in his memorandum, Mr.
Pond suggested that the Navy: "Accept Mr. Merchant's
offer in his letter of March 10 to Admiral Burke of
a complete briefing of State Department activities
vis-a-vis the Cuban situation in an effort to prod
State to move faster." Or, with reference to action
that the State Department should take, he suggested:
"Brief all individuals and groups of U.S. nationals
going to Latin America on the Kommunist [sic] threat
in Cuba for further dissemination to host country
personnel. Two items which had not appeared in other
of the papers related to the evolution of US policy
to oust Castro which were introduced by Mr. Pond,
were that the IADB (Inter-American Defense Board)
become involved in the anti-Castro effort an exceed-
ingly naive suggestion considering that the members
of this group were far from unanimous in condemning
the Castro Revolution. And the second unique contri-
bution of this paper which Admiral Burke saw fit to
forward to two very senior members of the Executive
Branch, was the spelling throughout the paper of
Communist with a "K". These last proposals that Ad-
miral Burke had forwarded to the Director of Central
Intelligence ended up in the files of Chief, Western
Hemisphere Division. The memorandum having been sent
down from Mr. Bissell's office, with the following
notation to Col. King:
--
Admiral Burke sent this over to the
Director on the afternoon of 17 March,
and the latter handed [it] to me. I do
not believe it requires a reply, but
pass it to you for any value it may
have.
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leader whom we could recognize as the
head of a government in exile.* 52/
* In preparing this comment, the former President ap-
parently had to call on his own memory, on the memory
of Gen. Goodpaster, and the memory of Gordon Gray.
Based on his own recollections Eisenhower said that
neither his own nor Goodpaster's records contained
anything about the 17 March 1960 meeting. Similarly,
Gordon Gray wrote to Eisenhower:
You may recall that not so very long
after I became your Special Assistant, in
a meeting you had with Allen Dulles and
me you gave instructions that activities
of the so-called "Special Group" should
not be recorded in any place except the
files of the Director of the Central In-
telligence Agency. You did not wish that
there be other copies. It was for this
reason that I did not seek a copy of the
March 17th paper for my files, nor did I
make notes at that meeting.
Subsequent to March 17th, I began to
make memoranda of every meeting on that
particular subject because I had a hunch.
that someday these might be important, and
I intended to put them in your hands at the
appropriate time, understanding, of course,
that you might wish to have them destroyed.
Incidentally, there were no carbons or
other copies made of these memoranda. By
not making copies, and by planning to put
the documents in your own hands for what-
¨ever disposition you wished to make of
them, I sort of rationalized my violation
of your instructions about not making such
memoranda. I hope I need not assure you
that it was not my practice to violate
your instructions and this is the only
instance of such that I can recall. 53/
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B. Forging the Tool
Following President Eisenhower's approval of
the anti-Castro program which had evolved from the
numerous discussions, meetings, and briefings pre-
viously mentioned, the Agency's leadership then faced
the problem of acting directly to implement the anti-
Castro program.
Problems which had been discussed
philosophically prior to this time now had to be put
to the test of practicality.
Among the problems of
principal importance during the period from March to
September 1960 were the following:
The establishment of the leadership of WH/4 and
the acquisition of personnel for WH/4;
Extensive coordination between Agency representa-
tives and representatives of other US Government
Agencies and, at the same time, a high level of intra-
Agency coordination.
'
The initiation of a paramilitary training program
for those Cubans who would be directly involved in help-
ing to dispose of the Castro Government:
Attempting to establish project parameters and
to give proper consideration to possible changes in
the concept of the program as time passed;
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And, finally, to retain the credibility and
viability of the operation despite numerous wild
haired proposals that were being put forward at vari-
--
ous times during the months under study proposals
which never should have been offered let alone given
any serious consideration.
As previously noted, WH/4 was established by
Col. King in January of 1960; however, it was not
until 24 March 1960 that Mr. Bissell apparently of-
ficially got around to approving the new Branch, for
in a memorandum for the Deputy Director for Support
(DDS), it was noted:
The SSA-DDS has advised of the DDP's
approval of the creation of a new opera-
tional Branch, the abolishment of an
existing Section, and the creation of a
new Section within the WH Division Head-
quarters Staffing complement.
The 15 new positions required by the Branch would be
more than offset by the decrease in the DDP complement.
The same memorandum indicated that the Wage and
Salary Division of the Office of Personnel had approved
the various grades that had been proposed and then the
memorandum went on to state:
The approval limits the usage of the
requested positions to the duration of the
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Cuban crisis; after which all the positions
in the new Branch and Section will be re-
viewed for reclassification purposes. 54/
The question of financing and budget for project
JMATE had already caused concern among those responsible
for the formulation of the anti-Castro policy, and soon
after the President's approval of the project, the
question of budget and finance surfaced. By 24 March
1960, the Deputy Director for Support noted that:
"Jack Earman advised me that the Director had approved
of the paper calling for the release of $900,000 from
the reserve for Project JMARC." 55/ Indeed the Director
had signed such a paper calling for the $900,000 as
"an unprogrammed requirement for which other funds
are not available." 56/
In his memo to the Comptroller concerning the
release of funds from the Agency reserve, the Director
was also careful to point out that it would be the
responsiblity of Chief, WH Division to certify that
the funds had been expended as specified for the
project; that additionally, the DDP or his designee
would have to approve each certification; that the
only Headquarters file on the budget for the project
would be maintained by WH/Division; and that the
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file would be complete as to the purpose of the expend-
iture, the date, those who were involved as payees,
and any other details; and finally that access to
this financial file would be "limited to persons
specifically authorized by the Deputy Director (Plans)."* 57/
In the first meeting following the Presidential
approval of the anti-Castro program, Jake Esterline
called the members of WH/4 together to announce that
the program had been given the crypt of JMARC; and he
further pointed out that 1 May 1960 was the target
date for the beginning of training at Fort Randolph
in Panama. (This date was predicated on the assump-
tion of a satisfactory report from the Inspection Team
which was to travel to Fort Randolph on 27 March.)
Medical and security officers were to be assigned to
the training base and the communications link was to
be established with Headquarters.
In this early
་
* Unlike some suggestions that had been forwarded by
the WH/4 Finance Officer, Michael King, the Director's
Memorandum placed budgetary responsibility with the
DDP and Chief, WH Division. Chief, WH/4 was not even
included on the routing for the Director's Memorandum.
The WH/4 Financial Officer, on the other hand, had
suggested that certain of the responsibilities for
approval of funding be given to the project Chief,
or the Chief, WH/Division. 58/
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meeting, Esterline emphasized that training at the
Fort Randolph and Fort Sherman areas of Panama was
going to be extremely limited; and since there would
be no training areas in the United States, third
country training activities would need to be estab-
lished. He emphasized again that secrecy was of
paramount importance if the operation was to succeed,
and stressed that the establishment of a Government-
in-exile was a key point to making the planned opera-
tion credible. Esterline further indicated that such
a government hopefully could be announced by the early
part of April and that the Headquarters for such a
government could be located either in Puerto Rico or
Costa Rica.
Esterline also made an appeal for personnel to
staff both the Panama training activity and Base Two,
the Coral Gables Headquarters which later would be
known as JMWAVE. One interesting point made at this
first meeting was that:
Mr. [Scudder] Georgia reported that
the DDS Offices concerned had nominated
nearly all of the personnel required by
1 and 15 April respectively. Action was
being taken to make all these available
at once
[and] it was agreed that DDS
representatives would meet once a week
...
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to review activities, determine the status
of commitments, and prepare a brief re-
port for Chief, Branch 4. 59/
In another Branch meeting soon after the one
just mentioned, Esterline reemphasized, as he and
others would do throughout the course of the operation,
the need for security practices designed to protect
the fact of Agency involvement in this covert opera-
tion. He also indicated the considerable degree of
cooperation which already was being required from
other services. Dave Phillips provided a specific
example of this, emphasizing that without the close
cooperation of the United States Navy, it would have
been difficult to transport the two radio transmitters
which were going to be installed on Swan Island.
Moreover, Phillips reported that a crew of Seabees
would be responsible for constructing the facilities
to house the transmitters and the quarters for per-
sonnel who would conduct the propaganda effort from
Swan Island. Because the activities then established
on Swan Island were under the control of the Federal
Aviation Administration, C. Tracy Barnes (the A/DDP/A)
was to meet with the Director of FAA, Gen. Elwood
Quesada, to clear with him the problems that were
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involved in establishing this Agency activity on the
island. 60/ Coordination also had to be effected
with the United States Coast Guard in order that
there be no interference with maritime activities;
and the Immigration and Naturalization Service was
alerted to the need to facilitate the entry of Cuban
defectors. 61/'
As attempts were being made to establish the
parameters for the operations against Castro, a most
prescient memorandum was directed to Chief, WH/4
from Paul Oberst, Chief, Covert Action, WH Division.
Oberst apparently had been associated with PBSUCCESS,
the project which resulted in the ouster of the Arbenz
Government in Guatemala in 1954; and recalling some
of the "pitfalls and counter-productive aspects" of
that particular operation, Oberst wrote as follows:
I have the impression that our basic
JMARC plan commits us to a rather firm
timetable. In my judgment, we should
have great flexibility in deciding the
appropriate time for kicking off any
paramilitary operations. Before such
operations are initiated, we should have
firm evidence that our propaganda and
political action operations have irrev-
ocably undermined Castro's prestige,
both in Cuba and abroad. We should not
initiate paramilitary actions until we
are convinced that they will not enable
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Castro to recuperate lost prestige and
rally local and foreign sympathy and sup-
port. Generally speaking, current area
attitudes toward the Castro regime are
satisfactory from our [CIA] point of view.
However, this could change radically and
rapidly, if there are any premature para-
military actions. When the time comes
for paramilitary activity, we should make
every effort to conceal any invasion
actions. To avoid or minimize Castro's
counter propaganda, the paramilitary
operations must appear to be an internal
uprising by dissident elements within
Cuba. This, of course, would require
clandestine infiltration of personnel
and arms before the hostitlities begin.
In my opinion, Castro will inevitably
charge the US with responsibility for
JMARC operations, and many Latin Americans
and other foreign observers will be in-
clined to accept such charges with or
without supporting evidence. Therefore,
what we need is a massive diversionary
effort that will either obscure the fact
of our involvement or make our involvement
palatable. This diversionary tactic might
be accomplished by exploiting unanimous
Latin American revulsion toward the Trujillo
regime
If it became known, or strongly
suspected, that we were supporting opera-
tions to bring about a transition to demo-
cratic government in the Dominican Republic,
the waters would be suitably muddied, and
a climate prepared for the Cuban effort.* 62/
--
* Debatable though Oberst's philosophy regarding the
Dominican Republic might be, serious attention to his
initial comments regarding paramilitary activities
against Castro might have halted or at least seriously
altered the operations which would ultimately con-
clude at the Bahia de Cochinos. As with other of the
cautionary and restrained proposals which would be put
forth prior to launching the invasion, little heed
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In
In mid-April of 1960 WH/4 made the first presen-
tation for the DCI since the basic program had been
approved by President Eisenhower in mid-March.
attendance in addition to the DCI were: Gen. Cabell,
Mr. Helms (C/OPS), Herman Horton (CI Staff), and C.
Tracy Barnes, Mr. Bissell's Deputy. This high level
group was informed that broadcasting activity from
Swan Island was scheduled to begin on 17 May 1960 and
that very special operations were being carried out
in order to provide stories for propaganda use. Ac-
cording to Dave Phillips who made the presentation
apparently was paid to Mr. Oberst's proposals.
About the same time that Oberst's memorandum
was going forward, the DDP was calling for WH/4 to
prepare daily progress reports as one way of eliminat-
ing the need for crash-type responses or actions.
In discussing the contents of such reports, it was
indicated that:
The Progress Report should generally
not exceed one page in length, and that
we should not hesitate to include it in
items which were not favorable to our
progress, in other words, setbacks or
handicaps which we might have encountered. 63/
Also, by way of keeping informed about develop-
ments related to the operation, Chief WH/4 instituted
a series of weekly meetings with the operational ele-
ments of the DDP "for the purpose of insuring opera-
tional coordination similar to that achieved by the
meeting of support elements every Tuesday morning." 6.4/
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on propaganda, excellent results were being obtained.
The reports on the evolution of the government in
exile and the buildup of the stay-behind network and
on paramilitary activity indicated that much work
still remained to be done to get these activities
off the ground. Further, it was pointed out to the
DCI and the DDCI that budget estimates were rapidly
escalating, principally because:
Direct costs of nonexpendable equipment
[were] being charged against the project
which, in fact, was the major cause of the
project's over-obligation. It was the
opinion of all concerned that such property
should be held on a Memorandum Receipt
basis without cost to the project, and
that charges, if any, should be reflected
as direct costs only if property was found
unserviceable or was not returned to com-
munications stock supply after the project
is terminated. The DCI was advised that
this matter would be discussed with the
Comptroller for resolution. 65/
Most important in connection with this briefing,
was the DCI's comment that:
With respect to personnel needs, he
assured all, no matter whether personnel
were overseas or in the US, he would
arrange to obtain personnel required in
support of JMARC. 66/
The meaning of Chief/WH/4's comments to the DCI,
was made quite clear within a few days when Admendment
No. 1 to the project was submitted to the Director
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for approval.
The amendment concerned the need for
more money and pointed out that:
.
Not only has the initial $900,000.
already been expended, but it is cur-
rently estimated that an additional
$1.0 million is immediately required to
carry the activity through 30 June 1960
Note is also made of possible
contingencies amounting to an additional
$1.4 million for which no funds are re-
quested at this time. 67/
In addition to an early updating for the DCI,
WH/4 also undertook to educate the Joint Chiefs of
Staff on the Cuban problem very soon after the Eisen-
hower approval of the anti-Castro program. On 8 April
1960, General Cabell headed a CIA delegation including
Mr. Bissell, Col. King, and Jake Esterline which
briefed a very high level group of Department of
Defense representatives in the JCS conference room
at the Pentagon.* General Cabell made only introduc-
tory remarks, and the bulk of the briefing was con-
ducted by Mr. Bissell with some assistance from
* Included among the Defense participants were Thomas
Gates, Secretary of Defense; Gen. Twining, Chairman,
JCS; Gen. Shoup, Commandant U.S. Marines; Admiral
Burke; CNO; General Erskine, Chief, Special Ops, U.S.
Army; Gen. White, COS/USAF; and Gen. Woolnough, repre-
senting COS/Army. 68/
""
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J. C. King.
Apparently Jake Esterline, the man who
had the monkey on his back as project chief sat
quietly by.
The suggestion which had been made by Paul
Oberst that the "waters be muddied" by making it
appear that the US was backing the anti-Trujillo
forces in the Dominican Republic was not introduced
during the course of this briefing of the JCS, even
though the Dominican Republic was included as a part
of the overall briefing. What did emerge with refer-
ence to the Dominican Republic was a concensus that
if Trujillo were ousted, there was a strong possibility
that Castro might move into the Dominican Republic
where he probably would be received as a conquering
hero.
In the course of the discussion which followed
the briefing, Admiral Burke emerged as the principal
"hawk," indicating his willingness to move fleet units
into the Port au Prince, Haiti area because the sug-
gestion had been made that if Castro went into the
Dominican Republic it would only be a few days time
before he also would be welcomed into Haiti. In ad-
dition, Burke made it quite clear that should the
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the
Cuban government launch an attack on Guantanamo,
Navy was prepared to defend that base. In Burke's
opinion, the Navy had adequate force available to do
that.* 69/
Whether a direct result of this briefing of
the JCS or not, there was a noticeable improvement
in WH/4's relations with the military services be-
fore the end of April 1960. On 19 April, for example,
$150,000 was to be funneled from the CIA's Director
of Logistics to the Comptroller, US Army, ostensibly
as a working fund for the 2750th Maintenance Unit,
Fort Randolph, Canal Zone. This money, of course,
was to be used for necessary construction, renovation,
procurement of material, and hire of native labor as
necessary to improve Fort Randolph as a training site
for the PM insturctor cadre. 71/
Before the end of April 1960, the Joint Chiefs
་
of Staff had approved, in principle, the Agency's
*
This briefing for the senior personnel in the Depart-
ment of Defense, would have taken place in any event;
but it may have been prompted by the reluctance of the
designated DOD liaison officer with WH/4, Capt. Burns
Spore (USN), to do much more than listen to WH/4's re-
quests for the assignment of DOD personnel to the
project and for real estate for use in the training
program until he received a green light from the
SecDef. 70/
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request for overflight photo coverage of the islands
offshore of Cuba. The decision on this matter was
taken up, not only with the Air Force, but also with
J. Lampton Berry of the Department of State.* Al-
though the authorization and plan for these overflights,
presumably by the U-2, antedated the shootdown of
Francis Gary Power's U-2 in the Soviet Union, it was
recorded that:
....
Ambassador Berry had called to say
that the Department had approved the
mission, but insisted that extremely
tight security be exercised throughout
and that Col. Benson (USAF/Operations)
inform Ambassador Berry before each
sortie so that the Department would be
properly prepared to respond to any
emergency. 72/
''
The first flight, incidentally, was tentatively sched-
uled for the weekend of 30 April
-
1 May of 1960.**
In April of 1960, in addition to working with
the Army, the Agency representatives also began to
work with the Covert Limited Warfare Committee of
* Berry was a Career Minister and former Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary (AE&P) to Ceylon who
was at this time assigned to the Bureau of Intelligence
and Research.
** Powers was shot down over the USSR on 1 May 1960.
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the Office of Special Operations, Department of De-
fense. One of the particular problems of concern in
this relationship was that of covert sea transporta-
tion which might be necessary to lift anti-Castro
forces back to the island of Cuba. Even though all
the planning about which there is a record at this
time concerned only cadres for guerrilla warfare
training and the infiltration of communications ex-
perts, on 25 April 1960, Savilion Chapman of DDP's
Maritime Branch met with a Captain Thomas (USN) and
a Col. Anderson (USMC) who were members of the DOD/CIA
Covert Limited Warfare Stockpiling Committee, and
discussed among other interesting subjects:
The acquisition from the Navy of two
Landing Ship-Tanks (LST) and four Air-
Sea Rescue Craft (AVR), the training of
the Cuban crews for these vessels, and
the means of covert transfer of the
vessels from the Navy to the Agency.* 73/
In addition to the requested overhead reconnis-
sance of the Cuban coastline by the Air Force, the
* It is rather strange that at this early date in
April 1960 discussions were being held concerning
the acquisition of LST's. There had been no discus-
sions concerning the movement of a large body of Cuban
troops back into their homeland; and, consequently,
the discussion re LST's seems highly out of place.
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Maritime Branch representatives also discussed beach
gradient problems with the Marine Corps and repre-
sentatives of the Navy's Hydrographic Office. It
was ascertained that much work needed to be done in
order to upgrade information suitable for planning
the use of LST's for beaching and landing of troops
and vehicles. 74/
In the weeks immediately following Eisenhower's
announcement of the anti-Castro policy, the Department
of State seemed to be operating in a world of its own
making elaborate plans for Cuban briefings and the
flow of information on Cuba's internal developments.
On 25 March, for example, Roy Rubottom, Assistant
Secretary of State for American Republic Affairs,
was the originator of an elaborate memorandum which
provided a check list of current operations and ten
categories of activity related to developments in
Cuba. From the tenor of the paper itself, it seems
as though Rubottom was ignorant of the Cuban issues
before the Special Group, of the discussions among
CIA, State, and Department of Defense, and of the
President's approved plan for covert action. Nor
was there any evident awareness of the various overt
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programs with reference to the Cuban problem. 75/
About this same time, Allen Dulles made known to
the Special Group his displeasure that the Depart-
ment failed to consult with the Agency prior to
announcing the reappointment of Philip Bonsal as US
Ambassador to Cuba. 76/
The Rubottom plan apparently had some impact,
for by the end of April 1960, Gordon Gray was calling
on Douglas Dillon, the Undersecretary of State, to
find someone in the Department
--
Dillon himself
--
to be "constantly seized of the Cuban problem and
who would take steps to assure that all of the activ-
ities of various groups were in harness and that all
needed decisions were made when needed."* 77/ Mr.
Gray also specified some of the problems which would
face a Chief of Staff on the Cuban activity, noting:
[Livingston Merchant] has set up two
groups, one under the chairmanship of
Mr. Mallory.' In addition, there is the
Special Group, of which Livie is a mem-
ber, and in his absence Ray Hare sits.
Further, there is a special activity
* This, of course, apparently ignores or disregards
the creation of WH/4 and the responsibilities desig-
nated to the Agency by Gray's boss, President Eisen-
hower.
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proceeding under the chairmanship of Bob
Anderson, with which you may or may not
be familiar. Allen Dulles has a particu-
lar liaison with Bob in this matter.
The Defense Department, of course, has
many interests. 78/
The suggestion that Undersecretary Douglas Dillon be
made Chief of Staff responsible for coordinating the
programs with reference to Cuba did not sit well with.
the Agency; and after the matter had been surfaced at
a meeting of the Special Group on 28 April, Chief,
WH/4 prepared a memorandum stating in part with
reference to Dillon:
!
The Agency would not look with favor on
this arrangement. Mr. Barnes and the
Director, therefore, plan to go over to
State on Monday afternoon [2 May 1960]
and head off this new development. Mr.
Barnes believes that a short paper setting
forth what we are already doing in the
fields of coordination and liaison should
be adequate to support their point of
view. 79/
Whether resistance to the suggestion that Dillon
become Chief of Staff for the nation's anti-Castro
program was in itself distasteful to the Agency or
whether it was simply opposition to the idea that State
should take over the direction of a program which
would basically be carried out by the Agency is not
revealed in the records. Presumably both elements
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entered into the picture.
In any event, Gordon Gray
seemed cavalier in disregarding the creation of WH/4
and the liaison arrangements which had already been
made. (See Appendix D.)* But whatever the explana-
tion, Mr. Dillon did not become Chief of Staff for
the nation's Cuban program.
Although it was not included on the list of
Agencies with which CIA maintained liaison and con-
tacts at this time, mention should be made of the
CIA-FBI contacts concerning Cuba. Technically the
FBI was prohibited from engaging in intelligence
operations overseas, but in mid-June 1960, Chief,
WH/4 revealed that the FBI reportedly had plans for
installing a stay-behind network using Mexicans
and Cubans
--
--
to be activated in case diplomatic
relations between the US and Cuba were broken. Chief,
WH/4 suggested that the CI Staff get in touch with
the FBI Liaison Officer, Sam Papich and ask for an
explanation of the Bureau's plan. 80/ About the
same time that Chief WH/4 was evincing concern about
FBI activities in Cuba, Chief, WH Division noted in
* Appendix D, page 332.
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a memorandum for the Acting Director of Central In-
telligence that:
A thorough investigation has been made
of the relations between the Havana Station
and the Havana Office of the Federal Bureau
of Investigation. It has been concluded
that the operations of the FBI have neither
interferred with nor conflicted with the
Station's operations. 81/
Col. King's memo also stated the Bureau's long-
time contacts in the Cuban area were a benefit to
both the Bureau and to the Station pointing out that
-frequently the Station was called on to participate
in, or actually undertake, the debriefing of various
individuals who had come into the FBI offices to volun-
teer information. On occasion, the Bureau had even
turned over specific operations to the Station.
Chief, WH Division went even further when,
during the course of one of the weekly interdepart-
mental meetings in State, it was suggested by Mr.
Gray and Mr. Mallory that the FBI was exceeding its
jurisdiction, and that perhaps this should be brought
before the NSC for consideration. Col. King reported
that he remained non-committal at this time, but did
point out that he thought the jurisdictional issue
should be "soft-pedaled." He did say, however, that
."
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the memorandum he had prepared on this subject was
being held in the files should questions about this
particular Bureau activity ever be raised. King
also recommended that the Agency not take the initia-
tive in raising the question. 82/
Neither Col. King, nor anyone else involved in
the anti-Castro operation ever registered a formal
protest against the FBI's activities in the Havana
area. By mid-summer 1960, the relationship became
even closer, particularly as the Agency expanded
activities at the Forward Operations Base, JMASH
(later JMWAVE) in Miami. In one report concerning
the number of the Cuban exiles in the Miami area who
were under suspicion of
working for
--
or were
--
Castro, or who were trying desperately to get sup-
port from one or another US Agency, an FBI agent
made a rather interesting forecast to the CIA repre-
sentative with whom he was exchanging information.
According to the report from Miami, an FBI agent
told me that his personal opinion was
that it would be virtually impossible, if
not completely impossible, to bring about
the overthrow of the Castro regime using
Cuban exiles. He thought the only solu-
tion to the problem, and the one that
stood the best chance of success, was to
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go in with the US Marines. He admitted
that this was only his personal opinion,
but he felt that in view of his experience
and contact with the Cuban exiles, he had
a good point. I could not help agree
with him. 83/
Agent George Davis apparently was extremely
interested in full cooperation with the Agency, quick-
ly accepting the Agency representative's proposal
that they visit the FBI offices once or twice each
week to compare notes; and the CIA field representa-
tive, in turn, agreed to pass on to Mr. Davis in the
FBI any information which the Agency might acquire
pertaining to FBI interests.*
--
* The Forward Operations Base (FOB) opened in May
1960 in Coral Gables, Florida, and it was the second
FOB that had been established since the formation of
WH Division. the initial base having been set up
during the anti-Arbenz operation in Guatemala in 1953-
1954. In general, the Miami FOB paralleled the organ-
ization of Headquarters with FI, CI, CA, Support, and
PM units. FOB reported directly to the Chief, WH
Division, not to Jake Esterline, Chief, WH/4. Ini-
tially the satellite communications center for relaying
commo between Headquarters and the field including
facilities in the Florida Keys concerning the maritime
operations was established; and ultimately the commo
link would connect Headquarters with the operations in
Guatemala and Nicaragua. The cover firm for the base,
was Clarence A. DePew & Sons; a notional cover for
an organization engaged in classified research.
--
A series of some 32 reports has been prepared on
the FOB, and the reports are available through the
Records Management Officer of WH Division. These
(footnote continued on following page)
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In addition to its concern with the interests
of other government agencies in the Cuban problem,
in mid-summer of 1960 the Agency also was required
to provide intelligence briefings for the Presidential
and Vice-Presidential candidates of the major politi-
cal parties. While the intelligence briefings were
scheduled to consider the world situation, consider-
able emphasis was being given to both Cuba and the
Dominican Republic. In preparation for Mr. Dulles'
briefing of the Democratic nominee, John F. Kennedy,
on 23 July 1960, WH/4 prepared a detailed Cuban brief-
ing paper touching on the principal aspects of the
exile organization, the propaganda plan, penetration
of Cuba by personnel from communist countries (includ-
ing the Soviet Union, Red China, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia,
and East Germany), and the play that Castro was making
in the Latin American world for pro-communist sympa-
thizers. In addition, emphasis also was given to the
reports deal basically with the period between 1962
and 1968; and while there is some feeling that the
story of the Bay of Pigs operation should go into
extensive detail on the initial operations of the
FOB, this author has chosen not to do so, focusing
instead on only those broad aspects of the problem
relating to the Miami Base. 84/
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planned program for paramilitary training and opera-
tions under the aegis of CIA.
Insofar as can be
determined, however, there is no indication that in
his pre-election briefing of the Democratic Presidential
candidates that Mr. Dulles went into any specifics
on the Agency's anti-Castro plans. 85/
As mentioned previously, one of the continuing
problems requiring coordination within the Executive
Branch was the increasing budget demands for Project
JMATE. From an estimate of some $2.5 million of
1
budgeted and reserve funds, which had been made avail-
able for the program by mid-August of 1960, Mr. Bissell.
appeared at a special Group meeting, requesting that
an additional $10.75 million be released from reserve
funds to meet the ever-increasing needs, particularly
for the paramilitary and propaganda programs. The
decision of the Special Group following Mr. Bissell's
appeal was that:
This matter should be laid before the
appropriate higher authorities and a
presentation would be arranged hopefully
within the next ten days. This was be-
lieved to be wise, not because any actions
involving major political risks were to
be taken in the near future, but because
the Agency would soon become committed
to various substantial expenditures which
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should not be undertaken without a reason-
able assurance that the operation was to
go forward. 86/
On 22-23 August of 1960, after discussions with Mr.
Stans and Mr. Macy, the Agency was notified that the
requested $10 million for FY 61 would be made avail-
able from the Agency Reserve for Contingencies.* 87/
C.
Cooperation and Challenge
As already mentioned, immediately following
the Eisenhower decision to promote the anti-Castro
program, there was a considerable degree of coopera-
tion between CIA and other of the concerned Agencies
--
the Department of Defense, the Department of State,.
the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Immigration and
Naturalization Service, and others. As WH/4 continued
to expand and develop the various programs
ganda, covert action, staybehind networks, and para-
military operations there were ever increasing
contacts between CIA and the representatives of other
--
propa-
* One explanation for the sharply increasing demand
for reserve funds may lie in the fact that materiel
was being written off upon issue, rather than upon
consumption an aspect of the operation that was
explained to the author by William E. Eisemann,
formerly Chief, Support WH/4. 88/
--
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government agencies.
Perhaps the best way to describe
the period from the summer of 1960 until the early
fall was as a period of cooperation and challenge.
Cooperation because the needs of the Agency represented
National Policy. Challenge to most if not all of
CIA's proposals
--
proposals which concerned the
nature of the propaganda effort, the size and make-up
of the exile military force which was being organized,
the location of training sites, the types of technical
materiel (including aircraft) being requested, and,
most important by the end of this period, the specific
nature of the military operation which was to be
mounted against Fidel Castro.
--
By early June 1960, the program for paramilitary
training of Cuban exiles was jumped from some 60 to
500 or more trainees.
even though the actual train-
ing of the initial instructor cadre at Fort Randolph
in Panama had not yet begun and the FRD was only in
the initial stages of negotiation for PM and commo
training facilities in Guatemala. It was anticipated
that the increased number of PM trainees would be
%
recruited out of the Miami area, from other Latin
American countries where Cubans had taken up residence,
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and from others who might be recruited inside Cuba.
The emphasis on the PM training at this time was to
be on weapons, demolitions, sabotage, and guerrilla
warfare tactics; and the weapons familiarization was
to be with the M-1 carbine, the Garand and Spring-
field rifles, the Thompson sub-machine gun, and the
.45 Colt automatic pistol. This, of course, was the
weapons mix in the Agency's stockpile of standard
arms packs. 89/
"
It must be presumed that the call for increases
in the number of PM trainees was related to the con-
tinued importation of Soviet weapons and technicians
and the increasing strength of the Communist Party
in Cuba. An NIE written in mid-June 1960 on "The
Situation in Cuba,' for example noted that the Castro
regime was "deeply and increasingly influenced by Com-
munists no longer any prospect of democratic govern-
ment under his [Fidel Castro's) regime." As was pasť
estimates, this particular NIE was unable to answer
the question of whether Castro himself was a Communist.
The NIE also mentioned that no strong opposition
leader to the Castro regime had emerged, nor did the
opposition at that time "pose a serious threat to
..
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the regime."
One weakness touched on by the National
Estimate concerned the Castro militia which was char-
acterized as "only partially armed, and for the most
[and] appears to have little,
part poorly trained
if any, effectiveness as an organized combat force.
in conventional operations."
For either of the fore-
going reasons, perhaps, an increase in the number of
PM personnel might (a) assist in bringing a strong
dissident leader to the fore, or (b) develop the
capability to overcome the Castro militia. 90/
The question of an increased number of PM
trainees surfaced in a late August briefing for Presi-
dent Eisenhower, Secretaries Gates, Dillon, and Ander-
son, and Generals Persons, Lemnitzer, and Goodpaster
by the DCI and Mr. Bissell. After President Eisenhower's
National Security Adviser, Gordon Gray, summarized
developments since the March announcement of the anti-
Castro program, Mr. Dulles provided some specifics
concerning the organization of the FRD and its prin-
cipals, noting that the Headquarters for the FRD had
been established in Mexico City, in lieu of the invi-
tation of President Ydigoras of Guatemala to permit
the FRD to operate from his country. Mr. Dulles
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noted that at this time, it was particularly important
that the US presence in Guatemala not be revealed.
When the discussion turned to the PM forces, the De-
partment of Defense representative, Mr. Gates, made
it quite clear that he was concerned about the pos-
sibility of US military personnel being involved
directly in the military operations inside Cuba.
Mr. Bissell responded that US military personnel in
third countries would be used only as instructors
not as cadre leaders for either an invasion or a
guerrilla warfare effort.
--
Bissell did stress, however, that there was
need for a standby force, preferably of non-Americans,
with special training in guerrilla warfare to pro-
vide a leadership complement to the Cubans when "push"
came to "shove," a recommendation that provoked some
differences of opinion during the course of this
briefing for the President when it was suggested
that US officers might be required to direct these
forces. Mr. Dulles proposed withholding this dis-
cussion until the Agency and the JCS could talk the
matter over. Mr. Gray seemed to be determined that
the issue of the force level and make-up be resolved
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at this particular time.
According to his own report
of his position at this meeting,
Mr. Gray pointed out that it would be
unwise to mount any kind of an operation
without the determination to see it
through and that an abortive effort would
be worse than no effort at all. He there-
fore thought that if this backup force
was essential to ultimate success, full
consideration should be given to it at
this stage in the planning. Mr. Dulles
again urged that a decision on this be
deferred.* 91/
In support of Mr. Gray and in some contradiction
to Mr. Bissell's view that perhaps the Cuban PM force
would be able to carry off the effort without any out-
side help, the President was reported to have indicated
that
He would go along so long as the Joint
Chiefs, Defense, State, and CIA think we
have a good chance of being successful.
He wouldn't care much about this kind of
cost [the $10 million increase noted
earlier]; indeed, he said he would de-
fend this kind of action against all
comers and that if we could be sure of
freeing the Cubans from this incubus,
$25 million might be a small price to pay.
--
--
* In light of today's relations between the United
States and other of the major world powers with the
third countries, Gordon Gray displayed in the
summer of 1960
a degree of foresight with which
he has never been properly credited. For he noted
at that time that if the US failed to deal firmly
with Cuba, there was an obvious danger that other
small nations would be encouraged to undertake harass-
ments of the major powers. 92/
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The President concluded the meeting, by
saying that he would like to urge caution
with respect to the danger of making false
moves, with the result of starting some-
thing before we were ready for it.* 93/
One of the most persistent problems which was
to surface by early fall of 1960 concerned the need
for the anti-Castro operation itself, and the bulk
of the questioning came from the Department of State,
principally from Thomas Mann, who soon was to become
the Assistant Secretary of State for American Repub-
lic Affairs. Mann already had been involved in some
of the prior discussions concerning the anti-Castro
activity in his capacity as Assistant Secretary for
* In his memorandum of a meeting with the President
on 17 August 1960, Gordon Gray noted that in discuss-
ing the CIA meeting planned for 18 August, that in
addition to Messrs. Dulles and Bissell, a third CIA
officer might possibly be in attendance; and he also
noted that the Vice-President had been invited to at-
tend the briefing. According to Gray's record, how-
ever, neither the Vice-President nor the third CIA
representative were in attendance at the briefing of
18 August. The attendance of the Director and Mr.
Bissell, but with no CIA representative from WH/4,
was further illustration of Jake Esterline's criticism
that at too many high level briefings, CIA's repre-
sentatives were individuals who, high ranks notwith-
standing, were the furthest from the operation yet
they were responsible for informing the nation's policy-
makers about the details of the anti-Castro program. 94/
--
It is also interesting to note that this off-the-
record meeting which was arranged by Gordon Gray lasted
only 23 minutes, and this included at least a short
time for a brief discussion related to Francis Gary.
Powers. 95/
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Economic Affairs. In early September of 1960, Chief,
WH/4 learned from a member of the Department of State
that Mr. Mann was going to ask for a restudy of the
basic concept of JMATE, or, if he did not ask for
that re-evaluation, he would ask for immediate review
and rescheduling of the timetable for the JMATE oper-
ation. At this time and in view of the lack of prog- -
ress both in developing any great cohesion within
the FRD in organizing the dissidents within Cuba,
the questions seemed in order. The reaction of Chief,
WH/4 however, was that an attempt should be made to
blunt Mr. Mann's efforts, noting for example:
The degree to which we are already com-
mitted in JMARC would pose a monumental
security problem alone if we were suddenly
instructed to cease and desist from further
activity. As of this moment, they have
well in excess of 200 people engaged in
air, ground, and communications training
in Guatemala. Additionally, our across-
the-board propaganda activities are being
stepped up daily. A drastic rescheduling
of either activity, therefore, could bring
about serious repercussions. 96/
The precise nature of these "serious repercus-
sions" was not spelled out. As time passed, however,
it would be charged that the cessation of the Agency-
sponsored training activities would loose a flood of
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Cubans back into the exile community; and they would
charge that the United States feared to undertake the
task of ousting Fidel Castro. This, in turn, would
mean that the US would lose face in the eyes of the
Democratic Latin American republics.
A
Jake Esterline
speculated that Mann did not believe that the Cubans
were willing to support an insurrection against Castro.
A suggestion which was made to counter the possible
Mann proposals was that:
To strengthen our position, therefore,
we are bending every effort to get at
least one supply airdrop into the target
country, prior to the Assistant Secretary's
return to the United States
Success-
...
ful action in this area should weigh
heavily on Assistant Secretary Mann's
alleged new attitude. 97/
Just how one
--
or even more
--
successful air
drops would in any way influence Mann's opinion about
the receptiveness of the Cuban population to a pos-
sible insurrection effort was not explained. That
there were dissidents on the island was unquestioned,
the problem was the degree of strength and effective-
ness that they might be able to demonstrate.*
*
Fortunately for the continuation of Project JMATE,
the hurry-up air drop to which Jake Esterline referred
did not set the criteria for the continuation or dis-
solution of the project. This air drop was a complete
(footnote continued on following page)
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Mr. Mann would continue to raise questions con-
cerning the feasibility of discontinuing the training
in Guatemala, and in on-going meetings with Agency
representatives including the DCI, the DDP, Chief, WH,
as well as Chief, WH/4 and others, Mann continued to
raise questions about the effect on Project JMATE
should all the American trainers and Cuban trainees
be pulled out of Guatemala immediately. Mann also
questioned the exact timing for Project JMATE. As
he raised such questions, the Assistant Secretary for
Latin American Affairs was informed by CIA that they
would much prefer that the training of the Cuban
exiles take place in US bases, both for purposes of
security and for efficiency. But they also pointed
out that it had been the decision for the Special
Group and the "highest levels" that such training
should take place in third countries, rather than in
the US. Mann persisted, however, suggesting that
the question of maintaining the training base in
'
and total bust, the supplies being dropped to the
guerrillas fell into the hands of Castro's forces;
and the aircraft itself made a forced landing in
Mexico and was not recovered. See Volume I of this
history, Air Operations.
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Guatemala or removing it to the US should be raised
again with the Special Group. The Agency's repre-
sentatives agreed to this suggestion "with the strict-
est proviso that no move from Guatemala could or
should be made until adequate staging facilities in
the Zone of the Interior have been prepared." 98/
Tracy Barnes put the question of moving the
base from Guatemala to the Zone of the Interior in
a somewhat different context than had been suggested
by Esterline and J. C. King. Barnes recommended con-
sideration be given, among other items, to:
The fact that a move from the present
training sites to the US should not be
made too hurriedly and the importance of
avoiding a decision at a later date that
the training in the US is a bar to opera-
tional use. I realize that this latter
point would be a complete contradiction
of the present theory but, after all,
there is an intervening election; and
political views can shift so that every-
thing possible should be done to avoid
our getting ourselves into the box where
we move to the US for one reason and then
find that the US move is used against us
to prevent or limit ultimate operations.* 100/
One additional point which was made by Jake
Esterline and J. C. King in their conversations with
Source reference No. 99 not used.
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Secretary Mann was that the sudden pullout of the
training program in Guatemala might very well lead
to the overthrow of President Ydigoras by the pro-
communist elements which were already in evidence
in opposition to the Ydigoras regime. It was indi-
cated that should the troop training be moved from
Guatemala to the United States, 300 Guatemalan troops.
would be trained as a special security force for the
Guatemalan government. 101/
During these discussions in the late fall of
1960, Mann also raised the issue of economic sanctions
which had been touched on in the early spring. At
this time however, the Agency's representatives be-
lieved that Mann was talking in terms of a one to
three year quarantine period, in an attempt to dis-
rupt the Cuban economy a quarantine, however,
which would not interfere with the flow of goods from
the Communist countries. This was a point of some
contention between State and CIA, with the Agency
people convinced that the Soviet Union would make up
any deficiencies that tended to impede seriously the
economy of Castro's Cuba. 102/
In the context of a possible move of the train-
ing facilities to the United States, Chief, WH prepared
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a memorandum for the DDP indicating that the need
for training bases to be located in the southern
part of the United States should include an infantry
training base capable of handling 3,000 men with
range facilities, tactical training areas,
an air-
field for training air and ground crews in the utili-
zation of B-26, C-46 and C-54 aircraft, aerial gunnery.
and bomb range facilities, and maritime training and
staging facilities. It was suggested that the air-
field logistical base should be located in southern
Florida, and permission to use Ramey Air Force Base
in Puerto Rico to stage black over-flights to Cuba
should be obtained. The maritime facilities would
be located on Vieques Island, Puerto Rico and also
in southern Florida.
In a meeting with the Special Group, the Deputy
Director for Central Intelligence put forth the pro-
posals concerning the movement of training bases to
the United States; and although he was supported by
the Department of Defense representatives
Douglas and Gen. Lansdale
--
--
Mr.
Livingston Merchant of
the Department of State, normally one of the hard
liners of the Department, seemed to have ambivalent
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ン
feelings at this time about the training program.
Possibly Merchant was succumbing to Mann's arguments
suggesting that the time for military action was so
far down the line that US efforts should be concen-
trated on economic sanctions at this time. 103/
Adolf A. Berle, who would become one of the Kennedy
administration's principal advisers on Latin America,
also seemed to be swayed by Tom Mann's argument in
favor of economic sanctions, Berle suggesting that
the embargo be expanded to include the shipment of
arms and ammunition both to Cuba and from Cuba to
other parts of Latin America. 104/
Although it has been indicated that the Depart-
ment of Defense would apparently support the Agency
in its request for the establishment of training
facilities in the continental United States, DOD did
balk at the use of military personnel in third country.
areas in support of Project JMATE. Although Deputy
Secretary of Defense James H. Douglas began to ques-
tion whether his department had actually been committed
to support CIA's anti-Castro effort, it seems clear
that policy approval for the use of Department of
Defense personnel in Project JMATE had been established
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with the approval of the President's comprehensive
program of covert action against Fidel Castro in
March 1960. 105/
The difficulties encountered with the Department
of Defense concerning the assignment of Special Force
trainers from the US Army to the Guatemalan training
bases has already been spelled out in considerable
detail in another volume, but even as the Department
of Defense was taking a negative attitude toward the
possible use of DOD personnel in either training or
combat activities, the Agency was proposing the re-
cruitment of either American or foreign volunteers
to serve as combat troops for Project JMATE. The
Bureau of American Republic Affairs of Department
of State, however, put the quietus on the plan for
obtaining foreign volunteers; but J. Foster Collins,
the Chief of the Covert Action Staff, suggested to
the Deputy Director for Plans that possibly he (the
DDP) could convince Livingston Merchant of the need
to re-examine the Department of State policy.*
* The problem of the Special Force trainers is dis-
cussed in Volume II of this history, Participation
in the Conduct of Foreign Policy.
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Collins was particularly enthusiastic about the pros-
spects for recruiting Germans, Greeks, and Turks to
serve as volunteers; but in the end, State's view
prevailed, and there were no contingents of either
American or foreign volunteers. 106/
During the period of buildup and organization
of WH/4 for the JMATE effort against Castro, the
Agency encountered some problems with the US Navy,
but none of these were as serious as the difficulties
encountered with the Department of Defense per se,
Apparently,
the Air Force, or the United States Army. The exist-
ence of the United States Naval Base at Guantanamo
Bay in Cuba presented an unusual situation in view
of the planning that was taking place.
however, there was no disagreement between the Agency
and the Navy that prohibited Guantanamo from being
used to mount anti-Castro activities or from being
used as a safe haven area for those who might have
been detected engaging in sabotage, propaganda, or
other anti-Castro activities. The purpose of such
restrictions, of course, was to prevent the Cubans
from claiming violations of the legal and binding
international agreement between the United States
:
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and the Government of Cuba over the lease of Guantanamo
Bay. So serious was this issue in fact, that the
Agency agreed
that all Cubans participating in over-
flights of Cuba would be told that Guan-
tanamo Naval Base was not to be used as
a safe haven, and that if they landed
there, they would be turned over to the
Cuban authorities. 107/
The Guantanamo Base also presented a major dif-
ficulty for the Department of State.
Evidence of this
surfaced in early October of 1960 when it was reported
that during a meeting of the State Working Group on
Cuba a suggestion was put forward that the US try to
influence Latin American nations to approve US reten-
tion of the base. One proposal had been made that
this be done through the Inter-American Defense Board
(IADB), where a resolution apparently was about to be
introduced asking for a definition of the relations
between Cuba and the USSR, with the expectation that
this might force Cuba's resignation from membership
on the IADB. According to Col. John F. Mallard, the
Agency's liaison officer with the State Working Group:
In addition, State desires that the
IADB, make some statement on the impor-
tance of Guantanamo Bay to Latin American
hemisphere defense. This statement would,
in effect, give Latin American approval
to U.S. retention of this base. 108/
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This frame of reference concerning Guantanamo
Bay led the Executive Officer of WH/4, Ed Stanulis,
to prepare an extremely sharp memorandum for Chief,
Western Hemisphere Division raising some questions
which are as pertinent to CIA today as they were
when they were raised in 1960. Stanulis wrote as
follows:
I realize that this Agency is an
implementing arm of the Executive Branch
and has no right or privilege in the area
of formulation of U.S. national policy.
