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(Draft 9/8/75)
Вор 349
The "Executive Action" Capability
.
Along with the question of authorization for actual assas-
sination attempts, the Committee considered the extent and nature
of authorization for a CIA project which included, as one element,
the development of an assassination capability.
(a)
Introduction
Sometime in early 1961, Richard Bissell (Deputy Director
of Plans) instructed William Harvey, who was at that time the
Chief of one of CIA's Foreign Intelligence staffs, to establish
an "executive action capability" which included research into a
capability to assassinate foreign leaders. (Bissell 6/9/75, p. 51;
Harvey 6/25/75, pp. 36-37.) At some time within the same period,
Bissell and McGeorge Bundy (Special Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs) had a conversation about the matter.
Bissell, Harvey and Helms all agreed that the "generalized"
capability was never used" (Bissell 6/9/75, p. 87; Harvey 6/25/75,
: p. 45; Helms 6/13/75, p. 52).
"Executive action" is a CIA euphemism, defined by the
testimony before the Committee as a project for research into
developing means for overthrowing foreign political leaders, includ-
ing a "capability to perform assassinations". (Harvey 6/25/75,
p. 34.)
Bissell indicated that executive action covered a "wide
spectrum of actions" to "eliminate the effectiveness" of foreign
leaders, with assassination as the "most extreme" action on the
spectrum (Bissell, 7/22/75, p. 32). The Inspector General's Report
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described executive action as a "general stand-by capability" to
carry out assassination when required (I.G., p. 37). The project
was given the code name ZR/RIFLE by the CIA.*
A single agent ("asset"), given the cryptonym QJ/WIN,
was placed under Harvey's supervision for the ZR/RIFLE project,
but never used in connection with any actual assassination efforts.
Richard Helms described QJ/WIN's "capability":
"
(Helms,
"If you needed somebody to carry out murder, I guess you
had a man who might be prepared to carry it out.
6/13/75, p. 53).
Harvey did use agent QJ/WIN, however, to spot "individuals
with criminal and underworld connections in Europe for possible
multi-purpose use" (Harvey, 6/25/75, p. 50). For example, QJ/WIN
reported that a potential asset in the Middle East was "the leader
of a gambling syndicate" with "an available pool of assassins"
(CIA file, ZR/RIFLE/Personality Sketches).
However, Harvey testified that:
"during the entire existence of the entire ZRRIFLE project
no agent was recruited for the purpose of assassina-
tion; and no even tentative targeting or target list was
ever drawn. (Harvey, 6/25/75, p. 45.) ·
"
Project ZR/RIFLE involved, generally, assessing the
problems and requirements of assassination and developing a stand-
* ZR/RIFLE was a cryptonym relating to two programs. One was
the executive action assassination capability. The other was
another program which is not part of the subject matter of this
report: (William Harvey had been in charge of the CIA section
with general responsibility for such programs.) This second
program was genuine, but it was also to provide a cover. for any
executive action operation. (Harvey, 6/25/75, p. 49.)
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by assassination capability; more specifically, it involved.
"spotting" potential agents and "researching" assassination:
techniques that might be used (Bissell, 7/17/75, p. 11 and 6/9/75,
p. 73; Harvey, 6/25/75, pp. 37-A, 45). Bissell characterized
Project ZR/RIFLE as "internal and purely preparatory" (Bissell,
7/22/75, p. 32). The I.G. Report of 1967 found "no indication
in the file that the Executive Action Capability of ZR/RIFLĘ-
QJ/WIN was ever used", but said that "after Harvey took over the
Castro operation, he ran it as one aspect of ZR/RIFLE". (I. G.
pp. 40-41.)*
(b)
The Question of White House Initiation, Authorization,
or Knowledge of the Executive Action Project
There is general agreement on one fact: at some point in
early 1961 Bissell discussed the executive action capability with
Bundy. The timing of that conversation and whether "the White
House" urged that a capability be created were matters on which
the evidence varied widely.
Harvey testified that Bissell had told him that "the
White House" had twice urged the creation of such a capability
and the Inspector General's Report quoted notes of Harvey's (no
longer in existence) to that effect. Bissell did not recall any
specific conversation with the "White House". However, his initial
testimony assumed the correctness of Harvey's notes; and stated
* A discussion of whether ZR/RIFLE was related to the actual
assassination efforts against Castro is found at Section (d),
infra.
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that, while he could have created the capability on his own, any
urgings would have come from Bundy or Walt Rostow. In a later
appearance, however, Bissell said he merely informed Bundy of
the capability and that the context was a briefing by him and
not urging by Bundy. Bundy said he received a briefing and
gave no urging, though he raised no objections. Rostow said he
never heard of the project.
William Harvey testified that he was "almost certain".
that on January 25 and 26, 1961, he met with CIA officials Sidney
Gottlieb, the new Chief of CIA's Technical Services Division, and
Arnold Silver, a CIA recruiting officer, to discuss the feasibility
of creating a capability within the Agency for "executive action":
(Harvey, 6/25/75, p. 52). After reviewing his notes of those
meetings, Harvey testified that they took place after his initial
ос
*As to the date of these notes, Harvey was asked whether his no-
tations "25/1-Sid G" and "26/1-AS" indicate that he spoke to Sidney
Gottlieb and Arnold Silver in 1961, as opposed to 1962. Harvey testi-
fied as follows:
Q: And is it your judgment that that is January 26, 1961 and
is about the subject of Executive Action?
Harvey: Yes, it is.
Q: And it followed your conversation with Mr. Bissell that
you have recounted?
i
Harvey:* . [W] ell, when I first looked at this, I thought
this, well, this has got to be '62, but I am almost certain
now that it is not. If this is true, this might place the
first discussion that I had with Dick Bissell in early
January and this is difficult to pinpoint because there were
several such discussions in varying degrees of detail during
the period in the spring, and very early in '61 to the fall
of '61 period, but I did find out fairly early on that Silver
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discussion of executive action with Bissell, which, he said,
might have transpired in "early January" (Harvey, 6/25/75, p.
52) When Bissell was shown these notes, he agreed with Harvey
about the timing of their initial discussion (Bissell, 7/17/75,
p. 10).
had - or that Bissell had discussed the question of assassi-
nation with Arnold Silver, and this discussion, at the very
least, had to take place after I know Bissell already had
discussed the matter with Silver. (Harvey, 6/25/75, p. 52).
Harvey had also testified that, after receiving Bissell's initial in-
structions to establish an executive action capability:
the first thing I did.. was discuss in theoretical,
terms with a few officers whom I trusted quite implicitly
the whole subject. of assassination, 'our possible assets;
our posture, going back, if you will, even to the funda-
mental questions of A, is assassination a proper weapon
of an American intelligence service, and B, even if you
assume that it is, is it within our capability within
the framework of this government to do it effectively.
and properly, securely and discreetly. (Harvey, 6/25/75,
PP. 37-A, 38).
The Inspector General's Report connected Silver and Gottlieb to the
early stages of the executive action project as follows:
Harvey says that Bissell had already discussed certain
aspects of the problem with Arnold Silver and with Sidney
Gottlieb. Since Silver was already cut in, Harvey used.
him in developing the Executive Action Capability……..
Harvey's mention of him [Gottlieb] in this connection
may explain a notation by Dr. Gunn that Harvey instructed
Gunn to discuss techniques with Gottlieb without associa-
ting the discussion with the Castro operation. (I.G. .
Report, pp. 37-38).
÷
It is evident from the testimony of Harvey and Bissell that the turn-
over to Harvey of the Roselli contact in November 1961 was discussed
as part of ZRRIFLE (see Section (d), infra). Thus, their initial
discussion 
of executive action can, at the least, be dated before
November 
1961 and the "25/1" and "26/1" notations would have to.
refer 
to January 1961.
:
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Harvey testified that the "executive action" capability.
was intended to include assassinations (Harvey, 6/25/75, p. 35).