I believe that within this framework we
who are part of this Agency are permitted
to comment on certain State Department
or other Executive Department propositions
that appear, on the basis of our own
personal observations and experience, to
be counter-productive to the best interest
of the United States. I am convinced
that the course of action, described in
paragraph 1 [that the U.S. use the IADB
to win Latin American support for the
U.S. retention of Guantanamo] is in fact
within this category.
It is high time that the U.S. take an
understandable public position in matters
of international agreement, compact, con-
tract, and treaty. The rights of the U.S.
to the Guantanamo Bay area have been clear-
ly and legally described in several docu-
ments which bear the signatures of the
then reigning and cognizant governments
of the United States and Cuba, respectively.
Certainly the assistance of any single or
plural Latin American national entity (ies)
seems to me to be indicative of an admitted
weakness on the part of the United States
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and its conviction of its legal inter-
national rights.
I suggest that this Agency make known
to the State Department its feelings in
this matter, as described above (if ad-
dressees agree). I realize that consider-
able discussion could be waged in terms
of legally and/or logically presenting
our case. This memorandum is not intended
to meet these requirements.
One observation that might be included
is the fact that the current Chief of
Naval Operations, Admiral Arleigh Burke,
has on at least two occasions in U.S. mass
media of sizable circulation stated that
the United States would not tolerate any
invasion of Guantanamo or hostile abroga-
tion of our treaty arrangements to the base.
I believe it is significant to note that
no responsible member of the Executive
Branch (including the President of the
United States) has contradicted his state-
ments. On the basis of this evidence, it
would appear to me that the official overt
position of the United States is crystal
clear and we need not at this time place.
ourselves in a position of indebtedness
or vulnerability with any other Latin
American nation in terms of the Guantan-
amo issue. 109/
By early November 1960 Secretary of State,
Christian Herter, had decided that the matter of
Guantanamo needed to be discussed at a higher level;
and, consequently, he introduced the subject on the
agenda for the National Security Council meeting of
7 November 1960. The Secretary emphasized the need
for coordination of military and political planning
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( in case of an attack on the naval base. Herter
indicated two extreme possibilities: one, that in
case of an attack, the United States respond with
only sufficient military force to protect the base
itself; and another, that the United States decide
that an attack on the base was in fact an act of war
and apply such military power as necessary.
--
Herter
also suggested, of course, that there would be possi-
ble responses between the two extremes, with activities
in the OAS or the UN possibly having some bearing on
the US response the sort of contention that undoubţ-
edly must have raised the hackles on Mr. Stanulis
again. The Secretary of State did specify, however,
that the US response to an attack on Guantanamo would
be the result of a decision made by the President of
the United States.
As will be pointed out subsequently, the Cubans
would make charges about Guantanamo being the center'
for anti-Castro activities, and there would be a few
instances where anti-Castro Cubans were able to find
refuge within the confines of the base. Overall,
however, there was a surprising degree of neutrality
with respect to the naval installation during the
course of the Bay of Pigs operation.
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It is also important to mention at this time
the Agency's relations with the Commander in Chief,
CINCLANT, Admiral Dennison. Before the end of October
1960, the Admiral had made it clear to the Agency's
representatives that he believed it impossible for
him to conduct the affairs of the Atlantic Fleet in
the Cuban area properly until he received further
information
--
specific information
--
about the
When
Agency's planned operations against Castro.
i
this report on Dennison was brought to the attention
of the Chief of the Agency War Plans Staff, F. P.
Holcomb, Holcomb assured the Admiral that any request
for information which he cared to lay on the Agency
would be promptly answered. By this time, Dennison
indicated that he had already been in touch with
General Lemnitzer, Chairman of the JCS, and the
expectation was that such briefing on Cuban affairs
by CIA was being laid on.
Holcomb, quite truthfully, indicated that
neither he nor the Agency's liaison officer to CINCLANT,
Commander Ray E. Millard, were privy to the planned
operations of WH/4. Once having assured the Admiral
of the willingness of CIA to cooperate and provide
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him with the necessary information, Holcomb then
noted:
It was the impression of the CIA
officers present that Admiral Dennison is
a cooperative officer and favorably and
objectively inclined towards CIA, and
that if his needs can be met, he will
undoubtedly follow a positive and helpful
course. 111/
On 2 November 1960, Richard Bissell, Jacob Ester-
line, and Colonel Jack Hawkins traveled to Norfolk to
Admiral Dennison's headquarters. The CIA representa-
tives received a general briefing by the Navy on con-
tingency plans for Hispaniola and Cuba, and in return,
they briefed the Navy on Project JMATE. Mr. Bissell
gave an overview of the CIA operation, Esterline dis-
cussed the political and propaganda aspects, and
Hawkins talked about the PM program, including the
plan for a 1,500-man invasion force to seize a lodge-
ment on the island of Cuba. Hawkins emphasized that
this last objective could not be met until March or
April of 1961.* 112/
* In a telecon with the author of this history on
15 May 1978, Admiral Dennison indicated that it was
extremely late in the course of the Bay of Pigs oper-
ation before he received any briefing from CIA on the
anti-Castro operation. He made it sound, in fact,
as though he was not briefed until shortly before the
(footnote continued on following page)
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D. Personnel and Training
From the time of the official approval of the
anti-Castro policy by President Eisenhower until the
collapse of the effort at the Bay of Pigs the question
of personnel and personnel management for Project
JMATE was of constant concern. Even though the
Director of Central Intelligence "emphasized the
significance of the Project, by saying that he would
recall Agency personnel from any station in the world
if the individual's abilities were required for the
successful achievement of JMATE objectives,' some of
those who were closest to the personnel problem be-
lieved that DCI Dulles failed completely to keep that
promise. 113/ Jake Esterline, Chief, WH/4 has re-
marked as follows:
It was obvious that as the operation
began to increase in size that the Divi-
sions didn't have the personnel, the
senior personnel; to staff out the organ-
ization; or if they did have them, they
weren't about to release them from the
LSD (Landing Ship Dock) which was to carry the landing
craft to the area of the Bahia de Cochinos was ready
to load at the naval base at Vieques for the invasion.
As the text above confirms, however, the Admiral was
read into the act relatively early in the game and
should have had plenty of time to make preparations
for the activities of April 1961.
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things they were doing, because they were
considered indispensable, which was probably
correct. It was on that basis, I think,
that when people like Dick Drain came
back home from
--
in Dick's case, I think
where he had a
he came in from Greece
--
--
pretty good record but he was not re-
turning to Headquarters to go into an
assignment, and Dick Bissell put him in
the operation with us. Gerry Droller had
been around Headquarters for a long time,
had been quite a bit of a replacement
problem. He was very bright, he was a
German specialist, had a pretty good
political background; and Gerry and Howard
Hunt, for whatever reason, were sort of
selected, not by us, but they were told
they were going to be the people who
would handle the political aspects of
the operation. 114/
Esterline also noted that the shortage of compe-
tent personnel became particularly critical when the
operational concepts began to change and to expand.
He claimed that when serious problems came up none of
the GS-18 case officers were available to make deci-
sions. 115/
Bill Eisemann, Chief/Support/WH/4, was more
specific in his criticism of the personnel management
for Project JMATE. After emphasizing that Colonel
L. K. White, the Deputy Director for Support (DDS),
did insure that the support elements got the best
people for Project JMATE, "he [White), directed all
Support office heads that if there was a need for any
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senior officer or any position to be filled that they
would fill it without any hesitation whatsoever." 116/
But, in contrast, Eisemann pointed out:
JMATE
I can't say that was true on the opera-
tional side of the shop. A Contingency
Task Force, a program developed by the
Clandestine Services, was designed to
make available Agency personnel who could
be pulled out of any position that they
were assigned to and moved into any urgent,.
high priority type of project.
Project, was a high priority project; and
the Contingency Task Force concept, in my
opinion, failed at that point because the
Clandestine Services did not provide the
top quality people we needed for the posi-
tion to be filled. After JMATE Project
the Contingency Task Force was completely
abolished. Many people in the Agency were
designated from the Support and the Opera-
tional side to fill various positions as
they would come up, but it didn't work from
the Clandestine Services side. We had real
problems, trying to get qualified top
qualified people
...
to do those jobs. In
my opinion, the Contingency Task Force was
a failure. It was set up and designed so
that qualified personnel would be completely
immunized and processed and ready to go with
passports at any given time. But you
couldn't get the people you wanted
--
I'm.
talking about qualified key professionals
in the Clandestine Services
11
because the
Division heads in the Clandestine Services
would not release those people. 117/
Dick Drain, who became Chief of Operations for
Project JMATE was among the severest of the critics
with reference to the personnel assigned to Project
JMATE. Pointing to his own case; Drain stated:
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. . .
...
I don't mean to be unduly immodest, but
really, I didn't have any qualifications
for this [WH/4] except that I was there
and unemployed had no Spanish language
whatsoever, and my entire exposure had been
punching cows in Arizona in 1940. That
doesn't really bring you up much on Latin
America and latinos, and any of that
I had never been on an amphibious operation,
and if that was characteristic of my quali-
fications, it really characterized the whole
damned operation about which, it seemed
to me, there was a good deal of well-meaning
hypocrisy. Allen Dulles, always meaning
what he said, would say repeatedly, "now,
I want the very best people assigned to
this project there is nothing more
important that we are doing than this; and
I want directed assignments
people pulled out of tours overseas if
necessary, this thing must be manned.
Everybody would solemnly nod and, then,
much like the case of Vietnam
humans
being humans
--
...
I want
we would tend to get the
people that the area Division Chiefs found
" excess" which normally meant "found
insufficient." With many notable exceptions,
we did not get the very best people avail-
able. 118/
Although Drain levelled his broadside at all of
the Divisions in the DDP, he was most critical of the
Western Hemisphere Division:
More of this staffing would have come
from WH if there had been more competent
people within WH. WH suffered, in my
opinion, from a surfeit of ex-FBI officers
who had been picked up at the time that
the Agency took over from the Bureau in
Latin America ... but there were damned
few of them that had any particular ex-
perience
One of the main things
that plagued me was that I could never
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...
figure out, because nobody ever made it
clear, where the hell the project stood
vis-a-vis WH
J. C. King never was
told, I think for understandable reasons,
to what extent he was in it, and to what
extent he was not in it. 119/
As with other of the principals who were involved
in the WH/4 effort, Drain was extremely complimentary
of the Support element assigned to WH/4, stating as
follows:
...
This is a little ironic, because with
Bissell as the DDP, you would have thought
that if the directed assignment thing
worked anywhere, it should have worked
within the DDP. It worked less well there
than it did within the DDS. Red White,
soldierly like he was, took absolutely
sincerely, what the Director said, when
he said "I want the very best people
assigned to this." So we got Mike King
to run the finance, not some stumblebum
with garters on his sleeve ... the best
finance officer they had. Our logistics
support and Bill Eisemann, they were really
hand picked by Red White
The DDS or
the DDA, whatever they called it then,
deserved very high marks for being uniquely
the people to put their back into it.
The DDI really wasn't asked; and that
was too bad, because we could have used,、
it seems to me, some input from the DDI.
Our own intelligence report structure
was not bad. The Chief, FI was a nice
old guy, Whedbee; and we had some reports
officers who were quite competent in the
DDP sense; but the thing was so compart-
mented from the DDI, in any event, that
the idea of drawing down on DDI talent.
to get in on this, was not well received.
I had suggested it because I had been
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in the DDI and I knew where the talent
was. For example, on just such a mundane,
but important thing, as topography and
geography and beach stuff ... Christ, I
well knew from the time that I worked for
Lofty Becker
that there was in old
in the geographic thing
[Brammell],
ORR
...
Otto Guthe
...
Jim
I mean,
they would have been glad to supply.
people .. and we didn't ask.
So you
can't say that DDI didn't provide, unless
you understand that they didn't provide
because they really weren't asked.* 120/
Although the Agency's own personnel assignments
have been criticized, the assignment of two of the key
military personnel involved in the JMARC operation
proved to be quite successful.
Col. Jack Hawkins,
United States Marine Corps, and Lt. Col. Frank Egan,
United States Army, were in charge of the overall PM
activity (Hawkins) and the PM training (Egan) for the
Cuban exile brigade. Hawkins, who was serving on the
Staff of the Marine School at Quantico, Virginia at
*
Drain's suggestion that the DDI was left completely
in the cold during the Bay of Pigs operation overstates
the case.. As early as January 1959 there is evidence
that Mr. Helms agreed to cut the DDI in on "useful
intelligence to which it would be well for the DD/I to
have access" from State cable traffic on Cuba being
carried over CIA channels. A "massive" study of
Cuban telecommunications facilities prepared by ORR
in the fall of 1960 led Mr. Bissell to send a memo
of commendation for the Communications Branch through
the DDI. Obviously the DDI knew something was a-
foot. 120a/
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After
the time that he was assigned to Project JMARC, had
taken part in the battles of Bataan and Corregidor;
had been taken prisoner with the fall of Corregidor;
and escaped from the Japanese prisoner of war camp
at Davao, Mindanao; and joined the Philippine guerrilla
forces, leading raiding parties and harassing attacks
against the Japanese army in the Philippines.
seven months of such activity, he was evacuated by
submarine from the Philippines in November 1943 and
was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross for these
actions. After returning to the United States for
additional training, in November 1944 Hawkins again
returned to the Pacific area where he was an assistant
operations officer taking part in the assault and
capture of Okinawa. For this service, he received a
Bronze Star Medal. During the Korean conflict, he
was Commanding Officer of the 1st Battalion, 1st
Marines; and he led the Battalion in combat `during
the Inchon landing and in subsequent operations in
Korea. For his participation in the Inchon-Seoul op-
eration, Hawkins had received the Silver Star Medal
for heroism. From March 1956 to the summer of 1959
when he entered the Naval War College, Hawkins had
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served as liaison officer with the Amphibious Forces
Atlantic in Norfolk, Virginia
--
a pertinent assign-
ment for his transfer to Project JMARC.
Lt. Col. Egan's military record showed a well-
trained infantry officer who had served overseas in
the European Theater during the course of World War
II; an infantry officer including an infantry train-
ing officer in much of the period following World
War II; and a staff officer in the Special Warfare
Division of the United States Army in 1958, serving
with the Director of Plans, in Washington from 1958
to 1960. Immediately prior to his assignment to
Project JMATE, Colonel Egan had been on the Operations
and Training Staff of a Joint Support Group, head-
quartered in Washington. Egan EOD'd with Project JMATE,
27 June 1960, and Hawkins on 29 August of 1960. 121/
Both officers received high marks from Mr. Bissell
and Jake Esterline, and particularly from Dick Drain,
who stated:
I thought they [Hawkins and Egan] were
first rate
I mean first rate, not com-
pared with the jaded World War II memory,
but first rate in terms of officers then
serving in the armed forces of the United
States. The Hawkins selection was an
excellent one. I don't myself, know how
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*
...
one could have found a better man. People
have said .. "Well, the son of a bitch
just worked out in the Philippines as a
stay behind
what did he know?" He
He had written a book on
knew a lot.
guerrillas. He was sharp, he was smart,
I
and honest, and not overly ambitious.
am sure that he saw this as a way to further
his career, of course. Military men,
think, tend to maximize that more than
Agency people. But that was not his
motivation
...
--
I
or his primary motivation.
He had around him some really first rate
help... not very high ranking ... but
we didn't need an awful lot of high ranking
we needed some hard workers. Frank
Egan, who went down to do the training,
was the man that I would have picked. He
was probably the most disputable of the
bunch because he was pretty volatile. He
has been condemned for leading the Cuban
manpower to believe that they were going
to get more support than he had any right
to let them know about. Well, I wasn't
there, but I know damned well that if I
had been, I would have been priming up
the Brigade to do this tough job, not by
counseling them as to the difficulty of
it ... at least, exclusively ... or, giving
them lectures about now you will really
have to do this on your own, because you
are not going to get one iota of assistance
from the armed forces. You don't normally
train a group to conduct an operation of
this sort by playing on their fears.
down there at the end of the line
in Guatemala and then in Nicaragua
led them to believe that they were going
to get them more help than he had any right
to let them know, well, I can understand
why that would have happened.* 122/
If,
first
Egan
With reference to Colonel Hawkins, Jake Esterline
has noted:
(footnote continued on following page)
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By way of illustrating some of the problems
encountered in acquiring adequate personnel for the
JMATE operation, on the very day that President
Eisenhower was approving the anti-Castro program, a
memorandum was being sent to the Deputy Director for
Plans from the Chief, Western Hemisphere Division
noting that two individuals assigned to the Office
of Training were urgently needed for service in WH/4.
Colonel King reported to the DDP that although Colonel
Matt Baird, Director of Training, was agreeable to
the release of the two individuals to serve as PM
trainers, Baird insisted that the men could not be
I guess that it is only fair to say
that that assignment [Project JMARC] cost
him his general's star, and a good many
other things in terms of his record. 123/
The author of this history attempted to arrange
oral history interviews with Colonels Hawkins and Egan,
but in neither case would the individuals consent to
such interview. In addition, the author also asked
each man if he would be willing to respond to a series
of written questions, and neither would agree to this.
It was made quite clear to the author that both indi-
viduals harbored considerable resentment about their
relationships and association with the Agency at the
time of the Bay of Pigs. In a similar manner, Col.
John F. Mallard, United States Marine Corps who was
Liaison Officer between the Agency and the Depart-
ment of Defense, at the time of the Bay of Pigs, also
rejected the author's request for either an oral inter-
view or a response to written questions.
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released until suitable replacements could be found
to take over their tasks in the Office of Training.
King, therefore, appealed to the Deputy Director for
Plans for their immediate release. 124/
Not only did the Clandestine Service encounter
difficulty in obtaining personnel from within its own
units to serve in WH/4, it also appeared to draw blanks
in terms of Cubans willing to volunteer for the strug-
gle against Castro. In response to a November 1959
memorandum to all WH field stations and bases asking
that they supply the names of Cubans who would be
willing to work as agents against the Castro Govern-
ment, WH/4/FI reported the results of its search,
stating that as of June 1960:
Many of the Agents who were proposed
by other WH Stations for use in Cuba were
either found unacceptable, or did not want
to accept such an assignment. Other sta-
tions were unable to come up with any
assets who might gain access to the de-
sired targets in Cuba. 125/
The problem which Col. Baird had raised back in
March concerning replacement for personnel who might
be assigned to Project WH/4 was not actually resolved
until June of 1960 when:
Colonel White announced that DDS per-
sonnel on full time detail to JMARC
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would be transferred to the project Table
of Organization, effective the beginning
of the first pay period in July 1960.
Employees on detail to the project from
the Clandestine Services offices will not
be transferred since DDP considers them
temporary assignments with the personnel
returning to their parent office when the
project is completed. Colonel White
pointed out, that although DDS personnel
would be transferred to the project, there-
by relieving slots in the various DDS ele-
ments, each office head should keep in
mind that his employees will be returning
to him, and he should plan accordingly. 126/
Colonel White's comments are quite understandable
in view of the fact that of 104 personnel on duty with
JMATE on 7-8 June 1960, only 32 were Clandestine Serv-
ices careerists; and excepting a few with DDI career
designations, the bulk of the personnel were Support
careerists. By 14 June 1960, Colonel King was appeal-
ing to the DDP for an increment which would bring
total JMATE personnel to 234, including 131 employees
J
who were to be in the field.
Apparently, however,
the Deputy Director for Plans approved a total ceiling
of only 158 staff personnel by the end of June 1960;
and in August of 1960, Chief, WH Division forwarded
a revised staffing guide, calling for a total of 274
positions and requesting that "as soon after 15 August
as is possible, a total of 40 additional staff personnel"
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be added to the 158 who were then on duty
a new total of 198.
--
making
Although Mr. Bissell approved the recommended
increment, he nonetheless wrote a memorandum to C.
Tracy Barnes, the ADDP/A, suggesting that Barnes and
Dick Helms (surprisingly) take a close look at the
JMATE staffing pattern to see if there were areas of
duplication, particularly between the field bases and
Headquarters. The DDP suggested that in the areas
of FI and PM there might be slots in either the For-
ward Operations Base in Miami or in JMOARSMAN
--
--
the
where possibly the staffs
Panama Training Site
could be transferred during slack periods to conduct
similar operations in other parts of the JMATE opera-
tion.* 127/
* Lest the reader be confused by the term "Forward
Operations Base,' this was the JMWAVE activity in the
Miami area, which continued to operate subsequent to
the Bay of Pigs. At the same time that the Bay of
Pigs operation was getting under way, there was con-
siderable emphasis from various individuals in Head-
quarters for establishment of a "Forward Command Post,"
which also might be located in the Miami area, possibly
in the communications complex. Some even suggested
the possibility of establishing a sub-command post
in a third country. In any event, no Forward Command
Post was established. 128/
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By early November 1960, as the concept of the
operation was shifting from one of guerrilla warfare
and infiltration to invasion, the staffing pattern
for WH/4 was again increased. Mr. Bissell authorizing
a total of 308 positions. Even as he signed the
approval, however, Mr. Bissell noted his reservations,
saying:
I have signed this request to indicate
my approval, but do so with a good deal of
concern. I realize that this is a very
major and top priority activity and I also
realize that the senior officers engaged
in it continue to be heavily overworked.
On the other hand, I am fearful that the
addition of large numbers of personnel will
not in fact reduce the load on those indi-
viduals who are most overworked, but may
instead create additional burdens of
management without contributing signifi-
cantly to the success of the underlying
activities. I am concerned also that we
may be simply running out of suitable
people in the Agency in certain categories.
Accordingly, I urge you to re-examine even
the double-starred positions in the staff-
ing guide submitted with your request to
see whether they are all in fact of a high
order of essentiality.* 129/
*
Much of the staffing problem, of course, traces
back to the failure of the DDP to insure early on that
only the best people be assigned to the WH/4 project.
As early as August of 1960, it had been indicated
that the DDP might be leaning toward the use of
directed assignments, but nothing ever came of this. 130/
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Even before Mr. Bissell's memorandum of early
November 1960, indicating the possibility that experts
in certain areas might no longer be available from
within the Agency, proposals had gone forward request-
ing permission for the use of American contract person-
nel in the maritime operations. Unlike the brouhaha
that was precipitated by the early suggestions for the
use of American volunteers from the ground forces,
the authorization for the use of US contracts in mari-
time activities apparently was granted without much
debate. The statement of the requirements for the
use of the US contracts indicated that US citizens
would be put under contract to act not only as trainers
for the crews of LCI's, LCU's, LCVP's, and SK's, but
also, that they would serve in key positions
as LCI captains, LCI diesel engineers, and
LCU coxwains during training and operations,
where qualified Cubans cannot be obtained.
This would require their entering Cuban
coastal waters and, on occasions, touching
on Cuban beaches, when operations so re-
quire.
It is essential for operations that
these key positions be held by qualified
and dependable men. At this time, it is
not expected that Cuban trainees qualified
for such positions or possessing the
necessary aptitude and character to permit
successful training will be found. If
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they are located, the use of U.S. contract
personnel will correspondingly be cut down.
Staff personnel will assist in the training
of all crews but will not be used in opera-
tions. 131/
Not only were such contract employees authorized,
but by early November 1960 a cable from Headquarters
to the Forward Operations Base noted:
1
In view degree risk involved rendezvous-
type mission request Case Officer advise
all Maritime contract personnel bonus this
type mission be hereafter $100.00. Bonus
for Cuban territory beach landings or
caching would remain $500.00. 132/
By the early fall of 1960, the question of rota-
tion of staff personnel for Project JMATE had become a
serious matter. Many of those who had initially joined
the project had come in on 90-day rotation periods,
and in a cable to Headquarters, Ernie Sparks, the
overall Liaison Officer for Project JMATE for COS
Guatemala, requested that Headquarters approve a ro-
tational plan since:
Most personnel adjusted family and
business problems to period they told
they be absent and fact they on duty
seven days a week as well as being con-
fined to training areas which lack
recreation facilities. 133/
Bill Eisemann, who was Chief of Support for WH/4,
was particularly critical of the 90-day TDY assignments,
saying:
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They [the DDP] would bring a man in,
and then another man would come in to
replace him. It was really a tremendous
task to keep up with it, because a lot of
these people had personal problems. In
some cases they would cable and request
release from their assignment for personal
reasons. We attempted to satisfy most of
these requests. Herb Juul was the assigned
Personnel Officer within the project. He
had to constantly keep a check on the loca-
tion of our personnel, and when their time
was up for replacement, he would then visit
with the Clandestine Services, and also the
Support components, and give them a list-
ing of the names of potential TDY returnees.
The Support components and Clandestine
Services then provided names of people who
would be replacements. That was a hell of
a task, now, believe me. When you have a
full time project running 15 months or more,
you have people returning on a 90 day basis,
and constantly being replaced
...
you can't
expect the greatest efficiency in opera-
tions. 134/
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Part III
Changing Concepts
It has already been pointed out that the initial
planning for paramilitary operations against Castro
was to be based on extremely small units. Two or
three man units, including a communicator, would be
trained and infiltrated (or dropped) into Cuba to work
with a dissident group. One trainer would be the
adviser for the types of guerrilla warfare activities
which the anti-Castro dissidents might undertake safely
and reasonably securely. There had been some signs
of dissatisfaction with this particular type of program
prior to the summer of 1960. By the late summer of
1960 and through the fall there was to be a complete
and radical shift in the concept of the paramilitary
operations in which the forces backed by CIA should
engage. In late August-September, there were some
clues that changes in the nature of operations were
being contemplated. During the last week of August
and in the initial week of September 1960, Savilion
Chapman claimed that he and a Col. Evans, Acting
Chief, PMG/DDP, were "briefed by WH/4 planners on the
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approximate number of troops, tanks, and vehicles
'
"
for which sea transport would be required. In that
same period Lt. Col. Frank Egan and Commander Norman
Imler of the WH/4 staff reported they asked the Mari-
time Branch to draft a memo to the DDP giving infor-
mation on the foreign cargo vessels that would be
required for troop transport, including their owner-
ship, their costs, and on the methods of their acquisi-
tion. 1/
Inasmuch as Egan had been requested for the proj-
ect to become the trainer for the PM forces, it was
apparent that some changes were contemplated. The
reference to the use of vessels for the transport of
tanks would indicate that something beyond hit-and-run
exercises were being contemplated. Before mid-October,
Lt. Col. Egan and a representative of the Logistics
Branch of WH/4' had spelled out some additional details
for the Maritime Branch of Special Operations. At
that time, according to Mr. Chapman's report, WH/4
was talking about deck loading of 3 LCV's, with 5
armored tanks, 5 2-1/2 ton trucks, one caterpillar
dozer, and two gasoline tank trucks hardly type
--
of equipment which would be required for 2-3 man guer-
rilla teams. 2/
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By the first week in November 1960, it had be-
come clear to the most senior planners of the anti-
Jake Esterline, J. C. King, Tracy
Castro effort
Barnes, and Richard Bissell
--
that decisions were
going to have to be made about all aspects of the
paramilitary program.
The basic question being
whether a paramilitary program under CIA aegis should
be launched at Castro, or whether, at this time, such
a program should become a joint operation between the
Department of Defense and the Agency. In the dis-
cussion among Agency personnel, in the discussions
between Agency personnel and representatives of the
Special Group, and in discussions within the meetings
of the Special Group, the whole gammut of options
was being explored. Barnes, apparently deferring to
Bissell, suggested that rather than small team activi-
ties something on the order of 10-20 man teams be
formed and tried out. Barnes was very emphatic that
what was needed at this time, was a willingness to
run some risks including the risk of defeat.
Barnes
was critical of the Special Group, pointing out that
the apparent belief of the Group was that every opera-
tion had to succeed; and that if there were "losses,
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failures, or mishaps," the Special Group seemed to
want to cancel everything. This was contrary, com-
pletely, to Barnes' concept of operational activity.
What both Barnes and Bissell supported in terms of
the smaller team activity were that:
The implementation of such teams would
indicate whether the dissident elements
in Cuba were likely to rally around such
groups, once it had been established that
such groups could provide guidance and
supply for the anti-Castro activities.
These teams also would provide a test
of the Castro forces. Could Castro's
militia or his army contain the guerrilla
forces, if such forces were led by cadres
trained by the Agency? Or would the Castro
resistance crumble in the face of effective
dissident elements? 3/
Even as this discussion was going on, it became
clear that the small team concept was going to go by
the board; and when the Agency tried to jump the op-
tion to a 3,000 man force for making a lodgment in
Cuba in the conventional manner (e.g., amphibious
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.7
assault), the plan was rejected by the Special Group
in a meeting of 3 November 1960. The Department of
Defense supported the Agency, but State objected
and suggested that perhaps the point where covert
intervention was possible had passed. Gordon Gray
even went so far as to raise the possibility of a
fake attack on Guantanamo as a means of justifying
overt US intervention. It was at this same meeting
that Mr. Livingston Merchant of the Department of
State raised the question of whether plans were being
made to assassinate Fidel Castro, Raul Castro, and
Che Guevara
at which point General Cabell, the
Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency,
pointed out that such activities as assassination
were extremely difficult to manage and that the CIA
had no capability for such an operation. 4/
--
Even as the size of the Cuban exile force was
being debated, Headquarters cabled to Guatemala
(4 November 1960) that the small team concept had
gone by the board and that planning should begin for
training a conventional amphibious assault force of
at least 1,500 infantrymen. Outlines sent to the
infantry training base in Guatemala (JMTRAV), emphasized
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the need to instill an esprit de corps among the
trainees. To do this JMTRAV was urged to provide
for unit separation, competition in the military arts,
and specific identities for the individual units
through the use of scarfs, caps, or some other de-
vice. This new training program was to be instigated
in November 1960 and to be completed by the end of
January 1961. 5/
Even as the discussions over the changing con-
cept were going on, the Director of Central Intelli-
gence and the Deputy Director for Plans were scheduled
to brief President-elect John F. Kennedy on 18 Novem-
ber. 6/ The concept to be presented to the President
was that a force of 600 men would be landed by LST on
Cuban shores and that these men would move inland to
create "a safe area in a mountain fastness.
These
men, with possibly another 600 man unit in another
area, and those who joined them from within, would
be resupplied by air drop." 7/ In addition, there
would be new recruits in the pipeline to provide sup-
port for those who had landed. An airstrip in Nica-
ragua would be used to support air operations, and
it was intimated that the US and possibly allied
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governments would recognize that the force lodged in
Cuba and its nominal leadership was the Provisional
Government of Cuba. 8/
One strange and contradictory note which appeared
during WH/4's staff meeting on 15 November to plan
the briefing for the DDP prior to his participation
with the DCI in briefing the President elect was the
following item stating:
Our [CIA's] original concept is now
seen to be unachievable in the face of
the controls Castro has instituted.
There will not be the internal unrest
earlier believed possible, nor will the
defenses permit the type strike first
planned. Our second concept (1,500-
3,000 man force to secure a beach with
airstrip) is also now seen to be unachiev-
able, except as a joint Agency/DOD action.
Our Guatemala experience demonstrates we
cannot staff nor otherwise timely create
the base and lift needed. 9/
How, if in mid-November 1960 the concept of the
1,500-3,000 man force to secure a beachhead with an
`airstrip was envisioned by the senior personnel in
WH/4 as "unachievable" except as a joint CIA/DOD ef-
fort, did it become "achievable" in March 1961 with
only 1,200 men and as an Agency operation? What was
being denied in confidence in mid-November 1960 be-
came the fact of the Zapata Plan and the Bay of Pigs
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Operation in March 1961.
Certainly there was no
lessening in the controls that Castro had instituted,
nor in the efficiency of the military forces and
militia that he had at his command by April 1961.*
One of the principal problems posed by Project
both before and after the concept changed
JMATE
in November 1961
--
was whether the training activity
at JMTRAV and JMADD in Guatemala should be, or could
be, continued without reflection upon the position
of the United States Government. Thomas Mann of the
State Department became increasingly concerned about
this situation; and the discussions within the Special
Group and among the concerned Agencies during the
period from the middle of November until the end of
the year, focused very frequently on this question.
Considering the continuingly favorable reception to
Agency activities from Ydigoras Fuentes, Guatemala's
* During interviews with the author of this history,
Messrs. Bissell, Esterline, and Drain had only slight
remembrance of the details of these meetings of 15-16
November 1960 when they ruled out what would be, in
effect, the invasion plan implemented in April 1961
at Playa Giron and at that time it was minus the
joint support of the Department of Defense. This
point was completely overlooked by both the Inspector
General and the Taylor Committee post mortems on the
Bay of Pigs.
--
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President, State's concern that the training "places
too much strain on the government of Guatemala" appear
unrealistic. The Department's real concerns were
with potential criticism from the OAS and the UN.
Certainly Ydigoras was not interested in the removal
of those military units which could most effectively
guarantee his continued reign as President of Guatemala
the Cubans in training for both air and ground
activities.* 10/
Even as the Special Group was trying to determine
whether or not the forces in training in Guatemala
should be removed, the Agency proceeded apace with
plans for the staffing necessary to put a 600-man
strike force in training. Chief, WH/4 Personnel
estimated that in addition to 14 staffers, there
would be a requirement for 146 military personnel if
such training were to succeed. Well prior to the
officially agreed-to change in concept, Chief, WH/4
had anticipated a significant increase in funding
* The internal situation in Guatemala vis a vis the
training operations is discussed in detail in Volume
II of the Official History of the Bay of Pigs Opera-
tion, Participation in the Conduct of Foreign Policy.
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for JMARC requesting of the DDP that:
With your approval, in the interim
period [as new budget estimates were
being prepared], project funds will be
used as required to meet operational
necessity without strict adherence to
the preliminary estimates of last June
[1960].* 10a/
Although Mr. Bissell approved the request, he made
this interesting comment:
What is disturbing is that the overrun
reported in your memorandum seems to have
occurred long before you could be feeling
any effect of the [planned expansion] in
[PM] plans. 10b/
Contrary to suggestions that the President of
Guatemala was concerned about the Cuban training ac-
tivity, a cable of 22 November 1960 to the Director
from Guatemala indicated that the ground training
base was undergoing a major reorganization because
permission for the establishment of a tactical train-
ing area at another of the fincas (estates) controlled
by Roberto Alejos this one near San Jose
being undertaken.
--
--
was
Inasmuch as Alejos was Ydigoras's
right hand man and conducted the liaison with the
WH/4 representatives for the establishment and operation
* The increased budget being suggested was on the order
of $42 million compared to $3 million being discussed
in June.
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of the Guatemalan training bases, the contradiction.
in positions between State and the Agency was obvious. 11/
As the Special Group discussions were going on,
Jake Esterline, Chief, WH/4 was in Guatemala taking
a first-hand look at the air and ground training bases.
As noted in another volume, Esterline went strongly
on record in support of the Office of Logistics en-
gineer who had been responsible for the reconstruc-
tion of the airstrip at Retalhuleu. Jake noted that
even though there had been a sizable cost overrun,
the task had been performed on time under the most
adverse weather conditions; and, consequently, sug-
gestions from Headquarters that there had been gross
inefficiency were unwarranted and unfounded.*
line's review of the situation at JMTRAV, the ground
training base, indicated that the situation there was
considerably more difficult than what he had encountered
at the air training base. He noted, for example, that
there was a severe lack of qualified senior trainers,
stating:
Ester-
* For details on construction of the airfield at
Retalhuleu, see Office of Logistics, Engineering Staff,·
RECD, Agency Engineering Activity, 1947-1966, Vol. I,
63-67; Vol. II, 132-193. DDS/HS OL-11, Feb 72. S.
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While a few of these men [from the
Domestic Operations Base in Miami) impress
me as being good types, for the most part
I found them to be too immature and lack-
ing in experience to qualify for the job
at hand. In any event, they are not in
my judgment worth the $1,000 per month
which we have to pay them. I would like
most of them to be GS-4, 5, and 6 students
that [sic] we trained at Fort Benning in
1951-52. Under no circumstances would I
consider putting these people into Cuba
with the Cubans.
In closing his report on the visit to Guatemala,
Esterline presented the following critical observations
of the situation as he saw it. Reflecting on the
mission and on the resources available, he wrote:
I also reviewed the problem in the
light of the many gaps in policy approval
for JMARC, all of which complicate project
planning. By the time I arrived back at
Headquarters, I had fairly well convinced
myself that it is unrealistic for the
project or the Agency to try to "go it
alone" in opening up another major base
in a third country to train from 1,500 to
3,000 Cubans for a major invasion effort.
I discussed my thinking with Col. Hawkins
at length, and found that he shared my
view. As a result of this discussion, we
re-evaluated our capability and presented
you (the DDP] with the recommendation that
we limit ourselves to preparing a force
of 600 maximum to be used in the manner
we outlined to you on 16 November. I
still feel this recommendation is quite
valid given the limitation on real estate
that we are presently working under. If
it turns out that we can acquire policy
approval for the real estate in the interior,
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I would then agree that, with limited
additional help from DOD, we could train
a maximum of 1,200 and commit them along
the line outlined during the 16 November
meeting. Even our present scope of op-
erations, however, continues to be en-
dangered by the gambit that Mr. Mann and
Mr. Merchant are engaged with in the
[State] "Working Group. I cannot empha-
size this too strongly: if we are re-
quired to evacuate Guatemala for reasons
of high policy or because of the situation,
the project will be seriously damaged unless
we have immediately available real estate
where these people can be put to work. 13/
Some relief would be provided for the ground
training program with the opening up of Alejos finca
near San Jose, but the adequacy of the training facil-
ities for the ground forces would continue to plague
JMARC through the course of the project.
Moreover,
even though the discussions concerning plausible
deniability reached near fever pitch during the dis-
cussions of November 1960, at no point did the
Special Group of presidential consultants ever step
forward with à firm recommendation that the United
States assume responsibility and so admit. The most
persistent advocate of this position was Thomas Mann,
of the Department of State, and why his proposals
were never pushed more seriously is one of the unresolved
F
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questions concerning the Bay of Pigs Operation.*
Esterline's visit to the bases in Guatemala
was almost immediately reflected in the correspondence
between the field and Headquarters, with specific
emphasis being placed on the assignment to the ground
training base, JMTRAV, of senior training officers.
Similarly it was stressed that there was a priority
need to secure Special Force trainers from the Army,
on an ASAP basis. Requirements for materiel jumped,
particularly in the number of personal weapons which
would be required for added numbers of troops in
training. With the acquisition of the additional
training site in Guatemala from Roberto Alejos, re-
quests immediately came forward for trucks and jeeps
to transport troops to these training areas. The
*
There also is evidence that at least one of the
principal Agency planners, C. Tracy Barnes, contrib-
uted to the November confusion. At one point, when
serious consideration was being given to the possi-
bility of increasing significantly the training activ-
ity that might be done in Nicaragua, Barnes introduced
what amounted to moral objections to the association
or to strengthening the association with the
Somoza Government. Barnes emphasized that this would
go down hard with the more liberal elements in Latin
America. 14/ This argument, of course, was very much
in line with the position being advanced by the Depart-
ment of State Thomas Mann excepted.
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field was aware that the increasing number of trainees
would create problems, but at the same time, there
were indications that the trainers were hopeful that
the infiltration teams that had been developed could
be held intact. 15/
Just as there was confusion within the Headquarters
area over the nature of the program, so, too, was con-
cern reflected in the field's messages to Headquarters.
A cable of 28 November 1960 from COS Guatemala to
Headquarters requested:
Recent cable traffic suggests major
changes in near future and COS feels it
would be of great assistance to have
complete story to assist in dealing with
Alejos and Ydigoras. 16/
Even as COS Guatemala was requesting information,
the situation in Washington remained in a state of
flux. On 29 November, Col. King made a specific at-
tempt to obtain positive guidance through the office
of the Deputy Director for Plans. Chief, WH/D, out-
lined his understanding of the paramilitary planning
as follows:
(a) On or about 1 February 1961, land by
amphibious means a guerrilla force of about
600 trained Cubans to establish a perimeter
defense and resistance center in a selected
area of Cuba.
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(b). Continue present operations of in-
filtrating small paramilitary teams to
organize, train, and lead resistance
forces and report intelligence informa-
tion.
(c) Follow up this effort by providing
air logistical support to the 600-man
guerrilla force in Cuba and all additional
guerrilla elements who join to collaborate
with this force. 17/
Having outlined his understanding of the planning,
Col. King then went on:
The following major questions must now
be resolved by the Special Group or referred
to the President for decision before pro-
ceeding further to implement the paramili-
tary aspect of this program as described
above:
a. Does either the Department of
State or the Department of Defense view
the proposed paramilitary concept as
not in consonance with policy or for
any other reason open to question?
so, why and what alternatives are pro-
posed; what course of action is ap-
proved?
b.
If
If there is agreement as to the
paramilitary concept, then is there
agreement that training shall continue
in Guatemala?
c. If continuance in Guatemala is
disapproved, will DOD air-lift the
present trainees at once from Guatemala
to Saipan for training and provide
similar air-lift for up to 300 additional
men as they are recruited? The entire
group would later be returned to a stag-
ing area in Nicaragua for the amphibious
operation.
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(d) Will the DOD also provide the
following:
(1) Thirty-eight Special Force
officers and enlisted men to be used
as instructors in Guatemala or in
Saipan, or both.
(2) One reactivated LST.
(3) Supplementation of logistic
resupply air-lift to resistance after
1 February. (As detailed an estimate.
as can be made will be forwarded to
DOD if the paramilitary concept is
approved.) 18/
Col. King then closed this memorandum to Mr.
Bissell by noting that if the paramilitary concept
was approved, certain policy approvals would be re-
quired. These were listed as follows:
a. To use one Florida base, such as
Opalocka, for air supply missions in sup-
port of guerrilla forces in the target
country.
b. To use a small number of American
civilian contract personnel in air and
maritime operations. (No such personnel
are to be used in ground operations.)
C. To mount air strikes against Cuban
air and other military targets. 19/
Whatever else can be said, it is clear that by
the end of November 1960, the original concept of the
Agency's anti-Castro effort as one focussing on the
use of small teams infiltrating Cuba and working with
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the dissident elements located within the country had
gone by the board. What was now to be undertaken was
an amphibious assault in strength
yet to be determined
--
--
the strength as
with the concomitant require-
ment for heavy air support for resupply and possibly
for military support as well. Indicative of the con-
fusion which surrounded this period when the concept
was changing were Jake Esterline's remarks shortly
following the collapse of the Bay of Pigs when he
testified before the Taylor Committee.
as though Esterline had been informed
as it turned out
--
--
It appears
incorrectly
that in his testimony of 1 May
1961 Lt. Col. Frank Egan had indicated to the commit-
tee that the strike force concept has been in being
since his EOD in June 1960. *
In rebutting what he thought Egan's testimony
had been, Esterline reported:
My recollection is that Lt. Col. Egan
came to us about June 1960 and that he
'
* Egan had actually testified that following the
Guatemalan revolt he had been sent down to organize
the brigade, and he stated that the number of Cuban
trainees had been on the order of 420 on 20 November
1960 and had risen to nearly 600 by the first week
of December. 20/
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arrived with certain ideas which he carried
from the Pentagon on how best to tackle the
Cuban problem. This, however, did not con-
stitute JMATE policy. I am sure you [Col.
Jack Hawkins] or more particularly, mem-
bers of your staff will find that we had
--
no approved philosophy of the operation
within the Project until well in [to] Sep-
tember. The training program which Rocky
Farnsworth conducted in Panama was directed
solely toward training an instructor cadre
in small unit or "guerrilla type" opera-
tions. This cadre, when it arrived in
Guatemala, in addition to working on build-
ing the camp with Carl Jenkins, continued
to train the first recruits in the same
kind of training they had received.
Another example of my positiveness
that we were not, at Project level, think-
ing of the strike operation is the first
conversation that we held in my office in
Barton Hall when referred to the fact
that the PM staff had been talking about
the development of a strike operation, but
that I, myself, was not convinced of it at
the time and that I preferred to put small
teams into existing units at the appropri-
ate time. As I recall, you [Col. Jack
Hawkins] had an open mind at that point;
although without positive study of Cuba
you leaned to the concept I outlined.
was at a somewhat later date, therefore
(probably before the first of October),
that we talked again and you [Col. Jack
Hawkins] stated your conviction that Castro
could not be overthrown without a major
or catalytic effort being made against
him. After deliberation, I came to the
same conclusion, and we then began to
think in terms of expanding the force
to the strength of a reinforced battalion,
more or less.
The foregoing is important only be-
cause General Taylor is going into very
It
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--
fine points in his analysis of government
policy. It is incumbent upon us, there-
fore, to get the record straight in this
manner, and, although Lt. Col. Egan may
have had in his own mind the idea of a
strike operation and I believe he came
to us with some idea on hitting the Isle
of Pines this nevertheless was not
approved Project or Agency policy until
quite a few months later. In point of
fact, as I look back over that period, I
am sure during that period I found myself
drifting along, devoting myself merely to
creating basic capabilities in a variety
of fields without any clear-cut idea of
what national policy would permit us to
do. * 21/
Richard Bissell who was the Deputy Director for
Plans at the time of the Bay of Pigs operation has a
* In a discussion with the author of this history in
the fall of 1975, Esterline introduced another thought
about the change in concept to wit:
That the small team concept had been planned to
be put into operation early in November of 1960, and
Esterline seems to believe that this would have been
feasible. However, the Presidential election of that
year made the Eisenhower administration extremely
cautious about anything that might have an impact on
the outcome of the election; and, consequently, such
delays as were incurred gave added time for the build-
up of Castro's internal forces. By the time that the
election was over, it had become apparent that the
small team concept was no longer viable. Esterline,
in fact, suggested that the emphasis for the buildup
in the brigade forces came from the White House. But
even though Gordon Gray in various meetings of the
Special Group during the period from November to the
end of the Eisenhower administration did support
the idea of increasing the size of the force, there
is no evidence to indicate that pressure to do this
came from the White House. 22/
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rather more positive recollection of the change in
concept, having noted:
That decision as to the character of
the operation was rather gradually moḍi-
fied during the late autumn [of 1960],
and it's very difficult, even for someone
who was close to those developments, to
put a finger on the exact moment when a
clear decision was made, or the circum-
stances, or, really, the people who made
it. It was a decision rather forced by
circumstances. 23/
When discussing the situation in October of 1975,
however, Bissell volunteered the following observations
about the change in concept for the operation.
...
One of the clearest impressions I have
of the whole planning period and of this
change in concept was that by November
[1960] ... and I don't think Esterline
bought this view either as completely or
as soon as I did
I [also] remember
the feeling that I was well ahead of
King
in my belief that we had to place
nearly exclusive reliance for the initial
phase on whatever force it was possible
to land.. So, I also remember very clearly
and I think as early as November
--
...
--
-->
He said:
where
I think there were probably under 500 people
in the brigade in training I remember
repeatedly saying to Hawkins and Esterline
that if we are really going to have to
place this heavy reliance on a landing
force, this is an all together prepos-
terously inadequate number I remember
being told that people did not see how it
would be feasible to get up to the size I
was talking about in the time period; but
secondly
I have a clear recollection
...
that he [Jack Hawkins] had a lesser sense
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of urgency at that point about a buildup
in numbers than I did. I felt that I
was consistently urging upon Hawkins the
necessity of a larger buildup than the
plans then contemplated, and I also re-
member, at a later stage in a somewhat
similar fashion, urging upon Beerli, the
necessity of a significantly larger air
arm than his plans contemplated ... I
think that Hawkins likewise felt that he
had to rely on what the recruiting
mechanism would turn up, which wasn't
really his direct operation, and that
he wasn't at all sure that he could get
the sort of numbers that I was talking
about. But I do remember an awareness
of what seemed to me to be the inadequacy
of our resources in the light of an altered
concept of the operation. 24/
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Part IV
Presidential Resurgence
The previous section of this volume has examined
the activities that occurred during the period from
the early fall through November of 1960, with the
shift away from what was to be exclusively a guerrilla
warfare type operation to a new concept emphasizing
amphibious invasion.
During this period most of the
discussion and the decisions, aside from those within
CIA, were at the level of the Special Group. The
principals involved from the Department of State were
at the Under Secretary/Assistant Secretary level at
the highest, and at the Agency, both the Director of
Central Intelligence and the Deputy Director for Plans
were involved. On 29 November 1960 the level of in-
volvement of the US Government escalated sharply with
the sudden resurgence of interest on the part of
President Dwight David Eisenhower.
In contrast to
the period from July 1960 through the Presidential
election of early November -- when, as noted earlier,
at most, minimal attention to the develop-
there was,
ing anti-Castro program at the White House level
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:
suddenly the President emerged as one of the principal
decision makers in the period prior to the take-over
by the Kennedy administration.
When asked for an explanation of this sudden
resurgence, Jake Esterline, then Chief, WH/4 stated:
...
I can't explain it .. but I will say
this, it probably had a political basis.
They [the Republican administration]
realized that they had lost, and they
realized that they were going to have to
brief a new administration along with the
British on the things that had been going
on. I suspect that they didn't want to
brief on something that would emerge that
they hadn't been giving anything other
than their full support. I am guessing,
but I would think that was a pretty good
guess. 1/
On 29 November of 1960, the President had a meet-
ing which included Messrs. Dillon and Merchant of State;
Gates and Douglas of Defense; Gray and Goodpaster of
his own Staff; and Dulles and Bissell of CIA. In his
report on the session with the President, Mr. Bissell,
the DDP mentioned among other things the following two
points of particular interest:
The President made it clear he wanted
all done that could be done with all
possible urgency and nothing less on the
part of any department,
and the Presi-
dent led a discussion as to how best to
organize the total US effort against the
target. There was some feeling that an
...
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overall coordinating executive might be
desirable, but it was left that the
Director would make Mr. Barnes available
to work closely with a State Department
officer to be designated. It was also
felt desirable to use Mr. Pawley's
services, initially in connection with
Argentina's possible covert assistance. 2/
The points of view attributed to the President
at this time by Mr. Bissell reflect very closely the
position of William D. Pawley who had met with the
President immediately prior to the President's ses-
sion with State, DOD, and the Agency's representatives.
According to Livingston Merchant, who had a long
session with Mr. Pawley on the day prior to Pawley's
meeting with President Eisenhower:
Mr. Pawley said that two things are
necessary, and I inferred that these would
constitute his [Pawley's] principal recom-
mendations to the President.
(1) The President should appoint a
single experienced individual (he said he
was personally qualified and would be
available for the job if asked) to conduct
the entire covert operation. In this con-
nection, he cited the role which he had
played in the Guatemala case.
(2) We should recruit several thousand
good young Cubans in Florida and give them
basic training. This could be done in five
or six weeks, rather than months, according
to him. He was extremely impatient at the
thought of moving any Cubans who may now be
in Central America, expressing himself
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forcefully as being sure their host would
object.
I asked if he was proposing overt in-
tervention by US armed forces. He said
absolutely not. The essence of his plan
would be to land in Cuba, presumably in
the next month or two, a force of 600
trained Cubans, following up this land-
ing with additional Cuban elements and
then installing a government in the bridge-
head which would call on us for financial
and logistics support. . He mentioned a
number of names which were unfamiliar to
me of Cubans who he said are politically
unblemished in Cuba, neither pinks nor
reactionary rightists.* 3/
On 30 November 1960, a Special Group meeting was
held at which time Gordon Gray:
*
Considering that discussions within the Agency and
within the Special Group had only recently arrived at
the figure of 600 men for an invasion brigade, plus
the fact that this brigade would establish a bridge-
head from which a provisional government opposed to
Castro might be announced, one might speculate on the
source of Pawley's information. Jake Esterline has
tended to denigrate the role played by Pawley during
the course of the Bay of Pigs operation; but, nonethe-
less, throughout the course of the operation Jake was
charged with maintaining close liaison with Pawley.
JMATE records indicate not only the numerous face-to-
face meetings between Pawley and Esterline during the
course of the operation, but also reflect an amazing
number of telephone conversations between the two
during the life of the operation. In terms of the
operational plan per se, Esterline appeared to be
most cagy in handling this subject during the dis-
cussions with Pawley. The recorded conversations
focus on the potential leadership for the FRD with
Pawley's "best" leadership choices usually being far
to the right.
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Solicited the Group's assistance in
arriving at a concensus [sic] of views
as to what exactly had been decided as a
result of the high level meeting [the
meeting with the President] of the day
before. 4/
According to the memorandum on the meeting,
there was agreement that the US would deny its partic-
ipation in any training activities in Guatemala, that
there would continue to be a prohibition on the train-
ing of Cubans in the United States, and that evacua-
tion plans should be kept in readiness in case the
Cubans in training in Guatemala had to be evacuated
the plan to evacuate was not clear as to whether
the Cubans would be taken into Florida as ordinary
refugees or whether the evacuation would call for
transporting the troops to our Saipan training base.
.
The problem that apparently created the greatest
difficulty at this Special Group meeting was the Presi-
dent's suggestion that a single individual should be
placed in charge of the anti-Castro program. The
Special Group decided that there should be two indi-
viduals with principal responsibilities
--
one to
handle the overt and the other to handle the covert
activities.
candidates:
After reviewing a list of potential
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It was finally decided that, taking all
things into consideration, including the
aspect of quick availability, Ambassador
Willauer would probably be the best choice.
On the CIA side, Mr. Dulles nominated Mr.
Barnes. It was recognized that these
nominees would have to be checked with
Mr. Gray's associates. 5/
When Mr. Mann suggested that Ambassador Willauer
might also assume responsibility for contacts with the
FRD, Mr. Dulles rejected this out of hand, emphasizing
that this liaison must be done covertly, and that it
must be done by the Agency. There apparently was
unanimous agreement that Mr. Pawley not be given any
official status with the US Government, but no one
objected to Pawley's plans to visit Argentine Presi-
dent Frondizi in his capacity as a private US citizen. 53/
Following the President's suggestion of 29 Novem-
ber, Acting Secretary of State Douglas Dillon forwarded
a memorandum for President Eisenhower on 2 December
1960 recommending that, because of the differences
in responsibilities, two senior officials, rather
than one, be charged with managing the anti-Castro
program. Dillon suggested that Ambassador Whiting
Willauer be named as a Special Deputy to Assistant
Secretary for American Republic Affairs, Thomas Mann,
to act as the officer responsible for the US Government's
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overt position vis-a-vis Cuba, and with the responsi-
bility of coordinating the covert activities of the
Agency into that US position. On the covert side
Dillon followed the DCI's suggestion that C. Tracy
Barnes should be appointed "to devote full time to
the direction of the Agency's program with respect
to Cuba, and to concert with Amb. Willauer." 6/
Dillon's memorandum then went on to recommend
that the members of the Special Group Dulles,
Gray, Douglas, and Merchant should continue to
--
exercise general supervision over the covert opera-
tion and to provide the Agency with general guidance
in the operation, and now at the tag end of the
Eisenhower administration -- went on to say that the
Group
--
should continue and intensify its general
supervision of the covert operation
[and] maintain close and regular liaison
with Secretary Anderson of Treasury or
his designated representative
should meet, together with the member's
...
[and]
individual principals, with you from
time to time as it deemed necessary or as
you desire. 7/
In response to this recommendation, the Presi-
dent wrote:
I approve of the suggestions regarding
the reorganization of the government's
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program with respect to that country
[Cuba], except that I think Mr. Willauer
should have a position directly subordi-
nate to the Secretary of State for so
long as Cuba remains a critical problem
in our foreign relations. There should
be no doubt as to the authority of the
Special Assistant to the State Department
(Mr. Willauer) to subordinate covert and
overt activities, nor as to his responsi-
bility for conveying policy guidance to
the operating agencies. In their broad
outline, these policies will, of course,
be subject to the approval of higher
authority. 8/
An interesting aspect of the Eisenhower memoran-
dum is that he elevated the position to be assigned
to Mr. Willauer from that of being a Special Deputy
to Assistant Secretary Mann, the Assistant Secretary
for American Republic Affairs, to that of being direct-
ly subordinate to the Secretary of State. When Thomas
A. Parrott who acted as secretary for the Special
Group meeting transmitted a copy of the draft of Dulles'
.. se
Dillon's proje
memorandum to Tracy Barnes, Parrott had been made
n
aware of the possibility that Eisenhower was in favor
of raising the position of Willauer. In an aside
to Barnes in his transmittal note, Parrott indicated
that even if Eisenhower did want Willauer made
directly responsible to the Secretary of State, in
fact: "He [Willauer] will be instructed that he
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darn well works for Mann anyway, regardless of the
title."* 9/
Even as the negotiations just mentioned were
underway, by early December 1960 the Agency's posi-
tion on the nature of the PM action decidedly hardened.
On 8 December at a meeting of the Special Group,
Colonels Hawkins and Egan proposed a military program
which combined the use of infiltrated small paramili-
tary teams as a test to see if the dissident elements
would rally round and, also recommend a training
program for a force of 600-750 men possessing extremely
heavy fire power for amphibious assault. Prior to
an amphibious invasion, however, it was agreed that
there would be sorties into Cuban air space but the
precise nature and number of these was disputable,
ranging from possibly 100 a month for a three month
period beginning on 15 January 1961 and including
--
some B-26 sorties to bomb and strafe military targets
--
to an undefined minimum of sorties for a three
week period to soften up the opposition.
* The Agency apparently thought that it had a pretty
good handle on Willauer because of his long term associ-
ation as Executive Vice-President, President, and Vice-
Chairman of the Board of Civil Air Transport (CAT).
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In the course of these discussions of ground
and air operations there were some interesting contra-
dications among Agency spokesmen as to what was needed
or what was wanted. Tracy Barnes seemed to have a
great deal more to say than was warranted by his
knowledge and apparent understanding of the planned
action. In one discussion with Secretary Douglas,
when Barnes was pushing for the use of an increased
number of troops, he stated that the number of anti-
Castro dissidents who might rally round the invaders
would be no different if the size of the invading force
were 600 men or 3,000 men. A rationale such as that
and Barnes's comment to Gen. Lansdale when he for-
warded one proposal
Please recognize that this proposal is
a draft and is off the top of the head
without any detailed knowledge of possible
applicable regs and procedures
help make understandable the consternation within the
ranks of the Department of Defense concerning the
* 10/
Agency's understanding of which end was up.
* There was also an ongoing discussion during this time
period regarding the assignment of US Army Special Force
trainers to the Guatemala bases. This is discussed in
detail in Volume II of this history, Participation in
the Conduct of Foreign Policy.
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In one of the longer and more detailed papers
being prepared toward the close of the Eisenhower
administration, the State Department drafted the polit-
ical action recommendations and suggested collective
action through the Organization of American States
to effect the ouster of Castro. Failing in that,
State then outlined a unilateral political action
program for the United States. The paramilitary and
covert action segments of this paper were prepared
by the CIA. Neither the State nor the CIA paper
introduced ideas that had not been thoroughly dis-
cussed. These recommendations were made just as if
the Secretary of State, the Special Group, and the
President had approved, or would approve, the courses
of action that were being outlined. This being the
case, it was suggested that the concurrence of the
President-elect should be sought for the proposed
program. In the best of all possible worlds one'
could hardly find fault with this optimistic approach
in the pragmatic world it is difficult to under-
stand that anyone would go on record with the expec-
tation that such recommendations might be followed
--
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across changing political and administrative lines.* 11/
With WH/4 in the throes of revising the anti-
Castro program on the basis of the increased efficiency
of the Castro military forces, an SNIE, Prospects for
the Castro Regime, was issued, belaboring the obvious
that Castro was firmly in control of Cuba. The
SNIE also proceeded to make the following observation
about Castro's military forces:
The militia's overall combat efficiency
is low; many units are still on a part
time training basis. However, there appears
to be emerging a nucleus of well organized,
well equipped, and well trained units loyal
to Castro and strongly Communist-influenced;
we believe that within the next 12 months
or so, these units will develop into a
reasonably effective security force. 13/
The estimate continued, noting that the Cuban Army
was still disrupted and "combat effectiveness of the
Air Force is virtually nil." 9/ The concept for
Project JMATE, however, had shifted from small unit
guerrilla warfare to invasion because of evidence of
"
* President Eisenhower wrote that on 6 December 1960,
"Senator Kennedy" came to the White House for a brief-
ing and that among the subjects discussed was Cuba,
this being one of the first three items that Kennedy
wished to talk about and that: "He [JFK] had previous-.
ly been briefed by Allen Dulles a number of times and
had some familiarity with the details." 12/
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increased efficiency of Castro's forces and it would
appear that the operators and the estimators were
not making evaluations from the same intelligence
information.
Despite his promotion early in the month, it
was not until 23 December 1960 that Ambassador Willauer
called a meeting with the Agency's principals to ex-
plain both his role and some of the problems that he
anticipated the President wanted him to handle. Ap-
parently it was an inauspicious beginning, for accord-
ing to a memorandum of the meeting:
Mr. Willauer stated that his role, as
explained to him by Secretary Herter, was
to be that of the chairman and major
shareholder of a corporate board with Mr.
Tracy Barnes, the executive director for
operations and minority shareholder. Col.
King asked for clarification on this point,
noting that Mr. Esterline is the director
for operations for CIA with the chain of
command going from the Director to Bissell
to Col. King to Mr. Esterline. Mr. Barnes
is a coordinator with the other interested
agencies. Mr. Willauer agreed that this
was the case, noting that he had used the
term operations in the looser sense of
overall coordination. 14/
Once having had the pecking order set straight,
Ambassador Willauer then proceeded to a discussion
of various problem areas, indicating his very strong
bias in favor of Agency positions as opposed to
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positions being taken by the Department of State.
For example, Willauer noted that there was a strong
aversion to attempts to set a firm date for D-Day,
with the opponents basing their arguments on the
fact that the OAS would be sure to get in on the act
and, moreover, that military planning should be deferred
until it could be determined if the economic sanctions
would work to Castro's disadvantage. On the question
of economic sanctions Willauer pointed out to the
people in State that since the Soviet Union was so
strongly committed to support the Castro government,
economic sanctions would have little or no impact on
Castro's position. Willauer also argued that there
was going to be revolutionary activity in Cuba,
whether the US had a hand in it or not; and he empha-
sized that, in any event, the US would be blamed for
it.
Both Jake Esterline and Col. Jack Hawkins pointed
out that another reason for firming up the D-Day date
concerned the logistics of the troop movement; and
both urged as early a date as possible because of
the already mentioned improvement in the military
capability, equipment, and training of Castro's
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forces. Esterline also emphasized that most of the
arguments urging delay of PM planning, particularly
concern re the OAS, had been debated with State for
months, and the time had come for direct action.
The WH/4 representatives also stressed that the
period of training for many of the Cubans had been
extended and re-extended, and that to hold them be-
yond 1 March 1961 increased the problem of maintain-
ing high morale among the troops. Esterline took
the position that the Cubans the Agency was training
knew that the US had the force to throw Castro out
any time that it so desired, but the months and months
of training was indicative, to them at least, that
the US was not really interested in the welfare of
the anti-Castro Cubans.
During the 23 December 1960 meeting, Willauer's
expertise and familiarity with air operations led
him to ask almost immediately "why the project is
'so thin in the air'." Willauer was told that the
rules of the game were that only Cuban air crews
"
could be used, and this was the reason for the Agency's
efforts to obtain permission to use contract American
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crews for both resupply and combat. * The air opera-
tions were the subject of considerable discussion.
Concerning the possibility of launching air strikes
for three days before the invading force landed,
Willauer objected, pointing out that this would give
the OAS ample time to get involved in the act. Wil-
lauer then raised the question of whether all of the
tactical bombing could be done on D-Day. The answer
to that from Col. Hawkins was "no," but Hawkins said
that it could be done on D-2, if permission were given
for dawn airstrikes to take out Castro's air force
and military targets, with additional sorties during
the course of D-1 and follow-up raids on D-Day prior
to the landings. Moreover, Hawkins pointed out that
if an attempt were made to withhold the airstrikes
until D-Day, the Castro air force would have an op-
portunity to attack the ships which would be carrying
the invasion troops.
In a similar manner, a strong case was made for
the use of the Puerto Cabezas, Nicaragua air base to
* Hawkins wanted "pilots who can work over key targets
without tearing up installations we will later need."
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launch strikes against Cuba.
Apparently there was
some discussion of limiting use of this base to only
two or three days
--
at least some of the State De-
partment people pushed this idea
--
but WH/4 pointed
out that it was inconceivable in view of the nature
of the planned air operations, that the air support
operation could be in and out of Nicaragua in this
period. It was pointed out to Willauer that efforts
had been made to get permission to use US bases, or
other closer bases to Cuba than Nicaragua, but with-
out success. Willauer, himself was positive that no
US bases would be made available for the strike
against Castro.
One other interesting aspect of this initial
meeting with Willauer, concerned the transition be-
tween the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations.
Willauer stressed that the ground rule at the Depart-
ment of State was that the Kennedy people could not
be sought out to discuss specific problems unless
they initiated requests for information, and it was
Willauer's opinion:
That the only practical way to get de-
cisions on the project before 20 January
would be to have the Director [the DCI],
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whose position re the new administration
is different than Mr. Herter's, to go to
Mr. Kennedy in person and seek to get him
committed. It would be very difficult
for State people to try to approach Mr.
Kennedy via Mr. Rusk and Mr. Bowles. 15/
During the 21 December 1960 meeting of the
Special Group, Allen Dulles briefed the attendees on
a meeting that he had participated in the previous
day in New York, with a group of American business-
men. The meeting had been called by Henry Holland,
who was one of the principal fund raisers for the
FRD, and in attendance at this meeting were the Vice
President for Latin America of Standard Oil of New
Jersey, the Chairman of the Cuban-American Sugar
Company, the President of the American Sugar Domino
Refining Company, the President of the American &
Foreign Power Company, the Chairman of the Freeport
Sulphur Company, and representatives from Texaco,
International Telephone and Telegraph, and other
American companies with business interests in Cuba.
The tenor of the conversation was that it was time
for the US to get off of dead center and take some
direct action against Castro.
crop
Suggestions were made to sabotage the sugar.
the question being whether to burn the cane
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}
fields or ruin the refineries; to interrupt the
electric power supply; and to put an embargo on food,
drugs, and spare parts for machinery. Dulles opposed
the embargo on food and drugs, but the feeling of
the business group was that it was time to get tough
and, hopefully, the blame for an embargo would be
laid on Castro. Another interesting suggestion volun-
teered was that the US Navy should blow up a ship in
Levisa Bay in order to force the shutdown of the
nickel plant at Nicaro which formerly had been owned
and operated by the US Government. 16/ In his usual
cautious manner, Gordon Gray suggested that the
Special Group not authorize any action until he had
cleared the matter with his "associate."
This group of businessmen also indicated that
they were going to undertake the publication of
specific papers on issues and programs related to
the post-Castro Cuba, which would be designed to
help US policy planners. Mr. Dulles, of course,
emphasized that policy planning was not his respon-
sibility; this was the responsibility of the Depart-
ment of State. He did comment that "what he was
interested in was getting rid of Castro as quickly
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as possible and in this field he had direct responsi-
bility and would welcome any ideas or suggestions on
how this might be achieved." 17/
The high-level business group which Dulles met
with was also extremely concerned about the possible
orientation of any anti-Castro government in exile,
particularly that it should not be left-oriented.
Michael Haider, Standard of Jersey's Vice President
for Latin America, for example, forwarded a memorandum
to Col. J. C. King in early January 1961 identifying
as members of an extreme leftist group which had
formed in Miami to oppose Castro, Manolo Ray, Aureliano
Sanchez Arango, Rufo López Fresquet, and Dr. Raul
Chibás among others. Mr. Haider worried that unless
more positive steps were taken to force the conserva-
tive Cuban exiles into a cohesive organization, that
any post-Castro government would automatically be in
the hands of the leftists.* 18/
In addition to strong positive suggestions from
US businessmen, Brigadier General Lansdale, Office of
* Haider was consistent at any rate
“leftists"
with Fidel or "Fidelistas sin Fidel" were held to be
equally bad for US business interests.
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Special Operations, Office of the Secretary of Defense,
also had some suggestions which he made to Mr. Bissell
about the conduct of the Agency's anti-Castro program.
For whatever reason, in late December 1960 Lansdale
forwarded to Bissell a number of suggestions which
had been presented to him by an Army reservist who
had put in two weeks of active duty with OSO at Lans-
dale's direction researching Cuban political objectives.
Inasmuch as the Agency had devoted many months to
the study of this subject, and all other aspects of
the anti-Castro effort, it appears a rather gratuitous
insult that Lansdale would have forwarded this kind
of paper to Bissell. 19/ What response, if any,
Bissell made to this memorandum is not known.
The Special Group held its last meeting of 1960
on 29 December, and there were, in addition to the
standing problem of the use of US air bases to sup-
port the operation against Cuba, the questions of
the use of a Nicaraguan air base, the political organ-
ization of the Cuban exiles, and considerable discus-
sion about the possibility of initiating action against
Trujillo in the Dominican Republic. It was emphasized
that Mr. Pawley was strongly in favor of intervention
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in the Dominican Republic, even suggesting that an
overt operation against Trujillo be mounted concur-
rently with the Cuban operation. The members of the
Special Group, however, were unwilling to buy this
particular plan of action; but they did support Mr.
Bissell's proposals for some limited covert action
operations aimed at the Trujillo regime.
James H. Douglas, Deputy Secretary of Defense
questioned the feasibility of "expanding the initial
beachhead into a full-scale takeover of the Cuban
Government"; but Mr. Bissell pointed out that such
a project was unrealistic unless "One or all of the
following situations develops: (a) overt support,
(b)
a major revolutionary uprising, (c) massive use
of air support." 20/ The Group was apparently in
agreement that the Agency should make every effort
to insure that no abortive small-scale insurrections
be attempted to overthrow Castro. 21/
In view of the fact that the US would break
diplomatic relations with Cuba on 3 January 1961,
the minutes of the Special Group meeting of 29 Decem-
ber 1960 present an interesting historical problem.
In summarizing Livingston Merchant's report of his
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;!
meeting with President Eisenhower, on 28 December,
the minutes of the Special Group Meeting of 29 De-
cember read as follows:
The latter [President Eisenhower] made
two points: (a) it would be desirable to
obtain the cooperation and support of indi-
vidual Latin American Governments, (b) it
would be desirable, if possible, for US to
break relations with Cuba, in concert with
other countries some time before January
20th. 22/
In contrast to the suggestion that the US break
realtions with Cuba, prior to the inauguration of
Kennedy, General Goodpaster's record of the Merchant-
Eisenhower meeting of 28 December reported that:
He, [President Eisenhower] thought,
however, that [Presidents] Frondizi,
Prado, and others should take diplomatic
initiative to get Latin American countries
to take a position that they would like
to remove Castro from power, but, lacking
the means to do so, would like the US to
take the lead. The President said it was
clear to him that Latin Americans must be
brought to see the necessity of action.
He was inclined to think that it might
be time to recognize the anti-Castro
front as the Cuban Government. He added
that he would like to see a definite
move taken in this matter before January
20th, and said that the State Department
should be thinking of some definite
action that could be brought about be-
fore that time. 23/
"Thinking of some definite action" differs consider-
ably from the suggestion that the President thought
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it would be "desirable" to break relations with Cuba
prior to 20 January of 1961.
At the Special Group meeting of 29 December 1960,
it also was suggested by Mr. Merchant that the Group's
membership for discussions on Cuba be expanded to in-
clude Ambassador Willauer, Assistant Secretary Thomas
Mann, and C. Tracy Barnes. 24/ As already has been
noted, in his retrospective view of the Bay of Pigs
operation Jake Esterline was quite forceful in his
opinion that the Agency's representatives at such
high level meetings should have been someone like
either himself or Col. Jack Hawkins who were the most
knowledgeable about the status of the operation and,
indeed, the whole operational plan.*
* It is the considered opinion of the author of this
history that Esterline had a valid criticism. A re-
view of the records of the Bay of Pigs Operation, indi-
cates that one of the most voluminous correspondents
was C. Tracy Barnes, that a great deal of the written
material is repititious ad nauseam, and that Barnes
belabored issues which were common knowledge to the
principals in WH/4. Illustrative of this, for example,
was a 28 December 1960 memorandum which Barnes wrote
to Jake Esterline. It began as follows: "It has been
a little while since we have had an internal DDP hoe
down on your project. In the meantime, a number of
important points have been raised." 25/
The memorandum then proceeded to run through all
of the issues which, by this time, were common knowledge
(footnote continued on following page)
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On 2 January 1961 Fidel Castro notified the
United States Government that it would have to cut
its Embassy staff in Havana to eleven persons.
On
3 January 1961, President Eisenhower held a meeting
3
at the White House to discuss the Cuban situation.
In addition to the President, and the Secretaries.
of State, Defense, and Treasury, the participants
included the members of the Special Group, plus
General Goodpaster, Mr. Bissell, Thomas Mann, and
Tracy Barnes. Among principal questions, of course,
were if and when the United States should break off
diplomatic relations with Cuba; and after some initial
hesitation, before the day was over the United States
did break relations officially with the Cuban Govern-
ment. *
to those who were even marginally involved in planning
the anti-Castro operation and contributed nothing in
particular to understanding of any of them.
Similarly, Barnes' memorandum for the DCI in prep-
aration for a 3 January policy meeting, rehashed the
same information that Barnes had presented to Chief,
WH/4, just a few days before. 26/ Barnes appears to
have suffered a severe case of verbal diarrhea.
* Before the firm decision was made to break diplomatic
relations, there was great concern within the Agency
that the COS, a communicator, and a PM officer, and
possibly a fourth individual be retained as members of
the Staff. 27/
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The other subject of conversation was whether
there now was cause or reason for direct US inter-
vention in Cuba, and the decision was that no such
action should be taken unless the Cuban Government
took aggressive action against US citizens in Cuba
or damaged official US property (e.g., Guantanamo).
In the course of the discussion about the status of
Agency planning for anti-Castro activities, the
question was raised about increasing the number of
trainees. This was ruled out pending the suitability
of training sites to handle additional numbers.
Training sites in the US still were denied, in part,
again, because of the fear of compromising the US
position in the Organization of American States or
in the United Nations.
The high level White House meeting also agreed
that it would be useful to brief members of the new
administration, particularly the Secretary of State,
but "no definite schedule was agreed upon but the
concensus [sic] of the meeting was that appropriate
briefings should be considered for the near future.
་་
28/
In the few days following the 3 January decision
to break relations with the Castro Government, the
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7
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Agency retained control of US communications out of
Havana the Ambassador deciding that he preferred
to relieve the female Department of State communica-
tions officer and retain the services of her male
counterpart from the Agency. During this hectic
period, the communications officer was instructed
to pack up as much gear as possible and destroy that
which remained. Even if all the gear were not destroyed,
CIA's Director of Communications indicated "there
would not be any extreme compromise." In any event,
however, the last message from Havana Station
--
on
7 January 1961 at 1638Z
--
stated
This last msg from HAVA Station. All
files and crypto material destroyed
on evening 6 Jan [1961] Swiss amb placed
"Carta de Proteccion" notices on emb doors
minimizing possibility takeover of bldg
by GOC.* 29/
Even as the debate over the breaking of diplomatic
relations was taking place within the Eisenhower ad-
ministration, Col. Jack Hawkins addressed a memorandum
to Jake Esterline, Chief, WH/4 which provided an ex-
cellent summary of the policy decisions which needed
*
Authorization for complete shutdown had been set
for 0300Z on 7 January 1961. 30/
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to be made if strike operations were to be conducted
against the Castro government. In the course of his
eight page memorandum, Hawkins reiterated the need
for resolution of the problem that had particularly
bothered the Special Group that was whether the
Kennedy administration was interested in following
through on the plans that had been made.
Assuming
that the Kennedy administration did intend to follow
through on the program which had been initiated,
Hawkins suggested that considering the rapid build
up of Castro's military forces the strike operations
be conducted not later than 1 March 1961.
tion of air strikes was basic to Hawkins's planning
on this he was quite firm. In discussing the
general question of air operations Hawkins said:
The ques-
It is axiomatic in amphibious operations
that control of air and sea in the objec-
tive area is absolutely required. The
Cuban Air Force and naval vessels capable
of opposing our landing must be knocked
out or neutralized before our amphibious
shipping makes its final run in to the
beach. If this is not done, we will be
courting disaster.
Then, by specific recommendations, Hawkins urged
the following:
1. That the air preparation commence
not later than dawn on D minus 1 Day.
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2. That any move to curtail the number
of aircraft to be employed from those
available be firmly resisted.
3. That the operation be abandoned if
policy does not provide for use of adequate
tactical air support.
In order to insure the success of both the air
strike and the air drop operations which would pro-
vide the logistical support for the troops holding
the lodgment on Cuban soil, Hawkins urged, as he had
in the past, authorization for the use of contract
American pilots, the use of the airfield at Puerto
Cabezas as an advance strike base, and the use of air
bases in the United States for the launching of
logistical flight operations.* 31/
Much the same ground indicated in Hawkins memo-
randum was rehashed in preparing Mr. Barnes and the
DCI for a Special Group meeting of 5 January 1961.
* There is no indication that Hawkins ever changed
his attitude about the need for the introduction of
some US pilots into both the strike and logstics
air operations, even though his much quoted cable of
13 April 1961 from Puerto Cabezas repeated the high
praise for the B-26 pilots who were about to under-
take the D-2 air strike. See Volume I of the Official
History of the Bay of Pigs Operation, Air Operations,
Part III, A for discussion of the Hawkins cable in
the context of the air operations.
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Somewhat more emphasis than Hawkins had given to it
was placed on the political organization and the
needs for structuring the exile political group to
conform accurately to the sentiments of those Cubans
who did oppose Castro. Otherwise, much of the same
focus was to be given to the questions regarding air
bases, the size of the invasion force, and the number
of trainees who could be accommodated in the camps,
and other of the problems that had already been dis-
cussed time and time again. 32/ Similarly, in dis-
cussions prior to the 12 January 1961 meeting of
the Special Group, much of this same ground continued
to be replowed without any positive resolution by
the Special Group members. 33/
During the course of the frequent sessions of
the Special Group in the final weeks of the Eisenhower
administration, the Director of Central Intelligence
also was required to make a presentation before the
CIA Subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee
on 6 January of 1961. Among other things, the record
of this meeting stated as follows:
!
Mr. Dulles then gave a fairly detailed
picture of CIA action with respect to Cuba,
mentioning the two-pronged program of
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propaganda including radio and publica-
tions and the paramilitary effort. Again
he pointed out that this is an expensive
program running to approximately $28
million. Mr. Dulles discussed the radio
effort and paramilitary effort in some
detail, indicating the numbers of Cubans
being trained and the supply efforts and
the bases. 34/
Because of the subsequent charges which would
be made by historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. and
others writing on the Bay of Pigs, it is important
to emphasize that among other CIA personnel attend-
ing this briefing was Robert Amory, Jr., the Deputy
Director for Intelligence, who, according to Schlesinger
and some of the later "experts," was supposed to be
in almost total ignorance of any planning for an
operation such as took place at the Bay of Pigs.*
* Other Agency personnel in attendance at this brief-
ing were General Cabell, DDCI; Colonel L. K. White,
Deputy Director for Support; Richard Helms, Chief of
Operations for DDP; Emmett Echols, Director of Personnel,
and John Warner, Legislative Counsel. It also should
be noted that Mr. William A. Tidwell, Jr. of Amory's
office was appointed in January 1961 to be Chief of
the Office of Operations in Miami. 35/ Organizationally
at this time, the Office of Operations was under the
Deputy Director for Intelligence. In view of the
efforts being made in the Miami area to recruit Cubans
for training in the exile Brigade, it is inconceivable
that Tidwell and the Deputy Director for Intelligence
were not fully aware of the plans that were being made
to unseat Castro until after the invasion had collapsed
at Playa Giron..
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On 10 January 1961, President Eisenhower got
involved in a meeting concerning the planned opera-
tions against Castro. On that day the New York Times
broke a story about the training of the Cuban troops
in Guatemala. As the ex-President himself wrote:
On the morning of January 10 [1961],
the New York Times carried an article,
with a map, describing the training of
anti-Castro forces in Guatemala ... It
told most of the story. I decided that
we should say nothing at all about this
article. Believing that my successor
might want some day to assist the refugee
forces to move into Cuba, I considered
that we were limited in what we could
say about them. 36/
Whether a meeting had been planned prior to the
appearance of the New York Times article is not known,
but the Senate Foreign Relations Committee did call
on the administration to send a representative up to
the Hill on 12 January 1961, in order to provide fur-
ther explanation of the Times article. Of the two
candidates being considered to appear before the Senate,
Thomas Mann, Assistant Secretary of State for American
Republic Affairs, or DCI Dulles, it was decided to
send Mr. Dulles to appear before the Senate Committee.
However, President Eisenhower
raised certain questions as to the right
of a Committee to ask questions on foreign
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policy affecting the security of the
United States. He [Eisenhower] commented
that when this is demanded as a right you
are "sunk," and wondered how much right
have they got, inasmuch as the Constitu-
tion says that it is the responsibility
of the Chief Executive. 37/
The culmination of the Special Group discussions,
which had taken place with increasing frequency between
mid-November 1960 and mid-January 1961, was the report
of the Joint Planning Committee issued by Willauer on
18 January 1961. The conclusions were predictable
there were decisions that needed to be made, but these
could not be made until the new administration became
fully aware of the extent of the anti-Castro programs
that had been evolving. As Willauer himself said in
his final memo:
*
In the absence of these decisions, or
at least most of them, there is a grave
danger that the December 6 plan (updated)
may have to be abandoned, as an effective
means of overthrowing Castro without more
overt support, and that the only practical
course of action for the physical overthrow
of Castro, will be either: (1) open U.S.
war with Cuba, or (2) a seven-month overt
training by the U.S. on United States soil
of a Cuban-Latin American invasion force,
which will be planned to strike with at
least overt U.S. logistical support.* 38/
Willauer probably meant to refer to the 8 December
1960 plan. See pp. 173 ff.
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Perhaps best illustrative of the merry-go-round
which the Special Group had been riding for at least
two months was Willauer's closing statement:
In our discussions we weighed without
coming to a conclusion the advantages of
a rapid, effective action by direct war
in terms of getting matters over with
without a long buildup of world opinion
vs. the inevitability of such a build up
under any seven month program. 38/
Having reviewed the meetings during the last
few weeks of the Eisenhower administration, it is
interesting to review the comments of some of those
who were principally involved, as they looked back
on that period. One of the most immediate responses
was found in Fidel Castro's virtuoso performance for
the Cuban television audience on 23 April 1961 when
he explained the invasion to them. Among other things,
Castro claimed:
That on certain occasions, we have also
been in danger of direct aggression. This
danger always has been lurking about us
and at certain times has gathered consider-
able support in the minds of leading circles
of the United States. One of those moments
when this type of direct aggression was
very near was at the end of December [1960]
and the beginning of [January 1961], and
that is to say, during the last days of the
Eisenhower administration. 40/.
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So concerned was Castro at this time that he put his
armed forces in a state of alert for a two week period,
covering the transition from the Eisenhower to the
Kennedy administration. 41/
The other principal protagonist at this time,
remembered it in a somewhat different manner. The
former US President wrote of this period in the fol-
lowing manner:
Covert training of exiles for any pos-
sible future operations against Castro
was going forward. Units were growing
steadily in strength and efficiency
against the time when actual tactical
planning could be undertaken. In Decem-
ber [1960], I suggested to the State
Department that the time might be pro-
pitious for organizing a "front" against
Castro among the refugees, with the
United States recognizing the leader
and his associates as the legal govern-
ment of Cuba, with the priviso, however,
that the exiles themselves would volun-
tarily select from their own number an
acceptable "head of government."
added that if they could do so at once,
I'd like to see recognition accorded
promptly if possible, before January
20
...
So, to the incoming administration,
we left units of Cuban refugees busily
training and preparing hopefully for a
return to their native land. Because
they had as yet been unable to find the
leader they wanted a national leader
to be both anti-Castro and “anti-Batista
it was impossible to make specific
--
-
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plans for a military invasion,
However,
their hatred of Castro, their patriotism,
and their readiness to sacrifice for the
restoration and freedom in Cuba could not
be doubted. 42/
--
that
In the statement just quoted, Eisenhower's empha-
sis was on the fact that during his administration
all that took place was a training program
there was no specific plan for the invasion of Cuba.
This was re-emphasized in an interview that he held
on 10 September 1965 when he said:
:
"There was no
tactical or operational plan even discussed" when he
turned the presidency over to John F. Kennedy. 43/
According to this same interview:
The retiring President stressed that
there had been no decision as to how the
Cuban forces would be used, if at all.
Eisenhower had made no commitments that.
might bind the new President in dealing
with the Castro problem. In fact, the
armed refugee group was still so small
and relatively unprepared that it could
easily have been disbanded if the incom-
ing administration considered its exis-
tence unnecessary.
And, more specifically,
Eisenhower felt that Kennedy shared his
judgment that the new administration need
not rush a decision regarding the Cubans.
"At no time did I put before anybody any-
thing that could be called a plan (to invade
Cuba)," declares the former President.
He
emphasizes that there was "no mandate, no
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་་
commitment by me, or by anyone in my admin-
istration," and he doubts that Kennedy felt
"he was frozen to any position by me. 44/
Gordon Gray, President Eisenhower's National
Security Adviser, also supported his former boss when
queried about the Eisenhower role in the Bay of Pigs
activity, stressing that the emphasis during Eisen-
hower's administration was on training the Cuban ex-
iles and providing them with equipment. Like the
former President, Gray, too, said that there was "no
military plan".
The definition of a military plan, however,
seems to have focused on an actual site for the land-
ing; and in this sense, Gray certainly was telling
the truth because no such choice had been made at the
time that Eisenhower left office. In his own words,
Gray stated:
There wasn't any military plan formu-
lated by the time the Eisenhower admini-
stration went out. Of course, the Presi-
dent was fully aware of and conversant
with the decision to train and arm indi-
viduals. And the concept was one that
was sort of changing in the Eisenhower
Administration. First we were thinking
in terms of the old infiltration of small
groups. Then they were thinking of the
possibility of landing of people, unit
sized groups.
And no decisions had been
reached at that time. It was only that
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there was training. That was clearly
authorized, and it was clearly contemplated
that there would be or could be a military
action. But it simply was not true that
Kennedy inherited a plan that he couldn't
change. As a matter of fact, the planning
that was done in his administration was
changed. The Bay of Pigs was not the first
landing point. That was changed. But none
of that, no planning process in the Eisen-
hower administration had got to the point
of discussing what would be the landing
point. 45/
What both Gray and Eisenhower conveniently ig-
nored, as has been pointed out in the preceding dis-
cussion, was the major change that was made in the
concept in November of 1960. What was to have been
an infiltration of numerous small teams of communi-
cators and PM trainers became an amphibious invasion
plan calling for a major enlargement of the exile
Brigade and an air operations plan which would be
critical to both the Brigade's landing and its ability
to be sustained once ashore in Cuba. What was yet
undecided as Eisenhower was succeeded by Kennedy were
the issues which the Special Group had argued through-
out the weeks from mid-November into January
number of troops that should be or could be trained,
}
the
the facilities that would be available for training
sites (possibly in third countries or in the United
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States), the possible commitment of the United States
personnel (as "volunteers" or contracts), and possible
overt US intervention to remove Fidel Castro.* 46/
* Despite the availability of documentary records
and autobiographical information about President
Eisenhower's role in the anti-Castro program, it is
interesting to the historian that the subject of the
Bay of Pigs apparently was banned as a topic in oral
history interviews conducted with Eisenhower and
various of his senior subordinates who were close to
the operation. Included among this group, in addition
to Eisenhower himself, were James H. Douglas, Jr.
(DOD), Thomas Mann (State), Gen. David Shoup (USMC),
Thomas S. Gates, Jr. (DOD), and Livingston Merchant
(State).
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CENTRAL
INTELLIGENCE
UNITED ST
STATES OF
AMERICA
AGENCY
OFFICIAL HISTORY
OF THE
BAY OF PIGS OPERATION
VOLUME III
EVOLUTION OF CIA's
ANTI-CASTRO POLICIES,
1951 JANUARY 1961
(pages 204-388)
TOP SECRET
CIA Internal Use Only
Access Controlled by
CIA History Staff
TS#795052
Copy 1 of 2
TOP SECRET
TS#795052
DCI-8
December 1979
Copy 1 of 2
PERMANENT HISTORICAL DOCUMENT
DO NOT DESTROY
13-00000 /
TOP SECRET
Volume III
Contents
(pp. 204-388)
Page
204
Part V
Direct Action Programs
204
A.
Propaganda
B.
Sabotage and other Exercises
233
241
Part VI
Mr. Nixon's Role
Part VII
The Question of Assassinations
277
290
Part VIII
Conclusions
Appendixes
A.
Memorandum for the Director of Central
Intelligence from J. C. King, 11 Dec 59
296
B.
A Program of Covert Action Against
the Castro Regime, 16 Mar 60
300
C.
CNO Correspondence with Department of State
and NSC:
2) Letter for Gordon Gray from
Arleigh Burke, 16 Mar 60
1) Letter for Allen Dulles from
Arleigh Burke, 17 Mar 60
TS (DD/P 0-1436)
311
313
3) Memorandum for the Special
Assistant to the President
for National Security Affairs
from Haydn Williams, 16 Mar 60,
sub: US Policy toward Cuba
318
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D.
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Memorandum for Assistant Deputy Director
(Plans) - Action from J. D. Esterline,
2 May 60, sub: Liaision with US
Agencies on JMARC Activities
Page
332
E.
Attack on Petroleum Refinery at
Santiago de Cuba, 13-14 March 1961
335
F.
Richard M. Nixon's Memorandum on Meeting
with Fidel Castro, 19 April 1959.
337
G.
Memorandum for DCI (for Briefing Vice
President Nixon], 29 Feb 60, sub:
What We Are Doing in Cuba
344
Part I
Source References
Background
•
347
Part II
Castro Must Go
352
Part III
Changing Concepts
366
Part IV
Presidential Resurgence
369
Part V
Direct Action Programs
374
Part VI
Mr. Nixon's Role
382
•
Part VII
Assassination
386
Part VIII Conclusions
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Part V
Direct Action Programs
A.