His cryptic handwritten notes of the January 25/26 meetings; pre-¨
served at the CIA, contain phrases which suggest a discussion of
assassination--and Harvey confirmed this interpretation: "last
resort beyond last resort and a confession of weakness", "the
magic button", and "never mention word assassination". (Harvey,
Ex. 1, 6/25/75):*
The Inspector General's Report did not mention these
notes, or their dates.
However, in describing Richard Bissell's
initial assignment of the "executive action" project to Harvey,
it referred to another set of Harvey's notes, which were destroyed
after the preparation of the Report. The excerpt from these notes
quoted Bissell as saying to Harvey, "The White House had twice
urged me to create such a capability" (I.G., P. 37). Harvey also
testified that this "urging" was mentioned in his initial dis-
cussion of "executive action" with Bissell (Harvey, 6/25/75, p. 37).
However, the testimony from Bissell and White House aides in the
- Kennedy and Eisenhower Administrations is in conflict with Harvey's
testimony as to whether such "urging" had in fact been given to
Bissell.
*Harvey's notes also contained a phrase which suggests his con-
cern that any U.S. assassination attempts might breed retaliation
from other governments: "dangers of RIS (Russian Intelligence
Service) counter-action and monitor if they are blamed." (Harvey,
Ex. 1, 6/25/75; Bissell, Ex. 1, 7/17/75).
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The following testimony regarding the relationship
between "the White House" and the executive action capability
was obtained by the Committee:
Harvey: Harvey testified that his missing notes indica-
ted that Bissell mentioned White House urgings to develop an execu-
tive action capability (Harvey, 6/25/75, p. 37). Harvey said that
he "particularly remember[ed]" that Bissell said that he received
"more than one" urging from the White House (llarvey, 6/25/75,
pp. 36-37; 7/11/75, p. 59). However, he had no direct evidence
that Bissell actually had any such discussion with "the White House."
No specific individual in the White House was named to Harvey
(Harvey, 6/25/75, p. 31). Moreover, he said that it would have been
"improper" for him to have asked Bissell who he had talked to and'
"grossly improper" for Bissell to have volunteered that name
(Harvey, 6/25/75, p. 37).
Bissell: Bissell specifically recalled assigning Harvey
to investigate the capability (Bissell, 6/9/75, p. 51).
Bissell did not recall "a specific conversation with anybody in
the White House as the origin" of his instruction to Harvey (Bissell,
6/9/75, p. 51).
During the course of several appearances before the
Committee, Bissell's testimony varied as to whether or not he had
been urged by the White House to develop an executive action
capability.
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In his initial appearances before the Committee on June 9 and
11, 1975, Bissell made statements that tended to indicate that White
House authorization had been given. In response to the "twice urged"
quotation of larvey's notes in the Inspector General's Report,
Bissell said, "I have no reason to believe that Harvey's quote is
wrong."
Bissell accordingly said in his
initial testimony that as far as he knew, it was true that he was
asked by the White House to create a general stand-by assassination
capability. (Bissell, 6/9/75, p. 49).
(Bissell, 6/9/75, p. 51).
Based again upon llarvey's missing notes ("White House urging")
and his initial statement that he had no reason to challenge their
accuracy, Bissell initially gave the opinion that McGeorge Bundy
(Id., 6/9/75, p. 49); Special Assistant to President Kennedy for
National Security Affairs, and Walt Rostow (Id., p. 51), Deputy
Assistant to President. Kennedy during 1961, were the two people from
whom such a request was most likely to have come (Id., p: 53) because
they were "the two members of the White House staff who were closest
to CIA operations." (Id., p. 54):
".
At another point in his initial testimony, Bissell said that
the creation of the capability "may have been initiated within the
Agency" (Id., p. 81). And still later he said: "there is little ;
doubt in my mind that Project RIFLE was discussed with Rostow and
possibly Bundy" (Bissell, 6/11/75, p. 46).
When Bissell returned to the Committee on July 17 and 22, his
testimony, given in light of information gained since his earlier
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appearances, was that there was no White House urging. for the creation
of the executive action project, although tacit approval for the
"research" project was probably given by Bundy after it was established.
First, he was shown the Harvey notes which had been preserved
and which, without any mention of the White House, indicated larvey
had received his assignment prior to January 25/26, 1961. Those
dates just 5 days after the change of administration made
Bissell conclude that it was "very unlikely that that assignment.
to [Harvey] was taken as a result of White House urging or consul-
tation" (Bissell, 7/17/75, p. 10). Bissell said that Bundy. did
not have any influence on the performance of his Agency duties before
the Presidential inauguration (Bissell, 7/22/75, p. 23). Bissell
added that he did not remember meeting with anyone in the new ad-
ministration on matters prior to the inauguration (Bissell, 7/22/75,
p. 23).
Second, when he returned in July, Bissell also said he was con-
vinced by telephone conversations with Kostow and Bundy that based
upon Rostow's duties. -- which, in 1961, had nothing to do with
covert action -- he never discussed"-executive action with Rostow
(Bissell, 7/17/75, p. 10; 7/27/75, p. 22).
'
As for Bundy, Bissell's final testimony (after telephone con-
tact with Bundy) was that he believed that he had informed Bundy
about the capability after it had been created (Bissell, 7/17/75,·
pp. 10-11; 7/22/75, pp. 21-22).
testimony (6/9/75, pp.
But Bissell confirmed his original
that he did not brief Bundy on the
:
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:
{
actual assassination plots against Castro already undertaken by the
CIA (Bissell, 6/11/75, p. 47; 7/22/75, p. 31). Bissell was "quite
certain" that he would not have expected Bundy to mention the
executive action capability to the President. (Bissell, 7/22/75,
p. 35). Bissell testified:
Q. Would you think the development of a capability to
kill foreign leaders was a matter of sufficient impor-
tance to bring to the attention of the President?
Bissell: In that context and at that time and given the
limited scope of activities within that project, I would
not." 
(Bissell, 7/22/75, p. 35).
Bissell said that he and Bundy spoke about an untargeted
"capability" rather than the plan or approval for an assassination
operation (Bissell, 7/17/75, p. 11). Bissell said that although .
he does not have a specific recollection, he "might have" mentioned
Castro, Lumumba, and Trujillo in the course of a discussion of
executive action "because these were the sorts of individuals at
that moment in history against whom such a capability might possibly
have been employed." (Bissell, 6/11/75, pp. 50-51).
Bissell said his impression was that Bundy, in addition to ex-
pressing no unfavorable reaction to the project, might have actually
given a more affirmative reaction (Bissell, 7/22/75, pp. 25, 28)
Bissell testified that he might have interpreted Bundy's reaction
as approval for the executive action concept (Bissell, 7/22/75, p. 30).
Q:
I think the testimony of this witness is going
further in saying what you received from (Bundy) was,
in your view, tantamount to approval?
Bissell: I, at least, interpreted it as you can call
it approval, or you could say no objection. He (Bundy)
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was briefed on something that was being done, as I now
believe, on the initiative of the Agency. His (Bundy's)
comment is that he made no objection to it. I suspect.
that his reaction was somewhat more favorable than that,
but this is a matter that probably someone listening to
the conversation on which such a person could have had
differing interpretations. (Bissell, 7/22/75, p. 33).
Bissell's testimony on any conversation with Bundy regarding
executive action was speculative reconstruction from first appearance
to last because he had no "clear recollection" of the events (Bissell,
7/22/75, pp. 29, 36). But Bissell maintained that more "formal and
specific and explicit approval would have been required" before any
"actual overt steps in use of the capability." (Bissell, 7/22/75,
p. 31).