Propaganda
The desire of WH Division to undertake the propa-
ganda operation against the government of Fidel Castro,
antedated the formation of Branch 4 in the Division by
more than two months; for on 27 October 1959 in a Memo-
randum to the Director of Central Intelligence, J. C.
King proposed:
That CIA undertake clandestine propa-
ganda operations targeted at Cuba. These
operations would employ primarily radio
broadcasts and other means of propaganda,
and at informing the Cuban masses of the
truth. 1/
Col. King's memorandum pointed out that repre-
sentatives of various of the Cuban opposition groups
organized in the United States had requested Agency
assistance to set up propaganda operations directed
against the Cuban mainland, and, in addition, he also
indicated that he and the Director of Communications,
Gen. McClelland, had his people studying the best,
methods for carrying out such propaganda broadcasts.
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7
King's initial memorandum contained no information
about potential locations of transmitters, personnel
security, inter-Agency coordination or costs.
Almost immediately following the memorandum from
Col. King to the Director, the subject of propaganda
directed against the Castro government was introduced
to discussions in the Special Group. Following the
first such meeting at which the subject came up seri-
ously, the DCI requested that WH Division provide
more specifics on such matters as requirements for
real estate, recommendations for someone to be in
charge of the propaganda operations, the equipment
that would be required, and how the broadcasting might
be controlled. By mid-November, following additional
discussions both within the Agency and by the Special
Group, WH Division proposed that the broadcasts origi-
nate from the Yucatan Peninsula under the guidance
of Manuel Benitez, and from Costa Rica under the Monte
Cristi Group, headed by Col. Ramon Barquin.
The pre-
sumption was that the Yucatan operation would be self-
sufficient, but that the Costa Rican operation would
be CIA funded, supported, and directly under Agency
control. The estimated costs that were mentioned in
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mid-November 1959 were roughly $80,000 each for the
operations in Costa Rica and Yucatan, plus an addi-
tional $12,000 for intrusion broadcasts which would
originate within Cuba. 2/
Before the end of November, the plans to utilize
the Yucatan peninsula had been abandoned because it
was feared that the President of Mexico would not.
give his approval for such an activity; and by the
early part of December, President Figueres of Costa
Rica had made it clear that he did not want the propa-
ganda operation to be set up in Costa Rica. Conse
quently, there was considerable discussion about the
possibility of getting permission from President
Betancourt of Venezuela to agree to permit the broad-
casts from his country. Some members of the Special
Group also suggested the possibility that the anti-
Castro broadcasts might be originated from other of
the Latin American countries, a project which Mr.
Dulles discouraged because of the lack of suitable
broadcast facilities that would be available in coun-
tries outside of the immediate Caribbean area. Some-
where along the line C. Tracy Barnes, the ADDP/A and
Mr. Bissell's right hand man, came up with the
、
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-
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suggestion that broadcasts against Castro could be
originated from continental United States. How Barnes
came by this proposal is not known, for no such
activity was ever given the slightest sanction. 3/
By early February of 1960, however, an equivo-
cal agreement apparently had been reached with Presi-
dent Betancourt, for a memorandum from WH Division
indicated that:
One pilot (anti-Castro] tape has been
made and has been played for the benefit
of President Betancourt of Venezuela. He
has agreed not to interfere if we initiate
broadcasts from available transmitters in
Venezuela. 4/
Even though thought had been given to the establish-
ment of a special transmitting facility for the Frente
Revolucionario Democratico (FRD), or whoever would
run the anti-Castro broadcasts, Betancourt had made
it clear that he would not permit the establishment
小
of special new transmitting facilities in his country.
On or about 17 March 1960, the same date that
President Eisenhower approved the formal anti-Castro
program for the US Government, JMATE had prepared its
propaganda program which, after outlining various
phases of the activity, stated:
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It is planned to concentrate all capa-
bilities available to the U.S. Government
on the [Cuban] target. In addition, it
will be necessary for CIA to create such
unilateral, FRD, and third country opera-
tions as may be feasible and useful. All
facets of psychological operations will
be exploited through mass media means,
including: radio, television, motion
pictures, press and publications, books,
leaflets, posters, handbills, and rumors.
The major emphasis will be placed on gray
materials. Liaison will be conducted as
necessary with other U.S. Government
agencies. Black operations will be care-
fully coordinated within CIA prior to im-
plementation. All direct dealings with
members of the FRD will be under unofficial
cover.. 5/
The outline of the propaganda program made it
clear that funding of the propaganda operation was
going to be a major problem, and it was also clear
that CIA was going to be responsible for a consider-
able portion of this. But even as the propaganda
program was being formulated, Col. J. C. King was in
New York working with Henry Holland to approach a
number of American businessmen whose companies had
interests in Cuba. Their objective was to raise funds
to support the FRD propaganda operations which might
be operated through Station WRUL in New York, a sta
tion that was directed by Mr. Walter Lemon who worked
closely with the CIA. Lemon, in fact, was ready to
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mount radio program operations almost immediately
"
pending receipt of material and guidance from the
Agency.* 6/
With reference to King's approach to Mr. John
Loeb, of Loeb, Rhodes & Company, the businessman
stated that he would contribute his personal funds
to the anti-Castro propaganda effort; and in addition,
he would approach the directors or heads of other
companies that were also involved in Cuba
--
individ-
uals whom he thought were well enough off to make
With reference to contribu-
personal contributions.
tions of this nature:
It was decided that personal contri-
butions were most advisable because they
would not require action and approval by
Boards of Directors, and therefore could
be most easily concealed. The sum dis-
cussed was $50,000.* 7/
The plan for private funding of WRUL was in
trouble from the start. As early as April 1960, Chief
* Among those that Col. King met with on 15 March
1960, were Mr. John Loeb of Loeb, Rhodes & Company,
Mr. Lapham of Banker's Trust Company, and the president
of the Freeport Sulphur Company, Mr. Wright.
** Other companies, including American and Foreign
Power Co. and the Freeport Sulphur Co., made donations
in the company names and the Agency notified the Com-
missioner of Internal Revenue about the donations so
that they could be treated as corporate tax deductions. 7a/
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WH/4 had requested Chief, WHD's permission to obligate
JMATE funds for support of the station; but Chief,
WHD refused, indicating that private money would be
available.
In October 1960 a similar proposal was
made and rejected for the same reasons. By December
1960, however, payment from JMATE funds was authorized
because private funds were unavailable. 7b/
In terms of the broadcast facilities that were
to be established under the propaganda program, CIA
was to create and control both short and medium wave
shipborne radio broadcasting operations, and to investi-
gate the feasibility of an airborne radio transmitter
capable of black broadcasts into Cuba. * Aside from
the broadcast operations, there were a number of ad-
ditional programs calling for printing facilities for
the production of propaganda materials and secure
"
--
* The airborne medium wave transmitter apparently
was ruled out early in the planning stages because
it was "a terribly expensive operation. Based on
DPD's estimates, Phillips figured that three flights
per week to six selected Cuban cities among others,
Havana, Santiago and Cienfuegos over a two month
period would show operating costs in excess of $83,000,
plus an additional $60,000 for transmitting equipment
on a C-54, and a cost of $250,000 if the C-54 were
lost. 7c/.
--
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editorial offices so that the propaganda materials
could be prepared. 8/
It was shortly after the formulation of the
propaganda program that David A. Phillips became
Chief of the WH/4 Propaganda Activity. Phillips
Accord-
had done propaganda work for the Agency at the time
of the Guatemalan activity, but subsequently retired
and had been in private business in Havana.
ing to his own story, he had intended to stay in
private business; but in the course of Castro's rise
to power, he was recontacted by Agency personnel and
persuaded to take on the job of running the Agency's
propaganda campaign against Castro.*
According to one interviewer:
Now,
In the Guatemalan campaign, Phillips
had worked with a handful of completely
controlled Latin American propaganda
writers, and had been able to develop a
single credible propaganda line.
however, he had to work under Washington
orders, to offer radio broadcasting time
to all the major and competing Cuban
exile groups.
Much of the Phillips'
* For Phillips' own story of his employment and his
re-employment by the Agency, see his book The Night
Watch (New York:
Atheneum, 1977).
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effort went into overcoming the idea that
CIA financed radio programs should become
a forum for the varying views of rival
exile splinter factions. Phillips was
principally in Washington ... [but] there
were frequent trips to Miami and New York,
and Phillips himself coordinated CIA covert
broadcasting with Henry Loomis, Director
of USIA's Voice of America. 9/
All indications are that Phillips had an excellent
staff which was highly motivated and certainly extremely
busy during the course of the Bay of Pigs Operation.*
this so called
The key point in Dave Phillips's propaganda opera-
tion was to be the 50,000 watt radio transmitter located
on the larger of the two Swan Islands
"larger" island being roughly 1 3/4 miles long by 1 1/4
miles wide. US possessions, the Swan Islands are located
roughly 100 miles NE of Honduras in the Caribbean Sea.
Already located on the island was a Federal Aviation radio
beacon, and a Department of Commerce weather station.
April 1960,`the cover story which was devised for the
In
* Among those who worked in Phillips's Political and
Psychological Section in WH/4, were William Kent, John
Isaminger, Phillip A. Toomey, Earnest I. Harrison, Paul
Oberst, and Michael J. Maney. 10/ Illustrative of the
desire to placate the various exile factions was the
proposal by the Forward Operations Base to give the
spokesmen of the factions air time on WRUL on a rotating
basis to present the position of the particular group.
FOB was to assume responsibility for WRUL programming
on 1 December 1960, and was of the opinion thạt such
programming would "have desired effect on creating
semblance [of] united anti Castro opposition." 10a/
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operation of the two radio transmitters (one 50,000
watts and the other 7,500 watts) was that the Navy
was going to purchase scientific signal time from the
Gibralter Steamship Company, an Agency proprietary,
which was nominally the operator of a commercial
radio station then being established.
James
The loading of the transmitters, the unloading,
the construction of the facilities to house the trans-
mitters, and the installation of the transmitters
was done by the Navy Seabees under the direction of
Alfred Cromartie of CIA's Office of Logistics.
Burwell, a logisites officer who was thoroughly in-
volved in the JMATE operation, reported that the con-
struction activity at Swan Island required the move-
ment of 180,000 pounds of equipment from the Washing-
ton Depot, aboard Agency trucks for delivery to Norfolk
and the reloading aboard two LST's. In addition to
locating the transmitters and constructing the facili-
ties for housing the transmitters, a crude landing
field also was cleared. The total time involved was
approximately 20 days, and the cost was something under
$225,000.
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The first test signals from Swan Island were
sent on 17 May 1960, and from that time until the
close out of the Bay of Pigs Operation, the station
was one of the two or three principal voices aimed
at Castro's government. 11/ Shortly after the initi-
ation of the broadcast from Swan, a true tempest in
teapot was brewed over the question of whether or not
export licences were going to be required for goods
moving from the mainland to support operations at
Swan Island. Involved in this brouhaha were the
Department of Commerce, the US Customs Service, and
numerous Agency components Cover Staff,. Commercial
Division, the Office of Logistics, and the Office of
Security. Bill Eisemann, WH/4's Chief of Support,
--
had his hands full! Common sense ultimately prevailed
and the question of export licences was dropped. 12/
Even before Swan went into operation, there
was some question within the government as to whether
the CIA or the United States Information Agency should
be principally responsible for propaganda broadcasts
directed at Cuba. Within a few weeks following the
beginning of operations at Swan, this question was
resolved in a meeting in Senator Mundt's office which
-
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included representatives from the Agency, Mr. Abbot
Washburn, the Director of the United States Informa-
tion Agency, and various of Mr. Washburn's senior
people. The meeting made clear that the Agency was
“doing medium wave broadcasting directly into Cuba.
Although it was not specified at the meeting in
Mundt's office, CIA also was supporting station WRUL,
which had made a direct application on its own initia-
tive for funding such broadcasts
--
even though the
Agency was behind such broadcasting and such financ-
ing. 14/
The Navy, however, got goosey about the cover
story which was being presented. Despite a strong
effort on the part of senior Agency representatives
to convince Rear Admiral S. B. Frankel
who was
designated as the Chief representative of the Office
--
of Naval Intelligence by Admiral Fauste, then Director
of ONI
--
the Navy declined further involvement in
supporting the cover story.* The hassle with the
* The thrust of the Agency's 27 April 1960 briefing
for Adm. Frankel was that the USN was already so heavily
involved in the project that it would do them more harm
than good to withdraw. Information on this meeting
with the Navy and other information pertaining to the
development of the Swan Island facility is contained in
the sources listed under Reference 14/.
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Navy was successfully resolved when the Agency found
that through its own resources it would be able to
provide for resupply of all of the Island's needs,
including transportation of personnel between JMWAVE
in Florida and Swan Island without undue difficulty.
The problem of security of the island
larly the fear that perhaps Castro would send saboteurs
to the island
--
particu-
was never put to any real test. In
fact, what might have been the only serious security
incident was most successfully resolved by Robert
Overjord, the Security Officer for the island and
the Deputy Chief of Base. The incident took place
in July 1960 when a group of 14 Honduran students
landed to assert a claim to sovereignty of the Swan
Islands by the Republic of Honduras, and it was re-
ported as follows:
A potentially dangerous situation was
averted by the tactful handling of the
group by Mr. Overjord who persuaded them
to leave their armament of 13 pistols and
three submachine guns aboard their boat
and conducted them on a tour of the island.
The group leader indicated that he wanted
to take a census of the population, and
was furnished with pertinent information,
with no divulgence of Agency interest in
Radio Swan or its personnel. Upon comple-
tion of the census, the group was permitted
to raise the Honduran flag, was given lunch
-
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:
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and refreshments, and departed shortly
thereafter. The good judgment and dis-
cretion of Mr. Overjord are felt to be
directly responsible for avoidance of
what could have been a serious incident
involving loss of lives, or injury to
Agency and other island personnel.* 15/
The question of the exact nature of the broad-
casts from Swan was the subject of much discussion,
both prior to the opening of the station and subse-
quent to its first broadcast. The Deputy Director
of Central Intelligence, for example, called Jake
Esterline, Chief, Project JMATE to report on conver-
sation that he (General Cabell) had with "a person
of considerable importance who was very familiar
with Cuba," concerning the nature of the propaganda.
which should be aimed at the Cuban population.
stated that according to this important person, if
tapes of Castro's radio broadcasts could be acquired
and then patched together for rebroadcasting to the
Cuban population for hours on end, the effect would
be "to bore the people horribly with Castro, but would
Cabell
* The island was manned by 24 people, all but nine
of whom were CIA personnel. The nine were unwitting
technicians of the Philco Corporation.
-
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also pointedly reveal the inconsistencies of his
statements."
Following receipt of this call from
the Deputy Director, Esterline passed the word on to
"
Dave Phillips with the comment that he thought perhaps
such broadcasts might be used as filler during the
intervals when Swan was not doing its regular broad-
casts. * 16/
By early August 1960, however, the official
policy for the Swan propaganda broadcasts aimed at
Cuba, was to be "the Revolution Betrayed." This
theme was formalized by the Department of State; and
at the direction of the Secretary of State, copies of
a 105 page document addressed to this theme were pre-
sented to members of the National Security Council,
to members of the Inter-American Peace Committee, and
to US Embassies in the Latin American countries.
*
COS Havana forwarded another suggestion for a pos-
sible propaganda attack on Castro based on a May 1960
issue of Confidential magazine, which apparently car-
ried an article called "An American Mother's Terrifying
Story Fidel Castro Raped my Teenage Daughter." It
was COS Havana's suggestion that wide publicity be
given to this article in the Spanish language, pre-
sumably including broadcasts from Radio Swan. 17/
Available records do not indicate whether this sug-
gestion was adopted.
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Instructions were that the Embassies could furnish
copies of the document to the foreign ministers and
to other high officials in their respective countries.
Additionally, the NATO Council also received a copy
of this document; and it was the hope of the Depart-
ment of State that the document would have some im-
pact on the upcoming meeting of the foreign ministers
1
of the Western Hemisphere countries, which was to be-
gin 16 August 1960 in San Jose, Costa Rica.
According
to one interview of WH/4's propaganda chief, Dave
Phillips, the theme of the Revolution Betrayed
Hammered across the idea that Castro
had double-crossed the Cuban people by
abandoning the programs and promises
that originally won him support. None
of CIA's propaganda, spoken or printed,
ever urged the populace to rise up against
Castro. This appeal, suicidal before the
invasion, would be used when, and if, a
Provisional Government obtained a lodge-
ment on the island. 18/
According to Phillips's interviewer:
Friendly third country diplomats in
Havana monitored CIA's principal broad-
casts and confirmed that the signals were
loud and clear. To verify its audience
the Swan Island radio offered simple gifts
(ball point pens were a favorite) to any
listener who would write to the station.
Considering the police controls inside
Cuba, listeners' letters were an act of
defiance to the regime. There was a
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a flood of letters including, during
freak radio propagation periods, re-
quests for ball point pens from New
Zealand.* 19/
Another evidence of the success of the Swan broadcasts
was related to the Director of Central Intelligence by
Col. King, Chief, WH Division, who pointed out that WH
had a copy of a letter from a Cuban listener who, in
the form of a letter bitterly attacking Swan, made it
clear that the Swan broadcasts were coming in loud and
clear. 21/
Before the end of the summer of 1960, Swan was
on the air on both short-wave and medium-wave for a
total of 10 hours a day, in addition to which they
also began to utilize programs that had been prepared
by the FRD. One problem which would plague Radio Swan
-
as well as other elements of Project JMARC was
the shortage of Spanish language capability. Among
* It appears that perhaps baseball cards also were
going to be offered as an inducement to get listeners
to indicate that they had picked up Swan's broadcast.
A propaganda note from WH/4 for 9 August 1960, for
example, reported: "M[aney] spoke to Ken Harris,
Special Acquisitions. He has contacted a company
making baseball cards who claim 'this most unusual
order ever received.' Will get cards, but curious
what was wrong with bubble gum." 20/
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other evidence of the need to have someone with Spanish
language capability immediately available at Radio
Swan, were the following: A machine-run of Agency
employees failed to surface anyone with sufficient
Spanish language to undertake an announcer's job;
inability to exploit the fatal shooting of a Venezue-
lan child by a pro-Castro goon, could not be turned
to US advantage; and by mid-November 1960 WH Division
was requesting that a requirement be laid on to the
Department of Defense for a serviceman with native
fluency in Spanish who could be used as an announcer
at Radio Swan.*
* In the instance of the death of the Venezuelan
child, the pro-Castro Cuban press was able to get the
story out before it could be broadcast from Radio Swan.
The pro-Castro press claimed that the death had been
caused by a counter-revolutionary. (Sources for the
foregoing discussion related to the lack of Spanish
language capability are listed in reference 22/.)
The lack of Spanish language capability was felt
throughout the project, not only in the propaganda ef-
fort. As late as January 1961, for example, the train-
ing facility in the Canal Zone was pushing Headquarters
for the services for a two week period of an Air Force
sergeant who was fluent in Spanish. The training base
wanted the sergeant to assist in briefing and debrief-
ing an infiltration team. The request was denied, how-
ever, because there was a greater need for the man's
services as an instructor at the air training base in
Guatemala. 22a/ In another instance, a request from
COB Miami for promotion of a clerical from GS-4 to
GS-5 was based on the fact that "her services as a
translator have been of the greatest importance to the
Base since her arrival." 22b/
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Despite the handicap imposed by the lack of
Spanish language capability at the Station, Radio
Swan was the most effective of the propaganda activi-
ties supported by the Agency; and with Station WRUL,
New York, these Agency-sponsored radio broadcasts
were the most effective means of providing the general
Cuban population with anti-Castro ammunition. Addi-
tionally radio propaganda
via both short and medium
wave transmitters -- was to play an important role
immediately following the landing of the anti-Castro
forces on Cuban soil. 23/
Aside from radio broadcasts, other media activi-
ties in which WH/4 PP engaged were the newspaper Avance
in Exile and the magazine Bohemia Libre. Both of these
were published in Miami by the exile groups, and at
one time Bohemia Libre was reputedly the most widely
circulated Spanish language weekly in the world. Al-
though barred in Cuba, selected items from both publi-
cations were broadcast by Swan or WRUL. 23a/
One of the strangest of all activities in which
WH/4 PP engaged was a public opinion survey conducted
by the Lloyd Free organization to assess the attitudes
of the Cuban people toward the Castro regime. If WH/4's
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planners expected that the survey would show a strong
core of internal opposition to the Castro government,
they were to be sadly disappointed. Working with "a
competent Cuban research organization" Free's report
was based on a series of a thousand interviews with a
cross section of the urban population of Cuba "both in '
Havana and in other cities, towns, and villages through-
out the island." Among the findings of the Free survey,
the following comments were included in the summary
report of mid-August of 1960:'
The great majority of Cubans surveyed
felt that both they personally and their
country were very much better off than
during the days of Batista. The prevail-
ing mood was one of hope and optimism.
Attesting the apparently genuine en-
thusiasm of the great majority for the
Revolution, the Castro Government and its
program were the replies when the sample
was asked about the worst aspects of life
in Cuba today. Despite the fact that'
this question was designed to illicit un-
favorable comments, a very sizable major-
ity named as the worst aspects of the
present situation items which implied
sympathy or support for the present regime.
At the top of the list (mentioned by one-
third of all respondents) was regret or
apprehension over the fact that there is
opposition to the Revolution and to the
Revolutionary regime; [and] that there
are misguided counter-revolutionaries and
reactionaries.
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Even in describing the worst aspects
of the present situation, only 30% of all
respondents mentioned items which could
be construed as criticisms, explicit or
implicit, of the Castro regime. Only a
few such subjects received significant
mention, with each being referred to by
only a small minority of total respondents:
e.g., the danger of or trend toward Com-
munism (7%); criticism of the Revolution's
program (7%); economic difficulties (7%);
unemployment (6%); confusion and disorgan-
ization (5%).
In view of the overwhelming popularity
of the Revolutionary program, it is patently
clear that criticisms of Castro's program,
as such, will fall very largely on barren,
if not counter-productive ground.
The only positive statements that appeared in the Free
report, insofar as the objectives of WH/4 were con-
cerned, were to the effect that successful attack on
the Castro Government should be made in terms of the
inability of the government to meet the projects it
had outlined because of "the unwise and unrealistic
means it is employing in the execution of its program";
and "the Revolution and its program are being perverted
through the insidious influence of the Communists. ****
* The information concerning the Free report, is
contained in source reference 24/.
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It is interesting to record the reaction within
the Agency to the Free report:
"
C/JMARC lamented the fact that the
Lloyd Free report evidently has gotten
into the hands of the Cuban Government
and will probably be used with devastating
effect at some point during the meeting
[the upcoming OAS Conference scheduled
for San Jose, Costa Rica]. He told ADDP/A
that he felt the Department of State would
have to be prepared to sacrifice Mr. Free's
report on the proverbial "alter of gold.'
The point was made strongly to ADDP/A
that the Free report, in fact, is not at
all valid other than for a limited
"sample" of the City of Habana. ADDP/A
agreed, but said he did not think State
should be made aware of the fact CIA
actually paid for the report. He further
indicated that he was still endeavoring
to find out how the report
CIA never received in full
control.* 25/
--
copy of which
got out of
The substance of the Free Report appeared in the
In
New York Times and also in a Peter Edson column which
was reported to be syndicated in 600 newspapers.
passing this information on to the DDP, Chief, WH/4
suggested that "the survey, in the opinion of WH/4
* Chief, WH/4 apparently misread the significance
of the Free report because, as the report points out,
the most serious opposition was, in fact, in the
Havana area, which included the heaviest sampling of
opposition sentiment.
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Prop, will be used in Cuban propaganda"
something
of an understatement!* 26/
* Logic would seem to indicate that if WH/4's princi-
pals could not subscribe to the results of Free survey's
that WH/4/PP might have been tasked to make a serious
study of the impact which Castro's propaganda and his
achievements were having on the will of the Cuban public
to resist outside interference. In an interview with
the author of this history, Dave Phillips stated that
Enno Hobbing had provided the editorial guidance for
WH/4's propaganda efforts; but that to his (Phillips's)
knowledge, no study ever was conducted of the Castro
propaganda effort. In retrospect, Phillips indicated
that this probably was an oversight. 27/
On the subject of surveys of questionable value
during the Bay of Pigs Operation, mention should be
made of a contract JMATE negotiated with Klein and
Saks
to initiate a survey of Cuba's present
[May 1960] economic position that will
also contain an outline of proposals that
would sound [sic] as a platform for a suc-
cessor government to the Castro regime.
The cost, which will be borne by JMARC,
will be about $20,000. This is merely the
first phase of the projected comprehensive
economic program.
Why, with CIA's in-house economic talent (in the
Economic Research Area of the Office of Research and
Reports) and the surfeit of government economists fa-
miliar with Latin America, WH/4 thought it necessary
to negotiate an outside contract for a study such as
indicated is truly incomprehensible! That the Klein
and Saks contract was not blocked at the DDP or DCI
level is equally incomprehensible. The company's
"Preliminary Outline of Economic and Financial Govern-
ment Platform to Serve the Interests of the People of
Cuba and to be Compatible with the Interest of the
Hemisphere and the Free World of Which Cuba is a Part"
which was presented in typescript was 15 pages
--
of platitudes about the best of all possible worlds. 28/
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.
WH/4 PP also became involved in the propaganda
activity that was intended to offset the planned
1960.
visit of Nikita Khrushchev to Cuba in the summer of
In an Eyes Only memorandum to the Director of
Central Intelligence, Col. J. C. King informed Allen
Dulles that it had been learned that Khrushchev had
accepted an invitation from the Government of Cuba
to visit that country. Working with Havana Station,
a two-pronged program was being developed with the
intention of either forcing the cancellation of the
trip or indicating the opposition of the Cuban people
to Communism. Havana Station was to be responsible
for organizing church opposition to the visit, and
WH/4 and other elements of WH Division would be re-
sponsible for instigating rumors throughout Latin
America that an assassination attempt would be made
on Khrushchev's life if he appeared in Cuba.
One of the WH/4's contacts suggested that leaf-
lets should be prepared depicting the crucifix upside
down, to signify the Soviet treatment of religion,
and that these leaflets should be distributed widely
through Cuba. 29/ There is no indication that this
particular leaflet was ever devised, but in at least
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one instance, the Hammer and Sickle was used to form
the 'T' in the word Traidor on a sticker that was
being prepared for propaganda use. 30/ In anticipa-
tion of the possible visit, 10,000 stickers of an
anti-Khrushchev, 'anti-Soviet nature were forwarded
from Headquarters to Havana Station. The legend
on one of these was "Cuba, Yes; Russia, No; Khrushchev,
No;" and a second item showed a prisoner behind bars
formed by the stripes of the Cuban flag with the words
Sin Palabras
--
"Without words. "* 31/
Despite these advanced preparations, no oppor-
tunity was presented to utilize the propaganda stickers.**
Although both Castro and Khrushchev were in attendance
at the 15th General Assembly of the United Nations in
New York, 19-28 September 1960, and even though Castro
flew out of New York in an Aeroflot jet, the Khrushchev
visit did not materialize at this time.***
*
See following two pages for copies.
** More detailed information on propaganda leaflets
and the dissemination of such materials by air drop is
given in Volume I of this history, Air Operations.
*** Khrushchev flew from New York directly to Moscow
at the close of the UN session. On 22 October 1960 in
the course of an interview in Moscow with a Cuban
journalist Khrushchev did state that he wanted to visit
Cuba and its people as soon as possible. 31a/
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If not particularly successful in projects other
than Radio Swan, WH/4/PP cannot be charged with lack
of imagination. Among other projects, it was proposed
that the Office of Medical Services' psychiatric study
of Fidel Castro be surfaced because the profile was
not particularly flattering to the Cuban leader; and
the Castro image also would have suffered if a dis-
orienting drug could have been placed in Castro's
food. These proposals were similar in intent to
others aimed at the Castro "image" as revealed in the
Senate Select Committee investigation of CIA plots
against the Cuban leader.
In light of a rumor that had been picked up to
the effect that the Cubans reportedly were painting
some of their British Sea Fury aircraft with the
American flag said planes to be used in a provoca-
--
tion action to discredit the United States
--
WH/4
investigated the possibility of doctoring some photos
of the Sea Furies with the flag being painted on in
order to forestall any such provocations by the Cubans.
Unfortunately, however, the Agency art shop pointed
out that it would be technically infeasible to attempt
to make such fake photos. With the idea in mind of a
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propaganda campaign aimed at terrorizing Castro's
militia (and apparently at the request of Col. Jack
Hawkins, Chief, WH/4/PM), WH/4/PP gave some thought
to preparing a purported secret order tọ Castro's
militia to establish an "elite suicide squad" which
would fight on even after the defeat of the other
troops. The gentleman who would later become infamous
in connection with the Watergate activity, E. Howard
Hunt, and Dave Phillips assessed the possibility of
sending a white painted "flight of truth" airplane
on a trip to several of the Latin American countries,
bringing in a "Billy Graham type operation"
message of Castro's betrayal of the Cuban Revolution.
But this esoteric plan, too, never got beyond the
planning stage. 32/
the
None of the foregoing proposals however, were
in the same league with the propaganda plan that came
to be known as "the Dripping Cuban." The WH/4 Propa-
ganda Notes for 19 August 1960 stated:
P[hillips] dispatched cable on Special
Operation to HAVA. (Cuban jumping ship in
Bosphorous). 33/
In fact, the cable that Dave Phillips had orig-
inated was addressed not only to Havana, but also to
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Istanbul, Ankara, and to the Forward Operations Base
Remembering that Dave Phillips himself
in Miami.
was something of an actor, as well as a newspaperman,
it is believed worthwhile to repeat this cable in its
The cable read as follows:
entirety.
1. FYI: HQS IS CONSIDERING THE FOLLOW-
ING OPERATION: SHORTLY AFTER A RUSSIAN
BOAT HOMEWARD BOUND FROM CUBA PASSES THROUGH
BOSPHOROUS A DRIPPING CUBAN CLIMBS ASHORE
IN TURKEY. HE CLAIMS TO BE POLITICAL
PRISONER ARRESTED BY CUBANS IN HAVANA BUT
SENT TO RUSSIA FOR IMPRISONMENT. CUBAN
SUBJECT WILL CONTACT LOCAL LATIN AMERICAN
CONSULS AND ISTANBUL PRESS FOR EXPLOITATION,
THEN RETURN LATIN AMERICA. AFTER BRIEF
BUT DRAMATIC EXPOSURE TO PRESS AN "ATTEMPT"
WILL BE MADE ON SUBJECT'S LIFE. FOR THIS
REASON HE WILL GO UNDERGROUND SO "THEY"
WILL NOT LIQUIDATE HIM.
2. FOR HAVA: REQUEST STATION RECRUIT
SUBJECT. OBVIOUSLY HE MUST BE SUPERB
ACTOR WHO CAN CONVINCINGLY MAINTAIN ROLE
IN SPITE OF SKILLFUL PROBING BY DUBIOUS
NEWSMEN. HE MUST HAVE MEMORY CAPABLE OF
RETAINING THOUSANDS OF "DETAILS" ABOUT HIS
ARREST AND FORCED JOURNEY. HE MUST BE
KNOWN IN HAVANA SO AS TO BE MISSED WHEN
HE IS "ARRESTED. AN ARTICULATE STUDENT
TYPE WOULD BE DESIRABLE. SWIMMING ABILITY
DESIRABLE BUT NOT ESSENTIAL.
3.
"
SUGGEST THAT IN RECRUITMENT, STATION
STATE THERE GOOD REASON TO BELIEVE CUBAN
PRISONERS REALLY ARE BEING SENT RUSSIA,
BUT THAT THIS CANNOT BE PROVED. THUS SUB-
JECT'S PARTICIPATION IN THIS PLAY-ACTING
WILL BE JUSTIFIABLE DRAMATIZATION OF
SOVIET CONTROL IN CUBA. STATION ALSO
AUTHORIZED PROMISE FINANCIAL BACKING,
LATER
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RETURN TO CUBA WITH FIGHTING GROUP, PER-
MISSION WEEKEND WITH ALL THE WORKS IN
PARIS, ETC.
4. IN RECRUITMENT, IT SHOULD BE
STRESSED TO SUBJECT THAT SUCCESS THIS
OPERATION AND STATUS HIS POSITION IN
INTERNATIONAL LIMELIGHT DEPENDS ENTIRELY
ON SECURITY. HIS FAMILY AND FRIENDS MUST
REALLY BELIEVE HE HAS BEEN ARRESTED (AND
STATION MUST ASSIST IN SPREADING WORD OF
HIS ARREST FOR SPECIFIC OFFENSE SO THAT
FACTS WILL JIBE IN SUBSEQUENT INVESTIGA-
TIONS.).
5. ADVISE SOONEST WHEN YOUR MAN IS
SELECTED. HIS BRIEFING WILL BE IN PBPRIME.
HOPE HE MAY BE RECRUITED IN TIME EXFILTRATE
AMPAN BOAT DEPARTING HAVA END OF THIS MONTH.
6. FOR ANKA, ISTA: APPRECIATE YOUR
CABLED ASSESSMENT POSSIBLE EXTENT COOP-
ERATION LOCAL SERVICE AND NEWSPAPER ASSETS.
SUGGEST HOWEVER NOT (REPEAT NOT) CONTACT
NON-KUBARKERS UNTIL HEADQUARTERS CAN FOR-
WARD OPERATIONAL PLAN. 34/
A memorandum on the outgoing cable quoted above
་
went to Chief, WH/4 from Rudy Gomez, the Deputy Chief
of WH Division on 24 August 1960. Gomez's memorandum
read as follows:
The DCI, General Cabell, and Mr. Helms
discussed this cable on 24 August [1960]
and concluded that since Fidel Castro is
definitely identifying himself more and
more with the Russians, it is not worth
the candle to launch an operation such
as that one proposed in subject cable.
Mr. Helms said that we may discreetly try
to find a body for this operation, provid-
ing we play it very carefully and do not
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let the body in on what we definitely
have in mind; also, that any further
cables which go out on this proposed
operation are to be signed off by him.
Examined in retrospect, it would appear that Mr. Helms
had good reason to be nervous about the proposal!* 35/
B.
Sabotage and other Exercises**
Where WH/4/PP was successful in putting Radio
Swan into operation and in supporting Station WRUL in
* This proposal provided another of the very few in-
stances where Mr. Helms' name surfaced in relation to
a Bay of Pigs related problem.
** Because so many of the sabotage activities of the
Cuban dissidents were uncoordinated, uncontrolled, and
did nothing to impede the extension of Castro's control
or lessen his support, the author has tried only to
illustrate something of the scope of those sabotage
operations over which the WH or WH/4 could exercise a
degree of control. In responding to the Taylor Com-
mittee's request for an assessment of the effectiveness
of its sabotage program, the best that WHD could say was:
There are numerous acts of sabotage re-
ported from all provinces of Cuba. These
acts included the burning of cane fields,
damaging of power and communication lines
and sugar mills, burning of schools and
commercial buildings and damaging of petro-
leum and sugar refinery [sic]. It is ex-
tremely difficult to verify just what
sabotage damage were [sic] the result of
our team's [sic] activities; however, they
have claimed the burning of cane fields,
the firing of commercial stores, [high]
tension lines, and the damage to the oil
refinery at Santiago de Cuba was the re-
sult of a raider operation by one of our
(footnote continued on following page).
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its broadcasts into Cuba, Project JMATE could claim
no similarly successful or continuing program of
sabotage and disruption. In fact, one of the earliest
and most thoroughly discussed sabotage programs against
Cuba disruption of the Cuban petroleum industry
--
was a complete and total bust. Being suggested even
before President Eisenhower's authorization of the
anti-Castro program, attempts to sabotage and inter-
fere with the operation of Cuba's petroleum refineries
continued until well into the middle 60's with at
least one of the sabotage "experts" displaying the
same notable lack of success, but excess of foolish-
that characterized his activities during Project
ness,
external action groups. In addition,
we feel that a great deal of the other
sabotage were [sic] the results [sic]
of the demolitions we supplied to the
various teams and other action groups
in Cuba with which we were in contact.
Approximately 10-15,000 lbs. of the
over 100,000 lbs. of material [sic]
placed in the hands of internal assets
were demolitions supplies for sabotage
action. 35a/
The attack on the Santiago refinery was led by Rip
Robertson, but his exciting cable about the action
greatly overemphasized the damage; and the plant op-
erations were quickly restored to normal. At the
time, however, the DCI reported it to the Special
Group (Chester Bowles, Roswell Gilpatrick, and
McGeorge Bundy) as a "successful" operation. 35b/
Robertson's cable is shown as Appendix E (p. 335).
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JMATE. It is a story worth recording here, because
of the extremely close and continuing relationship
between one of the major US oil companies operating
a refinery in Cuba, Standard Oil Company of New
Jersey (SONJ), and WH Division.
As early as 9 March 1960, the minutes of a
Special Group meeting reflect conversations that
both Allen Dulles and Gordon Gray had concerning the
problems being faced by the major petroleum companies
operating in Cuba SONJ, Texaco, and Shell
particularly the need for "discreet means of inter-
company consultation" in order to avoid possible
anti-trust prosecution.
--
and
In a discussion of planned
para-military operations against Cuba, it was report-
ed that on 14 July 1960, Chief, Western Hemisphere
Division was approached "by the Standard Oil Company.
He [Chief, WH/D] indicated that it appeared that
Standard will be willing to cooperate, perhaps even
carry the ball on certain selected [sabotage] targets.
DD/P gave authority to push this contact immediately."* 36/
*
Paramilitary Operation Plan I, indicated that among
the specific sabotage targets to be considered for at-
tack in the period between 1 and 30 September 1960,
were petroleum targets. 37/
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By August of 1960, WH/D had approved a program of
"subtle sabotage paying off, without resorting to
the more risky and sensational type of sabotage."
Unfortunately, however, there was a communications
gap between the operations people and the intelli-
gence analysts most familiar with the world petroleum
industry and a number of demonstrably unworkable
though subtle
--
sabotage efforts came to naught.*
The Cuban petroleum industry also was looked
to as an economic-political target as well as a
sabotage target. When the US refineries operating
in Cuba refused Castro's order to process Soviet
crude oil, WH/4 began to think in terms of disrupting
the flow of this crude to Cuba by pressuring Onassis
and other independent shipping operators to refuse
to carry the Soviet oil. It was predicted that such
--
--
* The Agency's real petroleum expertise and knowledge-
ability both technically and economically on a
worldwide basis was in the Fuels and Power Branch
(later the Fuel's Branch) of the Office of Research
and Reports (later the Office of Economic Research).
Aside from the constant irritation of having to work
half in the dark in response to WH/D or WH/4, ORR/F&P
was constantly having to correct errors, to make
apologies, or mend fences with the major US petroleum
companies as a result of the lack of coordination be-
tween DDP and DDI components.
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a plan would force the USSR (then facing a shortage
of tanker bottoms in the world market) to transport
its own crude to Cuba and to "provide technicians
and make modifications in existing refineries to
process their crude." This, in turn, was supposed
to alienate Venezuela and Mexico, normally among
Cuba's crude suppliers.* 39/
--
In addition to petroleum refineries as targets.
for sabotage, plans were also made to disrupt the
Cuban microwave system. Unlike the plans to disrupt
the Cuban petroleum industry which would directly
involve properties of the international oil companies
the sabotage program for the microwave networks,
as late as February of 1961, specifically stated that
attacks should be limited to the Cuban operated net
with "hands off RCA and Dumont systems, which are to
remain intact for later consideration.":40/
Also
* In fact, the Cuban refinery technicians themselves
did an excellent job of adapting the plants to the
use of Soviet crude. The former manager of the
Standard Oil refinery commented to this effect after
reviewing the all source intelligence materials avail-
able on the plant. He was pleased at least in
to note that Standard's training program
has apparently been quite successful!
one sense
--
--
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prohibited were attacks under Agency sponsorship on
Soviet and Soviet-bloc targets located in Cuba. J. C.
King protested that attacks on Soviet and Soviet-bloc
targets by resistance forces not controlled by the
Agency were far less efficient than such attacks
would be if they were mounted through Agency efforts. 41%
In addition to planning for sabotage, WH Divi-
sion's anti-Castro activity also included extensive
plans for the formation of goọn squads throughout
much of Latin America in an attempt to counter the
pro-Castro elements of the various nations. This
goon squad program also was of considerable interest
to the Deputy Director for Plans, Mr. Bissell. Be-
cause of its areawide nature, the activities of the
goon squads were run out of WH/D rather than out of
WH/4. Among the operations which WH claimed credit
for were the following: The disruption in Mexico
City of about 400 Castro sympathizers gathered to
celebrate the 26th of July movement through the use
of stink bombs set off in the meeting place; in Lima,
Peru a counter demonstration against some 200 Castro
sympathizers also gathered to celebrate the 26th of
July movement; and in San Jose, Costa Rica, "A meeting
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of the Amigos de Cuba was broken up by an agent at
the Station, who sprayed the two principal speakers,
prominent Costa Rican leftists with 'Who, Me?'.
"* 42/
Among other assets which Chief, WH/D chose to
mention in the same context with the goon squads were
the Secretary to the President of one Latin American
country:
Who can promote action of any of the
National Security Forces.
In another country, an:
Agency member integrated into the
Public Safety Program serving as an
Advisor to the President on Security
matters is in a position to recommend
police action to the President.** 43/
In what may have been a ploy intended principally
to obtain a vessel for use in infil-exfil operations,
* "Who, Me?" was an obnoxious scent.
** In light of subsequent investigations of CIA Activ-
ities by the Senate Select Committee in the mid 1970's,
it is interesting that the reference to the "Action
Squads" described above also included with reference
to the Dominican Republic an agent:
In contact with a group of dissidents
capable of violent action, including assas-
sination. This group has killed a number
of agents of the Servicio de Inteligencia
Militar (SIM), Dominican Secret Police. 45/
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rather than in direct action programs against Cuba,
representatives of the Special Projects Group, Counter-
intelligence made a pitch to Chief, JMATE to acquire
a vessel which
--
for its acquisition, operational
maintenance, crew, including incentive bonus would
run roughly $200,000 for a 6-month period
--
could
also be used in deception operations against Castro.
In responding to this suggestion from the Special
Projects Group, Col. Jack Hawkins quickly put the
quietus on this request, noting that it was doubtful
that the Cubans had either enough sophisticated radar
or commo gear so that they would react to "the false
radar presentation, deceptive communications traffic,
noise makers, signals, smoke, explosions, etc. Con-
sequently Hawkins concluded:
In view of the high cost involved,
and the other factors mentioned above,
I do not concur in the acquisition of
this craft for deception purposes as
proposed in the reference. 46/
་་
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Part VI
Mr. Nixon's Role
Like so many other aspects of the Bay of Pigs
story a great deal has been said about the role that
Richard M. Nixon played in the operation during the
course of his Vice Presidency, but woefully little
solid evidence has ever appeared to verify either
Because of the
the pros or cons on the subject.
continuing repetition of many of these stories, a
careful search was undertaken of the voluminous CIA
records of the operation in order to recover those
items pertaining to Nixon's participation directly
or indirectly
--
through his aides, assistants, or
correspondence -- in the Bay of Pigs operation.
During the course of his unofficial visit to
the United States in the spring of 1959, Fidel Castro
accepted the invitation of the Vice President of the
United States to meet with Mr. Nixon in his official
office in the Capitol for an informal discussion.
Nixon has stated that the meeting was arranged at the
request of the Secretary of State Herter, who suggested
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that the administration might profit if one of its
leaders could gain additional inside information about
what made Castro tick.
Nixon has said that he had a 3 1/2 hour meeting
with Castro on 19 April 1959 and that as a result of
the meeting, he prepared a 4-page secret memorandum
and sent copies to President Eisenhower, Secretary
Herter and to Allen Dulles.* 1/ In part at least,
Mr. Nixon's version of the meeting with Castro was
made public as early as November 1964 in an article
he wrote for the Reader's Digest, and these views
were repeated in somewhat more detail in his recent
memoirs, RN. The thrust of the meeting was that Nixon
was emphasizing the need for Castro to establish a
democratic form of government as he (Nixon) understood
it, with Castro on the other hand emphasizing that the
* In his Reader's Digest article of November 1964 Nixon
indicated that copies of the memorandum went to the
three individuals as noted in the text above, however,
in his recent Memoirs, RN, Nixon states that a copy
also went to John Foster Dulles. John Foster Dulles
was technically Secretary of State until 22 April 1959,
on which date he was succeeded by Christian Herter.
At the time of the meeting between Nixon and Castro,
however, Mr. Herter had been acting in Mr. Dulles'
place. Dulles's death occurred 24 May 1959.
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type of government he believed in was that which was
expressed most vocally by the people.
Nixon's most
widely known remark about Castro as a result of that
meeting was his statement that: "Castro is incredibly
naive about communism, or is under communist discipline."
Reportedly Castro was not particularly enchanted with
the meeting either, for according to a member of his
party when Castro emerged from the meeting he "was
angry. He swore and added, 'This man has spent the
whole time scolding me
"* 2/
Subsequent to his meeting with Castro in April
of 1959, Agency records do not reflect any particular
interest on the part of the Vice President in Cuban
activities until the end of January 1960. On 27 Janu-
ary, and again on 23 February, Col. J. C. King, Chief,
Western Hemisphere Division, briefed Gen. Robert Cushman,
Mr. Nixon's Aide, at the Vice President's Office.·
Cushman made it clear that the Vice President was
* It was only after making a direct request to Mr.