Bissell said that Harvey's notation about White House urgings
to develop an executive action capability may have been a slightly.
confused account of a conversation subsequent to the initiation of
the project in which Bissell relayed Bundy's reaction to Harvey
(Bissell, 7/22/75, p. 25).
i
Bissell testified that the development of an executive action
capability was "undoubtedly" initiated-within the Agency (Bissell
7/22/75, p. 22). He had acknowledged on his first day of testimony
that this would not have been unusual:
it was the normal practice in the Agency and an impor-
tant part 
of its mission to create various kinds of
capability long before there was any reason to be certain
whether those 
would be used or where or how or for what
purpose. The whole ongoing job of a secret intelli-
gence service of recruiting agents is of that character.
So 
it would not be particularly surprising to̟ me if the
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...
this capability had been taken ..
(Bissell, 6/9/75, pp. 67-68).*
decision to create
without an outside request.
Bundy McGeorge Bundy also testified that he had a conversation
with Bissell, during which the executive action capability was dis-
cussed (Bundy, pp. 4-5).
Bundy's testimony comports with
Bissell's on the fact that they spoke about an untargeted capability,
rather than an assassination operation (Bundy, pp. 4-5). But Bundy
said that the capability included "killing the individual" (Bundy,
Jok
p. 5). Bundy's s impression was that the CIA was "testing my reaction,"
not "seeking authority" (Bundy, p. 15). Bundy summarized his testi-
'mony by saying:
I am sure I gave no instruction.
But it is only fair to
add that I do not recall that I offered any impediment
either. (Bundy, p. 10)
Bundy said that he did not take steps to halt the development of
the executive action capability or "pursue the matter at all" (Bundy,
p. 19) because he was satisfied
that this was not an operational activity, and would not
become such without two conditions: first; that there
be a desire or a request or a guidance that there should
be planning against some specific individual; and second,
that there should be a decision to move against the indi-
vidual. (Bundy, p. 7);
*For example, Bissell testified that on his own initiative, he
had requested a CIA officer to go to the Congo to "make plans and
develop the capability" for an assassination attempt against Lumumba;
if ordered (Bissell, 6/11/75, p. 55).
**Bundy also testified that he had a vague recollection of hearing
about poison in relation to Cuba, but he did not connect this to the
conversation about executive action. (See footnote, p. 6, Kennedy
Pre-Bay of Pigs section, supra.)
·
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Bundy testified that he believed that neither of these conditions had
been fulfilled (Bundy, p. 7).
Bundy recalled the conversation as taking place 'sometime in the
early months of 1961." (Bundy, p. 4). When questioned about the
dates in Harvey's notes, Bundy rated the chance that the conversation
about executive action took place before January 25
when Harvey
was already discussing the project at the CIA pursuant to Bissell's
directive as "near zero" because the new Administration had been
in office less than a week and he had been preoccupied with other
problems, including the Berlin crisis and reorganizing the National
Security staff (Bundy, p. 9).
Bundy testified that he did not brief the President on the
executive action project:
Chairman: And you have testified that you did not take
the matter to the President?
Bundy: As far as I can recall, Mr. Chairman.
(Bundy, p. 16)
Bundy explained that the division of responsibility for national
security affairs excluded Rostow from jurisdiction over covert opera-
tions, making it unlikely that Rostow would be briefed on a project
like ZRRIFLE (Bundy, p. 11; Rostow, p. 11).
Rostow:
Rostow testified that he was "morally certain" that'
during his entire tenure in government, he never heard a reference
to executive action or "such a capability or such an intention to
"
act by the U.S.' (Rostow, pp. 10, 13):
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-14.
Goodpaster and Gray: The responsibility for national security
affairs during the latter part of the Eisenhower Administration was
borne by Andrew Goodpaster and Gordon Gray. However, there was no
evidence which raised the name of either man in connection with the
development of an executive action capability.
Both Goodpaster and
Gray testified to having no knowledge of it. (Goodpaster, p. 11;
Gray, p: 56.)
(c)
Authorization or Knowledge of Executive Action Project
by DCT
Richard Bissell said he was "quite certain" that Allen
Dulles had full knowledge of the executive action project for two
reasons: first, it "would have come to the DCI's attention" at the
time of the transfer of William Harvey between components of the
Agency to work on Cuban operations;* and second, Bissell "would
imagine" it was mentioned to Dulles at the initiation of the project
(Bissell, 7/22/75, p. 35). Bissell and larvey briefed Richard Helms
on Project ZRRIFLE when he became DDP (Bissell, 6/11/75, p. 53; Harvey,
7/11/75, p. 63). But Bissell did not recall briefing John McCone
about the project when McCone took over as DCI (Bissell, 7/17/75,:
p. 11).
McCone testified that he had no knowledge of such a project
(McCone, p. 43).
William Harvey said it was assumed that the project was
within the parameters permitted by the DCI. But Harvey testified
that officially advising the DCI of the existence of the project
*Harvey's transfer to Cuban operations was not completed until
late in 1961.
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was
'a bridge we did not cross" and would not have crossed until
"there was either specific targeting or a specific operation or a
specific recruitment."
(d)
.
(Harvey, 6/25/75, p. 59).
The Question of Whether Project ZRRIFLE was Connected
to Any Actual Assassination Plots
The Committee has sought to determine whether the CIA de-
velopment of an executive action capability was related in any way to
the actual assassination efforts. One question raised by this
inquiry is whether the participants in the assassination operations
might have perceived the executive action capability as in some way
lending legitimacy to the actual assassination efforts.
(i)
Conversation Between Bissell and Bundy
In his early testimony, Bissell said he did not have
a recollection of whether he discussed the names of Castro, Lumumba,
and Trujillo with anyone in the White House in the course of discussing
the project to develop an executive action capability (Bissell, 16/11/75,
p. 51). However, Bissell testified that it was "perfectly plausible
that I would have used examples" (Bissell; 6/11/75, p. 51). He con-
tinued:
in such a discussion of a capability, I might well have
used the three names that I just gave, because these were
the sorts of individuals at that moment in history against
whom such a capability might possibly have been employed."
(Bissell, 6/11/75, p. 51).
Bissell and Bundy both testified, however, that
their discussion of the development of the capability for assassina-
tion did not involve any mention of actual assassination plans or
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;
attempts (see detailed treatment at Section (b), supra).
There
is no testimony to the contrary. The account of this conversa-
tion raises a question as to whether Bissell acted properly in
withholding from Bundy the fact that assassination efforts
against Castro had already been mounted and were moving forward.
Bundy was responsible to a new President for national security
affairs and Bissell was his principal source of information about.
covert operations at the CIA.
(ii)
Bissell's Instruction to Take Over Responsibility
for Underworld Contact: November 1961
Both Bissell and Harvey recall a meeting in November
1961 in which Harvey was instructed to take over the contact with
John Roselli (Bissell, 6/11/75, pp. 19, 47; Harvey, 6/25/75, .P. 86;
and 6/11/75, p. 19)--which had been used for the initial poison pill
plot as part of Project ZR/RIFLE. Harvey's notes placed the meeting
on November 15, 1961 (I.G., p. .39), during the period in which Harvey
was freed from his duties on another Agency staff to take over
direction of Task Force W, the locus of CIA activity against the
Castro regime.
According to Bissell and Harvey, the November meeting
involved only the planning and research of a capability rather than
a targeted operation against Castro (Bissell, 7/17/75,
p. 13;
Harvey, 7/11/75, p. 60). But Bissell acknowledged that the purpose
of the Roselli contact had been to assassinate Castro, and that "it:
is a fair inference that there would have been no reason to maintain
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it [the contact] unless there was some possibility of reactivating
that operation" (Bissell, 6/11/75, p. 19). Bissell stated that
because the assassination plot against Castro involving the syndicate
had been stood down after the Bay of Pigs
was no authorization to pursue it actively
and there
the re-
sponsibility that was given to him [Harvey] was that of
taking over an inactive contact." (Bissell, 7/17/75, p. 14)
Bissell said that he had, in effect, asked Harvey to stand watch over
the contact in case any action should be required and further testi-
fied that it was never required.
The Inspector General's Report stated: "After
Harvey took over the Castro operation, he ran it as one aspect
(I.G., p. 40). Harvey recalled that during a dis-
of ZRRIFLE."
"
cussion with Bissell of the creation of an executive action capability,
Bissell advised him of 'a then going operation" involving the names
of Maheu and possibly Roselli and Giancana, "which was a part of the
Agency's effort to develop
•
a capability for executive action."
○ (Harvey, 7/11/75, pp. 55, 61). Harvey said that at the time of
this discussion, the operation had been "in train" for "approxi-
mately two years or perhaps 18 months." (Harvey, 7/11/75, p. 54)
Although his "net impression" was that both the
"exploratory project" and the "specific operation" were "fully
authorized and approved", Harvey said he could not testify that
"specific White House authority for this given operation was implied
or stated". (Harvey, 7/11/75, p. 54.)
Bissell does not recall
telling anyone in the White House that something had been done to
NW 50955
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-18-
bring a CIA officer together with the criminal syndicate (Bissell,
6/11/75, pp. 19-20). Harvey did not recall any mention of the
White House or any higher authority than the DDP in his November
meeting with Bissell (Harvey, 7/11/75, pp. 60-61).
Although Richard Helms was briefed and given
administrative responsibility (as DDP) for Project ZR/RIFLE three'
months later, he did not recall that ZR/RIFLE was ever contemplated
as a capability to assassinate Castro (Helms, 6/13/75, p. 55).
Asked whether the actual assassination efforts against Castro were
related to ZR/RIFLE (executive action), Helms testified:
mind those lines never crossed" (Helms, 6/13/75, p. 52). However,
Bissell's testimony leaves more ambiguity: "the contact with the
syndicate which had Castro as its target
folded into the
p. 47).
"capability
"In my.
:
ZR/RIFLE project . . and they became one" (Bissell, 6/11/75,
When asked by Senator Baker whether the executive action
for assassination" was "used against Castro",
Bissell replied that it was "in the later phase". (Bissell, 6/11/75,
p. 47).
The instruction from Bissell to Harvey on November 15,
-1961, however, preceded the reactivation of the CIA-syndicate assas
ination operation against Castro by approximately five months.
(iii) Use of Agent. QJ/WIN in Africa
QJ/WIN was a foreign citizen with a criminal back-
ground who had been recruited by the CIA for certain sensitive
programs involving surreptitious entries which pre-dated Project
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 20

-19-
ZR/RIFLE. Harvey testified that QJ/WIN's function after the advent
of Project ZR/RIFLE in 1961 was restricted to the "spotting" of
potential assets for "multi-purpose" covert use.
However, in the Fall of 1960--before Harvey was
assigned to create Project ZR/RIFLE by Richard Bissell--agent
QJ/WIN had been dispatched to the Congo by Arnold Silver, his
supervising CIA case officer in Europe. William Harvey, as the
Chief of the CIA Foreign Intelligence staff on which Silver worked,
´had ordered QJ/WIN's mission to the Congo (CIA Dispatch AUDW-147,
11/2/60) and arranged the financial accounting for the mission
afterward (Memorandum to Finance Division from William K. Harvey,
1/11/61). [QJ/WIN's activities in the Congo are treated in detail
in the discussion of the Lumumba case;
see Section
supra:]
There are two factors which may raise a question as
to whether QJ/WIN was being used in an ad hoc capacity to develop
an assassination capability before ZR/RIFLE was formally initiated.
First, there is a similarity in the cast of characters: Harvey,
QJ/WIN, Silver, and Gottlieb were connected with the Lumumba matter
- and reappear in connection with the subsequent development of
¨ZR/RIFLE. Second, Bissell informed Harvey that the development of
an assassination capability had already been discussed with Silver
and Gottlieb before Harvey's assignment to ZR/RIFLE (Harvey, 6/25/75,
-.2
p. 52; I.G. Report, pp. 37-38).
. Nevertheless, there does not appear to be any firm
evidence of a connection between QJ/WIN and the plot to assassinate
Lumumba.
NW 50955
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FINAL DRAFT
TOP
Summary
TRUJILLO
R948
Agreed to by drafting
subcommittee on
August 28, 1975*
Rafael Trujillo was assassinated by a group of Dominican dissidents on
May 30, 1961.
Trujillo was a brutal dictator, and both the Eisenhower and
Kennedy Administrations encouraged the overthrow of his regime by Dominican
dissidents. Toward that end the highest policy levels of both Administrations
approved or condoned supplying aims to the dissidents. Although there is no
evidence that the United States instigated any assassination activity, certain
evidence tends to link United States officials to the assassination
plans.
Material support, consisting of three pistols and three carbines, was
supplied to various dissidents. While United States' officials knew that the
dissidents intended to overthrow Trujillo, probably by assassination, there
is no direct evidence that the weapons which were passed were used in the
assassination. The evidence is inconclusive as to how high in the two
Administrations information about the dissidents' assassination plots
had been passed prior to the spring of 1961.
Beginning in March of 1961, the dissidents began asking United States
officials for machine guns. By the time four M-3 machine guns were shipped to
the CIA Station Chief in the Dominican capitol in April, it was well known
that the dissidents wanted them for use in connection with the assassination.
Thereafter, however, permission to deliver the machine guns to the dissidents
was denied, and the guns were never passed. Two days before the assassination,
President Kennedy personally authorized a cable to the U.S. Consul General
* The second paragraph under V.A.3.c. and the paragraph under VII.C. were
drafted pursuant to the directions of the Subcommittee but have not been
reviewed by the Subcommittee.
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 22
-2-
in the Dominican Republic stating that the United States government, as a
matter of general principle, could not condone political assassinations, but
at the same time indicating the United States continued to support the dissi-
dents and stood ready to recognize them in the event they were successful
in their endeavor to overthrow Trujillo.
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525
Page 23
I.
Background
Rafael Trujillo came to power in the Dominican Republic
in 1930. For most of his tenure, the United States government
supported him and he was regarded throughout much of the
Caribbean and Latin America as a protege of the United States.
Trujillo's rule, always harsh and dictatorial, became more
arbitrary during the 1950's. As a result, the United States
States' image was increasingly tarnished in the eyes of many
Latin Americans.
Increasing American awareness of Trujillo's brutality.
and fear that it would lead to a Castro-type revolution caused
U.S. officials to consider various plans to hasten his abdi-
cation or downfall.
As early as February 1960 the Eisenhower administration
gave high level consideration to a program of covert aid to
Dominican dissidents. (Special Group minutes, 2/10/60).
In April 1960 President Eisenhower approved a contingency plan
for the Dominican Republic which provided, in part, that if the
situation deteriorated still further:"
"... the United States would immediately take political action to
remove Trujillo from the Dominican Republic as soon
as a suitable successor regime can be induced to take over
with the assurance of U.S. political, economic, and
if necessary military support. (Memo from
Secretary of State Herter to the President, 4/14/60;
Presidential approval indicated in Herter letter to
Secretary of Defense Gates, 4/21/60.)
Simultaneously, the United States was trying to organize
hemispheric opposition to the Castro regime in Cuba. Latin-
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Page 24
NW 50955
WZULALI
American leaders, such as President Betancourt of Venezuela,
pressed the United States to take affirmative action against
Trujillo to dispel criticism that the U.S. opposed. dictator-
ships of the left only. A belief that Castro's road to power
was paved by the excesses of Batista led to concern that the
Dominican Republic might also eventually fall victim to a
Castro-style Communist regime. (Rusk, pp. 8,9)
II.
Initial Contact with Dissidents and Request for Arms
During the spring of 1960, the U.S. ambassador to the
Dominican Republic, Joseph Farland, made initial contact with
dissidents who sought to free their country from Trujillo's
grasp. They asked for sniper rifles. Although documentary
evidence indicates that a recommendation to provide these
rifles was approved both within the State Department and the
CIA, the rifles were never provided.