Nixon that a copy of the memorandum was obtained.
No copies were found in the files of CIA, State, or
the Eisenhower Library. The copy obtained was from
Mr. Nixon's personal files. The memorandum was, in
fact, classified CONFIDENTIAL rather than SECRET.
A copy of the memorandum is attached as Appendix F 2ȧ/
•
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interested in supporting anti-Castro groups both within
and outside of Cuba, including goon squads or other
direct action groups to match against the pro-Castro
groups in Cuba.
Among the other subjects discussed with General
Cushman on 23 February 1960 were propaganda attacks on
the Castro government and the possibilities of economic
sanctions similar to those which had been suggested
by former Assistant Secretary of State Henry Holland,
whose views on the need for economic sanctions had
not only been discussed with Agency representatives,
but also had been forwarded to the Vice President's
office.
Another facet of the Agency's anti-Castro ef-
forts which were of some interest to the Vice-Presi-
dent were CIA's relations with the Department of State,
which obviously was not one of the Vice President's
favorite organizations; but Col. King made it quite
clear that all of CIA's actions were undertaken only
after policy approval. 3/ After it was pointed out
to Gen. Cushman that the Department of State's knowl-
edgeability about Agency operations was on a strict
"need-to-know" basis, even for the Ambassador in Cuba,
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Cushman then showed Col. King some derogatory informa-
tion that the FBI had provided the Vice President
about both Ambassador Bonsal and William Wieland of
the Bureau of American Republic Affairs. Col. King's
memorandum provided no details about the nature of
this information, but the probability is that both
were accussed of being too tolerant of Castro and
communists. 4/
During one of these meetings in the early part
of 1960, Gen. Cushman- noted that the Vice President
had suggested that possibly the Agency would want to
consult with, or acquire the services of, Col. Edward
Lansdale, a member of Gen. Erskine's Special Operations
Staff in the Department of Defense. Lansdale's activ-
ities in helping to quell the Huk rebellion in the
Philippines, apparently were well known to Nixon. 5/
On 2 March 1960, the Director of Central Intel-
ligence gave Vice President Nixon a detailed briefing
on "What We are Doing in Cuba." The 7-page briefing
paper which had been given to the Director provided
information on Castro's pro-communist proclivities,
on the whole range of the anti-Castro propaganda ef-
fort which was being supported by Agency financing,
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11
and went into details concerning attempts to rally
anti-Castro support, not only in the other Latin Ameri-
can nations, but in the Near and Far East and in Africa.
Details were given on the preparations being made for
resistance activities including the acquisition of
training bases in third countries, and both Ydigoras
Fuentes, President of Guatemala, and President Luis
Somoza of Nicaragua were noted as having made offers
of support for this country's anti-Castro activities.
Plans for economic warfare against Castro were
also outlined for the Vice President. Delaying de-
liveries of necessary spare parts for the sugar indus-
try, tightening credit by oil companies to restrict
delivery of the essential petroleum products, and
possible restriction in sugar quotas were mentioned
as under study. One other item which was mentioned
in this briefing for Vice President Nixon was the
fact that the Agency had "a drug, which if placed in
Castro's food, would make him behave in such an irra-
tional manner that a public appearance could have very
damaging results to him." 6/ It' should be emphasized
that at the date of this briefing (2 March 1960), the
United States did not yet have an official anti-Castro
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--
policy that would not come until 17 March of 1960.
Subsequent to that announced policy, the author has
found no other references to drugs or other types of
attack which were being considered upon Castro's
person, or the persons of any of the other Cuban
leaders, as a part of the Agency's official program.*
There is some question as to whether it was the
Director of Central Intelligence himself, or whether
it was Mr. Bissell, or, perhaps, whether it was Col.
King who actually briefed the Vice President on
2 March 1960. A stamp on the copy of the original
Memorandum for the Director reads: "Noted by DCI
28 March 1960." This copy was sent to the DCI through
the DDP and carries Mr. Bissell's initials.
The car-
bon of the memorandum does not show this stamp and
the presumption is that it was the Director who did
the briefing. A third version of the memorandum is
* See Part VII of this Volume of the History of the
Bay of Pigs Operation for clarification of the defini-
tion of the Agency's official policy regarding the
anti-Castro program, as contrasted to the unofficial
program. The author assumes that regardless of reader's
biases regarding the former Vice President, that the
fact that he heard about this drug in the course of a
briefing will not be construed to make him a member of
a conspiracy to assassinate Castro and other of the
Cuban leaders.
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dated 8 March 1960 and was revised to read:
For the Director's use at the NSC 5412
Representatives Meeting which will con-
sider the Cuban covert action program
paper. (This paper was used for Mr. Nixon's
briefing.)
This would seem to imply that perhaps the DCI did in
fact do the briefing.
While the briefer may not be
positively identified, there is no question however,
that the Vice President did receive a detailed brief-
ing on the Agency's plan for action against Castro
prior to the time of Eisenhower's formal proclamation.*
In addition to the meeting of 2 March when Mr.
Nixon was briefed on the Agency's concerns about Cuba,
the Vice President was also a participant in the
r
10 March 1960 meeting of the National Security Council
when President Eisenhower emphasized that Cuba was a
danger, that he wanted contingency plans drawn up, and
that he wanted Cuba to be a subject for review at all
future National Security Council Meetings. Mr. Nixon
attended the 17 March 1960 conference when the President
* See Appendix G for copies of the first page of each
of the three memorandums on the briefing of the Vice
President on 2 March 1960. (For Appendix G see p. 344).
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gave a formal "go" to the Covert Action Plan of the
Agency which had been agreed to by the 5412 Group.
Mr. Nixon's only reported comments during this meet-
ing concerned the cutting off of new capital to Cuba,
the pulling out of private American firms, and the
possibilities of reducing tourism to stop the flow
of American dollars into Cuba. 7/
Perhaps one of the reasons why Vice President
Nixon has been attributed with playing a major role
in the Bay of Pigs activity has to do with the re-
lationship between Nixon's office and Mr. William D.
Pawley, former US Ambassador to Peru and Brazil and
a US businessman with extensive investments in Cuba
and interests in various other parts of Latin America.
Pawley also was a principal contributor to the Repub-
lican party, particularly to Mr. Nixon's cause.
Ap-
parently hopeful of an appointment as Assistant Secre-
tary of State for Latin American affairs == assuming
a Republican party victory in the 1960 presidential
Pawley was a widely known conservative.
election
--
In the spring of 1960, shortly following Presi-
dent Eisenhower's decision to promote the anti-Castro
program, Pawley's contacts with the Agency (particularly
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with WHD) and with Nixon's office became increasingly
frequent and apparently quite close. On 21 March 1960,
four days after formal approval of the anti-Castro
program, Jake Esterline met with Pawley to plan a
meeting to be held in Pawley's Miami residence which
would include the DCI, Col. King, Gen. Cushman, and
Walter J. Donnelly, Vice President of United States
Steel and former ambassador to Venezuela as well as
Mr. Pawley. Of the session with Pawley, Chief, WH/4
wrote:
Details and the agenda were not dis-
cussed other than to say the principal
emphasis would be on reviewing what work
could be done throughout the hemisphere
and public opinion on the pending opera-
tion against Castro. Mr. Pawley was told
that the time had arrived for careful coor-
dination of all activities; that permission
had been granted for an all-out operation;
a government in exile will be formed post
haste; that the acceptable non-Batista
groups will be put into contact with each
other almost immediately; and that Mr.
Pawley's contact, Rubio Padilla, will
figure prominently in this effort
was carefully explained to Mr. Pawley that
any action involving exiles now should be
most carefully coordinated with Chief,
...
It
WHD and Chief, Branch 4 to avoid any flaps. * 8/
*
Esterline also mentioned in his memorandum that
Pawley had provided some information on the Dominican
Republic which he asked Esterline not to pass beyond
CIA until he, Pawley, had the opportunity to give the
information directly to Vice President Nixon.
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The meeting mentioned in the foregoing para-
graph was convened in Pawley's Miami residence on
1 April 1960, and the Agency's representatives briefed,
among other things, on the problems being faced by
the Cubans in exile who were trying to form a govern-
ment. There was considerable discussion as to who
should be the nominal leaders of this government in
exile, with Pawley pushing in particular for Dr. Rubio
Padilla and the Agency's representatives suggesting
Dr. Antonio Varona.
For the benefit of the Vice
President's representative, it was stressed that none
of the Latin American countries
seemed particularly
anxious to provide a base of operations for the
0
government in exile.
The group was informed by the
Director of Central Intelligence and by Col. King
that, in addition to US Government financing, arrange-
ments were being made to have private confidential
sources help defray the costs of the Cuban government
in exile. Col. King pointed out that over and above
a bond issue
which will be floated in the name of the
government in exile with Mr. Pawley's
help, that donations are being made by
private citizens and corporations. He
indicated that confidential arrangements
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have already been made with the Bureau
of Internal Revenue to permit individuals
or corporate entities making donations to
claim these donations as contributions to
the US Government for tax purposes. He
cautioned that this arrangement was being
limited to a very small group. 9/
The question also was raised about the relation-
ship of the anti-Castro program to the Organization of
American States. Mr. Pawley suggested that rather than
lean toward the OAS, better use should be made of the
US Military Mission in the Latin American countries,
especially having them pass the word on about the dangers
of the Castro Government to one and all in the Western
Hemisphere. Other items of importance that were dis-
cussed by the group were the planned propaganda program
and "the present pathetic effort on the part of the
Catholic Church to face up to the Communist plot in
Cuba."
This meeting demonstrated that from the very
outset of the formalization of a US anti-Castro policy
Mr. Nixon was being fully informed of the plans that
were underway to accomplish the US objectives, and
that certain private American citizens were closely
involved in the planning. Within a very short time
after the April meeting at Pawley's residence, however,
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senior Agency personnel
the ADDP/A
--
notably C. Tracy Barnes,
began to question the Agency's rela-
tionship with Mr. William Pawley, particularly as
Pawley's support for Rubio Padilla was apparently
intended to establish a group of Pawley supported
Cubans in exile in opposition to the FRD, the Agency's
supported exile group. Barnes's concern was that
if the US continued to support the extremely conserv-
ative element represented by Pawley's group, it
would be charged that any anti-Castro action under-
taken by the US would be "on the basis of protecting
economic royalists."
What Barnes stressed to Mr. Bissell, the DDP,
was the need for the US to decide whether or not it
wished to be charged with supporting reactionary
movements in Latin America, not only in Cuba, but
in the rest of the Central American and Caribbean.
areas as well. Once having made up its own mind,
Barnes suggested that CIA's position be worked out
with State "and thereafter take it to Mr. Nixon,
giving him at that time, a thorough and complete
briefing so that there can be no doubt in his mind
-
253
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as to where we stand, and what we propose to do."* 10/
When Rubio Padilla and the FRD failed to get
together, Pawley informed Chief, Western Hemisphere
Division that he was withdrawing from support of the
Agency's anti-Castro operation; and Pawley told Col.
King that he intended to make his views regarding the
FRD known to Vice President Nixon. In addition,
Pawley also had a meeting with President Eisenhower
on 12 or 13 May 1960 at which time he stated his
opinions with regard to the Dominican Republic and
probably with reference to Cuba. In view of Pawley's
recalcitrance to continue to work on the funding of
the FRD, the DDP, ADDP/A, Chief WH/D, Chief WH/4 and
others, discussed the pros and cons of cutting off
the communications channel between Pawley and the
Rubio groups into Cuba a channel which was pro-
vided by the Agency's communications facility.
--
Chief, WH Division got the group to agree that
the communications channel should be continued because
* Mr. Barnes's thoughts probably were transmitted to
Director Dulles for in a meeting of the Special Group
on 19 May 1960, the DCI categorized the Cubans sup-
ported by Pawley as "unreconstructed reactionaries." 10a/
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it did provide a window to the activities of the Pawley
group. Moreover, the Pawley group had a duplicate
channel into Cuba and would not necessarily have been
restricted by denial of the Agency channel. A restric-
tion was placed on the transmittal of communications
which would be prejudicial to CIA operations in Cuba;
but it was agreed that Pawley should be advised of
the cancellation of such messages by Chief, Western
Hemisphere Division. The monitoring of such cable
traffic, however, was to be the responsibility of
Chief, WH/4, Jake Esterline.
Because of Pawley's close ties to the Eisenhower
administration, the Deputy Director for Plans agreed
that the discussion regarding Pawley should be brought
to the attention of the Director of Central Intelli-
gence and that Mr. Dulles should be urged to bring
this matter before both President Eisenhower and Vice
President Nixon. 11/ By the first week of June 1960,
however, Jake Esterline apparently had reached the
end of his tether, for in a Memorandum to the DDP,
he wrote:
It is our firm conviction, based on
months of discussion, that Mr. Pawley's
views on the Cuban situation are highly
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personal and rigid. These views in our
opinion are inimical to the best interest
of the United States. Mr. Pawley has re-
fused to budge from his position and has
continued to seek official endorsement of
his views at the high levels of the govern-
ment. The flagrant disregard for security
reflected in Havana cable 4820 dated
4 June 1960 requires Chief, JMARC to
recommend that all contact with the Rubio-
Pawley group be immediately and finally
severed. If such action is not taken,
no guarantee can be made for the security
of the JMARC operation. In point of fact,
the information in the foregoing message
indicates that security already has been
damaged severely. 12/
Among other things, the Havana cable which had
aroused Chief, WH/4 stated that the following infor-
mation was being circulated in anti-Castro circles in
Cuba:
US Government now backing Rubio group
and no other group. Group has entre to
Veep. For a time Pawley was having
trouble with an Agency or Agencies who
wanted [to] back another junta, but after
Pawley offered [to] withdraw completely,
he was talked out of doing so, and given
assurance his group only would be backed,
[and this] resulted resignation person
backing other group. 13/
Headquarters prepared a priority cable to be
sent to both Havana and to the Forward Operations
Base, which had also picked up the disinformation
being spread by the anti-FRD group. The text of the
-
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cable read in part as follows:
You have been authoritatively advised
that US Government is not (repeat not)
backing Rubio group and that it has no
intention of ever doing so. It complete
fabrication that Pawley was given US
Government assurance that only his group
would be backed. No resignations of any
kind occurred, nor are any foreseen.
Mention Veep in such context and on this
particular level sheer foolhardiness and
can only reflect most adversely on those
Cubans who guilty misrepresentation of
facts and severest indiscretions. 14/
The cable apparently was never forwarded to
either Havana or to Miami, presumably because of op-
position from Col. J. C. King who had noted and ini-
tialed on his copy of the Memorandum from Jake Ester-
line recommending that all contact with the Rubio-
Pawley group be "immediately and finally severed"
the following: "I do not concur with severing of
all contacts."* 15/
* As will be noted subsequently, whether it was
political expediency or conviction that Pawley could
actually do some good, the relationship among Pawley,
Chief, WH Division, and Chief, WH/4 continued through-
out the course of the Bay of Pigs Operation.
If any-
thing in fact, the relationship between Pawley and
Jake Esterline appears to have become mutually sup-
portive, particularly as the operation drew to its
unsuccessful conclusion.
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On 20 June 1960 at the request of General
Cushman, Jake Esterline joined him for lunch, the
purpose being to provide the General with sufficient
information on the state of the anti-Castro program
so that he could bring the Vice President up to date
from the time of the Miami meeting that had taken
place at William Pawley's house.* Among the points
covered were the developments related to the organ-
ization of the FRD and the fact that Mr. William
Pawley's candidate, Señor Rubio, had decided not to
join the Frente. According to Esterline's memorandum:
Dr. Rubio's failure to join the Frente,
however, has not held up progress in form-
ing the junta, and/or the other important
aspects of the operation.
General Cushman was told that the Frente's headquarters
were to be established in Mexico, and it was on this
occasion that Esterline introduced General Cushman to
E. Howard Hunt, who was going to move to Mexico with
the Frente.**
* The meeting of 21 March 1960.
**
Insofar as can be determined, this probably was
the first occasion on which Richard Nixon heard the
name of E. Howard Hunt.
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Chief, WH/4 also touched on the programs that
were being beamed out of Swan Island, on the prepara-
tion being made for training paramilitary types, base
communications, planned paramilitary activities, the
choice of a Third Country's staging area, and that the
operation was still scheduled to begin during the
month of November 1960. Gen. Cushman noted that the
Vice President requested this information in order to
prepare for an upcoming NSC meeting at which he would
be a senior official. The Vice President's aide also
asked if there were any particular problems with re-
lation to the operation that Chief, WH/4 wished to
have brought to the attention of the Vice President.
Esterline reported that the only problems that had
occurred concerned political differences among the
exiles, but that for the moment all factions seemed
to be quiescent. Chief, WH/4 also indicated to Gen.
Cushman "that much had yet to be done vis-a-vis other
countries in the hemisphere to ensure that JMARC
would have adequate support at the eleventh hour.'
On 22 June 1960, General Cabell
at the time
--
"* 16/
Acting DCI
briefed a special meeting of the National
Security Council on the Cuban situation. The Vice
* Except for Guatemala and Nicaragua, such support
would never be forthcoming.
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President presided and the meeting was attended by
: the Secretaries of State, Defense, and Treasury, the
Director of the Office of Civil & Defense Mobiliza-
tion, the Acting Attorney General, a representative
of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and,
among others, Messrs. Bissell, King, Esterline, and
McMahan of the Central Intelligence Agency.* 17/
A great deal of the briefing was devoted to the
their policies, their back-
FRD and its leadership
--
ground, and the internal difficulties and bickering.
The propaganda picture also was discussed, with partic-
ular emphasis again on radio broadcasts from Swan
Island. Gen. Cabell stated that the paramilitary
plan was to develop a force of 500 men who would be
divided into 25 20-man teams. The teams would go
into Cuba to organize and to train indigenous dissident,
groups.
Cabell emphasized that the implementation
of the paramilitary program depended on the existence
*
--
Knight McMahan was on the Staff of the Deputy
Director for Intelligence that component of the
Central Intelligence Agency which, according to some
of the "authorities" on the Bay of Pigs, was presum-
ably uninformed and unaware of the Agency's anti-
Castro program.
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of viable dissident forces which "have not emerged
in strength."
The ADCI also mentioned the plans to create an
anti-Castro air force, but his comments about this
air force (even at this time) were very much in error.
According to General Cabell:
Some trained Cuban fliers are currently
available and we hope soon to have access
to additional numbers. "Sterile" aircraft
for their use have been mothballed by the
Department of Defense and earmarked for
CIA use. These craft can be made available
in a matter of hours. 18/
As reported in an earlier volume of this history, nei-
ther the aircraft nor trained Cuban pilots would be
available for missions against Castro's Cuba until
late in the fall of 1960.*
In the NSC briefing, Cabell also made some inter-
esting comments about the resistance that might be
encountered in an attempt to oust Castro, emphasizing
that intelligence reports had indicated that Cuba
might organize "a 'foreign legion' comprised of highly
trained regular military personnel, drawn from Com-
munist nations, mainly the eastern satellites. Should
this eventuality occur it would seriously affect the
* See Volume I of the Official History of the Bay of
Pigs Operation, Air Operations.
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probable success of any purely clandestine paramili-
Cabell then introduced a suggestion
tary operations."
which would be heard right up to the time that the
invasion fleet was being boarded
--
that "volunteers"
be acquired for the anti-Castro forces, such volunteers
to be drawn from US Special Forces.* 18a/
As the presiding officer at the special National
Security Council meeting, Vice President Nixon raised
a number of questions with the Department of State
representatives concerning support that the Organiza-
tion of American States would likely give to this
country's anti-Castro efforts; and he also posed a
series of questions concerning the economic pressures
that, the United States might put on Cuba.
tions concerned sugar, oil, and tariffs in particular;
and the Vice President urged that "strong, positive
The ques-
action [be taken] to avoid becoming labeled "Uncle
་་
Sucker. 19/
* No such volunteers were permitted in the case of
the ground forces, but in the last two days of the
Bay of Pigs Operation such volunteers were accepted
for combat air operations. See Volume I of this
History, Air Operations.
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On 1 July 1960, Jake Esterline received an inter-
esting telephone call from General Cushman, contain-
ing two messages from the Vice President. First, Mr.
Nixon was interested to know if there were any obsta-
cles that the Agency was encountering vis-a-vis other
agencies in support of JMATE; and if there were, the
Vice President indicated that he personally would
help to resolve such problems. The second request
was a bit more sticky. Gen. Cushman said
that the Vice President has commissioned
him to keep Mr. William Pawley happy and,
in connection with this, he has also been
instructed to keep Mr. Pawley briefed on
how things are moving. General Cushman
said he realized that this is much against
our desire, as concerns Mr. Pawley, but
the fact remains that he [Pawley] is a
"big fat political cat" and, as such, the
Vice President cannot completely ignore
him. 20/
Esterline allowed that he understood the General's
problem and suggested that with a few hours advance
warning the Agency would provide the Vice President,
or the General, with such briefing materials as nec-
essary for any given meeting with Mr. Pawley after
first clearing the paper with the appropriate agency
officials and within the security regulations that
applied to Mr. Pawley. Esterline indicated in his
--
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i
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memorandum that he immediately informed the Deputy
Director for Plans, and the Assistant Deputy Director
for Plans, Mr. Bissell and Mr. Barnes, respectively,
about the call from General Cushman.*
Jake Esterline apparently took the Vice Presi-
dent's offer to help CIA with difficulties it might
have with other agencies to heart. In a memorandum
from C. Tracy Barnes, concerning a more effective
commercial cover for Radio Swan, it appears, from
Barnes's response, that Esterline must have suggested
that the services of Vice President Nixon be engaged
to resolve a difficulty between the Agency and the
FCC over the use of commercial advertising to make
v
* The following interesting comments also appeared
in Esterline's memorandum on the conversation with
General Cushman:
This information [regarding Cushman's
telephone call] could not be given to Col.
King, as he had just departed on a three-
day trip. This memorandum will be avail-
able to Col. King, however, upon his re-
turn Wednesday, 6 July.
Contrary to the opinions of many who have sug-
gested that Col. J. C. King was read out of the anti-
Castro operation, this memorandum would indicate that,
in fact, extreme care was being taken to make sure
that J. C. King was read into the act.
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Swan appear more legitimate.
Barnes, however, took
exception and recommended that the US Government
should consider overt sponsorship of the Swan broad-
casts. * 21/
It was also in July 1960 that Vice President
Nixon's office, principally through the person of
General Cushman, first indicated an interest in the
activities of one Mario Garcia Kohly Antiga. Garcia
was a Cuban exile who claimed to have extensive back-
ing both within the Cuban community in Miami and
among dissidents inside Cuba. At one point he claimed
that he could raise a force of 2,000 men in the Miami
area and 10,000 men inside of Cuba if he were given
proper financial support for training and equipping
í
these men. Garcia's name first came before the Agency
in mid-June 1960 following a meeting he had with a
Cuban exile who was an Agency contact.
During this
* Whether the FCC was chastened by Mr. Nixon or whether
a determination was made concerning the increased use
of commercial advertising for Radio Swan is left in
doubt. But Barnes's suggestion of official USG par-
ticipation in Swan was rejected. A note from Ester-
line on the official routing slip from Barnes for-
warding this memorandum read: "I believe Mr. Bissell
reversed this position?" To this query King noted
"Yes" on the buck slip.
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initial meeting Garcia claimed that he had large
stores of military equipment in Spain, that he had
additional promises of assistance from General Franco,
and that he had contacts in the White House who had
given him the "go ahead" for an invasion of Cuba!
In a
Word of Garcia apparently got to the FBI, to
General Cabell, and apparently to the Office of Vice
President Nixon. In any event, on 9 July 1960 Jake
Esterline met with Mr. Marshall Diggs, a Washington
lawyer and Garcia's sponsor, where he was told of
Garcia's grandiose plans to overthrow Castro.
follow-up meeting in Diggs's office on 11 July, Mr.
Phillip Toomey, WH/4/Prop met with Garcia, Cameron
Pulley, and two reputed underwater demolitions ex-
perts. Garcia went into his act about how his force
could overthrow the Castro Government, assuming that
he could get some financial assistance for training
and equipping the troops. Mr. Pulley proceeded to
tell Mr. Toomey that Garcia's project was part of a
program that was being promoted by former Senator
--
appar-
Owen Brewster for the entire Caribbean area
ently a program designed to eliminate all the bad
guys.
Following another meeting on 13 July and after
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listening to Garcia denounce the FRD leaders as
Communists
credentials
--
--
as well as being unimpressed by his
on 15 July 1960, Marshall Diggs was
informed that the Agency had no interest in support-
ing Mr. Garcia. On 20 July 1960, Chief, JMATE met
with General Cushman to tell him that a full study
had been made of the representatives of Señor Garcia;
and as a result, the DCI probably would get in touch
with Mr. Diggs and/or Senator Brewster and explain to
them "the wisdom of their desisting from pushing Garcia
as an outstanding Cuban military leader."
The subject dragged on, however; and at one
point Mr. Pulley, who with Mr. Diggs and ex-Senator
Brewster, was a strong supporter of Mr. Nixon, indi-
cated that the administration's policies with regard
to Cuba might hurt the Vice President in the upcoming
election. Moreover Pulley also is reported to have
indicated that a congressional investigation of the
anti-Castro plan was possible.
The Director of Cen-
tral Intelligence was advised on 26 September that
because of Garcia's threats to expose everything he
had learned about possible Agency involvement in the
anti-Castro effort, including the Cuban exile
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organization in the United States, that the time had
come for Diggs and Pulley to be asked "to forego
their efforts on behalf of Mario Garcia Kohly Antiga."
This recommendation was approved by General C. P.
Cabell on 13 October 1960.* 22/
Insofar as the available records show, the con-
tacts between Vice President Nixon's office, and the
*
More nonsense from Mario Garcia Kohly Antiga would
surface again in the summer of 1961 following Castro's
offer to free the Bay of Pigs prisoners in return for
US tractors when Garcia bounced up with another pro-
posal for the planned escape of the prisoners pro-
viding, of course, that he be given a bundle of bucks.
--
In fact, the hand of Garcia reached from beyond
the grave to touch on the BOP operation. On 2 August
1976, almost a year after Garcia's death, the Washing-
ton Star carried a UPI dispatch saying that Rep. Thomas
N. Downing (D., Va.) had affidavits claiming that:
In return for support of the invasion
[of Cuba] from Mario G. Kohly, a popular
right-wing leader who was exiled from
Cuba, then Vice President Nixon agreed
in October 1960 to order the CIA to
arrest the leftist leaders and turn
them over to Kohly for "elimination"
after Premier Fidel Castro was thrown
out of office.
The affidavits reportedly came from a former CIA con-
tract agent and Mario G. Kohly, Jr., son of the would-be
invasion leader. These materials were supposed to have
some bearing on House of Representatives's investigation
of the assassination of President Kennedy; but there is
no indication that they were given any credence. 23/
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Central Intelligence Agency
--
except for the Garcia
--
case for all practical purposes ended by August
1960.*
The only other significant involvement between
the Vice President and the Central Intelligence Agency,
prior to the change of administration on 20 January
1961, concerned a briefing of the Democratic candidates
for President and Vice President of the United States,
prior to the 1960 election. On 23 July 1960, follow-
ing the Democratic convention, Allen Dulles briefed
Sen. John Kennedy, and on 28 July Senator Lyndon
Johnson. In his memorandum to President Eisenhower,
who had directed that Dulles give these briefings,
the DCI reported that in the two hour period for each
briefing he had covered US relations with the Soviet
Union, developments in the Berlin situation, in the
--
* Whether this reflects the concentration of the Vice
President's activities on the upcoming November elec-
tion, whether the principal contacts came to be main-
tained between Col. J. C. King and Nixon's office
with the consequent reference memoranda being included
in J. C. King's files, which have disappeared from the
sight of God and man or whether, in fact, this is
an accurate reflection of the limited contacts, the
author cannot confirm. His inclination is to believe
that the contacts probably were as limited as described.
above.
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Congo, and in Cuba.
Kennedy was briefed again on
19 September 1960, and again the briefing touched
on relations with the Soviet Union and on the trouble
spots in the world, including Cuba. The White House
was informed of this briefing prior to the event; and
subsequent to the briefing of Kennedy, Mr. Dulles
reported on the meeting to both Jerry Morgan of the
White House Staff and also to Brigadier General Andrew
Goodpaster, Staff Secretary to the President. 24/
The exact nature of the briefings that Dulles
gave to Kennedy on Cuba is of particular historical
importance in terms of the election of 1960. In the
last of the famous TV debates between candidates Nixon
and Kennedy, Mr. Kennedy, in the course of condemning
the Castro regime and suggesting that the United States
take stronger action against Castro, made the statement
that:
We must attempt to strengthen the non-
Batista democratic anti-Castro forces in
exile, and in Cuba itself, who offer
eventual hope of overthrowing Castro. Thus
far, these fighters for freedom have had
virtually no support from our Government. 25/
Based on his knowledge and interest in supporting
the anti-Castro program that had been authorized by
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President Eisenhower in March 1960, Nixon was put in
a Catch-22 situation; for as he said:
President Eisenhower had instructed
Allen Dulles, head of the CIA, to brief
the Democratic candidate on all opera-
tions, including Top Secret operations.
I knew that Kennedy had already received
two briefings from Dulles. I immediately
had a member of my staff call the White
House on the security line to ask if
these briefings covered Cuba. A member
of the White House Staff indicated they
had. (Several months after the election,
Allen Dulles was to state that his brief-
ing of Kennedy had included Cuba but not
the training program for Cuban exiles.)
At the time of the debate, however, and
after checking with the White House, I
had to proceed with the assumption that
Kennedy had been briefed on the secret
program.
I was faced with the heads-he-wins,
tails-I-lose proposition. If in the TV
debate I were to reveal the existence of
the training program and point out that I
had been one of its strongest advocates, I
would pull the rug out from under Kennedy's
position. But if I did so, the project
would be doomed, and also the lives of the
brave men, both inside and outside of Cuba,
who were receiving training and assistance.
I had only one choice: to protect the
security of the program, I had to oppose
Kennedy on his position of advocating that
the United States openly aid anti-Castro
forces inside and outside Cuba. 26/
It is interesting to observe that Nixon became
more philosophical about the impact of the final TV
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debate with regard to the outcome of the 1960 elec-
tion as time passed. In 1964 he would write "Most
observers agree that our positions on the Cuban
issue could well have been the decisive factor (in
'the outcome of the election]."
But in his recent
memoirs he expressed doubt that any single factor
in such a close election could really have changed
the outcome. * 27/
Following the TV debate in which Kennedy had
raised the issue of assistance for Cuba, Nixon quickly
lashed back at Kennedy. The result of the introduc-
tion of the Cuban issue into the late stages of the
* In an interesting conversation with Fawn M. Brodie
who is writing a Nixon biography, the author of this
history, in response to Brodie's concern about the
fact that Nixon knowingly lied to the American public,
emphasized that plausible deniability was of real con-
cern at the time of the TV debate. He also emphasized
the Catch-22 aspect of the situation as explained by
Nixon. The author also suggested to Mrs. Brodie that
it seemed equally valid to infer that perhaps Kennedy
had been leaked detailed information about the anti-
Castro program and that he used this device to put
Nixon in a corner during the TV debate. Arthur Schles-
inger, of course, claimed that the Kennedy comments
"were no more than a rhetorical flourish. Neither
Kennedy nor his staff knew about the secret Cuban Army
in Guatemala." 28/
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election campaign, struck sensitive nerves within
the Agency; and on 26 October 1960, General Cabell
met with Gordon Gray, President Eisenhower's National
Security Adviser, indicating that the discussion and
debate about Cuban issues were touching on
areas which, in the end, might be damaging to the
nation's interest. On 27 October at the Special
Group meeting, Mr. Gray reported that he had talked
to "certain Nixon people in the White House" in an
attempt to enlist their support to bring such dis-
cussions to an end. 29/
It was not until 18 November 1960 that Presi-
dent-elect John F. Kennedy was fully briefed by Direc-
tor of Central Intelligence, Allen Dulles, and the
Deputy Director for Plans, Richard Bissell, on the
extent of the anti-Castro activities being plannèd
by the United States Government. 30/ Mr. Nixon's
misconception of the extent of the briefing that
Kennedy had received in the pre-election period was
not finally clarified however, until 20 March 1962
when Allen Dulles addressed a memorandum to John A.
McCone, his successor as Director of Central Intelli-
gence, stating as follows:
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I have read the portions of Mr.
Nixon's book with regard to the intel-
ligence briefings which he understood
Senator Kennedy had been given by me
with respect to Cuba during the campaign.
I have also seen the White House state-
ment issued today on this subject.
There has been here, I believe, an
honest misunderstanding. This was
probably due to the nature of the mes-
sage Mr. Nixon writes he received as to
these briefings. The Cuban situation
was, of course, dealt with in the
briefings I gave to Senator Kennedy.
The last briefing I gave him was over a
month before the debate in which the
issue arose.
My briefings were intelligence brief-
ings on the world situation. They did
not cover our own Government's plans or
programs for action
overt or covert. 31/
As previously noted, however, by 1964, if not earlier,
Mr. Nixon had accepted the fact that he had made an
error in assuming that Kennedy had received a more
detailed briefing than in fact he truly had.
By way of concluding this segment on Richard
Nixon's involvement in the Bay of Pigs activity, it
should be clear that by no stretch of the imagination
was Nixon "the architect of the Bay of Pigs."* 32/
* A statement made to DCI Stansfield Turner by Fawn
Brodie who attributed it to Tom Braden, an old CIA man,
in a TV documentary on the CIA made by the Canadian
Broadcasting Corporation.
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It is equally clear that Mr. Nixon, principally
through his aide, General Robert E. Cushman, Jr.,
was fully read into the plans that were being
developed by the Central Intelligence Agency for
the ouster of Fidel Castro. This interest was
especially strong in the period from the winter of
1960 through the late summer of 1960. It also
should be apparent to the reader that while some
of the Vice President's interest
--
particularly
in his insistence on placating William Pawley,
especially in giving undue attention to Pawley's
concerns that the Agency-sponsored Cuban-exile
organization was being taken over by the pro-Com-
was politically motivated, his
munist groups
་
--
basic concern was the fear of the establishment
of a communist government in the Western Hemis-
phere. Certainly his constant interest and offers
to provide help for the Agency in its relations
to other branches of the US Government fall into
the latter, rather than the former, category. The
unanswerable question, of course, is whether Cuban
Communism would play such a large role in international
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affairs in 1979; particularly in the third world
countries, if Richard Nixon had been elected Presi-
dent in 1960.*
*
Indicative of the more forceful role that Nixon
would have had the US play was the comment that he
reportedly made to William Pawley several weeks be-
fore the 1960 election, when Nixon indicated that he
favored breaking relations with Cuba at that time
recognizing a Government-in-exile, and then assist-
ing that Government in its efforts to oust Castro. 33/
--
--
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Part VII
The Question of Assassinations
In his testimony before the Senate Select Com-
mittee to Study Governmental Operations, Intelligence
Activities, Richard M. Bissell, formerly CIA's Deputy
Director for Plans, testified fully and completely
to the role that he, Sheffield Edwards, and William
Harvey played in negotiations with Robert Maheu and
Mafia figures John Rosselli and Momo Salvatore Giancana
on plans for the assassination of Fidel Castro. In
addition to the individuals just named, it also appears.
highly probable that Allen Dulles, the Director of
Central Intelligence (and possibly both Presidents
Eisenhower and Kennedy) was aware that Castro was an
assassination target. Unfortunately the Senate Com-
mittee Report and the media coverage of the investi-
gation of the Central Intelligence Agency's partici-
pation in assassination plots made it appear that the
Mafia involvement was a fundamental part of the Agency's
response to President Eisenhower's March 1960 authori-
zation for CIA to be principally responsible for the
Couster of Fidel Castro. In fact, the activities of
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}
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--
the
Messrs. Bissell, Edwards, and Harvey, with Maheu and
the Mafia remained strictly compartmented and isolated
from the officially authorized Project JMARC
Project which came to be known as the Bay of Pigs
operation. Bissell himself stated:
*
I don't remember. I have no recollec-
tion that [there was] any specific other
plot against Castro during this period
when the Bay of Pigs operation was in
preparation. I do remember my own feel-
ing that the Mafia plot had a very modest
chance for success, and that it was not
something to be depended on in any way.
I don't remember others. 1/
Bissell also told the author of this history that:
Shef [Col. Sheffield Edwards, Director,
Office of Security] would occasionally let
me know what was going on [vis-a-vis the
Mafia]. In effect, he and his immediate
subordinate were case officers for that
activity; and I don't think anybody else
[was] involved. I think probably Tracy
[Barnes] may have known about it, but I
don't think anybody else involved with the
Bay of Pigs operation knew anything about
it, whatever. My recollection is that it
never went to the Special Group, and that
is the view of [McGeorge] Bundy.* 2/
Interestingly enough, at the same time that Col.
Edwards was concerned about the elimination of Castro,
CIA's Deputy Director for Support, Col. L. K. White,
.noted:
Shef Edwards and I met with General
Cabell and Jack Earman [on 22 March 1961]
to point out to them that we were not
(footnote continued on following page)
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Jacob D. Esterline, who was Chief, WH/4, the
component of Western Hemisphere Division specifically
created to run the anti-Castro project, disclaimed
either responsibility or knowledgeability about the
Mafia connection.* 4/ Richard D. Drain, who became
Chief of Operations for WH/4 was more voluble on the
subject of the assassination attempts which were rė-
ported by the Senate Select Committee. In an inter-
view which touched, among other things on the planned
assassination of Castro by the Mafia-types Drain com-
mented:
*
furnishing the Director the personal
protection which we should be furnish-
ing in these critical times, particu-
larly with regard to the dangers inherent
in the Cuban situation. General Cabell
agreed to talk with the Director about
this, and to try to obtain his approval
to increase Mr. Tighe's force to six
people. 3/
Esterline claimed that on one occasion as Chief,
WH/4 he refused to grant Col. J. C. King, Chief, WH
Division, a blank check when King refused to tell
Jake the purpose for which the check was intended.
Esterline reported that King nonetheless got a FAN
number from the Office of Finance and that the money
was used to pay the Mafia-types. It was subsequent
to the Bay of Pigs operation when he found out about
this, and Esterline told the author of this history
that he expressed his strong opposition to the fund-
ing of such activities to J. C. King. 5/
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.
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...
I've been giving you lessons here about
[how] a COPS should know a little about
everything
Well, promise you, until
it came out in 1975, this allegation, at
least, that Shef Edwards and Mr. Maheu
were working with the Mafia to assassinate
Castro, concurrent with the Bay of Pigs
Operation, that is the first time I ever
heard about it. Ever! ... My thought, when
I saw this, was Jesus Christ, I must have
been a little over-compartmented, because
we had spent a considerable amount of
nervous energy figuring out how are we
going to get a shot at the old son-of-a-
bitch concurrent with the landing. If
anybody with whom I participated in
planning for that something that we
never had figured out how to do, because
so many of our agents went down just prior
to the invasion. If anybody that was in-
volved in that ever spoke a word about any
other exercise going on to get Castro, I
never heard it; and my initial reaction
when all this came out, during this last
year was
why did they give
me the idiot treatment? Then it occurred
to me that maybe there was very good reason
for me not to know. You don't need to
...
...
well
. . .
...
compartmentation
know
COPS is not unheard of
--
...
even from
--
or
Well, mind you, I am not saying what
I've just said in any kind of pique; and
I certainly don't want to leave you
this tape recorder with the impression
that had I known about this, I would have
been opposed. I must say, I don't think
I would have enjoyed the instrument very
much
whereas we put out an awful lot
of bullshit to the Cubans about the res-
toration of democracy and all that. Those
Cubans, that were working with us were not,
I submit, working for the re-establishment
of the Mafia as a controlling factor in
Havana. I had a helluva lot rather, in
--
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contemplating the assassination of Castro,
contemplated in the way that we were con-
templating it that is, can we get a
Cuban
--
--
--
Rip Robertson close to him? Can we get
a really hairy Cuban I mean a gutsy
to be infiltrated with this one
thing in mind? We surveyed all of our
agent material to see who could take a
shot at him, but the assassination of
that charismatic guy, coincidental with
the invasion, would have been a highly
desirable thing. Whether the instrument
to be picked should have included the
Mafia, I think I might have questioned at
the time. It was part of my job
ask, "Now wait a minute
doing here?
...
...
....
to
What are we
If this comes out
་
...
what will we look like?" Not only to our-
selves, which is important, but to the
Cubans." 6/
In light of Drain's comments about the desira-
bility of having the good guys in the white hats elim-
inate Castro, rather than the Mafia guys in the black
hats, a specific attempt was made to see what the
official records revealed about such plans.
Although
far from satisfactory or complete, there is evidence
to indicate that the white-hatted guys would have had
no objection
if a suc-
--
as reported by Mr. Drain
--
cessful assassination attempt could have been made.
Contrary to General Cabell's reported put down of
Assistant Secretary of State Livingston Merchant for
Merchant's query about the possibilities of taking
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"direct positive action" against the Castro brothers
<
and
and Che Guevara, WH/4 records reveal interest,
possibly limited, direct participation, in a number
of such activities.*
For the most part, however, the various pieces
of evidence that seemed to implicate WH/4 in assas-
sination plots against Castro or other of the Cuban
leaders proved to be cold trails. The peripatetic
Howard Hunt claimed, even prior to the Senate inves-
tigations, that after a visit to Havana in the spring
of 1960, he prepared a report recommending among other
things that the Agency should:
...
Assassinate Castro before or coincident
with the invasion (a task for Cuban patri-
ots)
Barnes and Bissell read my report
and said it would weigh in the final
planning So far as I have been able
to determine no coherent plan was ever
developed within CIA to assassinate
...
* As the Deputy Director of Central Intelligence,
Cabell pointed out to Mr. Merchant that such action
was highly dangerous both in conception and execution,
and, further, he indicated that it was beyond the
Agency's capability. 7/ The Senate Select Committee
chased its tail at some length over the interpretation
of the term "direct positive action," as used by
Merchant. Only someone (even a Senator) who consist-
ently engaged and in omphaloskepsis would have a
problem understanding the meaning to be anything other
than assassination.
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Castro, but it was the heart's desire of
many exile groups. * 8/
In another instance, it appeared possible that an
agent named Rivero, a Cuban exile, might have been in
training to make an assassination attempt because it was
reported that he
was taken to the Warrington [sic], Virginia
firing range where he was checked out in
the use of the Special .38 Airweight semi-
hammerless pistol; British Welrod pistol,
single shot, a 9mm parabellum with silencer;
carbine with folding stock; and a 7.65mm
British Welrod with silencer. He is to be
also checked out this week in the use of a
sporting rifle with telescopic lens attach-
ment.
It was revealed subsequently that upon his reinfiltration
into Havana, Rivero had two principal sabotage missions
one against the Esso refinery and the other aimed at the
Havana Electric Company. 9/
In mid-July 1960, theré reportedly was an internal
Cuban attempt on Castro's life, an attempt in which neither
WH/4 nor the Mafia played a part. A cable from Santiago
de Cuba reported:
* Hunt alleged that when he asked Barnes about the status
of his recommendation he was told that it was "in the hands
"
of a special group. Jake Esterline and Jim Flannery
(Executive Officer of the DDP at the time of the Bay of
Pigs) both disclaimed knowledge of any memorandum prepared
by Hunt. A search of WH/4 records failed to surface any
such report.
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´ On 15 July 1960, the Cuban Government un-
covered a plot to kill Prime Minister Fidel
Castro Ruz on 26 July 1960 during his visit
to Mina del Frio, an army camp in the Sierra
Maestra mountains, between Bayamo and Manza-
nillo in Oriente Province. Three captains
and approximately 100 soldiers had been ar-
rested and more arrests are expected. 10/
In addition to Richard Bissell and Dick Drain, Jake
Esterline the Chief of Project JMATE was also very emphatic
in denying that assassination of Castro or the Cuban lead-
ers was a part of the JMATE Program. In response to a
question of whether various of the special arms that were
being forwarded to the PM training sites were intended for
use against the Cuban leadership, Esterline responded:
No, I think it (silenced weapons in par-
ticular] is for hit and run operations, where
they could do their maximum damage and get
out without necessarily alerting people
I know of no
--
within JMARC as I knew it
I know of no attempt, no plans that were made
to assassinate. As a matter of fact, the
constant battle with Cubans during those
years was to tell them that we weren't
going to get involved in any assassination,
that if there was going to be an overthrow,
it was going to be, obviously, a bloody op-
eration; but no Cubans were going to be
sent in there, to "make an assassination attempt."
It was going to be a ground-roots revolution.* 11/
Some contradictory evidence, however, indicates
that WH/4, if not principally responsible, was certainly
* It is known that at least one assassination plot
against Castro and his advisers
using US rifle-grenades
--
--
an attack by four men
was proposed by anti-Castro
Cubans to COS Havana, but the COS gave the originator of
the plan "no encouragement whatsoever." lla/
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aware of some sort of planned assassination activity.