A. Dissident Contacts
Ambassador Farland established contact with a group of
dissidents regarded as moderate, pro-U.S. and desirous of
establishing a democratic form of government. * (Farland
affidavit) Prior to his final departure from the Dominican
ليه
Republic in May 1960, the Ambassador introduced his Deputy-Chief-
of-Mission, Henry Dearborn, to the dissident leaders, indicating that
* This loosely-organized group, with which contact was es-
tablished, was referred to in cables, correspondence, and
memoranda as "the dissidents" and is so referenced herein.
DocId: 32423525 Page 25
-3-
Dearborn could be trusted.
Then on June 16, 1960, CIA
"
Headquarters* cabled a request that Dearborn become the 'communi-
cations link" between the dissidents and CIA. The cable stated/
that Dearborn's role had the "unofficial approval of / Assistant
Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, Roy R. Rubottom"
(Emphasis in original.) (HQS to Station cable 6/16/60).
Dearborn agreed. He requested, however, that the CIA
confirm the arrangement with the dissidents as being that the
U.S. would "clandestinely" assist the opposition to "develop
effective force to accomplish Trujillo overthrow," but would
not "undertake any overt action itself against Trujillo
government while it is in full control of Dominican Republic"
(Station to HQS cable 6/17/60). CIA Headqaurters confirmed
Dearborn's understanding of the arrangement
cable 6/19/60).
B.
The Sniper Rifles
(HQS to Station
During the course of a cocktail party in the Dominican
Republic, a leading dissident made a specific request to Ambas-
sador Farland for a limited number of rifles with telescopic
sights. The Ambassador promised to pass on the request (Farland
affidavit) He apparently did so after returning to Washington
in May 1960 (CIA memorandum for the record, 6/7/61).
* As used herein "Headquarters" refers to Headquarters of the
Central Intelligency Agency; "Department" indicates the
Department of State.
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 26
-4-
C
Documents indicate that consideration was given within
the CIA to airdropping rifles into the Dominican Republic.
At a June 21, 1960, meeting with Ned Holman of the CIA
Western Hemisphere Division, Ambassador Farland reportedly
suggested possible sites for the drops.
(CIA memo, 6/21/60)
Documents also indicate that a meeting was held
around the end of June 1960 between Assistant Secretary
of State for Inter-American Affairs Roy R. Rubottom and
Col. J. C. King, Chief of CIA's Western Hemisphere Division.
Apparently King sought to learn the Assistant Secretary's view
regarding "To what extent will the U.S. government participate
in the overthrow of Trujillo." A number of questions were
raised by King, among them:
"C.
Would it provide a small number of sniper rifles
or other devices for the removal of key Trujillo people
from the scene?"
King's handwritten notes indicate that Rubottom's response to
that question was "yes" (CIA memo of 6/28/60; King affidavit)
*
On July 1, 1960, a memorandum directed to General Cabell, the Acting
Director of Central Intelligence, was prepared for Colonel King's
signature and, in his absence, signed by his principal deputy,
Rudy Gomez (I.G. Report, p. 26). The memorandum stated that
a principal leader of the anti-Trujillo opposition had asked
Ambassador Farland for a limited number of arms to precipitate
Trujillo's overthrow, and recognized that such aris
* Neither King nor Rubottom recalls such a meeting, nor does
either recall any proposal for supplying sniper rifles.
(Rubottom affidavit, King affidavit.)
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 27
TOL
"presumably would be used against key members of the Trujillo
regime. The memorandum recommended that the arms be provided,
since the fall of the Trujillo regime appeared inevitable,
and therefore U.S. relations with the opposition should be as
close as possible. "Providing the arms as requested would
contribute significantly toward this end.'
(CIA memo, 7/1/60)
Specifically, the recommendation was to deliver to dissidents
*
in the Dominican Republic 12 sterile' rifles with teles-
copic sights, together with 500 rounds of ammunition.
Paragraph 4 of the memorandum stated:
14.
Approval for delivery of these arms has
been given by Assistant Secretary of State
Roy Rubottom, who requests that the arms be
placed in hands of the opposition at the earliest
possible moment." (Id.)
Gomez's recommendation was concurred in by Richard
Helms, as Acting DDP, and approved by General Cabell,
(I.G. Report, p. 26).
The kind of arms approved, sterile rifles with
telescopic sights, together with the statement that they would
be presumably used against key members of the Trujillo regime
clearly indicated the "targeted use" for which the weapons were
intended. (Bissell, 7/22/75, p. 77).
On July 1, 1960, a cable was sent to Dearborn by CIA
Ileadquarters informing him of the plan to airdrop 12
telescopically-sighted rifles into the Dominican Republic. The
*"Sterile" rifles are
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 28
untraceable" rifles. (Bissell, 7/22/75,F.69)
-6-
cable inquired whether the dissidents had the capability to
realign the sights if thrown off by the drop. On July 14,
1960, Dearborn replied that the dissident leaders were against
any further action in the Dominican Republic until after re-
solution by the OAS of a Venezuelan complaint then pending
against Trujillo. The dissidents reportedly believed that
sufficiently strong action by the OAS could bring Trujillo's
downfall without further effort on their part. (Station to
HQS cable, 7/14/60) The 12 sniper rifles were never furnished
to the dissidents.
On August 26, 1960, Dearborn cabled Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State Lester Mallory reporting on a meeting between
a dissident leader and John Barfield, the Consulate's political
officer. The dissident leader was reported to have lost
However, by September 1, 1960,
enthusiasm for an assassination attempt and was then speaking
of an invasion from Venezuela.
dissidents were again speaking about the possible provision to
them of arms. This time the request was for 200 rifles. For
the next several months, consideration centered on providing
200 to 300 guns.
II.
Summer and Fall of 1960
In August 1960, the United States severed diplomatic
relations with the Dominican Republic and recalled most of its
personnel. Dearborn was left as Consul General and de facto
C
CIA Chief of Station.
Consideration was given both to providing
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 29
ا خدای سان
TOP
arms and explosive devices and to the use of high level
emissaries to persuade Trujillo to abdicate. By the end of
the year, a broad plan of general support to anti-Trujillo
forces, both within and without the country, was approved.
A.
Diplomatic Development
Withdrawal of U.S. Personnel
Events occurring during the summer of 1960 further in-
tensified hemispheric opposition to the Trujillo regime. In
June agents of Trujillo tried to assassinate Venezuelan Presi-
dent Betancourt. As a result, the OAS censured the Trujillo
government. At the same time, in August 1960, the United
States broke interupted diplomatic relations with the Dominican
Republic and imposed economic sanctions.
With the severance of diplomatic relations, the United
States closed its Embassy. Most American personnel, including
the CIA Chief of Station, left the Dominican Republic. With
the departure of the CIA Chief of Station, Dearborn became
de facto CIA Chief of Station and was recognized as such by
both CIA and the State Department. Although on January 20,
1961, a new CIA Chief of Station came to the Dominican Republic,
Dearborn continued to serve as a link to the dissidents.
B.
Dearborn Reports Assassination May be Only
Way to Overthrow Trujillo Regime
Dearborn came to believe that no effort to overthrow the
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 30

TOP
Trujillo government could be successful unless it involved
Trujillo's assassination.
He communicated this opinion to both the State Department and
the CIA. In July 1960, he advised Assistant Secretary Rubottom
that the dissidents were
in no way ready to carry on any type of revolutionary
activity in the foreseeable future except the
assassination of their principal enemy."
(Dearborn to Rubottam letter, 7/14/60)
It is uncertain what portion of the information provided
by Dearborn to State was passed above the Assistant Secretary
level. Through August of 1960, only Assistant Secretary Rubottom,
his Deputy, Lester Mallory, and Staff Assistant Frank Devine,
were, within the Latin American Division of the Department,
aware of Dearborn's "current projects."
letter, 8/15/60)
*
(Devine to Dearborn
By September 1960, Thomas Mann had replaced Roy Rubottom
as Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs, and Frank
Devine had become a Special Assistant to Mr. Mann. While
serving as Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary, Devine
reportedly spent ninety percent of his time coordinating State
activities in Latin America. It was in this capacity that
Devine maintained almost daily communication with Ned Holman
and other officials of the CIA's Western Hemisphere Division
(Devine, p.7)
*Dearborn's candid reporting to State during the summer of 1960
raised concern with the Department and he was advised that certain
specific information should more appropriately come through "the
other channel" (presumably, CIA communications). Dearborn was
advised that his cables to State were distributed to at least 19
different recipient offices. (Id.)
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 31
TOP SEOLA
Mann solicited Dearborn's comments concerning plans.
under discussion for forcing Trujillo from power. Dearborn
replied in a detailed letter which concluded:
"One further point which I should probably not even
make. From a purely practical standpoint, it will
be best for us, for the OAS, and for the Dominican
Republic if the Dominicans put an end to Trujillo
before he leaves this island. If he has his millions
and is a free agent, he will devote his life from
exile to preventing stable government in the D.R., to
overturning democratic governments and establishing
dictatorships in the Caribbean, and to assassinating
his enemies. If I were a Dominican, which thank
heaven I am not, I would favor destroying Trujillo as
being the first necessary step in the salvation of
my country and I would regard this, in fact, as my
Christian duty. If you recall Dracula, you will
remember it was necessary to drive a stake through
his heart to prevent a continuation of his crimes.
I believe sudden death would be more humane than
the solution of the Nuncio who once told me he thought
he should pray that Trujillo would have a long and
lingering illness."
(Dearborn to Mann letter, 10/27/60)
C. Efforts to Convince Trujillo to Abdicate
Republic.
Throughout the fall of 1960, efforts were made on both the
diplomatic and economic fronts aimed at pressuring Trujillo
into relinquishing control, and ideally, leaving the Dominican
The use of high level emissaries, both from within
and without the ranks of government, was considered. (Special
Group Minutes, 9/8/60; Mann to Dearborn corres., 10/10/60)
None of the efforts proved successful, and at the end of 1960
Trujillo was still in absolute control.
D. CIA Plans of October 1960
A CIA internal memorandum dated October 3, 1960 entitled
TOP
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 32
10
"Plans of the Dominican Internal Opposition and Dominican
Desk for Overthrow of the Trujillo Government" set forth plans
which "have been developed on a tentative basis which appear
feasible and which might be carried out.. covertly by CIA with
a minimal risk of exposure." These plans provided, in part,
for the following:
"a. Delivery of approximately 300 rifles and pistols,
together with ammunition and a supply of grenades, to
secure cache on the South shore of the island, about
14 miles East of Ciudad Trujillo.
"b. Delivery to the same cache described above, of an
electronic detonating device with remote control
features, which could be planted by the dissidents in
such manner as to eliminate certain key Trujillo
henchmen. This might necessitate training and intro-
ducing into the country by illegal entry, a trained
technician to set the bomb and detonator. (Emphasis
added) (CIA Memorandum, 10/3/60)
E. December 1960 Special Group Plan of Covert Action
On December 29, 1960, the Special Group considered and
approved a broad plan of covert support to anti-Trujillo forces.
The plan, presented by Bissell, envisioned support to both
Dominican exile groups and internal dissidents. The
exile groups were to be furnished money to organize and under-
take anti-Trujillo propaganda efforts and to refurbish a yacht
for use in paramilitary activities. Bissell emphasized
الا طلاهای مان توتال
NW 50955
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TOP GEODET
to the Special Group that "the proposed actions would not,
of themselves, bring about the desired result in the near
future, lacking some decisive stroke against Trujillo liimself.”
(Special Group Minutes, 12/29/60)
IV. January 12, 1961 Special Group Approval of "Limited
Supplies of Small Arms and Other Material"
*
On January 12, 1961, with all members present, the
Special Group met and, according to its Minutes; took the
following action with respect to the Dominican Republic:
"Mr. Merchant explained the feeling of the Department
of State that limited supplies of small arms and other
material should be made available for dissidents in-
side the Dominican Republic. Mr. Parrott said that we
believe this can be managed securely by CIA, and that
the plan would call for final transportation into the
country being provided by the dissidents themselves.
The Group approved the project." (Special Group Minutes, 1/12/61)
A. Memoranda Underlying the Special Group Action
On January 12, 1961, Thomas Mann sent a memorandum to
Under Secretary Livingston Merchant. The memorandum, sent
through Joseph Scott, Merchant's Special Assistant, reported
on the disillusionment of Dominican dissidents with the United
States for its failure to furnish them with any tangible or
concrete assistance. Further, it reported:
Opposition elements have consistently asked us to supply
them with hardware of various types. This has included
quantities of conventional arms and also, rather persis-
tently, they have asked for some of the more exotic items
and devices which they associate with revolutationary
effort. (Mann to Merchant memo of 1/12/61)
The members of the Special Group were at the time: Livingston
Merchant, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs; Gordon
Gray, Advisor to the President for National Security Affairs;
John N. Irwin, Deputy Secretary of Defense; and Allen Dulles,
Director of the Central Intelligence Agency.
TOP SECLED
NW 50955
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12
TOP SEGUE
Mann suggested for Merchant's consideration and, if he
approved, for discussion by the Special Group, the provision
of token quantities of selected items desired by the dissidents.
Mann specifically mentioned small explosive devices which would
place some "sabotage potential" in the hands of dissident
elements, but stated that there "would be no thought of
toppling the GODR (Government of Dominican Republic)
"
by any such minor measure. (Mann to Merchant memo, 1/12/61)
This memorandum was drafted on January 11 by Mann's Special
Assistant for CIA liaison, Frank Devine.
A covering memorandum from Scott to Merchant, forwarding
Mann's memo, was apparently taken by Merchant to the Special
Group meeting. Merchant's handwritten notations indicate that
the Special Group "agreed in terms of Tom Mann's memo"
and that the Secretary of State was informed of that
decision by late afternoon on January 12, 1961. (Scott
to Merchant memo, 1/12/61)
*
There is no evidence that any member of the Special Group,
other than Allen Dulles, knew that the dissidents had clearly.
and repeatedly expressed a desire for arms and explosives to
be used by them in assassination efforts. While it is, of
course, possible that such information was passed orally to
some or all of the members of the Special Group, and perhaps
even discussed by them on January 12, 1961, there is no
*Various CIA cables, including those dealing with the sniper
rifles, indicate that copies were sent to the DCI, Allen Dulles.
TOP DESTRET
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 35
3135
documentary evidence of which the Committee is aware which
would establish this to be the case.
On January 19, 1961, the last day of the Eisenhower
administration, Consul General Dearborn was advised that
approval had been given for supplying arms and other material
to the Dominican dissidents (HQS to Station cable, 1/19/61).
Shortly thereafter, Dearborn informed Devine that the
dissidents were "delighted" about the decision to deliver
"exotic equipment." (Dearborn to Devine cable,
1/31/61)
V.
January 20, 1961 April 17, 1961
(the Kennedy Administration Through the Bay of Pigs)
On January 20, 1961, the Kennedy administration took
Three of the four members of the Special Group (all
office.
except Allen Dulles) retired.
Prior to the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion on April
17, 1961, a number of significant events occurred. These
events included meetings with Dominican dissidents in
which specific assassination plans were discussed, re-
quests by dissidents for explosive devices, the passage by
U.S. officials of pistols and carbines to dissidents inside
the Dominican Republic, and the pouching to the Dominican
Republic of machine guns which had been requested by the
dissidents for use in connection with an assassination attempt.*
*As indicated in the post-Bay of Pigs section, infra, permission
to pass those machine guns was denied and the guns were never
passed.