One of the principals of WH/4 recorded that on 24 Feb-
ruary 1961 he:
Asked Ed [Stanulis], Dave Phillips],
[Ed] Hinkle, [Bob] Moore, and Jake [Ester-
line] why not proceed with Operation
AMHINT to set up a program of assassina-
tion. 12/
Although the author of that remark was Chief of
Operations for Project JMATE, he was unaware, as re-
ported earlier in this chapter, of the Mafia connection;
but he had indicated that one of his hopes was that
the invasion might lead to the death of Castro. * In
response to a specific question about the AMHINT pro-
gram, all he could say was:
I said that I was not failing to give
some attention to the business of assas
sination. Now, here on the 24th of Feb-
ruary, when I asked Ed, Dave Phillips,
Hinkle, Moore, and Jake "why not proceed
with Operation AMHINT to set up a program
of assassination," either none of those
bastards knew anything about Sheffield
Edwards and Maheu in the Mafia
...
or
some of them did, and didn't see fit to
say "Drain, take your AMHINT and stuff
it. We've got this thing pretty well
* See pp. 279-281.
-
285
TOP SECRET
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TOP SECRET
covered." What I would love now (is) to
see an outline of AMHINT. * 13/
A few days after the reference to the AMHINT assas-
sination program, WH/4 Propaganda Notes contained the
following statement:
to Wilkinson from Swan:
"I [saminger] phoned following line
...
attempted assassination of
Guevara"; and Chief Operations WH/4 made a cryptic note:
"CI and D watch Gueverra [sic] assassination attempt." 15/
When asked about the possibility that WH/4 was directly in-
volved in an attempt to assassinate Che Guevara, the former
Chief of Operations for the project wrote:
My only memory of this is that we did not
plan a Che assassination, but must have gotten
intelligence that an attempt on him had been
tried, planned, discovered or speculated
on. 16/
If one can
assume that the statement "CI and D watch
Gueverra [sic] assassination attempt" translates as "Counter-
Intelligence and Division D watch Guevara assassination
*
The author of this history has unsuccessfully tried to
track down this particular project. AMHINT was related
to the work of the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil
(DRE), an anti-Castro organization inside Cuba. The only
evidence that has been found which might have been related
to an assassination attempt concerned an AMHINT request
of 14 January 1961 for "Silenciadores Rifles de marilla
telescopica. (A request for rifles with silencers and
telescopic sights.) This might have had to do with a DRE
plan to assassinate the Soviet Ambassador to Cuba rather
than a plan to kill Castro. When the FOB in Miami heard
about the plan against the Soviet official they "immedi-¨
ately sent [word] to AMHINT-1 forbidding planned
'atentado' [assassination]." 14/
11
...
286
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TOP SECRET
attempt" then the comment from Chief of Operations appears
eminently sensible, for Counter-Intelligence and Division
D (which was responsible for intercept traffic) would be
the two most likely sources to pick up information should
an attempt be made on Guevara's life particularly since
such an item probably would not be reported overtly in the
Cuban press or radio.
--
One final item which was surfaced during the course
of research concerning the possibility that WH/4 had.
actually included an assassination program as part of its
operational planning concerns a carbon copy identified
only as "Must Go List.". The single sheet of unknown prov-
enance lists and identifies in the following order eleven
individuals:
Che Guevara Minister of Industries
Raul Castro Ruz Chief of Cuban Armed
Forces, and wife, Vilma Espin de Castro
Blas Roca International Communist leader
and Secretary General of Communist Party
Ramiro Valdez Menendez Minister of
Interior (G-2)
Carlos Olivares
-
-
- Deputy Foreign Minister
Communist leader,
Carlos Raphael Rodriguez
-
editor of newspaper HOY
Lazaro Pena
movement
-
Communist leader
-
labor
Abelardo Colome
-
Deputy in G-2
Captain Rogelio Acevedo Chief of Militia
Anibal Escalante
-
Communist leader
Armendo Hart Davalos Minister of Education,
-
and wife, Haydee Santamaria de Hart
Pencilled in on the bottom of the paper is a note:
"List forwarded E. L. by C/WH/4 in Nov [1960]."*
When
* A copy of the list follows p. 287. The list should
read Armando, rather than Armendo, Hart.
287
TOP SECRET
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TOP SECRET
asked if he could identify the "Must Go List" the
former Chief of WH/4 stated:
...
...
Some
Well, I know all these people
of them I know personally, like Armando
Hart ...
I entertained Hart in my home a
number of times
the miserable bastard.
I have never seen that list in my life,
but this is the whole top gang at that
time. Now many of them were later elimi-
nated from the power structure by Castro,
and by Raul Castro They got rid of
Olivares, and Roca was pushed aside
Armando Hart was also half nuts at this
...
...
point, and he still is. I guess he is
still fairly prominent, but he is not
really in the power structure. Abelardo
Colome I don't even know who he is.
--
I wish to help you, but I don't know. 17/
in re-
The former Chief of Operations for WH/4,
sponse to the question of whether the "Must Go List"
meant anything to him, replied as follows:
No! Huh!
Chief WH/4",
...
"List forwarded E. L. by
...
Eddie Lansdale
...
E. L.
I
[of]
would be Eddie Lansdale. Chief, WH/4
was Jacob D. Esterline. In November,
was there
No "Big Daddy." Well,
whether this "Must Go" is in terms of
the assassination, or in terms
nobody, none of these people must be
allowed to have a role in the new govern-
ment. I guess "Must Go" came to pass
eventually in the case of number one on
this list, Che Guevara. Raul
I myself,
contemplating the future government, thought
it might be interesting to try to keep
Raul in, with Fidel out. Capture what
magic there was in the name of Castro,
but do it with that little homosexual,
instead of with Fidel, the real man. I
...
-
. 288
-
TOP SECRET

13-00000
TOP SECRET
don't even know the rest of these guys
Hart, Escalante, etc. 18/
By way of summarizing, it would appear that CIA's
official anti-Castro program as reflected in Project
JMATE did not include assassination as an integral
part of its operational planning, but would not have
been averse to eliminating Castro or other of the
Cuban leaders if the opportunity had been afforded.
Based on records, however, WH/4's principals were in
no way privy to, or participants in, the Mafia assas-
ination planning at the time of the Bay of Pigs.
· 289
TOP SECRET
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TOP SECRET
Part VIII
Conclusions
This volume has traced the history of the CIA's
official anti-Castro program from its inception in
1959 through the end of the Eisenhower administration
in January of 1961. It emphasized that in the initial
period when Castro's revolution was taking place, the
Agency, reflecting the policies of the US Government,
was caught betwixt and between
or to move against Castro.
over,
--
to move with Castro
Shortly following his take-
it became clear that Castro had little or no in-
tention
--
--
It
nor apparently concern for establishing
cordial relations with the "Colossus of the North."
Instead, he turned to the Soviet Union and its allies
for military, technical, and economic assistance.
became clear that a new philosophy was being intro-
duced into the Caribbean basin and that this philosophy
was directly contrary to the interests of the United
States Government and to the governments of many of
the Latin American nations, whether democratically
governed or governed by dictatorships of the right.
290
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TOP SECRET
As Castro's threats became more serious, and
as increasing pressures were put on legitimate eco-
nomic interests of the United States in Cuba, pressures
within the United States Government led to a decision
that Castro must go. With great concern about the
impact any overt, anti-Castro activities by the
United States Government would have on the United
Nations and on the Organization of American States,
it was decided that a covert plan of action would be
adopted. This was the officially sanctioned program
approved by President Eisenhower on 17 March of 1960.
It broadly outlined the political, economic, propaganda,
and paramilitary programs which would be implemented
☑
in an attempt to oust Fidel Castro. CIA was to be
the principal action agent for the bulk of the program.
Once the official US position was announced,
CIA made organizational plans to carry out the policy.
A separate Task Force within the Western Hemisphere
Division was established under the leadership of Jacob
D. Esterline, on whose shoulder Col. J. C. King, Chief,
Western Hemisphere Division perched and peered. Initial
concepts of the Central Intelligence Agency called
for a propaganda program to be run out of a radio
-
291-
TOP SECRET
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TOP SECRET
station based on Swan Island and by Agency financed
radio operations out of Station WRUL in New York City.
Strong support was to be provided for anti-Castro
publications launched in the area of Miami.
Para-
military programs initially called for the training
of cadres of communicators and paramilitary instructors
who would go into Cuba and provide leadership and
training for the numerous dissident elements that
reportedly were ready to move against Castro.
Unfortunately, however, as the summer of 1960
drew to a close, it became apparent that Castro's
military strength and training programs were sharply
improving and that the initial plan to infiltrate
small teams to organize the dissidents no longer was
Consequently, the concept changed to one
feasible.
.
of a landing in force, the acquisition of a defensible
base in Cuba from which a Provisional Government might
call for assistance from the United States Government
if the invaders themselves could not arouse sufficient
support to force the overthrow of Castro.
This volume emphasized that following his decision
in March 1960 that there should be an anti-Castro pro-
gram, President Eisenhower remained quiescent on the
- 292 -
TOP SECRET
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TOP SECRET
question of developments of the anti-Castro program
until late in the fall, following the election of 1960
and the defeat of Mr. Nixon. At that time Mr. Eisen-
hower reinjected himself into the program and stimulated
action to the point where some of CIA's planners hoped
in addition to the propaganda program which was
that
--
already underway
--
paramilitary operations might be
initiated. Apparently this was feared by Castro,
too, for in his famous TV broadcast on the Bay of Pigs
he said:
When our country was in danger of
direct aggression and mobilized itself,
it waited for the [Kennedy] presidential
inauguration thinking that this man
[Kennedy] would do something different,
because all in all, we didn't understand
why a man who assumed the administration
of the United States would want to bear
the guilt of someone else's mistakes.* 1/
This was not to be, however, for aside from considerable
emphasis on the propaganda activity, there was only
limited support for sabotage activities prior to the
* Raul Roa, Castro's Foreign Minister charged that
in the Eisenhower administration Vice President Nixon
and General C. P. Cabell, ADCI, were two of the most
vigorous proponents of direct action, with Cabell
proposing air and naval protection for the invasion
and, if necessary, use of US marines to hold the
beachhead. 2/
-
293
-
TOP SECRET
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TOP SECRET
end of Eisenhower's administration.
There was con-
siderable concern over the necessary formalities of
diplomacy in order that the United States not be in-
volved in investigations by either the UN or the OAS
for its anti-Castro program.
Because it has been so widely publicized that
ex-Vice President Richard Nixon was one of the prin-
cipals in planning the Bay of Pigs Operation, this
volume has attempted to put the role that Nixon
played into the proper context.
It was the role of
an interested senior officer in the Executive Branch,
and by no stretch of the imagination could Nixon's
role be construed to have had a major impact on the
development of operational planning by the Central
Intelligence Agency in its anti-Castro effort.
Similarly, because of the sensationalism which
surrounded the Senate Select Committee's report on
Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,
including Fidel Castro and the implications that the Mafia
plot was a part of the authorized planning for the Bay
of Pigs Operation, thorough examination of the evidence
was undertaken to determine if this allegation was sup-
portable. It was not. The Mafia operation was run
294
TOP SECRET
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TOP SECRET
aside from, apart from, and independent of the formal
anti-Castro program which was undertaken by CIA. At
most, four or five senior officials
--
Allen Dulles,
Richard Bissell, Shef Edwards, Bill Harvey, and pos-
--
sibly, Tracy Barnes probably were knowledgeable
about the Mafia connection and Mr. Maheu.
A
In terms of Project JMATE itself, the few bits
of information which indicate the possibility of as-
sassination attempts against the Cuban leadership also
fail to demonstrate any responsibility for their ini-
tiation on the part of WH/4. If anything, the evidence
would indicate that WH/4's position was one of watchful
waiting and wishful thinking that dissident Cubans
would themselves eliminate the Castros and Che Guevara.
The possibility, of course, that Agency-supplied weapons
might be involved in such an attempt cannot be ruled
out. 3/
Obviously it would be foolish to contend that
those principally responsible for developing CIA's
anti-Castro program would have objected to the assas-
sination of Fidel Castro. On the other hand, this
was not one of the basic concepts nor intentions of
the official program of the Central Intelligence Agency.
295-
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1
13-00000
Appendix A
1
Memorandum for the Director of Central Intelligence
from J. C. King, 11 Dec 59
13-00000
☐ UNCLASSIFIED
SUBJECT: (Opnaij
FROM:
INTERNAL
USE LY
☐ CONFIDENTIAL
☐
SECRET
ROUTING AND RECORD SHEET
Chief, Western Hemisphere Division
NO.
TO: (Officer designation, room number, and
building)
1.
DD/P
2.
3.
A.
C/WH
RECEIVED
DATE
OFFICER'S
INITIALS
FORWARDED
12/11/59
12/59/1/2/15/57
12/12/59 12/15/59
AWD!
"949"
DATE
11 December 1959
COMMENTS (Number each comment to show from whom
to whom. Draw a line across column after each comment.)
7.
a.
..
10.
11.
12.
13.
TOPM
S : D USE Pass,Cus
SECRET
☐ CONFIDER ☐
INTERNAL
USE ONLY
☐ UNCLASSIFIED
SOSTRO OSE (ST
13-00000
11 December 1959
MENORANIUM FOR:
Director of Central Intelligence
VIA:
SUBJECT:
Deputy Director (Plans)
Cuban Problems.
This nanoracdm requests approval by the Director of the recoITION-
dations contained in paragraph 3.
1. Estimate of the Situation.
8.
A dictatorship of the far left is now established. It
is not only unfriendly to the United Stztes in oral criticism, but
has taken action against American properties, both industrial and
agricultural, which, if permitted to stand, will encourage similar
actions against U.S. holdings in other Latin American countries.
-
b. We do and must expect a major increase in the scale and
effectiveness of Ciban aid and participation in revolutionary
actions against other countries of Latin America now friendly to
the United States. In addition to those that have already been
targets Nicaragua, Panama, the Dominican Republic and Haiti,
recent intelligence indicates a direct interest by Cestro in a
Colombia and Peru. Betancourt's position in Venezuela would be
gravely weakened by Castro successes, and it is believed only a
question of time before an alliance would be established between
the powerful Communist Party of Venezuela and the Castros.
C.
Rapid nationalization of the banks, industry and commerce
is reportedly contemplated. If this occurs, the small group in
control will have at its disposition several hundred million dollars
from the sale of the sugar crop early in 1960. Part of these funds
may be used to further their revolutionary objectives against other
countries of the Caribbean and South America.
a. Castro has lost the support of the upper class and most of
the middle class, He probably still has a sufficient following from
the masses to maintain control until further inroads can be made in
his popular support and the opposition more effectively unified.
E. Propaganda action to reduce his following, while essential,
in itself will probably not be eeuugh to dislodze him. His approaching
stranglehold on Cuba will be broken only by violent action.
f. It is my personal opinion that if Castro is successful in
consolidating his position and remaining in power for two more years,
797

13-00000
12-
lasting damage may occur to the United States' already weakened
position of leadership in Latin Americu.
2. U.S. Objective.
The overthrow of Castro within one year, and his replacement by a
junta friendly to the United States which will call for elections six
months after assumption of office.
3. Recommended Action:
a. Clandestine radio attacks from Caribbean countries of the
liberal group, working closely with us and using Cuben nationals for
broadcasting.
b. Intrusion operations against Castro's TV and radio, in
be mounted from within Cube
C. The encouragement of pro-.S. opposition grumps, excluding
Batista and Masferrer supporters, to establish by force a controlled
area within Cuba. This would have the following advantages:
(1) It would permit the establishment of a radio station,
long wave, which would reach all of the stations in Cuba.
Since it would be on Cuban soil, the problems of joint opera-
tions with other comtries would be eliminated.
(2) A controlled area would be a rallying point for
the growing opposition to Castro in the same manner that the
25th of July movement in the hills of Oriente became the
rallying point of many who turned against Batista.
(3) It would be a means of testing the strength and fibre
of the opposition, and separating the men from the boys.
(4) The reportedly large fragmented elements of the
constitutional Cuban Army would have a place to go.
(5) A sizeable guerrilla movement within Cuba would
curtail Castro's plans for revolutionary action against
other countries.
d.
Castro.
Thorough consideration be given to the elimination of Fidel
None of those close to Fidel, such as his brother Raul
298
13-00000
-3-
or his companion Che Guevarra, have the same Desneric appeal to
the passes> Many informed people believe that the pearance
of Fidel would greatly accelerate the fall of the present Government,
Jcking
c. King
Chief, Western Hemisphere Division
cc:
DDCI
2,SEC 1959
Killian Mr. Russelly
Deputy Director (Plans)
The recommendation
/cont
ontained in
paragraph 3 aproved:
Director of Central Intelligence
1200 1250
Date
299
13-00000
Appendix B
A Program of Covert Action
Against the Castro Regime
16 Mar 60
:
13-00000
EYES ONLY
SECRET
This document is our basic policy
paper. It was approved by the
President at a meeting in the
White House on 17 March 1960.
EYES ONLY
SECRET
300
13-00000
EYES ONLY
SECRET
16 March 1960
A PROGRAM OF COVERT ACTION AGAINST THE CASTRO REGIME
1. Objective: The purpose of the program outlined herein is to bring
about the replacement of the Castro regime with one more devoted to the true
interests of the Cuban people and more acceptable to the U.S. in such a manner
as to avoid any appearance of U.S. intervention. Essentially the method of
accomplishing this end will be to induce, support, and so far as possible direct
action, both inside and outside of Cuba, by selected groups of Cubans of a sort
that they might be expected to and could undertake on their own initiative.
Since a crisis inevitably entailing drastic action in or toward Cuba could be
provoked by circumstances beyond control of the U.S. before the covert action
program has accomplished its objective, every effort will be made to carry it
out in such a way as progressively to improve the capability of the U.S. to
act in a crisis.
2. Summary Outline: The program contemplates four major courses of
action:
a. The first requirement is the creation of a responsible, appealing
and unified Cuban opposition to the Castro regime, publicly declared
as such and therefore necessarily located outside of Cuba. It is hoped
that within one month a political entity can be formed in the shape of
a council or junta, through the merger of three acceptable opposition
groups with which the Central Intelligence Agency is already in contact.
The council will be encouraged to adopt as its slogan "Restore the
EYES ONLY
ProDET
301
13-00000
EYES ONLY
SECRET
:)
Revolution", to develop a political position consistent with that slogan,
and to address itself to the Cuban people as an attractive political
alternative to Castro. This vocal opposition will: serve as a magnet
for the loyalties of the Cubans; in actuality conduct and direct various
opposition activities; and provide cover for other compartmented CIA
controlled operations.
(Tab A)
b. So that the opposition may be heard and Castro's basis of
popular support undermined, it is necessary to develop the means for
mass communication to the Cuban people so that a powerful propaganda
offensive can be initiated in the name of the declared opposition.
The major tool proposed to be used for this purpose is a long and short
wave gray broadcasting facility, probably to be located on Swan Island.
The target date for its completion is two months. This will be supple-
mented by broadcasting from U.S. commercial facilities paid for by
private Cuban groups and by the clandestine distribution of written
material inside the country. (Tab B)
C. Work is already in progress in the creation of a covert
་
intelligence and action organization within Cuba which will be respon-
sive to the orders and directions of the "exile" opposition. Such a
network must have effective communication and be selectively manned.
to minimize the risk of penetration. An effective organization can
probably be created within 60 days. Its role will be to provide hard
EYES ONLY
លោក
302
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SECRET
3
intelligence, to arrange for the illegal infiltration and exfiltration
of individuals, to assist in the internal distribution of illegal
propaganda, and to plan and organize for the defection of key individuals
and groups as directed.
d. Preparations have already been made for the development of
an adequate paramilitary force outside of Cuba, together with mechanisms
for the necessary logistic support of covert military operations on
the Island. Initially a cadre of leaders will be recruited after care-
ful screening and trained as paramilitary instructors. In a second
phase a number of paramilitary cadres will be trained at secure locations
outside of the U.S. so as to be available for immediate deployment into
Cuba to organize, train and lead resistance forces recruited there both
before and after the establishment of one or more active centers of
resistance. The creation of this capability will require a minimum of
six months and probably closer to eight. In the meanwhile, a limited
air capability for resupply and for infiltration and exfiltration already
exists under CIA control and can be rather easily expanded if and when
the situation requires. Within two months it is hoped to parallel this
with a small air resupply capability under deep cover as a commercial
operation in another country.
3. Leadership: It is important to avoid distracting and devisive rivalry
among the outstanding Cuban opposition leaders for the senior role in the
EYES ONLY 303
SIPPET
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SECRET
4
opposition. Accordingly, every effort will be made to have an eminent,
non-ambitious, politically uncontentious chairman selected.
The emergence
of a successor to Castro should follow careful assessment of the various
personalities active in the opposition to identify the one who can attract,
control, and lead the several forces. As the possibility of an overthrow of
Castro becomes more imminent, the senior leader must be selected, U.S.
support focused upon him, and his build up undertaken.
4. Cover: All actions undertaken by CIA in support and on behalf of
the opposition council will, of course, be explained as activities of that entity
(insofar as the actions become publicly known at all). The CIA will, however,
have to have direct contacts with a certain number of Cubans and, to protect
these, will make use of a carefully screened group of U.S. businessmen with
a stated interest in Cuban affairs and desire to support the opposition. They
will act as a funding mechanism and channel for guidance and support to the
directorate of the opposition under controlled conditions. CIA personnel will
be documented as representatives of this group. In order to strengthen the
cover it is hoped that substantial funds can be raised from private sources to
support the opposition. $100,000 has already been pledged from U.S. sources.
At an appropriate time a bond issue will be floated by the council (as an
obligation on a future Cuban government) to raise an additional $2,000,000.
5. Budget: It is anticipated that approximately $4,400,000 of CLA funds
will be required for the above program. On the assumption that it will not
EYES ONLY.
304
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1
i
EYES ONLY
SECRET
5
:)
reach its culmination earlier than 6 to 8 months from now, the estimated
requirements for FY-1960 funds is $900,000 with the balance of $3,500,000
required in FY-1961. The distribution of costs between fiscal years could,
of course, be greatly altered by policy decisions or unforeseen contingencies
which compelled accelerated paramilitary operations.
6. Recommendations:
(Tab C)
That the Central Intelligence Agency be authorized
to undertake the above outlined program and to withdraw the funds required for
this purpose as set forth in paragraph 5. from the Agency's Reserve for
contingencies.
EYES ONLY
SECRET 305
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EYES ONLY
SECRET
THE POLITICAL OPPOSITION
j
lak A
}
1. CIA is already in close touch with three reputable opposition groups
(the Montecristi, Autentico Party and the National Democratic Front). These
all meet the fundamental criteria conditional to acceptance, i. e..they are
for the revolution as originally conceived--many being former 26th of July
members--and are not identified with either Batista or Trujillo. They are
anti-Castro because of his failure to live up to the original 26th of July
platform and his apparent willingness to sell out to Communist domination
and possible ultimate enslavement. These groups, therefore, fit perfectly
the planned opposition slogan of "Restore the Revolution".
2. An opposition Council or Junta will be formed within 30 days from
representatives of these groups augmented possibly by representatives of
other groups. It is probably premature to have a fixed platform for the Council
but the Caracas Manifesto of 20 July 1958 contains a number of exploitable
1
points. Two of the CIA group leaders were signers of the Manifesto. The
following points are suggested as a few possibilities:
a. The Castro regime is the new dictatorship of Cuba subject
to strong Sino-Soviet influence.
b. Cuba is entitled to an honest, democratic government based
There is no hope of this as long as Castro throttles
on free elections.
the rights of legitimate political parties and the freedom of expression.
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SECRET
306

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SECRET
2
C.
A realistic agrarian reform program providing for individual
ownership of the land must be put into effect.
d. Individual freedoms must be restored and collectivism in
commerce and education must be eliminated.
e.
Sino-Soviet influence in the affairs of Cuba must be eliminated.
A special research group of Cubans with American support is planned to refine
and expand these planks and to produce propaganda materials based on the above
platform for use by and on behalf of the opposition Council.
EYES ONLY
SECRET
307
13-00000
i
EYES ONLY
SECRET
Tab B
PROPAGANDA
---
"
1. Articulation and transmission of opposition views has already begun.
Private opposition broadcasts (i. e. purchase of commercial time by private
individuals) have occurred in Miami (medium wave) and arrangements have
been made with Station WRUL for additional broadcasts from Massachusetts
(short wave) and Florida (broadcast band). Presidents Betancourt and Ydigoras
have also agreed to the use of commercial stations for short wave broadcasts
from Caracas and Guatemala City. CIA has furnished support to these efforts
through encouragement, negotiating help and providing some broadcast
material.
2. As the major voice of the opposition, it is proposed to establish at
least one "gray" U.S. -controlled station. This will probably be on Swan Island
and will employ both high frequency and broadcast band equipment of substantial
power. The preparation of scripts will be done in the U.S. and these will be
transmitted electronically to the site for broadcasting. After some experience
and as the operation progresses, it may be desirable to supplement the Swan
Island station with at least one other to ensure fully adequate coverage of all
parts of Cuba, most especially the Havana region. Such an additional facility
might be installed on a U.S. base in the Bahamas or temporary use might be
made of a shipborne station if it is desired to avoid "gray" broadcasting from
Florida.
EYES ONLY
SECRET
308
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EYES ONLY
SECRET
21
3. Newspapers are also being supported and further support is planned
for the future. Avance, a leading Cuban daily (Zayas' paper), has been
confiscated as has El Mundo, another Cuban daily. Diario de la Marina,
one of the hemisphere's outstanding conservative dailies published in Havana,
is having difficulty and may have to close soon. Arrangements have already
been made to print Avance weekly in the U.S. for introduction into Cuba
clandestinely and mailing throughout the hemisphere on a regular basis. As
other leading newspapers are expropriated, publication of "exile" editions
will be considered.
4. Inside Cuba, a CIA-controlled action group is producing and distributing
anti-Castro and anti-Communist publications regularly. CIA is in contact with
groups outside Cuba who will be assisted in producing similar materials for
clandestine introduction into Cuba.
5. Two prominent Cubans are on lecture tours in Latin America. They
will be followed by others of equal calibre. The mission of these men will be
to gain hemisphere support for the opposition to Castro.
Controlled Western
Hemisphere assets (press, radio, television) will support this mission as
will selected American journalists who will be briefed prior to Latin American
travel.
EYES ONLY
SECRET 309
13-00000
I.
Political Action
EYES ONLY
SECRET
FINANCIAL ANNEX
Support of Opposition Elements
and other Group Activities
Tab C
FY-1960
FY-1961
150,000
800,000
II. Propaganda
Radio Operations and Programming
(including establishment of trans-
mitters)
400,000
700,000
Press and Publications
100,000
500,000
III. Paramilitary
In-Exfiltration Maritime and Air
Support Material and Training
200,000
1,300,000
IV. Intelligence Collection
50,000
200,000
Totals
* 900,000
3,500,000
*These figures are based on the assumption that major action will not
occur until FY-1961. If by reason of policy decisions or other contingencies
over which the Agency cannot exercise control, the action program should be
accelerated, additional funds will be required.
EYES ONLY
SECRET
370
13-00000
Appendix C-1
CNO Correspondence with Department of State
and NSC:✶
1) Letter for Allen Dulles
from Arleigh Burke,
17 Mar 60
13-00000
1. UNCLASSIFIED
ل
USE r
☐ CONFID
ROUTING AND RECORD SMEET
SUBJECT: (Optional)
Ltr from Admiral Bucky
FROM:
DD/P
TO: (Officer designation, room number, and
building)
1.
2.
C/WH Division
RECEIVED
3.
4.
S.
c/WH/4
Whether on/cary
S
and carry
3.
3
CWH Cuba Filo
DATE
FORWARDED
OFFICER S
INITIALS
14 March 1960
COMMENTS (Number each comment to show from whom
to whom, Draw o line across column after each comment.)
дек
į
1.
Admiral Burke sent this
over to the Director on the
afternoon of 17 March and the
latter handed to me. I do not
believe it requires a reply
but pass it to you for any
value it may have.
311
610-689
☐ SECRET ☐ CONFIDENCIAL
CYLY
☐
RM3jr.
13-00000
10-1426
TOP SECRET
PERSONAL
Dear Allen:
CHIEF OF NAVAL OPERATIONS
-
TOP SECRET
17 March 1960
Enclosed is a memorandum my staff pre-
pared containing some suggestions which might be
useful to you in your work. Naturally, I do not
agree with quite all the comments contained in the
memorandum, but I know that you will forgive
the impatient young lad for his desire to make sure
no opportunity is left uncovered.
Warm regards.
Sincerely,
Arleigh
ARLEIGH BURKE
The Honorable
Allen Dulles
Director of Central Intelligence
Enclosure
312
PERSONAL TOP SECRET
13-00000
Appendix C-2
CNO Correspondence with Department of State
and NSC:
2) Letter for Gordon Gray from
Arleigh Burke, 16 Mar 60
313
p. 21
21
13-00000
TOP SECRET
CHIEF OF NAVAL OPERATIONS
....
16 March 1960
Dear Gordon:
Enclosed is a copy of a
memorandum on U.S. action in
Cuba which may be of interest
to you.
Sincerely yours,
Arleigh
ARLEIGH BURKE
The Honorable
Gordon Gray
Special Assistant to the President
for National Security Affairs
The White House
Enclosure
TOP SECRET
314
.
13-00000
TOP ONCIN
op-02
On-6030
Vic:
Op-003
U. 5. Action in Cuba (5)
Op-4030/jum
16 Mar 1960
1.
The recommendations contained in the paper on "U.S. Actions in Cuba" were
intended originally to provide the broad outline for a carefully laid out
program for causing the Castro regime to be replaced by a friendly government.
It was interced that State would lo_ically control and coordinate allæpects
and provide the guidance as to the specific actions required of the other
departments of the government. The paper was not interpreted in this manner
by those who received it and the search appears now to be for specific actions
which can be used to accomplish the end desired.
2. The following are offered as possible specific actions which can be taken
in support of our position on Cuba You might desire to have 00 inject
these items into the RSC meeting, 16 March.
a. IADB
-
-
Chairman, or the Chief of the U.S. Delgation, attempt to have
a delegation other than U.S. introduce a motion for the Board to consider the
gap in hemispheric defense resulting from the Cuban situation or for the
Board to recommend that the OAS study the influence of Kommunism in Cuba..
b. Commercial
_
Oil companies are not being paid by Cuba. State could
request the oil companies to point out to the governments who produce the
oil the effects on their economies of the loss of the Cuban market.
-
c. Schools and Var Colleges The Services could include in courses for
foreign officers the effect on hemisphere defense of the establishment of a
Kommunist dictatorship in Cuba.
d. Commercial Do Latin Americans hold stock in the expropriated properties
in Cuba? If so, State could request the companies concerned to include in
their dividend mailings, information pointing out the effect on the companies'
✓ earnings and the stockholders' dividends of expropriation of property without
compensation and, for the oil companies, non-payment for oil delivered.
e. State in conjunction with CIA, publish a weekly or bi-weekly letter
documenting the actions of the Castro Covernment for the previous period.
Included would be:
(1) Violations of human rights.
(2) Kommunist trends and actions.
(3) Dictatorial and undemocratic actions.
FOR SORT
315
Canir 2
of /conies
Pase 1 of 3 copies
TOP SECRET

13-00000
TOT SECRET
Distribute this to:
(1) All 8.3. diplomatic posts.
(2) Army, Navy an Air Force for further distribution to units or
officers in contact with Latin Americans.
For use us talking points to:
(1) Discredit the Castro regim.
(2) Build support for the U.S. position.
(3) Alert Latin Americans as to the Kommunist aspects.
f. All Services - Prepare and distribute speech material suitable for
inclusion in various types of addresses. Material should cover:
(1) Kommunistic aspects of present Cuban Government.
(2) Threat of Kommunism in Cuba to hemisphoric defense.
(3) The dictatorial aspects of the Cuban rejimo.
(4) The Cuban regime's actions against the basic human rights.
(5) The strategic importance of the Guantanamo Naval Base.
(6) The logic of the firmness of the treaties by which we hold
Cuantanamo and the formal commitment of the Castro regime on taking power
to honor Cuba's international commitments.
Distribute this material to the Services and to their Leagues and
Associations for maximum use in public speeches.
-
E. TADB
Have General Skaer, as Director of the Staff, IADB, inject
into the monthly intelligence briefings at the IADB information on the latest
Soviet Bloc actions and the progress of International Kommunism in Cuba.
h. State, in conjunction with CIA and the Service intelligence agencies,
hold special briefings once each month on the general situation in Cuba with
special emphasis on the Kommunistic aspects for the following:
(1) U. S. officials of the OAS and UN.
(2) U.S. personnel of the Staff of the LADB.
(3) Official U.S. personnel in Washington having cuties involving
close contact with Latin Americans.
i. All Services provide special briefings on a one-time basis along the
line of n. above for officers and enlisted personnel of units proceeding to
Caribbean or South American ports.
j. Navy endeavor to have a good reporter or author prepare a story con-
taining the Navy's views on Cuantanamo for publication in a national magazine
with wide circulation in Latin America.
Page 2 of 3 pages
Reproduction of
document la
part is profiibited
with permission of the
316
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
-
K. HAM
Accept Hr. Herchant's offer in his letter of Harch 10
to Admirale of a complete briefing of State Department activities
vis a vis the Cuban situation in an effort to prod State to move faster.
1. State
-
Brief all individuals and groups of U.S. Nationals going to
Latin America on the Kommunist threat in Cuba for further dissemination to
host country personnel.
Very respectfully,
J. E. POND, JH.
317
Page 3 of 3 pages
TOP SECRET
13-00000
Appendix C-3
CNO Correspondence with Department of State
and NSC:
3) Memorandum for the Special
Assistant to the President
for National Security Affairs
from Haydn Williams, 16 Mar 60,
sub: US Policy toward Cuba
13-00000
TOPREND
INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
WASHINGTON 25, D. C.
MAR 16 1960
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SPECIAL ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS
SUBJECT:
U.S. Policy toward Cuba
Enclosed is an exchange of letters on the above
subject between Admiral Burke and Under Secretary Merchant, both
of whom have authorized that I make the correspondence available
to you for whatever help it may be in connection with the dis-
cussion of this subject at the Council mesting this coming
Thursday.
2 Encls
As
Hyou wi
منذ
Dec: Assistant Secretary
318
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SECRET
10 Mar ŵic
Dear Arleight
I vas mush interested in your peromial letter of February 25,
1960, on Cube and the Caribbem situation, in which I noted a marked
degres of stullarity in the suggestions of the Navy and of car people
here concerning the coed to reverse the tread in Caba and the methods
which are best calculated to achieve this result.
As you are coubtless aware from the briefing which Dick Rebotton
red I gave the Joint Chiefs of Stuff on January 8, 1960, Eset of the
cources of action suggested in the regerendes headed "Recommendations
for U. S. Actions in Cuba," Alch you transmitted with your letter,
voro initiated som time ago and are constantly being intensified. To
rempitulato, our cun thinking on the Cuban situstica as it relates
to Commica and our own security interests too becam follows
a. The maximum objective of International Communism--
in the immediate Nisture-is the consolidation of a radical,
mti-American Revolution fricadly to the USSR in Cuba and the
utilimtion of Cibe as a base to promote similar revolutionary
covements in the Caribbean. The minimo abjective of the
Communists, if they are unable to achieve the foregoing, is
to make the United States pay as high price es possible for
the elimination of the undesirable features of the Cihan
Revolution. In particular, the Commmists stand to gain by
proveking us into armed intervention, or othervice taking
Interventionist actions in violation of our comitants in
a mammer which could be made to appear as if the United States
reacted the same way as the Soviots did in Hungary and other
satellites.
Admiral Arleigh Burks,
Chief of Naval Operation,
Departent of the Navy.
ISA(R&C) FILE COPY
SECRET
C
319
b. Unless
112909/6
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Stafet
2
D. Unlazo we were indefinitely to occupy Cube militarily,
the only solution to the Cuban problem is necessarily the
ansspands of a Cuban leadership willing to and capable of
qucsaing the country along lines noceptable to the Cuban
mople and along lines consistent with basic U. S. polley
On the
ifth respect to Latin America. This will take tims.
ons hand, it is costful that any Cuben Govenmmt sich re-
Quited fra U. S. Cred or other overt intervention could
long survive aus withdraal. On the other, despite cur on
Long-standing misgivings commerning Cantso, it is en inoscey-
Colefant that he came into pover with overwhelming support
not caly in Cuba but electore in the hemisphere, including
in this country. Although that support has largely evaporated
in the United States--and, to a lesser extent, in responsible
droles in the other Latin American Republics-Castro and,
partisulbriy, his soform program still enjoy very considerable.
support in his country. Coms, oven those disillusioned with
Castro, have yet to find an alternative leaforthip thich they
believe would estually carry out the reform sous mic
lic opinion still demands. Opposition elemento tainted
with colichurutige with the Exista regins are still politically
mceptable and could not establish a ctable government.
Opposition groups that might be acceptable to Cubans are
beginning to organize more offcatively but, at best, it will
bo months before they are ready for vigerous nation.
0. The primary objective of U. 3. polley should be the
cncalcration of the creation of an affective, patriotic move-
cest friendly to the United States within Cuba and among
Cuba ziles to counter Cube's current trend. The first leat
is to nesure, impofar as we are able to do co, a alinate in
Dich responsible and friendly Cubans would find it wrth-
Alle to expose Castro policies which holy the Commmble and
undarmias good U.S.-Qian relations. On the positive sida,
vo dasid and are taking action and making statements thich
kuld mocusngs orth elements to expulsé mare offcctively
and to crest or support and collabosction in their offorts
to alleve political and commis progress for Ceta by taking
a different road then the great coba segimals. At the
KJ briefing, we gave en indication of the covert cstivities
underway towards this end, as will so on indiection of the
artesive mitributed effort which tas bom undermy for
over a your to identify and cppose to bile opinion throngh-
cut the henlopiere the Comcast aspects of the Cation problic.
To the side, our polisics are guided by the
principle that opposition to Castro's poliòfics la Otta vill
320
Intresse
13-00000
SECRET
-3-
ܪ܂
increase fairly mpidly if it is clear to Cibers that Cestro
Himself is responsible for political and economic datoricro-
tion of the country. However, the consolidation of the
exposition will be slowed down if Castro em smeced by
tropping the flag of patriotion and ratiomlica chest hân
self in further convinsing the Cuban prople that the United
States has aggressive designs on the Catban nation to a thole
od that the lnited States rather then Castro's policies in
responsible for Caba's difficultion, He not, thirdore,
microloc the grexiest eare that we do not uncomurily
tamolcom the developing dissatisfeation of the Cuban pople
with Cestos into a fight botasin the Mited States und Oubon,
för ro eslf-resprotiry Cuben could then afford to support us
against his con country.
4. While vs balleve that Inter-Angiem notion through
Be 03 medfor some cocacale motion by the United States la
defense of its rights say play an important role at the
mopu tine, we not not let these pesa Willtico come K3
□ lose sight of the critical fest that no coletien vill be
gobble until in eltemetive lenderahip to renty to move in.
If the application of collective or unlisteral proOULICO
Could bring the Castro Goverment down before en reseptable
Lonchip is senty to tain over, the probio se civil
me eria talis-over by oven poss Communistic clommie. Bither
would bring en aleser to crued intervention. Thus, while us
now going thead in the process of influonsing the cibor Amori-
can Republics to see the Commist uni other exposts of the
Cuban situation as we do and preparing the ground for possible
Inter-Amerio consideration of the Chen problem, va intend
te control the tixing of czy such moting (water on pusible.
to cinside with the development of an alternative leator
mhip. It is cles the intention of the feministrut iza to
propose to the Congrees that the President be given diosso.
tionary mathority to alter sugar quotes in the medical
htcat and us have developed and are putting iste oficit
en ection plan to obtain the release of the mild States
fron sartala ether coexcals commitments thick kynis our
Cility to take action in the cocacule field then this could
contribute to cafoyarding our interest or to the excation
of conditions feussable to a lonéarchip exposed to Castro's
polietos.
321
USCA
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With scopect to all Mass cutters, a most important olament to blas.
Time is necind for Cds to scalice that the deterioration of their
political and octomie life to Que to Castro's carsconce, including his
Commotions with International Commation. Tina is needed for an altern-
tive leadischip to mesje and to commiss aMectively for estion. Ilm
is alce needed further to auction Latin Amaricca opinion to the angers
of the situation and for Latin Amrican Governments to my around
me to the point of view that the Com situation is a matter of
Common Concern, not just a 8.S.-Castro quarrel. 'Ue wre using all
available festlities to me this time as short as posible, b✰ W
experience in other difficult situations in the Near East and Central
America Indicate that indiate results are not to be expected. Mi
time, we are going to have, we belleve, to axercise restraint from
texing setion which, while raficsting our an great sense of compera
and usanay, would estually retard the process of change which ve ail
decirs.
I should point ech also that, while eation in the CAS at the right
tier my be desirable as a means of encouraging an alternative Cubon
leadmehip, we would probably fire to contend with Soviets in the
United Beticas. It is almost certain that the Cubans will try to
anticipate or counter exy U. 9. @pproach to the 015 by going directly
to the United Nations. Furtherwors, estel "forcement nation" by
the CMS would probably be brought up before the tailed ǎntions under
Actialo 53 of the 1 Charter evan LI ve' argued that any action taken
by the CS constituted caly #recommandations" to governments. Thic
seinferees or view that action in the CAS-which can be taken uxier
Me Duster by convoking a meting of Foreign Flaisters, as well as
under the Rio Treaty and the Carness Resolution--chould priemrily be
viewed as a means of strengthening Cuban opposition to Castro'a.
policies at the right moment rather then as a comms of quaruntining
Ca and waiting to see what happens. I would at present be soRD-
that difficult to bring a case against. Cuka under the Carmens Repolim
tian strce the intest Special National Intelligence Estianto-which
vs have asked to be reviewed does not find the Cuban Goverancat to
De Comunist-dralmated at present. If our own Rotinate does not
you abstactiate the case, it would be difficult in a short time to
permunds less well-informed governments that "the political instity
tions of Ca are unier International Corismist sentai ar
Qnisztion.
As yn are mare, or busie astimal policy (CC 5901/1) visuɔ
Good intervention as a last resort to be approved by the President
thm all else falls. We will be must reluctant to make er camer
in such reesansadation to the Prestick until Wage And Down a
reasonable shanse for all other colutions to to tacted.
322
Thank you
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مركة
Thank you again for sending me a sory of your umorandum. As you
kampy, the *** in keeping ths Cubņa problem under constcat scrutiny,
having diccsped it in com detail at its Jemary 14 meeting and coala
this coming. At the first of the zeetings, the Scoretary of State
seritved the policy toward Cuta thếch het been approved by the President,
and the consensus of this semiigis aceting to that this polley is
sentially correct. We esticipate that, at future meetings of the mat,
there will be further discussions concerning Cuba to determine visthos
there should be a modification of policy istard that country. In vicu
ɗ the fact that today's ESC meeting indicated continued preemont m
the validity of the polley discussed in January, it would ugyear
smosescary to develop new policy documentation at this tims, copocially
to the preposals in your Savy sustranda closely pasulisi policies which
tre alsvady underway. Should you, or your colleagues on the Joint Chiefs,
desire a further briefing on our actions and operational plans to carry
oct the policy, I should be more than gled to arrange it.
Siscardly,
Livingston 7. Preheat
Under Scoretary for Political Affairs
323
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26 FEB 19
SECRET
BACHT
Bear Livies
FINDOMAL
I am becoming increasingly concerned over deteriorating con-
ditions in the Caribbean. I an especially concerned over the
present situation in Cuba, in those security the Navy is directly
interested by reason of this island's strategic location with
respect to the sea approaches to the southern United States and
the Panama Canal, and because of the location there of the Guan-
tarano Naval izse. Cuba appears to be in the process of falling
under the domination of International Communism. Should this trend
continue unchecked and a communist dominated or "front governmentª
become a roulity, a direct threat to the security of the United
States would be presented. Additionally, a communist controlled
state in Cuba would serve as a base of operations for the further
spread of communistic influence in the Western Hemisphere having
as its aim the isclction of the United States from Latin America.
-
Because of my concern, I mi taking the liberty of sending you
the attached paper as indicative of current llavy thinking in this
mattor, namely that positive action to reverse the present trend
should be initiated to the end that the communist threat is climí-
nated and a stable, friendly government established in Cuba.
Action taken row in the case of Cuba will also facilitate and pro-
vide a foundation for ary similar actions which may be necessary to
prevent the spread of communism in Latin America and to stabilize
other areas where unrest is appearing.
I am also sending a copy of this letter and the enclosure to
Jack Irwin.
Sincerely,
ARIZICH BLAKE
The Honorable Livingston 7. Herchant
New State Department Building
Washington 25, D. C.
Enclosure: Paper on U.S. Action in Cuba
Copy to: Mr. J. H. Irwin II, (050/ISA) w/enclosure
324
SECRET
PERSONAL
SECRET

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1.
INACTION
The Castro Hevement in Cuba is a vehicle by which international communism
spare to be inite a foothold in the Western Hemisphere. If the present
trand contins, it will soon be too late for the United States to stem
the Soviet incursion into this hemisphere. This situation, in its many
ramifications, presents an immediate threat to the security of the United
States and to that of our important neighbors in North and South America.
2. what action can be taken to prevent the establishment of a communist
state in Cuba and to restore a stable, friendly government?
HACIQOTD
3. the V. S. las mower renounced the Vorroc Doctrine. This was reaffirmed
by Secretary of Stato Dulles in his address to the Nation on July 12, 19543
ca International Communism in Cuatemala. In that address, Kr. Dulles
stated:
"For several years international communism has been probing here
and there for resting places in the Americas. It finally chose
Guatemala as a spot which it could turn into an official base
from which to breed subversion which would extend to other
American Republics.“
"This intrusion of Soviet despotism was, of course, a direct
challenge to our Monroe Doctrine, the first and most funda-
mental of our foreign policies."