TOP
لال المالطائية
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 36
-14-
These events are discussed below under subheading A.
Evidence reflecting the degree of knowledge of those events
possessed by senior American officials is treated thereafter.
As used herein, "senior American officials" means individuals
in the White House or serving as members of the Special Group.
Specific Events Indirectly Linking U.S.
A.
to Dissidents' Assassination Plans
1. Assassination Discussions and Requests for Explosives
At meetings held with dissident leaders in New York City
on February 10 and 15, 1961, CIA officials were told repeatedly
by dissident leaders that "the key to the success of the plot
[to overthrow the Trujillo regime] would be the assassination of
Trujillo." (CIA memo for the record, 2/13/61) Among the requests
made of the CIA by dissident leaders were the following:
-
(a) Ex-FBI agents who would plan and execute
the death of Trujillo.
(b) Cameras and other items that could be used
to fire projectiles.
(c) A slow-working chemical that could be rubbed on the palm
of one's hand and transferred to Trujillo in
a handshake, causing delayed lethal results.
(d) Silencers for rifles that could kill from a
distance of several miles. (Id.)
Other methods of assassinating Trujillo proposed by dissidents
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 ·Page 37
(WF SELAGI
-
- 15
at the February 10 or February 15 meetings included poisoning
Trujillo's food or medicines, ambushing his automobile, and
attacking him with firearms and grenades. (CIA memo for the
record, 2/13/61; 2/16/61)*
The dissidents' "latest plot", as described in the February
CIA memoranda, was said to involve the planting of a powerful
bomb, which could be detonated from a nearby electric device,
along the route of Trujillo's evening walk. (Id.)
On March 13, 1961, a dissident in the Dominican Republic
asked for fragmentation grenades "for use during the next week
"
or so. This request was communicated to CIA Headquarters
on March 14, 1961, and was followed the next day by an additional
request for 50 fragmentation grenades, 5 rapid-fire weapons,
and 10 64 mm anti-tank rockets. This further request was also
passed on to CIA Headquarters. (Station to HQS cable, 3/15/61)
There is no evidence that any of these arms were supplied to
the dissidents.
The documentary record makes clear that Frank. Devine at
the State Department was also advised of related developments
in a March 16, 1961, "picnic" letter from Dearborn who complained
that his spirits were in the doldrums because:
the members of our club are now prepared
in their minds to have a picnic but do not have
the ingredients for the salad. Lately they have
developed a plan for the picnic, which just might
work if they could find the proper food. They
* There is no record that the CIA responded affirmatively to
any of these requests and the CIA officer who drafted the
February 13 memorandum stated the view that some of the ques-
tions raised by the dissidents did not require an answer.
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 38
Warm bi
have asked us for a few sandwiches, hardly
more, and we are not prepared to make them
available. Last week we were asked to furnish
three or four pineapples for a party in the
near future, but I could remember nothing in my in-
structions that would have allowed me to contri-
bute this ingredient. Don't think I wasn't
tempted. I have rather specific guidelines
to the effect that salad ingredients will be
delivered outside the picnic grounds and will
be brought to the area by another club.
(Dearborn letter to Devine, 3/16/61)
After reviewing his "picnic" letter, together with the requests
in the March 14 and 15 cables discussed above, Dearborn con-
cluded during his testimony before the Committee that the
"pineapples" were probably the requested fragmentation
grenades and the restriction on delivering salad ingredients
outside of the picnic grounds was, almost certainly, meant to
refer to the requirements of the January 12 Special Group
order that arms be delivered outside the Dominican Republic.
(Dearborn 7/29, pp. 25-27).
2. The Passage of Pistols
a. Pouching to the Dominican Republic
In a March 15, 1961 cable, Chief of Station Owen reported
that Dearborn had asked for three .38 caliber pistols for issue
to several dissidents. In reply, Headquarters cabled: "Regret
no authorization exists to suspend pouch regulations against
shipment of arms" and indicated that their reply had been coor-
dinated with State. (HQS to Station cable, 3/17/61) The
Station Chief then asked Headquarters to seek the necessary
authorization and noted that at his last two posts, he had
received pistols via the pouch for "worthy purposes" and,
"
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 39
-17-
therefore, he knew it could be done: (Station to Hqs cable,
3/21/61) Two days later, Headquarters cabled that the pistols
and ammunition were being pouched.
However, the Station
(Hqs. to Station
Chief was instructed not to advise Dearborn.
cable, 3/24/61)*
b.
Reason for the CIA Instruction
Not to Tell Dearborn
Owen testified that he believed the "don't tell Dear-
born the pistol is being pouched" language simply meant that
the sending of firearms through the diplomatic pouch was not
something to be unnecessarily discussed. (Owen, pp. 78,79)
Dearborn said he never doubted the pouch was used, since he knew
Owen had no other means of receiving weapons.
7/29, p. 33)
C.
(Dearborn,
Were the Pistols Related to Assassination?
Dearborn testified that he had asked for a single pistol
for purposes completely unrelated to any assassination con-
sideration. (Dearborn, 7/29, pp. 29-31) He said he had been
approached by a Dominican contact-who lived in a remote area
and was concerned for the safety of his family in the event
of political reprisals. Dearborn testified that he had believed
*
The Inspector General's Report, issued in connection with
a review of these events, concludes that:
"There is no indication in the EMDEED operational files
that the pistols were actually pouched. The request
for pistols appears to have been overtaken by a sub-
sequent request for submachine guns." (I.G. Report, p. 60)
This conclusion is difficult to understand in light of the March
24, 1961, Headquarters to Station cable, which provides:
"C.
ני
Pouching revolvers and ammo requested TRUJ 0462
(in 20040) on 28 March. Do not advise (name Dearborn deleted)
this material being pouched. Explanation follows."
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525
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18
the man's fears were well-founded and had promised to seek a
pistol.
*
Although there is no direct evidence linking any of these
pistols to the assassination of Trujillo, a June 7, 1961, CIA
memorandum, unsigned and with no attribution as to source,
states that two of the three pistols were passed by Owen to
Lorenzo "Wimpy" Berry, a United States citizen who was in direct
contact with the action element of the dissident group. It
should also be noted that the assassination was apparently con-
ducted with almost complete reliance upon hand weapons. Whether
one or more of these .38 caliber Smith & Wesson pistols
eventually came into the hands of the assassins
and, if so, whether they were used in connection with the
assassination, remain open questions.
Both Dearborn and Owen testified that they regarded the pistols
as weapons for self-defense purposes and they never
I
considered them in any way connected with the then-current
assassination plans.
(Dearborn 7/29, p.70; Owen, pp. 38,73)
However, none of the Headquarters cables inquired as to the
purpose for which the handguns were sought and Owen's cable
stated only that Dearborn wanted them for passage to dissidents.
(Station to HQS cable, 3/15/61) Indeed, the March 24, 1961,
1.
*Dearborn is clear in his recollection that he asked Owen to
request only one pistol. (Dearborn, 7/29, pp.30,31) Owen,
on the other hand, testified that if his cables requested three
pistols for Dearborn then Dearborn must have asked for three
pistols. (Owen, p.72)
The pistols were, however, apparently sent in one package
(HQS to Station cables,3/27/61 and 3/24/61) and Dearborn testi-
fied that, what he believed to be the one gun, came wrapped
up" and that he passed it. ☐ (Dearborn, -7/29, p.30)
→
NW 50955
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TOP-BEOTEN
cable advising that the pistols were being pouched is the
very cable which was sent in response to a request by the
dissidents for machine guns to be used in an assassination
effort which had been previously described to Headquarters.
As with the carbines discussed below, it appears that little,
if any, concern was expressed within the Agency over passing these
weapons to would-be assassins.