The United States is bound by treaties which commit it to seek settle-
ment of hemispheric-disputes by peaceful means, but which also provide for
action in the event of aggression cither from outside the hemisphere or
within. Article 5 of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance,
signed at Rio de Janeiro, 1947, requires each contractiæ party to send
to the Security Council of the UN complete information "concerning the
activities undertaken for the purpose of maintaining Inter-American
peace and security."
Article 6 of this treaty states:
"If the inviolability or the integrity of the territory or the
Sovereignty or political independence of any Aerican State should
to affected by an aggression which is not an arsed attack
by any other fact or situation that night endanger the peace of
Ancrica, the Organ of Consultation shall meet imediately in
...
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...
order to agree on
the measures which should be taken for the
co.mon defense and for the maintenance of the peace and security
of the Continent."
The Leclaration adopted by the Tenth Inter-American Conference at
Caracas, Venezuela, March 1954, states:
"That the domination or control of the political institutions
ɔi aŋŋy Merican State by the international communist movement,
extending to this hemisphere the political system of an extra-
continental power, would constitute a threat to the sovereignty
and political independence of the American States, endangering
the peace of America, and would call for the aceting of consultation
to consider the adoption of appropriate action in accordance with
existing treaties."
The 26th of July Movement succeeded in displacing Patista on 1 Jan 1959.
Since that time the Castro regine has followed increasingly the classic
strategy for establishing a communist state. The communist time table is
delineated in American Tabassy Havana Dispatch . 903 dated 29 December
1959. The ruthless elimination of the opposition, assumption of dictatorial
powers, Suspension of clections, the "Hate Morica" campaign, the studied
brooklom of the economy and confiscation of property, the initiation of
relation and trade with the Soviet Union, the forbidding of anti-communist
activity and the breakdown and reconstitution of the breed Services and
police are all typical communist maneuvers.
The majority of the Cubans are not yet committed to the acceptance of
communism nor are they aware of the trend of the Revolution in this direction.
The lower classes, however, continue to give full support to Castro and the
Revolution.
However,
It has not yet been proved that Castro himself is a communist.
some of his principal deputies as well as other leaders are believed to to
communists. In my case, individuals susceptible to communist influence are
occupying key positions in the government as well as in all important organ-
izaliors and trade uniors. Two developments are noticeable. Communists
are being appointed openly and are being elected (in trade unions) to key
positions. Hidden communists in the 26th of July Kovement are taking
positions in seeming opposition to the open communists.
At present the Cuban Armed Forces are disorganized and apparently capable
only of querrilla warfare. Intelligence reports indicate that the Sovici
Bloc may be supplying technicians to assist in training the new forces and
supplying arms to the new government. There is no present indication that
the fall of the Castro Government is iminent. If it should fall, however,
the government would most probably emerge as a communist government because
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S. CHIT
oposition leaders have been eliminated and there appear to be no leaders of
stature remaining arome whom mti-Castro/anti-Communist peoples could rally.
Shɔild Castrɔ fall or he assassinated, mob action which would probably
result would jeopardise the safety of cricans in Cura. Finally, in the
Worst cutrale, the possibility of Cirect sumport for Cuba by the Sovict
bloc, even to the extent of an opon mutual security acrecent, cannot to
disranded.
DUCESION
4. Three basic courses of action are open to the U. S.
A. Multilateral action through the ÖAS.
B.
Unilateral Overt Action by the U. S.
C.
Covert Unilateral Action by the U.S.
All subsidiary actions, such as economic pressure and moral station,
which will assist in achieving the objective should also be taken in addition
to the above.
h.
VOLTTLAUPIAL #CTION INGLY THE CAS.
The machinery exists in the declaration and agreements of the US
for the U. S. to request convocation of the Organ of Consultation of the
OAS with subsequent investigation of the Lovernment in Cuba, and, if
approval of the member states is obtained, intervention to prevent a
Communist take-over.
(1) Advantagce:
(a) It would be in consonance with our national policy and
our treaty commitments under the GAS.
(b) It would strengthen the UAS and would reassure the Free
World and the Latin American States of U. S. willingness to live up to
commitments.
(2) Disadvantages:
(a) Uncertainty of support for OS action by other Latin
American States.
(b) Delay in UAS action could result in a Communist controlled
front Lovernient being a "fait accompli" in Cuba.
(c) Could result in the entire problem ending in the Security
Page 3
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"
SCAMT
Council of the UN where the bovict Union has a voto.
B.
CHILL START ACTION BY THE U.S.
The U. S. as the capability to seize Cuba by direct military
action, and after a consolidation period, cause the establishment of a
friendly, non-communist government.
(1) Advantages:
(a) It would be in consonance with the Honroe Doctrine,
which is still basic . 5. policy with respect to the Western Hemisphere,
and would solve the problen.
(b) It would serve notice to the world that the U. S. will
not tolerate the establishment of a communist or communist "front" regime
in the destern Hemisphere.
(c) It would re-emphasize to the world that the U. 5. will not
hesitate to act when its security is at stake.
(d). It would dispel any illusions by the world at large that
the J. S. is unwillin, and unable to act no matter what the provocation.
It would also probably stop the "baiting of the G.S." in which soxe minor
powers throughout the world indulge.
(2) Disadvantages:
(a) It would violate our OAS commitments to seek settlement
by peaceful means.
(b) It would lead to charges of aggression against the U.S.,
both in the OAS and in the United Nations, with the resulting possibility
of and CAS action against the J. S.
(c) It would prove that the U.S. is not willing to abide by
its treaties if U. S. interests dictate otherwise.
C.
(d) It could isolate the U.S. from the other American States.
(c) It would violate the principle of non-intervention.
COVERT UNILATERAL ACTION LY THE U.S.
The U. S. could assist rebel groups covertly to overthrow the
present government and re-establish a friendly government. Concurrently,
it could take all possible measures to alert all friendly nations and the
3.S. people and branches of the U. S. Covernment to the danger of the threat
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CACRAT
in order to discredit Cube and bring world opinion to the side of the U.S.
(1) Alvenian des:
(a) 3. S. ld not be charged with aggression.
(b) If carried out successfully, Free World and Latin American
opinion would to favorable to the 5. S..
(2) Disadvanta, es:
(a) There is no ccrtainty of success.
(b) The effort night well come too late.
In considering and comparing the above courses of action, the basic
assumption thai the tnited States cannot and must not permit within the
Destorn omnis įkor: the establishment of any government dominated by the
International Comparisto is paramount. Therefore, if other courses of
action fail, the 3. b. must, oven in the face of adverse world opinion,
take unilateral action to prevent such an occurrence.
Until the situation reaches the stage whore direct unilateral action
by the US, is the only means loft, it appears that a combination of those
parts of courses of action A and C which have a fair chance of success
should be followed in order to utilize the prim advantage given under A,
i.e., the cooperation and ood will of the other American States.
CONCLUSIONS
5. The following conclusions are reached:
a. The establishment of a communist government, or a "front" government
following cɔmminist precepts, in Cuba would be a direct threat to the
security of the 1. 5. ane would endanger hemispheric security.
E. The U. s. should initiate positive action to eliminate the threat
before a communist or "front" government in Cuba is a "fait accompli."
c. Although the revolution still has the support of the masses, the
resulting government in Cuba is following the path of international
communism. Although they are not yet aware of the trend toward communism,
Castry has the personal loyalty of the masses.
d. American holdings are being confiscated. American lives may be
endangered if stable, responsible government is not ensured.
e. The sonroe Doctrine is still basic . S. policy with respect to the
Hostera Hamisphere.
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STEALT
2. Procedure exists water the Declaration of Caracas to request action
by the m♫ equinst a Communist threat to femispheric security.
2. The . 5. should proceed to document the extent of infiltration of
communists into key positions in Cuba and the extent of extra-Western
mistero communist support of the present Cuban regime.
1. The 7. 3. should initiate a campaign to apprise all U. S. agencies,
the U. 9. public, and the other American States of the threat in order to
gain support for any future action that may be taken.
i. The 3. §. should covertly support the Cuban opposition.
j. The . 5., after having gained the required support, should present
its case before the MS in order that joint action by the members of the
CAD may be taken to eliminate the communist threat and establish a friendly,
stable overment in Cuba.
k. The H. S., as a last resort, should take unilateral military action
to eliminate the threat.
RECOLLTENDATIONS
6. To accomplish the above, the following plan of action is recommended:
a. mediately document the commurist time table and the communist
take-over in Cuba.
b. Use all resources and cedia to take the U.S. and the other American
States aware of the threat. The following should be utilized to accomplish
this:
(1) Intelligence briefings of:
(a) U. S. Covernment officials.
(b) Newspaper representatives and editors.
(c) U.S. businessmen operating abroad and going abroad.
(c) The LDB mombers and Latin American diplomatic personel
and military attaches..
(e) The Catholic Church (possibly through the Apostolic Delegate).
(f) Church groups operating in Latin Azerica.
(£) Latin American officials visiting the U. S. and J. S..
installations.
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SLCAST
(2) orientation of radio broadcasts and news reports, both govern-
„MA und brivate.
C.
(3) The . B. Information Service.
(4) All country teams.
Covertly support the Cuban opposition. Select and groom trusted
Cubans as appropriate to assue responsible posts in a friendly ¿overnment.
d. Do prepared to the force to safeguard and evacuate C. S. Nationals
should the situation deteriorate to the point where they are endangered.
c. Men support hus been yaliod, request, in conjunction with other
zenbers of the 90, convention of the Orgin of Consultation of the 0:2
under the Toms of the Declaration of Caracas to:
(1) Geek 3 action to call on Cuta to place herself wder 01
auspices "in order to preserve the revolution for the people and prevent
communist take-over," and;
(2) Seck action to intervene by force in the event the above
fails, and;
(3) In Hatever joint group is formed to accomplish the above, keep
3. 3. participation to a minimum in order to force the Latin American
States to assume their responsibilities to the Hemisphere and to counter
accusations of U. S. imperialism.
f. In the event time does not permit completion of the above, or as a
last resort, be prepared to take unilateral military action to establish
a nɔn-cɔmmunist government in Cuba.
Pase-7
SERE!
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Appendix D
Memorandum for Assistant Deputy Director (Plans)
Action from J. D. Esterline, 2 May 60
-
P141
41
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}
EYES
ONLY
SECRET
MEMORANDUM FOR:
Assistant Deputy Director (Plans)
SUBJECT
COPY
2 May 1960
Action
: Liaison with United States' Agencies on JMARC Activities
1. This memorandum contains information for the Assistant Deputy Director
(Plans) Action.
2. The attached chart on liaison with other agencies of the United States'
Government on JMARC activities is restricted to those contacts that are made
on a regular basis, such as the weekly policy meeting with the Department of
State, and to offices which, we must contact quite frequently to solicit their
support, such as the Immigration and Naturalization Service.
3. As you know, infrequent contacts are made at various other levels of
the Executive Branch including:
a.
b.
C.
Brigadier General Cushman, Vice President Nixon's military
assistant.
NSC 5412 Representatives.
Certain United States' Senators and Representatives, particularly
Senator George Smathers of Florida.
4. In the early stages of JMARC we had almost daily contact with Rear
Admiral S. B. Renkin, USN, who was the action officer on the movement of two
radio transmitters and construction of the broadcasting facility on Swan Island.
5. Through Raymond Millard [Mallard?], the Agency is in close touch with
CINCLANT at Norfolk. Robert Reynolds, Deputy Chief, WH/4, has briefed selected
senior officers on JMARC 4. Mr. Reynolds is the designated CIA alternate for
the CINCLANT force under provisions of the Contingency Operations Plan for
Cuba.
Attachment:
Chart mentioned in paragraph 2.
J. D. ESTERLINE
Chief, WH/4
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SECRET
OFFICE
Office Inter-American Affairs (ARA)
(Mr. Rubottom)
Cuba Working Group (State, USIA)
(Chaired by Ambassador Mallory)
Consular & Security Affairs
(Mr. John Haynes)
Office of Intelligence & Research
(Ambassador J. Lampton Berry)
Inter-departmental Defector Committee
Latin America Task Force.
(Chaired by John Hill (ARA)
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NATURE OF DISCUSSION
CIA REPRESENTATIVE
FREQUENCY
STATE DEPARTMENT
Policy
Col. J. C. King
Weekly
Robert Whedbee
Daily
Overt Programs
Passports for Aliens
Mr. Pennington (OS)
As required
"Talent" Matters
Cuban "Defectors"
Program Coordination
E. A. Stanulis
As required
Robert Whedbee
Paul E. Oberst
As required
Weekly
333
Office of Special Operations
(Capt. Burns B. Spore, USN)
Office of Special Operations
(Capt. Burns B. Spore, USN)
Collateral Support Section,
Office of Naval Intelligence
(Cdr. Frank Day, USN)
Operations Branch, Collection
Division, ACSI (Army)
DEFENSE DEPARTMENT
Defense Support
Briefing
Cover
Cover
E. A. Stanulis
Robert Young (CC)
J. D. Esterline
Robert Young (CC)
Robert Young (CC)
As required
Weekly
As Required
As required
(Col. Stewart McKinney)
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Continued

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CIA REPRESENTATIVE FREQUENCY
OFFICE
Director, Voice of America
(Henry Loomis)
SECRET
EYES ONLY
NATURE OF DISCUSSION
UNITED STATES INFORMATION AGENCY
Coordination
334
Office of the Director
(Mr. Hennessey)
David A. Phillips Weekly
IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION SERVICE
U. S. Entry of Cubans
Mr. Pennington (OS) As required
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13-00000
Appendix E
Attack on Petroleum Refinery at
Santiago de Cuba
13-14 March 1961
13-00000
209
14 MAR 61
BELL
RIH
BELL 15
DO/P, COP, ADOP/A, WH 3, OC ½ BELL T/C
CUPAN
ROUTING
WATERS
MAR 14 09202 61
.
• OPERATIONAL IMMEDIATS
IN 3307
TIM BELL KOLA WAVE CITE SA
IZIP, TAGBAR COMMO
FOLLOW. RECEIVED FROM BARBARA AT 1466382; NR4 146660Z
203.BT
105 RE YOUR MSG NUMBER 49.
DEBARKED 1309458 MARCH
CADICK SENDS
SNEAKED PAST SEVERAL
CAYO RATON
ISLAND COVER
TH BRUSH AND TREES.
REFINERY WITHOUT DISTURBING OCCUPANTS TWO
ED MAINGAD NEAR SEFINERY ENCOUNT
BACKED OUT IN WATER TO 250 YARDS Þ
OR CLEAN
MILIMETER SHENS WI THERE ITS IN
CHITS
RED 29
ROUNDS
GKIT PAT AND CAUSING BRIGHT EXPLOSION.
MESTEACUP HUGGING BE
OWER
SERY
EXPLOSIONS
GEZ
BATTAL MAN
AS DROPPED
ER.
NOTORS ON
13-00000
CLASSIFIED MESSAGE
3343
JEUBEL
PACE
CAT CUIT BUT RESTARTED IN FEW MINUTES. AT HARBOR ENTRANCE AT
AST
AST
CALIBRES AND 120 MILIMETER ENGAGED US PLUS PLENTY SMALL
113 AND ONE STRONG SEARCHLIGHT.
3
LEFT SEARCHLIGHT POINTING
OWN INTO WATER AND SILENCED 20 MILLIMETER BUT 50'S FOLLOWED.
ACUP OUT TO SEA WHERE BARBARA J MADE FINE PICK UP RIGHT ON
"ATION OF COLETED AT 13040.
[Tuine screwedays:]
Sex Pun 1:
✓ AT NO TIME DID TEACUP FIRE AT ANY EXCEPT THOSE OBVIOUSLY
AMING ABOUT PREVENTING TEACUPS DEPARTURE
TEACUP COOLEST SEEN BY CADICH DATE. SUGGEST FOUR OF
MATERIAL AND HOS COULD USE THEM IN PRE-INVASION
CIKUS ONE IF
TEAS
END OF MESSAGE
336
AROUND THEM.
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Appendix F
Richard M. Nixon's Memorandum
on Meeting with Fidel Castro,
19 April 1959
13-00000
RICHARD NIXON
July 27, 1979
LA CASA PACIFICA
SAN CLEMENTE, CALIFORNIA
Den Dr. Pfeiff
I am enclosing a copy of the summary
of my conversation with Fidel Castro
in 1959, as you requested in your
letter of July 19th.
With best wishes,
Sincerely,
Rich Mix
Dr. Jack B. Pfeiffer
CIA Historian
Washington, D.C.. 20505
enclosure, 4 pages
337
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COPY
CONFIDENTIAL
COPY
COPY
April 19, 1959
Summary of conversation between The Vice President and
Fidel Castro:
When Castro arrived for the conference he seemed
somewhat nervous and tense. He apparently felt that he had
not done as well on "Meet the Press" as he had hoped. He
was particularly concerned about whether he might have irri-
tated Senator Smathers for the comments he made with regard
to him. I reassured him at the beginning of the conversa-
tion that "Meet the Press" was one of the most difficult pro-
grams a public official could go on and that he had done ex-
tremely well particularly having in mind the fact that he
had the courage to go on in English rather than to speak
through a translator.
--
The subjects we discussed were no different from
those on which he had made public statements on several
other occasions. A brief summary, however, might be of in-
terest, particularly in view of the comments I made with re-
gard to the positions he took.
I suggested at the outset that while I understood some
reasonable time might elapse before it would be feasible to
have elections it would nevertheless be much better from his
viewpoint if he were not to state so categorically that it
would be as long as four years before elections would be held.
I urged him to state his position as being in favor of having
elections at the earliest possible date and that four years
would be the maximum amount of time that would elapse before
elections were scheduled. He went into considerable detail
as he had in public with regard to the reasons for not hold-
ing elections, emphasizing particularly that "the people did
not want elections because the elections in the past had pro-
duced bad government.
་་
He used the same argument that he was simply reflect-
ing the will of the people in justifying the executions of war
criminals and his overruling the acquittal of Batista's avia-
tors. In fact he seemed to be obsessed with the idea that
it was his responsibility to carry out the will of the people
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whatever it might appear to be at a particular time. It
was also apparent that as far as his visit to the United
States was concerned his primary interest was "not to get
a change in the sugar quota or to get a government loan
but to win support for his policies from American public
opinion."
--
--
--
not to
It was this almost slavish subservience to prevail-
ing majority opinion the voice of the mob rather than
his naive attitude toward Communism and his obvious lack of
understanding of even the most elementary economic principles
which concerned me most in evaluating what kind of a leader
he might eventually turn out to be. That is the reason why
I spent as much time as I could trying to emphasize that he
had the great gift of leadership, but that it was the respon-
sibility of a leader not always to follow public opinion
but to help to direct it in the proper channels
give the people what they think they want at a time of emo-
tional stress but to make them want what they ought to have.
I pointed out that it might be very possible that the people
of Cuba were completely disillusioned as far as elections
and representative government were concerned but that this
placed an even greater responsibility on him to see that
elections were held at the very earliest date, and thereby
to restore the faith of the people in democratic processes.
Otherwise, the inevitable result would be the same dictator-
ship against which he and his followers had fought so gal-
lantly. I used the same argument with regard to freedom of
the press, the right to a fair trial before an impartial
court, judge and jury, and on other issues which came up
during the course of the conversation. In every instance he
justified his departure from democratic principles on the
ground that he was following the will of the people. I, in
my turn, tried to impress upon him the fact that while we be-
lieve in majority rule that even a majority can be tyrannous and
that there are certain individual rights which a majority
should never have the power to destroy.
I frankly doubt that I made too much impression
upon him but he did listen and appeared to be somewhat recep-
tive. I tried to cast my appeal to him primarily in terms
of how this place in history would be affected by the courage
and statesmanship he displayed at this time. I emphasized that
the easy thing to do was to follow the mob, but that the right
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thing in the long-run would be better for the people and,
of course, better for him as well. As I have already in-
dicated he was incredibly naive with regard to the Communist
threat and appeared to have no fear whatever that the Commu-
nists might eventually come to power in Cuba. He said that
during the course of the revolution there had been occasions
when the Communists overplayed their hand and "my people put them
in their place." He implied that this would be the situation
in the future in the event that the Communists tried to come
to power.
As a matter of fact, in his attitude toward Com-
munism, both internally and from an international standpoint,
he sounded almost exactly like Sukarno had sounded to me
when I visited Indonesia in 1953. In our discussions of
Communism I again tried to cast the arguments in terms of
his own self-interest and to point out that the revolution
which he had led might be turned against him and the Cuban
people unless he kept control of the situation and made sure
that the Communists did not get into the positions of power
and influence. On this score I feel I made very little im-
pression, if any.
Speaking to him from a personal standpoint I urged
him at the earliest possible moment to bring good strong
men into his government and to delegate responsibilities to
them in the economic and other areas where he presently was
making many decisions. I tried to point out that unless he
did this he would have a workload which would be so great that
he could not provide the leadership and the vision that the
Cuban people needed for the great issues. I put as much em-
phasis as possible on the need for him to delegate responsi-
bility, but again whether got across was doubtful.
It was apparent that while he paid lip service to
such institutions as freedom of speech, press and religion
his primary concern was with developing programs for economic
progress. He said over and over that a man who worked in
the sugar cane fields for three months a year and starved
the rest of the year wanted a job, something to eat, a house
and some clothing and didn't care a whit about whether he had
freedom along with it. I of course tried to emphasize that
here again as a leader of his people, he should try to de-
velop support for policies which could assure economic pro-
gress with freedom rather than without it.
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He indicated that it was very foolish for the
United States to furnish arms to Cuba or any other Carib-
bean country. He said "anybody knows that our countries
are not going to be able to play any part in the defense
of this hemisphere in the event a world war breaks out.
The arms governments get in this hemisphere are only used
to suppress people as Batista used his arms to fight the
revolution. It would be far better if the money that you
give to Latin American countries for arms be provided for
capital investment. I will have to admit that as far as
his basic argument was concerned here I found little that I
could disagree with!
We had a rather extended discussion of how Cuba could
get the investment capital it needed for economic progress.
He insisted that what Cuba primarily needed and what he
wanted was not private capital but government capital. He
gave me some rather confused arguments as to why plants that
were licensed and/or owned and operated by the government
would serve the best interests of Cuba better than privately
owned enterprises. I told him quite bluntly that his best
hope as far as the United States was concerned was not in
getting more government capital but in attracting private
capital. I explained that government capital was limited be-
cause of the many demands upon it and the budget problems we
presently confronted. I pointed out that private capital on
the other hand was expansible and that he would be serving
the interests of Cuba far better by adopting policies which
would attract it, I pointed out that there was competition
for capital throughout the Americas and the world and that
it would not go to a country where there was any considerable
fear that policies might be adopted which would discriminate
against private enterprise. At this point he, at considerable
length, tried to explain why he had said and done some of
the things which had appeared to be anti-private enterprise up
to this time. Here again on this point I doubt if I made too
much of an impression.
He explained his agrarian reform program in consider-
able detail justifying it primarily on the ground that Cuba
needed more people who were able to buy the goods produced
within the country and that it would make no sense to pro-
duce more in factories unless the amount of money in the hands
of consumers was increased.
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iticism
He rather bitterly assailed the United States press
for what he called their unfair reporting of the revolution
after he came to power. I, of course, tried to explain
that speaking from some personal experience, it was neces-
sary to expect and to learn to take criticism both fair and
unfair. I would not be surprised if his sensitivity with
regard to bicism might eventually lead him to take some
rather drastic steps toward curtailing freedom of the press
in the future.
¬¬.
He also spoke rather frankly about what he felt was
a very disturbing attitude on the part of the American press
and the American people generally. His argument went along
this line: "yours is a great country -- the richest, the
greatest, the most powerful in the world. Your people, there-
fore, should be proud and confident and happy.
But every-
place I go you seem to be afraid afraid of Communism,
afraid that if Cuba has land reform it will grow a little
rice and the market for your rice will be reduced -- afraid
that if Latin America becomes more industrialized American
factories will not be able to sell as much abroad as they
have previously. You in America should not be talking so
much about your fear of what the Communists may do in Cuba
or in some other country in Latin America, Asia or Africa
you should be talking more about your own strength and the
reasons why your system is superior to Communism or any
other kind of dictatorship.
"
In my turn of course I tried to explain that we wel-
comed the industrialization and development of Latin America,
that one of our best customers was Canada, for example,
which was highly industrialized and that as economic conditions
improved in any country this was not only good for that coun-
try but good for us as well. I also tried to put our atti-
tude toward Communism in context by pointing out that Commu-
nism was something more than just an idea but that its agents
were dangerously effective in their ability to grasp power
and to set up dictatorships. I also emphasized, however,
that we realized that being against Communism was not enough
that it was even more important that we make it by our
actions, by what we say and what we do abroad that we con-
vince people every place that we want to help them achieve
economic progress in a climate of freedom.
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Several other subjects were discussed but none
that I think are worth moting at this point. Significantly
enough, he did not raise any questions about the sugar
quota nor did he engage in any specific discussions with
regard to economic assistance. His primary concern seemed
to be to convince me that he was sincere, that he was not a
Communist and that his policies had the support of the great
majority of the Cuban people.
My own appraisal of him as a man is somewhat mixed.
The one fact we can be sure of is that he has those inde-
finable qualities which make him a leader of men. Whatever
we may think of him he is going to be a great factor in the
development of Cuba and very possibly in Latin American
affairs generally. He seems to be sincere. He is either
incredibly naive about Communism or under Communist discip-
line - my guess is the former, and as I have already im-
plied his ideas as to how to run a government or an economy
are less developed than those of almost any world figure I
have met in fifty countries.
But because he has the power to lead to which I have
referred, we have no choice but at least to try to orient him
in the right direction.
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Appendix G
Memorandum for DCI
[for Briefing Vice President Nixon],
29 Feb 60.
13-00000
SECRET
28 Mar 60
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence
VIA:
SUBJECT:
Deputy Director (Plans)
(Plans) Rully
What we are doing in Cuba.
29 February 1960
1. This memorandum is for information only, and is for the Director's
use at meeting with the Vice President on 2 March 1960.
2. Intelligence
Some highlights of recent intelligence which justify the actions being
taken or planned against Cuba are:
a. Rapid build-up of events which indicate slide toward Communist orbit
and intensified efforts implement internal programs towards establishment
Communist dictatorship. Public feeling among middle and upper class
Cubans and students has reached new high on Communist issue and numerous
station contacts ranging from left to right have declared that situation
cannot be tolerated, and that they are now convinced Communists control
Cuba.
b. The Chief of Cuban intelligence activities in Mexico is on a trip
through Central America to initiate activities for the establishment of
a pro-Castro revolutionary movement in each country aimed at the over-
throw of existing government. Cuban Embassies serve as cover.
c. Considerable intelligence has been received of Cuban attempts to
establish an operational relationship with guerrilla groups in Colombia
with ultimate goal of overthrowing the Colombian government.
d. French intelligence reports "Che" Guevara is talking of including
Martinique and Guadeloupe in a Caribbean Federation headed by him.
344
En n
13-00000
نة
1.
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence
VIA:
SUBJECT:
Deputy Director (Plans)
What we are doing in Cuba.
29 February 1960
1. This memorandum is for information only, and is for the Director's
use at meeting with the Vice President on 2 March 1960.
2.
Intelligence
Some highlights of recent intelligence which justify the actions being
taken or planned against Cuba are:
a. Rapid build-up of events which indicate slide toward Communist orbit
and intensified efforts implement internal programs towards establishment
Communist dictatorship. Public feeling among middle and upper clasa
Cubeas and students has reached new high on Communist issue and mumerous
station contacts ranging from left to right have declared that situation
cannot be tolerated, end that they are now convinced Commista control
Cuba.
b. The Chief of Cuben intelligence activities in Mexico is on a trip
through Central America to initiate activities for the establishment of
a pro-Castro revolutionary movement in each country aimed at the over-
throw of existing government, Cuban Embassies serve as cover.
C. Considerable intelligence has been received of Cuban attempts to
establish an operational relationship with guerrilla groups in Colombia
with ultimate goal of overthrowing the Colombian govemment.
d. French intalligence reports "Che" Guevara is talking of including
Martinique and Guadeloupe in a Caribbean Federation beaded by him.
345
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8 March 1960
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence
VIA:
SUBJECT:
Deputy Director (Plans)
What we are doing in Cuba.
1. This memorandum is for information only, and is for the Director's
use at the NSC 5412 Representatives Meeting which will consider the Cuba
covert action program paper. (This paper was used for Mr. Nixon's briefing.)
2. Intelligence
Some highlights of recent intelligence which justify the actions being
taken or planned against Cuba are:
a. Rapid build-up of events which indicate slide toward Communist orbit
and intensified efforts implement internal programs towards establishment
Communist dictatorship. Public feeling among middle and upper class
Cubans and students has reached new high on Communist issue and numerous
station contacts ranging from left to right have declared that situation
cannot be tolerated, and that they are now convinced Communists control
Cuba.
b. The Chief of Cuban intelligence activities in Mexico is on a trip.
through Central America to initiate activities for the establishment of
a pro-Castro revolutionary movement in each country aimed at the over-
throw of existing government. Cuban Embassies serve as cover.
9.
Considerable intelligence has been received of Cuban attempts to
establish an operational relationship with guerrilla groups in Colombia
with ultimate goal of overthrowing the Colombian government.
d. French intelligence reports "Che" Guevara is talking of including
Martiniqua and Guadaloupe in a Caribbean Federation headed by him.
SECRET
Ime: PHP 22 Juez 74
346
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TOP SECRET
Source References*
A.
Volume III
Part I
Background
Watching from the Sidelines
1. State, Amembassy Havana:
2.
Memo from V. Lansing
C.
Collins, 17 Nov 48, sub: Fidel Castro Ruz.
Memo for Chief, WHD from COS Havana, 20 Dec 55,
sub: Fidel Castro Ruz. S. (HKH-A-2261)
3.
Ibid.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8°
State, Memo for Mr. Braddock from [Army?] Attache,
14 Oct 57, sub: Fidel Castro Ruz. (Memo No. 185.)
S.
State, Memo from Vinton Chapin, 19 Jun 57, sub:
Biographic Information Concerning Fidel Castro
Ruz. (Memo No. 869). C.
David R. McLean, Western Hemisphere Division,
1946-65, Vol. I, 191-192 (DDO/HP 324, 2 Dec 73).
S.
(ER-8-
Letter to General His Excellency Fulgencio Batista
y Zaldivar from Allen W. Dulles, 7 Jul 56.
4007/a). U.
Memo (no addressee) from Lyman B. Kirkpatick,
19 Nov 57, sub: How to Bring Peace in Cuba.
S.
9.
Ibid.
10.
*
Beatrice B. Berle and Travis B. Jacobs (eds),
Navigating the Rapids, 1918-1971, (N.Y., 1973),
p. 681. U.
Unless otherwise specified all sources are SECRET.
Copies or notes of all sources cited are filed under
HS/CSG 2632.
-
347
-
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
12.
13.
MR [no author], 27 Jan 61,
sub: WHD Reporting
on the Cuban Revolution and the Rise of Fidel
Castro to Power, p. 6. S.
McLean, Western Hemisphere Division, op. cit.,
I, 213-216. S.
Hugh Thomas, Cuba, The Pursuit of Freedom (N.Y.
1971), pp. 1000-1001. U.
Berle and Jacobs, op. cit., pp. 685-686.
Following CS reports (S):
3,345,281, 13 Feb 58
3,345,282, 13 Feb 58
3,347,126, 4 Mar 58
3,351,466, 15 Apr 58
3,354,755, 12 May 58
3,367,468, 21 Aug 58
3,373,470, 10 Oct 58
14.
15.
16.
17.
Berle and Jacobs, op. cit., pp. 685-686.
Memo for Chief, PP Staff from Alfred T. Cox,
25 Aug 58, sub: US Course of Action in Cuba. S.
TDCS 3/376, 032, 30 Oct 58, sub: Fidel Castro
Ruz and Forces Strongly Catholic, Non-Communist.
S.
MR from J. C. King, 20 Nov 58, sub: Cuba
cussion of Pawley Proposal. S.
Dis-
Cables to Director from Havana: 9 D-
0661 (IN 35522); 11 Dec 58, HAVA 006
S..
TT.ATTA
18.
Cable to Director from Havana, 11 De
0668 (IN 36486). S.
19.
State, Incoming Telegram from Amconsul Santiago
de Cuba, No. 341, 15 Dec 58. S.
P. 61
61
20.
Ibid.
348
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
"
Cable to Director from COS Havana, 18 Dec 58,
HAVA 0704 (CHECK NO. 453). S.
Alfred T. Cox, Paramilitary Activities at the Staff
Level, 15 Sep 55 31 Dec 61, II, 374-375 (CSHP 183,
Mar 70). S.
-
Memo for Bob Dahlgren from Alfred T. Cox and Col.
C. H. Heinlen, 31 Dec 58, sub: Support Arrange-
ments. S.
Memo for the President from Acting Secretary (of
State], 23 Dec 58, sub: Cuba. TS [no number].
(Dwight D. Eisenhower Library: Gordon Gray Records,
1952-61, "Cuba" folder, Box 27(?).)
[Minutes of] Special Group Meeting on Cuba [from
Thomas A. Parrott?], 7 Jan 59. S.
[Minutes of] Special Group Meeting on Cuba [from
Thomas A. Parrott?], 7 Jan 59. S.
Handwritten notes on Department of State Meeting
on Cuba [by Gordon Gray?), 31 Dec 59. (Dwight D.
Eisenhower Library: Gordon Gray Records, "Cuba"
folder, Box 27.) U.
. Dwight D. Eisenhower, Waging Peace (N.Y., 1965),
pp. 521, 524. U.
B. Castro Takes Over
Cable to Havana from Director, 9 Jan 59, DIR 07542
(OUT 60805). S.
Cable to Director from Havana, 15 Jan 59, HAVA 0900
(IN 47617). S.
Memo for Assistant Chief of Staff, Intelligence
(Army) from C. P. Cabell, 6 Feb 59, sub: Proposed
US Army Operation Against the New Cuban Armed
Forces. (ER 11-409a.) S.
349
-
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
28.
Memo for Chief WHD from Alfred T. Cox, 30 Jan 59,
sub: Research Project on Castro Movement. S.
29. Cable to Director from Havana, 3 Feb 59, MSGNR
0984 (CKNR 747). S.
30.
31.
32.
Memo for Mr. Braddock from [Army] Attache, 16 Feb
59,
sub: Situation Report, Memo No. 412. S.
Board of National Estimates, Threats to the
Stability of the U.S. Military Facilities Posi-
tion in the Caribbean Area and Brazil, SNIE 100-
3-59, 10 Mar 59, p. 1. S.
Cable to Director from Havana, 9 Apr 59, MSGNR
1191 (CKNR 004). S.
Ibid.
33. Ibid. 13 Apr 59, MSGNR 2000 (CKNR 017); 15 Apr 59,
MSGNR 2016 (CKNR 039). S.
34.
35.
36.
37.
.
Dispatch to Director from Havana, 15 May 59, HAVA
2161. .S.
Memo for Gordon Gray from Robert Murphy, 1 May 59,
sub: Forwarding Tentative Evaluation of Castro
Visit. C.
Dispatch to Director from COS Havana, 26 May 59,
HAVA 2197.
HKH-1964, 4 Jun 59, sub: Comments of Cuban Com-
munist Leader on Castro's Trip to US. C.
Theodore Draper, Castro's Revolution (N.Y. 1962),
pp. 48-57.
U.
38. Board of National Estimates, The Situation in the
Caribbean through 1959, SNIE 80-59, 30 Jun 59. S.
39.
'
Memo for DCI from Rudolph Gomez, 4 Aug 59, sub:
Mr. Leo Cherne.
S.
350
TOP SECRET

13-00000
TOP SECRET
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
Dispatches: To Director from Havana, 5 Jun 59,
HAVA 2233, 5 Jun 59; To COS Havana from DİR,
9 Jun 59, DIR 30041. S.
Draper, op. cit., pp. 61-62, 65-69.
Thomas, op. cit., pp. 1234-1271.
Memo for Col. King from Rudolph E. Gomez, 26 Oct
59, sub: Visit of Mr. R. E. Gomez to Havana,
Cuba, 15-18 Oct 59. S.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 27 Oct 59, sub:
Discussions between the Department and Chief,
WHD on Cuba. S.
US Senate, 86th Congress, 1st Session, Judiciary
Sub-Committee Hearings on" "Communist Threat to
the US through the Caribbean," Part III Testimony
of Gen. C. P. Cabell, pp. 162-163. U..
--
Dispatch for COS Habana and COB Santiago de Cuba
from Chief, WHD, 18 Dec 59, sub: RMD
Cuba,
HKBW[?] 3214. TS (No number).
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 11 Dec 59, sub:
Cuban Problems. S. (DD/P 4-9871.)
Board of National Estimates, The Situation in the
Caribbean through 1960, SNIE 80/1-59, 29 Dec 59,
pp. 1, 4, 7, 13. S.
Office Memo to Doris from Pauline, 11 Jan 60,
sub: General Cabell's Briefing of JCS-State,
8 Jan 60.
S.
-
351 -
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
Source References
A.
1.
2.
Part II
Castro Must Go
Organizing for Covert Action, Jan-Mar 60
L. K. White, Diary Notes, 8 Jan 60. S.
CIA Inspector General's Survey of the Bay of Pigs
Operation, Oct 61, p. 5. TS 173040. (Hereinafter
cited as I. G. Survey.)
Jacob D. Esterline by
Jack B. Pfeiffer, 10-11 Nov 75, Tape 1, p. 2.*
3.
Oral History Interview:
4.
Ibid., pp. 3-4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
Memo for James E. Flannery, 12 Dec 73, sub: Review
of [E. Howard] Hunt's Book [Give Us This Day]. S.
David R. McLean, Western Hemisphere Division, 1946-
1965, II, 242-243. (DDO HP 324, Dec 73.) S.
Conversation between Walter Elder and Jack B.
Pfeiffer, 14 Jun 74. U.
MR from Jack B. Pfeiffer, 3 Oct 73, sub: Brief
Conversation with Jake Esterline. C.
Oral History Interview:
Richard Drain by Jack B.
Pfeiffer, 8 Jan 76, Tape 1, pp. 6-8.
Oral History Interview: Richard Bissell by Jack
B. Pfeiffer, 17 Oct 75, Tape 1, pp. 2-3.
Drain-Pfeiffer OH Interview, op. cit., Tape 1,
pp. 15-16.
* This and all other Oral History Interviews conducted
by Jack B. Pfeiffer are UNCLASSIFIED.
-
352
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
CRET
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
Oral History Interview: Richard Bissell by Jack
B. Pfeiffer, 17 Oct 75, Tape 1, pp. 5-6.
Proposed Agenda [for the] Special Group Meeting,
12 Jan 60. S.
MR [from Thomas A. Parrott], 13 Jan 60, sub:
Minutes of Special Group Meeting, 13 Jan 60. S.
US Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Activi-
ties, Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign
Leaders, 20 Nov 75, p. 93. (94th Congress, 1st
Session, Report No. 94-465.) U. (Hereinafter SSC.)
MR [from Thomas A. Parrott], 13 Jan 60, op. cit.
Memo for DDP from C. Tracy Barnes, 21 Jan 60,
Cuba. S.
sub:
Alfred T. Cox, Paramilitary Ground Activities at
the Staff Level, 15 Sep 55 31 Dec 61, II, 384-
385 (DDO HP 183, Mar 60). S.
-
MR from J. D. Esterline, 2 Feb 60, sub: Meeting
with the DCI. S.
[MR from Thomas A. Parrott] 3 Feb 60, sub: Minutes
of Special Group Meeting - Cuba. S.
MR from J. C. King, 26 Jun 60, sub: Meeting with
DOD representative on Cuba. S.
MR from E. Scott, 3 Feb 60, sub: Meeting, 3 Feb
[60], 0900 hours 1015 hours. S.
-
Memo for the DDS from Bruce Cheever, 4 Feb 60,
sub: Request for Special Allowance for CIA Rep-
resentative to CINCLANT. S.
[MR from Jim Flannery?], 11 Feb 60, sub: A/DDP/P
Review of Status of Plans for Cuban Operations.
S.
MR from J. D. Esterline, 12 Feb 60, sub: Briefing.
of Deputy Secretary of Defense on Cuba.
S.
3.53
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
120.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
Memo to Designated Representatives Under NSC
5412/2 [from Thomas A. Parrott?] [15-16 Feb 60?],
sub: Covert Action Operations Against Fidel
Castro. S.
Memo to Designated Representatives under NSC 5412/2
[15-16 Feb 60?], op. cit.
Ibid.
[MR from Thomas A. Parrott?] Minutes of Special
Group Meeting Cuba, 17 Feb 60.
-
S.
Memo of Meeting with the President (on 17 Feb 60]
from Gordon Gray, 19 Feb 60. TS 189337-1.
MR from J. D. Esterline, 18 Feb 60, sub: Conversa-
tion with J. C. King, 1100 hours, 18 Feb 60. S.
MR from J. C. King, 25 Feb 60, sub: Meeting with
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs, Mr. Thomas
Mann on Cuba. S.
MR from J. D. Esterline, 18 Feb 60,. sub:
Conversa-
tion with J. C. King, 1100 hours, 18 Feb 60. S.
MR from J. D. Esterline, 19 Feb 60, sub:
with the DCI on Cuba.
S.
Meeting
Memorandum [no author, no date, presumed written
between 24-25 Feb 60], sub: Covert Action Against
27.
Cuba.
S.
28.
Ibid.
29.
Ibid.
30.
31.
Minutes of OCB Meetings: 2 Mar 60; 9 Mar 60. S.
(Dwight D. Eisenhower Library Files of the Office
of the Special Assistant for National Security
Affairs, Gordon Gray (A67-64), Box 67.)
MR [from E. A. Stanulis?], 9 Mar 60, sub: First
Meeting of Branch 4 Task Force. S.
354-
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
'
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
Note to Mr. Barnes from Richard Helms, 8 Mar 60,
sub: [Revision of 8 Mar 60 paper for 5412 Group].
S.
[Memo] to Designated Representatives Under NSC
5412/2 [from T. A. Parrott, 8 Mar 60], sub:
Covert Action Operations Against Fidel Castro.
S.
Ibid.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 8 Mar 60, sub:
What We Are Doing in Cuba. S.
Ibid.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41%
Memo for Mr. [Gordon] Gray from Samuel E. Belk,
9 Mar 60, sub: Cuba: (TS 189337-2). (Dwight
D. Eisenhower Library. Clean-Up Files, Box 6
[Cuba].)
Briefing Note for NSC
S. E. Belk, 9 Mar 60,
D. Eisenhower Library.
[Cuba].)
Meeting of 19 Mar 60, from
sub: Cuba. S. (Dwight
Clean-Up Files, Box 6
Memo for Mr. Gray from Samuel E. Belk, 9 Mar 60,
op. cit.
Memo for the NSC from James S. Lay, Jr., 15 Mar 60,
sub: U. S. Policy Toward Cuba. TS (no number).
(Dwight D. Eisenhower Library. Gordon Gray
Records, 1952-61, "Cuba". Box [27?].)
Memo of Meeting with the President on 12 Mar 60
from Gordon Gray. TS (no number). (Dwight D.
Eisenhower Library. Clean-Up Files, Box 7, 1960,
Meetings with the President. Vol. I.).
Memo for Mr. Bissell and Col. J. C. King, from
Allen W. Dulles, 14 Mar 60, sub: ["Starters"
for Our Cuban Paper]. S.
42.
Ibid.
355
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
MR from J. C. King, 15 Mar 60, sub: Special Group
Meeting, 14 Mar 60.
S.
Memo to Designated Representatives Under NSC 5412/2
[14 Mar 60], sub: Covert Action Operations Against
Fidel Castro. S.
MR from J. C. King,
Meeting, 14 Mar 60.
Ibid.
15 Mar 60, sub: Special Group
S.
Two draft papers on the Clandestine Service's.
anti-Castro efforts, 14 and 15 Mar 60. (15 Mar,
6 pp. plus Financial Annex; 14 Mar 60, 5 pp.,
no Financial Annex.) S.
Memo for Mr. [Gordon] Gray from S. E. Belk, 16 Mar
60,
sub: Cuba (Briefing Note for NSC Mtg 17 Mar
60). S.
Memo of Conference with the President, 2:30 p.m.,
17 Mar 60 from A. J. Goodpaster, 18 Mar 60. TS
(no number). (Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, White
House Office, Clean-Up Files, Gordon Gray, et al,
1953-61, Box 40 [?].)
Ibid.
[Memo from] J. C. King, 21 Mar 60, sub: Policy
Meeting on General Covert Action Plan for Cuba,
17 Mar 60. S.
MR from Col. Jack Hawkins, 5 May 61, sub: Record
of Paramilitary Action Against the Castro Govern-
ment of Cuba (CSHP 105). S.
Eisenhower, Dwight D., Waging Peace (New York,
1965), p. 533. U.
Letter to William Colby from Gordon Gray, 3 Dec
74, sub: Letter to Dr. Don Wilson.
(ER 74-6355/4).
U.
- 356 -
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
B.
Forging the Tool
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
Memo for DDS from John E. O'Gara, 24 Mar 60, sub:
Establishment of a New Branch and Section within
Headquarters WH Division. S.
L. K. White, Diary Notes, 24 Mar 60. S.
Memo for Comptroller, CIA from Allen W. Dulles,
24 Mar 60, sub: Project JMARC.
S.
Ibid.
Memo for J. D. Esterline from M. J. King, 18 Mar
sub: Branch 4 Financial Support. S.
60,
Memo for Ed Stanulis from Mike King, 22 Mar 60,
sub:
Per Diem for Domestic Base. S.
59.
MR No. 2 [no author], 25 Mar 60, sub:
S.
JMARC.
60.
MR No. 3 [no author], 31 Mar 60. S.
61.
Ibid.
Savilion H. Chapman, The Cuban Invasion:
Aspects, 1961, p. 7. (CSHP 86, Nov 66.) S.
Maritime
62.
63.
64.
65.
Memo for Chief, WH/4 from P. E. Oberst, 31 Mar 60,
sub: JMARC Timing and Tactics. S.
-
Memo for Chief, WH/4 from R[obert] Reynolds,
4 Apr 60, sub: Daily Progress Reports.
S.
Memo for DDP from J. D. Esterline, 15 Apr 60,
sub:
JMARC Daily Progress Report for 14 Apr 60.
S.
MR from Eleanor, 27 Apr 60, sub: DCI Briefing
[by] WH/4, 14 Apr 60. S.
66.
Ibid.
357
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
.76.
77.
78.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 26 Apr 60, sub:
Project JMARC, Amendment No. 1. S.
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 8 Apr 60, sub:
Briefing of the JCS on Cuba and the Dominican
Republic. S.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 6 Apr 60, sub:
Briefing of JCS on Operations in Cuba. S.
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 8 Apr 60, sub:
Briefing of JCS on Cuba and the Dominican
Republic. S.
MR from E. A. Stanulis, 10 Mar 60, sub: Meeting
with Capt. Burns Spore, USN. S.
Memo for Director of Logistics from William E.
Eisemann, 19 Apr 60, sub: Funding of JMARC-3.
Memo of Conversation from E. A. Stanulis, 27 Apr
60, sub: Aerial Coverage of Cuba and the Off-
Shore Islands. S.
Chapman, The Cuban Invasion, op. cit., p. 8.
Ibid., pp. 8-9.
Memo for the Secretary [of State] from R. R.
Rubottom, Jr., 25 Mar 60, sub: Coordination of
Activities Relating to Cuba.. C. (Dwight D.
Eisenhower Library, Gordon Gray, Records 1952-61,
Box 29, Folder: "Cuba".)
Minutes of Special Group Meeting of 23 Mar 60
from T. A. Parrott, 24 Mar 60.
S.
Memo for Honorable Douglas Dillon from Gordon
Gray, 29 Apr 60, sub: Personal and Confidential.
U. (Dwight D. Eisenhower Library. Gordon Gray
Records, 1952-61, Box 27, Folder: "Cuba".)
Ibid.
358
-
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
Minutes of Special Group Meeting of 28 Apr 60
from T. A. Parrott [29 Apr 60?]. S.
Memo for E. Stanulis from J. D. Esterline, 30 Apr
60, sub: Review of Coordination with other
Agencies. S.
Memo for Chief,
14 Jun 60, sub:
JMARC/CI from Jacob D. Esterline,
Bureau Stay-Behind Activity.
S.
Memo for Acting Director of Central Intelligence
from J. C. King, 23 Jun 60, sub: Operational
Activities of the FBI in Cuba.
S.
MR from J. C. King, 30 Jun 60, sub: FBI Intelli-
gence Operations in Cuba and Mexico.
S.
Dispatch to Chief WHD from COB JMASH, 30 Aug 60,
sub: Forwarding of Memorandum (UFGA-113).
S.
Official Routing Slip for Bill Byrne from Don
[Ewing], 6 Mar 69, sub: [Review of papers on
JMWAVE]. S.
Memo for the President through the Secretary of
State from Allen W. Dulles, 9 Jul 60, sub: [Brief-
ing of Presidential Candidates] [ER-62-1750]. S.
Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Clean-Up Files
(Gordon Gray, et al), Box 64, Actions by the
¨President, Miscellaneous Action Notes, 18 Jul 60,
"Telegrams to Sen. John F. Kennedy and Sen.
Lyndon B. Johnson. U.
Memo for Mr. C. T. Barnes from John H. Dyer,
20 Jul 60, sub: Briefing Material.
C.
Memo for Mr. C. T. Barnes from E. A. Stanulis,
21 Jul 60, sub: Cuban Briefing Paper. S.
Memo for the President from Allen W. Dulles,
3 Aug 60, sub: [Briefing of JFK, 23 Jul 60,
and LBJ, 28 Jul 60]. ER-60-6067. S.
359
-
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
[Minutes of] Special Group Meeting [from T. A.
Parrott), 11 Aug 60. S.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 12 Jul 60, sub:
Project JMARC, Amendment No. 2. S.
Memo for George H. Reingruber (P) from J. C.
King, 19 Jul 60, sub: Instructions for the
Obligation and Expenditure of JMARC Funds.
Memo for the DCI from J. C. King, 19 Aug 60,
sub: JMARC, Amendment No. 3. S.
S.
[Memo for] Mr. Bissell from T. A. P[arrott],
23 Aug 60, sub: [Release of $10 million from
the Agency Reserve for Project JMARC].
S.
Oral History Interview: William E. Eisemann by
Jack B. Pfeiffer, 14 Nov 75, Tape 3, pp. 33-34.
c.
Cooperation and Challenge
Cables to: MASH and RAND from Director, 6 Jun 60, .
DIR 33225 (OUT 82950); MASH from Director, 22 Jul
60, DIR 41283 (OUT 99274); OARSMAN, GUATEMALA,
PANAMA, 4 Aug 60, DIR 43756 (OUT 54882). S.
NIE 85-2-60, The Situation in Cuba, 14 Jun 60,
pp. 1, 5-6. S/NOFOR.
Memo of Meeting with the President on 18 Aug 60
from Gordon Gray, 22 Aug 60. TS 208101. (Dwight
D. Eisenhower Library, White House Office, Project
Clean-Up Records of Gordon Gray, et al, 1953-1961,
Box 40.) ...
-
Special Group Papers, 15 Apr 60 31 Dec 62,
Vol. I, 30 Jun 60. S.
93. Memo of Meeting with the President on 18 Aug 60,
op. cit.
360
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13-00000
TOP SECRET
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
Memo of Meeting with the President, 17 Apr 60
from Gordon Gray. (Dwight D. Eisenhower Library,
White House Office, Project "Clean-Up Records of
Gordon Gray et al, 1953-61," Box 7, 1960 Meetings
with the President, Vol. II, 22 Aug 60.
(no number).
.
TS
The President's Appointments, 1960 (Dwight D. Eisen-
hower Library, A 70-29/1.)
U.
Memo for DDP from J. D. Esterline, 7 Sep 60, sub:
Attitude of Asst. Secretary of State for Latin
America, Thomas Mann, on JMARC. S.
Ibid.
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 24 Oct 60, sub: Re-
view of Cuban Situation for Asst. Sec. State for
L. A., Thomas Mann.
S.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 21 Oct 60, sub:
Observation on Briefing of Asst. Sec. State, Thomas
Mann, re JMARC/Guatemala Operations on 20 Oct 60.
S.
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 24 Oct 60, sub: Meet-
ing with DCI and Asst. SecState for L.A., Thomas
Mann, on Cuba. S.
Not used.
Memo for DDP/EMB from C. Tracy Barnes, 31 Oct 60,
sub: Attached Paper for Special Group.
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 24 Oct 60, sub:
Meeting with DCI and SecState for L.A., Thomas
Mann, on Cuba. S.
Review
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 24 Oct 60, sub:
of Cuban Situation for Asst. SecState for L.A.,
Thomas Mann. S.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 21 Oct 60, sub:
Observations on Briefing of Asst. SecState,
Thomas Mann, re JMARC/Guatemala Operation on
20 Oct 60.
S.
-
361
TOP SECRET
13-00000
རྐུན་
TOP SECRET
103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
Memo for DDP from J. C. King, 26 Oct 60, sub:
JMARC U. S. Base Requirements. S.
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 3 Nov 60, sub:
Meeting with DDCI. S.
MR from J. C. King, 7 Nov 60, sub: Dinner with
Adolf A. Berle, Jr.
MR from J. D. Esterline, 10 Sep 60, sub: Meeting
with James A. Douglas, 9 Sep 60. S.
Memo for Chief, WH/4 from E. A. Stanulis, 12 Sep
60, sub: Policy Approval for the Use of DOD
Personnel in Project JMARC. S.
Memo for DDP from J. Foster Collins, 15 Sep 60,
sub: Foreign Volunteers for JMARC.
S...
Memo for Chief, WH Division from Alfred T. Cox,
12 Oct 60, sub: Recruitment of American Volun-
teers. S.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 20 Sep 60,
sub: JMARC Progress Report for 12-16 Sep 60. S.
108. Memo for Chief, WHD from E. A. Stanulis, 5 Oct 60,
S..
sub:
109.
Ibid.
Guantanamo Bay.
110. Briefing Note for NSC Mtg, 7 Nov 60 from CAH
[Christian A. Herter], 4 Nov 60, sub: U. S.
Policy Toward China. S..
111.
112.
Memo for DCI from F. P. Holcomb, 28 Oct 60, sub:
Concern Expressed by Admiral Dennison, CINCLANT.
S.
MR from J. Hawkins, 2 Nov 60, sub: Briefing this
date at HQ CIC Atlantic and Supreme Commander,
Atlantic on Project JMARC. S.
362
TOP SECRET
13-00000
TOP SECRET
113.
114.
115.
116.
D.
Personnel and Training
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 14 Apr 60,
sub: JMARC Daily Progress Report. S.
Esterline-Pfeiffer OH Interview, op. cit., Tape 1,
pp. 3-4.
MR from Jack B. Pfeiffer, 26 Oct 73, sub: Brief
conversation with Jake Esterline. C.
Eisemann-Pfeiffer OH Interview, op. cit., Tape 1,
P. 2.
117. Ibid., Tape 1, pp. 2-3. .
118.
119.
Drain-Pfeiffer OH Interview, op. cit., Tape 1,
P. 5.
Ibid., Tape 1, pp. 6-7.
120.
Ibid., Tape 1, pp. 9-10.
120a. Memo for Executive Officer, DCI from Richard Helms,
121.
122.
19 Jan 50, sub: Dissemination of Intelligence to
DD/I.
(ER 11-552).
S.
David Coffin, Development of Ecnomic Intelligence
in the Office of Research and Reports, 1950-1967,
II, 44-45. (DDI/OER 2, Oct 74.) S.
Military biographic sheets on Hawkins and Egan.
U.
JMARC Daily Progress Reports, 27 Jan and 29 Aug 60.
S.
Drain-Pfeiffer OH Interview, op. cit., Tape 1,
pp. 10-1l.
123. Esterline-Pfeiffer OH Interview, op. cit., Tape 1,
p. 5.
-
363
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TOP SECRET
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130
Memo for DDP from J. C. King, 17 Mar 60, sub:
Personnel Assignments to Branch 4, WH Division.
S.
WH Field Memo. No. 12-60 to Chief: All WH Field
Stations and Bases, from Oliver G. Galbond (P)
19 Feb 60, sub: Agent Candidates for Possible
Use in Cuba. S.
Book Dispatch No. 1881 to All WH Field Stations
and Bases from Chief, WHD, 22 Apr 60, sub: Re-
cruitment of Cuban Nationals. S.
R and R to WH/FI from WH/4/FI, 12 Sep 60 forward-
ing FI activity reports for months of Mar through .
Aug 60. S.
DDS Chrono Files: Minutes of DDS Staff Meetings,
20 Apr, 18 May, and 29 June 60.
S.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 9 Jun 60,
sub:
JMARC Progress Report for 7 and 8 Jun 60.
S.
Memo for DDP from J. C. King, 14 Jun 60, sub:
Staffing Guide for JMARC. S.
Memo for DDP from J. C. King, 9 Aug 60, sub:
Personnel Requirements for WH/4 JMARC. S.
Memo for A/DDP/A from Richard M. Bissell, Jr.,
25 Aug 60, sub: Personnel Requirements for
WH/4. (DDP-0-4402.) S.
'
MR from John F. Mallard, 6 Sep 60, sub: Meeting
with Mr. Tracy Barnes. S.
Memo for Chief, WH/4 from Richard M. Bissell, Jr.,
5 Nov 60, sub: Personnel Requirements for WH/4-
JMARC. (DDP-0-5858.)
S.
JMARC Daily Progress Reports
S.
Support, 19 Aug 60.
364
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13-00000
7
TOP SECRET
131. Memo for DDP from J. C. King, 19 Oct 60, sub:
Use of US Contract Personnel for JMARC Maritime
Operations. S.
132.
133.
134.
Cable to JMASH from Director, 9 Nov 60, DIR 10738
(OUT 90611). S.
Cable to Director from MADD, 1 Nov 60, MADD 8452
(IN 36407). S.
Eisemann-Pfeiffer OH Interview, op. cit., Tape 1,
P. 7.
-
365
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.
13-00000
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Source References
Part III
Changing Concepts
--
1. Savilion H. Chapman, The Cuban Invasion Maritime
Aspects, 1961, pp. 11-12. (CSHP 86, Nov 66.) S.
2. Ibid., p. 13.
3.
4.
5.
Memo for Chief, WH/4 from Richard M. Bissell, Jr.,
2 Nov 60, sub: [Memorandum on Project JMARC]. S.
Memo for DDP/EMB from Francis W. Barkley, 2 Nov 60,
sub: WH/4 Paper for Submission to Special Group on
3 Nov 60. S.
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 3 Nov 60, sub: Meeting
with DDCI. S.
Minutes of Special Group Meeting [from T. A. Parrott],
3 Nov 60. .S.
Cable to Guat from Director, 4 Nov 60, DIR 09972
(OUT 88974). S.
Cable to Director from MADD, 5 Nov 60, MADD 0487
(IN 38552). . S.
Memo for Chief, TRAV from Jack Hawkins, 7 Nov 60,
sub:
Organization and Training of Strike Force.
6.
S.
Memo for C/CA from WH/4, 15 Nov 60, sub: Draft
Cuban Operational Briefing [for] President-Elect.
MR from Jack Hawkins, 2 Nov 60, sub: Briefing this
date at Hq. CIC Atlantic and Supreme Allied Com-
mander, Atlantic. S.
MR from Richard D. Drain, 16 Nov 60, sub: JMARC
Meeting with DDP.
S...
-
366
TOP SECRET
S.
13-00000
7.
TOP SECRET
MR from Richard D. Drain, 16 Nov 60, sub: JMARC
Meeting with DDP. S.
8.
Ibid.
9.
Ibid.
10.
Memo for General Maxwell Taylor from Allen W. Dulles,
1 Jun 61, sub: [Briefing of President-Elect, John
F. Kennedy, 18 Nov 60]. S.
Memo for DDP from C. Tracy Barnes, 18 Nov 60, sub:
Points re Cuba from Discussion at Special Group Meet-
ing, Saturday, 19 Nov 60. S.
Minutes of Special Group Meetings [from T. A. Parrott),
16 Nov, 19 Nov, and 23 Nov 60. S.
10a. Memo for DDP from J. C. King, 26 Oct 60, sub: JMARC
Budget. (DD/P 0-5866). S.
10b. Memo for Chief,
7 Nov 60, sub:
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
WHD from Richard M. Bissell, Jr.,
JMARC Budget. (DD/P 0-5866). S.
Memo for Chief, WH/4 Support from Herbert B. Juul,
22 Nov 60, sub: Staffing Requirements for 600 Man
Strike Force Training.
Cable to Director from Guatemala, 22 Nov 60, GUAT
584 (IN 46427). S.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 23 Nov 60,
sub: Major Problems Confronting Operation JMARC.
Ibid.
S.
Memo for DDP from C. Tracy Barnes, 18 Nov 60, op. cit.
Cables to Director from JMTRAV: 23 Nov 60, TRAV 0141
(IN 46775); 25 Nov 60, TRAV 0148 (IN 47383). S.
Cable to Director from Guatemala, 28 Nov 60, GUAT
605 (IN 48628).
S.
367
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13-00000
17.
TOP SECRET
Memo for DDP from J. C. King, 29 Nov 60,
military Policy re Cuba. S.
18.
Ibid.
19.
Ibid.
20.
sub: Para-
21.
22.
23.
24.
Taylor Committee Reports, MR's of PM Study Group
Meetings, 7th Meeting, 1 May 1961, p. 3. S.
Memo for Chief, WH/4 PM from Jacob D. Esterline,
2 May 61, sub: Straightening Out Dates of Strike
Force Concept for the Taylor Committee. S.
Oral History Interview: Jacob D. Esterline by
Jack B. Pfeiffer, 10-11 Nov 75, Tape 3, p. 39.
Oral History Interview for the John F. Kennedy
Library: Richard Bissell by Joseph E. O'Connor,
25 Apr 67, pp. 3-4. U.
Oral History Interview: Richard M. Bissell, Jr.
by Jack B. Pfeiffer, 17 Oct 75.
-
368-
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:
P.
0.81
81
13-00000
TOP SECRET
Source References
Part IV
Presidential Resurgence
1. Oral History Interview: Jacob D. Esterline by
Jack B. Pfeiffer, 10-11 Nov 75, Tape 1, pp. 13-14.
2.
3.
4.
5.
}
MR from Richard D. Drain, 29 Nov 60,
Meeting with DDP.
S.
sub: JMARC
Memo of Conversation with William D. Pawley from
Livingston T. Merchant, 28 Nov 60. S.
Minutes of Special Group Meeting [from Thomas A.
Parrott], 30 Nov 60. S.
Ibid.
5a. Ibid., 6 Dec. 60. TS
6. Memo for [Allen W. Dulles] from Livingston T.
Merchant, 10 Dec 60, sub:
and President's Reply. TS
Proposal to the President
(no number).
7.
Ibid.
8.
Ibid.
9. Ibid Official Routing slips for A/DOP/A from PPP/EME, I Dec 60, Sub:
Draft of memo for President from Dillon. TS.
10. Ibid., 5 Dec 60. S.
10. minutes of Special Group, nesting [ from Thomas Port], 5 Dec 6o. S.
Memo for DDP/EMB from Jacob D. Esterline, 6 Dec 60,
sub: Four JMARC Problems for 8 December Meeting of
Special Group.
S.
Memo for Gen. Lansdale from C. Tracy Barnes, 7 Dec 60,
sub: [Problems for Special Group Meeting of 8 Dec 60].
S.
Memo for DCI from C. Tracy Barnes, 7 Dec 60, sub:
Special Group Meeting, 8 Dec 60. S.
369
-
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13-00000
f
TOP SECRET
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
MR from Thomas A. Parrott, 8 Dec 60, sub: Minutes
of Special Group Meeting, 8 Dec 60. S.
Memo for Tracy Barnes from Joseph W. Scott, 8 Dec
60, sub: [A Suggested Program for Cuba]. TS (no
number).
Dwight D. Eisenhower, Waging Peace (New York, 1965),
pp. 603, 712. U.
SNIE 85-3-60, 8 Dec 60, Prospects for the Castro
Regime. S/NOFORN.
MR from Michael F. Taylor, 23 Dec 60, sub: Meeting
with Ambassador Wilhauer [sic]. S.
Ibid.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
Minutes of Special Group Meeting (from Thomas A.
Parrott], 22 Dec 60.
S.
MR from R. E. Whedbee, 22 Dec 60, sub: Meeting
arranged by Henry Holland, 21 Dec 60.
Minutes of Special Group Meeting [from Thomas A.
Parrott]22 Dec 60. S.
MR from R. E. Whedbee, 22 Dec 60, sub: Meeting
arranged by Henry Holland, 21 Dec 60.
[Memo] for Attention of Col. J. C. King from Mike
Haider, rec'd 10 Jan 61, sub: [Anti-Castro Leftists].
U.
Memo for Mr. Richard Bissell from BG Lansdale,
28 Dec 60, sub: Cuba. S.
Minutes of Special Group Meeting (from Thomas A.
Parrott], 29 Dec 60. S.
21.
Ibid.
22.
Ibid.
370-
-
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13-00000
TOP SECRET
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
Memo of Conference with the President, 29 Dec 60,
from A. J. Goodpaster, 6 Jan 61. S. (Dwight D.
Eisenhower Library, DDE Clean-Up Files, Box 51
Cuba.)
Minutes of Special Group Meeting, 29 Dec 60,
op. cit.
-
Memo for Chief, WH/4 from C. Tracy Barnes, 28 Dec 60,
sub: [Cuba]. S.
Memo for DCI from C. Tracy Barnes, 2 Jan 61, sub:
Material for Policy Meeting on Cuba, 3 Jan 61. S.
Memo for Mr. Frank Devine from J. D. Esterline,
3 Jan 61, sub: Personnel for US Embassy in Havana.
S.
Cable to Havana from BELL, 3 Jan 61, BELL 0174
(OUT 5669). S.
28.
MR from C. Tracy Barnes, 3 Jan 61, sub:
of 3 Jan 1961 [White House] Meeting. S.
Outline
29.
L. K. White, Diary Notes, 3 Jan 61. S.
Cable to BELL from Havana, 7 Jan 61, HAVA 7405
(IN 1184). S.
30. Cable to Havana from Director, 7 Jan 61, DIR 19746
(OUT 60701). S.
31.
Memo for Chief, WH/4 from J. Hawkins, 4 Jan 61,
sub: Policy Decisions Required for Conduct of
Strike Operations Against Government of Cuba.
S.
32.
MR from R. D. Drain, 4 Jan 1960 [sic], sub:
Meeting with A/DDP/A. S.
33.
Memo for DCI from C. Tracy Barnes, 5 Jan 61, sub:
Material for the 5 Jan Special Group Meeting.
S.
Memo for ADDP/A from J. D. Esterline, 9 Jan 61,
sub: Material for the 12 Jan [61] Special Group
S.
Meeting.
371
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13-00000
TOP SECRET
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
Minutes of Special Group Meeting (from Thomas A.
Parrott, 12 Jan 61]. S.
MR from John S. Warner, 9 Jan 61, sub: DCI Appear-
ance before CIA Subcommittee on House Appropriations
Committee, 6 Jan 61. (TS 174817).
Daily Progress Reports, WH/4/Support: June 1960
March 1961: 28 Dec 60, 30 Dec 60, 3 Jan 61. S.
Eisenhower, Waging Peace, op. cit., p. 614. U.
MR from J. C. King, 11 Jan 61, sub: Meeting to
Discuss Proposed Release to the Press re NYT Story
of 10 Jan 61 on Training of Guerrillas in Guatemala.
S.
Memo for Under Secretary Merchant from Ambassador
Willauer, 18 Jan 61, sub: The Suggested Program
for Cuba Contained in the Memorandum to You dated
6 Dec 60. S.
Minutes of Special Group Meeting [from Thomas A.
Parrott], 19 Jan 61.
S.
Memo for Under Secretary Merchant from Ambassador
Willauer, 18 Jan 61, op. cit.
Playa Giron: Derrota del Imperialismo (Habana:
Ediciones R, 1961), I, 405. U.
41.
Ibid., 436.
42.
Eisenhower, Waging Peace, op. cit., pp. 613-614.
43.
Newsday, 10 Sep 65, p. 50. U:
.44.
Ibid., pp. 50-51.
45.
Interview with Gordon Gray by Paul D. Hopper,
19 Jul 67, Columbia University Oral History Project,
Part 7, pp. 274-277. U. (Dwight D. Eisenhower
Library copy.)
372
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13-00000
46.
TOP SECRET
The following Oral History Interview filed in the
Dwight D. Eisenhower Library:
OH-14
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 28 Jul 64.
Thomas C. Mann, 23 Feb 68.
Livingston Merchant
Part 2, 13 May 68.
--
Part I, 4 May 67;
OH-5.7
OH-117
OH-183
OH-206
OH-288
Gen. David M. Shoup, 29 Aug 72.
James H. Douglas, 23 Oct. 72.
Thomas S. Gates, Jr., 3 Aug 67.
373 -
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Source References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Part V
Direct Action Programs
A.
Propaganda
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 27 Oct 59, sub:
Propaganda Operations in the Caribbean.
Minutes of Special Group Meeting, 28 Oct 59 [from
T. A. Parrott].
Memo for A/DDP/A from Sherman Hoar, 29 Oct 59, sub:
DCI Comments on Cuban Proposal.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 3 Nov 59, sub: Opera-
tion Against the Regime of Fidel Castro.
Memo for Acting Chief, WHD from Richard M. Bissell,
Jr., 16 Nov 59, sub: Anti-Castro Broadcast Opera-
tions.
Memo for DCI from R. E. Gomez, 17 Nov 59, sub:
Anti-Castro Broadcast Operations.
Minutes of Special Group Meetings [from T. A. Parrott]:
18 Nov 59; 9 Dec 59.
Memo for Chief, WHD from C. Tracy Barnes, 20 Jan 60,
sub: Cuba (DD/P-0-308).
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 2 Feb 60, sub: Report
on WHD Plans and Activities Concerning Cuba, etc.
JMARC Propaganda Program [March 1960]. S.
6. MR's from J. C. King, 15 Mar 60, sub: [Meetings
with Messrs. Lemon, Loeb, Lapham, and Wright].
7.
Ibid.
-
374
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7a. MR from J. C. King, 9 May 60,
sub: Freeport Sulphur
Co. Contribution to Support of Anti-Castro Radio
Program.
Memo for Mr. Lawrence R. Houston from J. C. King,
9 May 60, sub: Freeport Sulphur Co.
MR from J. C. King, 9 Aug 60, sub:
to Cuban Broadcasting Program.
Contribution
Ltr to Hon. Dana Latham, Commissioner of Internal
Revenue, 10 Aug 60 from John S. Warner.
Memo for Col. King from R. E. Gomez, 19 Aug 60,
sub: Telecon with Henry Holland, 19 Aug 60.
7b. Memo for Chief, WHD from J. D. Esterline, 25 Oct 60,
sub: WRUL Radio Effort.
Cable to Director from MASH, 19 Nov 60, MASH 1744
(IN 45083).
Cable to JMASH from Director, 23 Nov 60, DIR 13132
(OUT 95725).
Request for Payment of Confidential Funds to JMARC/
Finance from D. Phillips, 21 Nov 60.
Memo for JMARC/Finance from C/WH/4/Prop, 23 Nov 60,
sub: WRUL Monthly Payments.
Cable to JMWAVE from BELL, 27 Dec 60, BELL 0022
(OUT 5074).
Memo for Chief, WHD from David A. Phillips, 25 Jan
61, sub: Approval for Continuing Payments from JMATE
Funds for WRUL Radio Program.
7c. Memo for Chief, Ops Branch, DPD/DDP from Chester H.
Vincent, 29 Apr 60, sub: JMARC Progress Report
(DPD 3505-60).
Memo for DPD/AS from D. A. Phillips, 25 May 60, sub:
Medium Wave Broadcasts from Aircraft (DPD-4426-60).
-
375
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13-00000
TOP SECRET
Memo for DDP from D. A. Phillips, 27 Jun 60, sub:
Estimates for Aircraft Broadcasts to Cuba.
8. JMARC Propaganda program, op. cit.
9.
10.
MR from David R. McLean, 27 Jul 72, sub: Interview
with David A. Phillips.
Ibid.
10a. Cable for Director from JMASH, 22 Nov 60, MASH 1805
(IN 46419).
11.
12.
13.
14.
Memo for C. T. Barnes from E. A. Stanulis, 21 Jul 61,
sub: Cuban Briefing Papers.
[Memo for] Mrs. Geraldine S. DePuy, Director,
Operations Division and John P. Hebrew, Director,
Investigation Staff, Bureau of Foreign Commerce,
Dept. of Commerce from R. W. Lindsay, Intelligence
Division, Investigation Staff, Bureau of Foreign
Commerce, Dept. of Commerce, 20 May 60, sub: Swan
Islands (FC-2040; 2-37).
Ltr. for Harold W. Reeves, Collector of Customs,
Tampa, Fla. from Geraldine S. DePuy, 25 May 60,
FC-2650-FLB.
Memo for Chief, WH/4 from Chief, WH/4 Support,
27 May 60, sub: Shipment of Supplies and Equip-
ment to Swan Island.
MR from [R. S. Kraus?], 27 May 60, sub: JMHOPE.
MR from David A. Phillips, 27 Jun 60, sub: Briefing
of Senator Mundt on CIA Radio Operations against
Cuba.
Minutes of Special Group Meeting [from T. A.
Parrott], 12 May 60.
Memo for Chief, WHD from William E. Eisemann,
27 Jun 60, sub: Administrative Plan for the
JMARC/4 Phase of Project JMARC.
376
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13-00000
TOP SECRET
15.
16.
17.
18.
Phillips, David A., The Night Watch (New York:
Atheneum, 1977), pp. 90-91. U.
MR from Richard R. Bennett, 22 Apr 60, sub:
Proposed Implementation Plan for Cover Plan for
JMARC/4.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 25 Apr 60,
sub: JMARC Daily Progress Report 22, 23, 24,
28 Apr 60.
R and R Sheet for E. Stanulis from David A. Phillips',
5 May 60, sub: Annex A, Operational Plan for JMARC/4.
Memo of Conversation from E. A. Stanulis, 28 Apr 60,
sub: Cover for JMARC.
Burwell, James, Logistics Support for Operations
in Cuba, March 1960-October 1961, DDS/HS OL-7,
Apr 71.
[Memo from] WH/Security for Cuban History [May 61],
sub: [Security of Swan Island].
Memo for Mr. David Phillips from J. D. Esterline,
29 Mar 60, sub: Random Notes of 29 Mar [60] which
Require Attention.
Cable to Director from Havana, 30 Mar 60, MSGNR
3940 (CKNR 208).
Cable to Havana from Director, 9 Mar 60, MSGNR
18435 (CKNR 098).
MR from David R. McLean, 27 Jul 72, sub:
view with David A. Phillips.
Inter-
Memos for the NSC from James S. Lay, Jr., sub:
U.S. Policy Toward Cuba: 20 Jul and 5 Aug 60.
OUO.
. (Dwight D. Eisenhower Library: Gray, Gordon:
Records, 1952-61, Box 27, Folder "Cuba.")
[Dept. of State, ARA], Progress Report on Cuba,
22 Jul 60. C. (Dwight D. Eisenhower Library:
Gray, Gordon: Records, 1952-61, Box 27, Folder
"Cuba.")
-
377
-
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13-00000
TOP SECRET
19.
20.
21.
22.
MR from David R. McLean, 27 Jul 72, op. cit.
WH/4 Prop Notes for 9 Aug 60.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 1 Sep 60, sub:
Radio Swan.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 2 Aug 60, sub:
Radio Swan. (DD/P 0-4013).
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 30 Aug 60,
sub:
JMARC Progress Report for 25-29 August 1960.
WH/4 Prop Notes for 23 Sep 60.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 27 Sep 60,
sub: JMARC Progress Report for 23-26 Sep 60.
Memo for Mobilization and Military Personnel Divi-
sion from J. C. King, 19 Nov 60, sub: Request for
Personnel from Department of Defense.
22a. Cables to BELL from RAND: 7 Jan 61, RAND 0172
(IN 1158); 10 Jan 61, RAND 0179 (1360).
22b. Dispatch to Chief, WHD from COB, JMWAVE, 20 Mar 61,
sub: Request for Promotion/Fitness Report.
23.
[Memo from] C. T. Barnes, 15 Mar 61, sub: Propaganda
Effort.
23a. MR from David R. McLean, 27 Jul 72, op. cit.
24.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 6 May 60,
sub: JMARC Progress Report, 28 Apr-5 May 60.
WH/4/Prop Notes for 20 Oct 60, 21 Oct 60.
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 13 Aug 60, sub:
Conversation with ADDP/A.
Free, Lloyd A., "A Summary Report on Attitudes
of the Cuban People toward the Castro Regime"
[August 1960]. (ER 60-5982).
378
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TOP SECRET
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 13 Aug 60, op. cit.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 12 Aug 60,
sub: JMARC Progress Report for 10 and 11 Aug 60.
Interview of David A. Phillips by Jack B. Pfeiffer,
11 Mar 75.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 24 May 60,
sub: JMARC Progress Report for 12-19 May 60.
Klein and Saks, "Preliminary Outline of Economic
and Financial Government Platform, etc," 17 Jun 60.
U.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 5 Jul 60, sub:
Operational Exploitation of Khrushchev Visit to
Cuba. (ER 60-5254).
WH/4 Prop Notes for 5 July 1960, 6 Jul 60.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 23 Aug 60,
sub:
JMARC Progress Report for 19-22 Aug 60.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 13 Sep 60,
sub: JMARC Progress Report for 8 and 9 Sep 60.
31a. Information on Khrushchev destinations from John
Zabotto, OCR/USSR Div/Pol-Mil Br., 23 Aug 78. U.
32.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 9 Aug 60,
sub: JMARC Progress Report for 8 Aug 60.
WH/4 Prop Notes for: 21 Oct 60; 1, 2, and 16 Nov
60; and 1 Dec 60.1
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 29 Feb 60,
We Are Doing in Cuba.
sub: What
Cable to JMASH from Director, 2 Dec 60, DIR 14634
(OUT 98992).
Senate Select Committee, Alleged Assassination Plots
Involing Foreign Leaders (94th Cong, 1st Sess, Rpt
No. 94-465), 20 Nov 75, p. 72. U.
379
-
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13-00000
TOP SECRET
33.
34.
35.
WH/4 Prop Notes for 19 Aug 60, 22 Aug 60.
Cable to Havana, Istanbul, Ankara, JMASH from
Director, 19 Aug 60, DIR 46287 (OUT 60198).
Memo for Chief, WH/4 from R. E. Gomez, 24 Aug 60,
sub: Outgoing Cable to Havana, Istanbul, Ankara,
and MASH, OUT 60198 of 19 Aug 60.
B. Sabotage and Other Exercises
35a. [Information Requested for Green Study], Job 63-289,
Box 1, Folder 9.
35b. MR [from T.A. Parrott], 16 Mar 61, sub: Special
Group Meeting
36.
37.
38.
39.
-
Cuba.
MR [from Thomas A. Parrott), 9 Mar 60, sub: Minutes
of Special Group Meeting, 9 Mar 60.
Ibid., Minutes of Special Group Meeting, 14 Jul 60.
MR from J. D. Esterline, 15 Jul 60, sub:
Meeting with DDP.
Paramilitary
Transmittal Slip to Chief, WH/D from [Chief] WH/4/PM,
21 Jul 60, sub: Paramilitary Op Plan 1.
Routing and Record Sheet to WH/FI from WH/4/FI,
12 Sep 60, sub: Monthly Reports of FI Activity,
March-August 1960 (See Aug 60).
MR from [WH/4/PM?] 30 Nov 60, sub: Operation to
Subtle Sabotage Oil and Kerosene in Storage [in
Cuba].
Cable to BELL from WAVE, 31 Jan 61, WAVE 3322
(IN 3361).
Cable to Paris from Director, 23 Jun 60, DIR 36353
(OUT 89214).
380
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13-00000
TOP SECRET
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
MR [from J. C. King?], 29 Nov 60, sub: Sabotage
[of] Cuban Television Services. TS (no number).
Cable to JMWAVE from BELL, 24 Feb 61, BELL 1924
(OUT 9992).
Cable to JMWAVE from Director, 24 Feb 61, BELL 1929
(OUT 5001).
Memo for DDP from J. C. King, 1 Nov 60, sub:
Request for Approval for Sabotage attacks against
Soviet and Soviet Bloc Targets in Cuba.
Memo for DDP from J. C. King, 18 Nov 60, sub:
Development of Action Squads by WHD.
Memo for Chief, WHD from Richard M. Bissell, Jr.,
10 Nov 60, sub: Goon Squads.
.
Memo for DDP from J. C. King, 18 Nov 60, op. cit.
Memo for Chief, JMARC from John D. Corbett, 12 Sep 60,
sub: Approval of Special Operations.
Memo for Chief, WH/4 from J. Hawkins, 14 Sep 60,
sub: Special Operations.
381 -
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TOP SECRET
Source References
Part VI
Mr. Nixon's Role in the BOP Operation
1. Richard M. Nixon, "Cuba, Castro, and John F. Kennedy,"
Reader's Digest, Nov 64, pp. 283-286. U.
2.
Richard M. Nixon, RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon
(N.Y., 1978), pp. 202-203.
U.
Theodore Draper, Castro's Revolution (N. Y., 1962),
pp. 62-63. U.
Nixon, "Cuba, Castro, and John F. Kennedy," op. cit.
Nixon, RN, op. cit., p. 202.
Rufo Lopez-Fresquet, My Fourteen Months with Castro
(Cleveland, 1966), p. 107. U.
2a. MR from Jack B. Pfeiffer, 18 Jul 79, sub: Telecon
with Bob Zunzer re writing letter to Richard Nixon.
U.
Letter to Richard M. Nixon from Jack B. Pfeiffer,
19 Jul 79. U.
Memo for Jim Pittman from Jack B. Pfeiffer, 5 Mar 79,
sub: Memo of Meeting with Fidel Castro on 19 Apr 59
(ER 79-7295).
U.
3. MR's from J. C. King: 27 Jan 60, sub: Meeting in
Vice President's Office on Cuba; 27 Jan 60, Meeting
with Mr. Henry Holland on Cuba; 25 Feb 60, sub:
Meeting with General Cushman, Aide to the Vice
President.
4.
Ibid., 25 Feb 60.
5.
Ibid., 27 Jan 60.
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6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 29 Feb 60, sub: What
We Are Doing in Cuba.
Minutes of the 436th Meeting of the NSC [from Gordon
Gray], 10 Mar 60. (Dwight D. Eisenhower Library:
Gordon Gray, Box 79-NSC, Minutes and Agenda 1960.)
TS (no number).
Memo of Conference with the President [on] 17 Mar
60 from A. J. Goodpaster, 18 Mar 60. TS (no number).
Contact
MR from J. D. Esterline, 30' Mar 60, sub:
with Mr. William Pawley in Miami, 21 Mar 60.
MR from J. D. Esterline, 8 Apr 60, sub: Review of
the Cuban Operation and Examination of Possibilities
for Hemispheric Support for Liberal Governments
(DDP 0-1956).
Memo for DDP from C. Tracy Barnes, 17 May 60, sub:
Project JMARC.
10a. [Minutes of] Special Group Meetings Cuba [from
Thomas A. Parrott], 19 May 60.
11. MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 20 May 70,
sub: Review
of Swan Island Operation and [William D. Pawley's]
Apparent Unilateral Decision to Work with Cuban
Exiles Independent of CIA.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Memo for DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 7 Jun 60,
sub: Rubio-Pawley Group.
Cables to Director: from Havana, 4 Jun 60, HAVA
4820 (IN 48003); from MASH, 9 Jun 60, MASH 0041
(IN 49533).
Official Routing Slip to C/WHD from Gerard Droller
[4 Jun 60].
Memo to DDP from Jacob D. Esterline, 7 Jun 60, sub:
Rubio-Pawley Group.
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 11 Jul 60, sub: Lunch
[on 20 Jun 60] with General Cushman, Vice-Presidential
Aide.
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:
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17.
18.
[Minutes of] Special Meeting of the NSC on 22 Jun
60 [from James S. Lay, Jr.]. (Dwight D. Eisenhower
Library: Gordon Gray: Records, 1952-61, "Cuba".
folder.) TS (no number).
Routing and Record Sheet for Chief, WHD from Chief,
WH/4, 21 Jun 60, sub: Copy of NSC Briefing Paper
sent General Cabell on 20 June.
18a. Ibid.
19.
20.
21.
22.
Memo for Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs from Jacob D. Esterline, 25 Jun 60,
sub: Notes on Policy Discussion which Followed the
CIA Briefing of the NSC on Cuba, 22 Jun 60.
Memo for Mr. Jacob D. Esterline from James S. Lay,
Jr., 29 Jun 60, sub: Esterline memo of 25 Jun 60.
[Notes on Policy Discussion at Special NSC Meeting
of 22 Jun 60].
MR from Jacob D. Esterline, 1 Jul 60, sub: Tele-
phone Conversation with General Cushman.
Memo for Chief, WH/4 from C. Tracy Barnes, 7 Jul 60,
sub: Swan Island Broadcasts.
Memo for DCI from Rudolph E. Gomez, 26 Sep 60,
Mario Garcia Kohly Antiga. (ER 60-7645).
sub:
23.
Memo for DCI from J. C. King, 18 Jul 60, sub:
Contacts with Mario Garcia Kohly.
MR from J. D. Esterline, 20 Jul 60, sub: Briefing
of General Cushman.
-
WH/4 Prop Notes Jun 60 Jul 61: 18, 19, 20, 21,
26, 29 Jul; 1 Aug; and 11, 17 Oct 60..
MR's from Robert W. Andrews, 23 and 26 Sep and 4 Oct
60, sub: William Jackson Powell.
Memo for Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor from Allen W. Dulles,
17 Jun 61, sub: Marshall Diggs Proposals on Behalf
of Garcia Kohly.
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384
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24.
25.
26.
Washington Star, 2 Aug 76. U.
Memo for the President from Allen W. Dulles, 3 Aug 60,
(sub: Intelligence Briefing for Democratic Candidates,
July 1960]. (ER 60-6067). U.
Memo for the Record from Allen W. Dulles, 21 Sep 60,
[sub: Briefing of Sen. John F. Kennedy on 19 Sep 60].
New York Times, 21 Oct 60. U.
Nixon, "Cuba, Castro, and John F. Kennedy,
pp. 286-288. U.
་་
op. cit.,
Nixon, RN, op. cit., pp. 220-221. U.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
Nixon, "Cuba, Castro, and John F. Kennedy," op.
p. 288.
Nixon, RN, op. cit., p. 221.
cit.,
MR from Jack B. Pfeiffer, 1 Mar 78, sub: Meeting
with Mrs. Fawn M. Brodie. U.
Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr., A Thousand Days (New
York, 1965), p. 225. U.
New York Times, 23 Oct 60.
U.
MR from Thomas A. Parrott, 27 Oct 60, sub: State-
ments by Presidential Candidates.
Schlesinger, op. cit., p. 164. U.
Memo for C/CA from WH/4, 15 Nov 60, sub: Draft
Cuban Operational Briefing: President Elect.
Memo for the Honorable John A. McCone from Allen
W. Dulles, 20 Mar 62, sub: [Intelligence Briefing
of President-elect Kennedy]. U.
Letter to Admiral Stansfield Turner from Fawn M.
Brodie, 4 Jan 78.
U.
MR [from WH/4], 15 Nov 60, sub: [Transcript of
Tape of] Telephone Conversation between C/JMARC
and William D. Pawley on 14 Nov 60.
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1.
Source References
Part VII
Assassination
Oral History Interview: Richard M. Bisssell, Jr.
by Jack B. Pfeiffer, 17 Oct 75, Tape 2, p. 18.
2.
Ibid., p.
17.
3.
L. K. White, Diary Notes, 22 Mar 61.
4.
Oral History Interview: Jacob D. Esterline by
Jack B. Pfeiffer, 10-11 Nov 75. (Untaped conver-
sation.)
5.
Ibid.
6.
7.
8.
Oral History Interview: Richard D. Drain by Jack B..
Pfeiffer, 8 Jan 76, Top, pp. 19-21.
MR [from Thomas A. Parrott], 3 Nov 60, sub: Minutes
of Special Group Meeting, 3 Nov 60.
Hunt, Howard, Give Us This Day (New Rochelle, N.Y.,
Arlington House, 1973), pp. 38-39. U.
9. Daily Log [WH/4] PM Section, 18 Jul 60; 14 Oct 60.
10.
11.
[No author], Key to Map of Potential Paramilitary
Assets, [no date, but after 6 Aug 60].
Cable to Director from SACU (Santiago, Cuba], 18 Jul
60, MSGNR 609 (CKNR 170).
Esterline-Pfeiffer OH Interview,
PP. 16-17.
Tupe 1,
lla. Cable for Director from Havana, 9 Dec 60, HAVA 7133
(IN 14488).
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12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
Richard D. Drain, Personal Notes.
Drain-Pfeiffer OH Interview, op. cit., Tape 3,
p. 60.
Job 63-605/58, Folders 1, 2, 3:
19-132-16/1-3.
AMHINT-Operations,
Cable to BELL from JMWAVE, 24 Feb 61, WAVE 3931
(IN 0915).
WH/4 Prop Notes for 27 Feb 61, 28 Feb 61.
Richard D. Drain, Personal Notes, 28 Feb 61.
Letter to Jack B. Pfeiffer from R[ichard] D. D[rain],
24 Jan 76.
Letter to Richard D. Drain from Jack B. Pfeiffer,
22 Jan 76.
Esterline-Pfeiffer OH Interview, op. cit., Tape 1,
pp. 15-16.
"Must Go List"
18. Drain-Pfeiffer OH Interview, op. cit., Tape 1,
p. 21.
387
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H
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Source References
1.
Playa Giron:
2.
3.
Part VIII
Conclusions
Derrota del Imperialismo (Habana:
Ediciones R, 1961), I, 436. U.
Maurice Halperin, The Rise and Decline of Fidel
Castro (Berkley, 1972), p. 89. U.
Playa Giron: Derrota, op. cit., III, 387. U.
Oral History Interview: Richard D. Drain by Jack
B. Pfeiffer, 8 Jan 76, Tape 1, p. 21.
388
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