3. Passing of the Carbines
a. Request by Owen and Dearborn and Approval by CIA
In a March 26, 1961 cable to CIA Headquarters, Owen asked
for permission to pass to the dissidents three 30 caliber Ml
carbines. The guns had been left behind in the Consulate by
Navy personnel after the U.S. broke formal diplomatic relations
in August 1960.
Dearborn testified that he knew of and concurred
in the proposal to supply the carbines to the dissidents.
(Dearborn 7/29, pp. 42,43) On March 31, 1961 CIA Headquarters
cabled approval of the request to pass the carbines. (Hqs to
Station cable, 3/31/61)
1961.
b. Were the Carbines Related to Assassination?
The carbines were passed to the action group contact, Wimpy Berry, on April 7,
(Station to HQS cable, 4/8/61) Eventually, they found
their way into the hands of one of the assassins, Antonio
de la Maza.
(Station to HQS cable, 4/26/61; I.G. Report
pp. 46, 49) Both Dearborn and Owen testified that the
carbines were at all times viewed as strictly a token show
NW 50955
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TOP
of support, indicating U.S. support of the dissidents' efforts
to overthrow Trujillo. (Dearborn 7/29, pp. 46-48; Owen p. 39)
C. Failure to Disclose to State Department
Officials in Washington
There is no indication that the request or the passage
of the carbines was disclosed to State Department officials in
Washington until several weeks after the passage. In fact, on
April 5, leadquarters requested its Station to ask Dearborn
not to comment in correspondence with State that the carbines
and ammunition were being passed to the dissidents. This cable
was sent while Owen was in Washington, and it indicated that
upon his return to the Dominican Republic, he would explain
the request. The Station replied that Dearborn had not com-
mented on the carbines and ammunition in his correspondence
with State and he realized the necessity not to do so. (Station
to HQS cable, 4/6/61)
Dearborn testified, however, that he believed, at the
time of his April 6 cable, that someone in the State De-
partment had been consulted in advance and had approved the
passage of the carbines (Dearborn 7/29, p. 44)
NW 50955
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بالا
GEOLAH
3.
Requests For and Pouching of the Machine Guns
a.
Owen Requests Machine Guns for Use
in Assassination
The Station Chief suggested that Headquarters consider
pouching an M3 machine gun on February 10, 1961 (Owen, pp. 63,64;
Station to HQS cable, 3/15/61). The request was raised again
in March but no action was taken. On March 20, 1961, Owen cabled
a dissident request for five M3 or comparable machine guns
specifying their wish that the arms be sent via the diplomatic
pouch or similar means. The dissidents were said to feel that
delivery by air drop or transfer at sea would overly-tax their
(Station to HQS cable, 3/20/61)'
resources.
The machine guns sought by the dissidents were clearly
identified, in Owen's cable, as being sought for use in connec-
tion with an attempt to assassinate Trujillo. This plan was to
kill Trujillo in the apartment of his mistress and, according
to Owen's cable:
"14.
To do they need five M3 or comparable machine-
guns and 1500 rounds ammo for personal defense in
event fire fight. Will use quiet weapons for basic
job. (Id.)
"
In essence, CIA's response was that the timing for an
assassination was wrong. Owen was told that precipitious or
uncoordinated action could lead to the emergence of a leftist,
Castro-type regime and the "mere disposal of Trujillo may create
more problems than solutions." It was Headquarters' position
that:
*
11
.we should attempt to avoid precipitous action
by the internal dissidents until opposition group
and HQS are better prepared to support /assassination/*,
effect a change in the regime, and cope with the after-
math. (HQS to Station cable, 3/24/61)
警
Word supplied by CIA in previously sanitized cable.
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 44
-22-
The cable also stated that Headquarters was prepared
to deliver machine guns and ammunition to the dissidents when
they developed a capability to received them, but that security
considerations precluded use of U.S. facilities as a carrier. *
Soon, thereafter, on April 6, 1961, while Owen was in Washington
for consultation with Headquarters, he reported on events in
the Dominican Republic and
"especially on the insistence of the EMOTH [dissident]
leaders that they be provided with a limited number
of small arms for their own protection (specifi-
cally, five M3 caliber .45 SMG's)." (CIA memo
for the record, 4/11/61)
b.
Pouching the Machine Guns is Approved
by Bissell
Accordingly, on April 7, 1961, a Pouch Restriction Waiver
Request and Certification was submitted seeking permission to
pouch "four M3 machine guns and 240 rounds of ammunition on a
priority basis for issuance to a small action group to be used
for self protection. (Pouch Restriction Waiver Request 4/7/61)
3
The request,
submitted on behalf of the Chief, Western
Hemisphere Division, further provided:
- "B"
A determination has been made that the issuance
of this equipment to the action group is desirable
if for no other reason than to assure this important
group's continued cooperation with and confidence in
this Agency's determination to live up to its earlier
commitments to the group. These commitments took
* This same cable of March 24, 1961, is the one which advised
that the revolvers and ammunition were being pouched.
TOP SEGLED
NW 50955
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Page 45
TOP GECHER
the form of advising the group in January
1961 that we would provide limited arms
and assistance to them provided they develop
the capability to receive it. Operational
circumstances have prevented this group from
developing the assets capable of receiving
the above equipment through normal clandestine
channels such as air drops or sea infiltra-
tion."
The Waiver Request was approved by Richard Bissell, as Deputy
Director (Plans), on April 10, 1961.
(Id.)
The machine guns were pouched to the Dominican Republic and
were received by the station on April 19, 1961.* (I.G. Report,
p. 42; Station to Headquarters cable, 4/19/61).
On April 10, Walter Elder, Assistant to the Director, had issued
a memorandum which stated:
"Mr. Dulles wants no action on drops of leaflets
or arms in the Dominican Republic taken without
his approval." (Elder memorandum of 4/10/61). ***
The Elder memorandum suggests that Dulles did not know that an
air drop of arms was regarded as unfeasible and that pouching
had been approved.
B.
Knowledge of Senior American Officials (pre-Bay of Pigs)
On February 14, 1961, prior to the passage of weapons,
but a month after the generalized approval of the passage
of arms by the prior administration, a meeting of
the Special Group was held with Messrs. McNamara, Gilpatric,
Bowles, Bundy, Dulles, Bissell, and General Cabell in attendance.
*
Permission to pass the machine guns was never obtained and the guns
never passed into the hands of the dissidents. The matter is discussed
in detail beginning at page
**Elder testified that this note, sent the weekend before the Bay of Pigs
invasion of Cuba, was intended to make sure that there were no unusual
planes shot down or any unnecessary noise in the Dominican Republic"
prior to the Cuba invasion. (Elder, p. 51)
NW 50955
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TOP REGLED
The minutes state that:
"Mr. Dulles, assisted by Mr. Bissell, then summarized
for the benefit of the new members of the Special
Group the specific actions taken by the predecessor
group during the past year, and also a list of signi-
ficant projects which antedate the beginning of 1960
and which it is planned to continue." (Special Group Minutes
of 2/14/61)
In the course of the discussion, the following point, among
others, was made:
www.wwww
" (a) Dominican Republic Mr. Bundy asked that a
memorandum be prepared for higher authority on the
subject of what plans can be made for a successor
government to Trujillo." (Id.)
The request attributed to Bundy suggests that the Domini-
can Republic had been one of the matters on which Dulles and
Bissell briefed the new members.
What is unclear from the February 14 minutes (just as
it is unclear from the January 12 minutes) is the degree to
which the Special Group was informed concerning the means by
which the dissidents planned to accomplish the overthrow of
the Trujillo regime. Specifically, it is not known if
the new members of the Special Group were told that the
dissident group had expressed the desire to assassinate
Trujillo. Nor is it known if the Special Group was
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 47
-25--
advised that the State Department representative in the
Dominican Republic had made the assessment that the Dominican
government could not be overthrown without the assassination
˚ of Trujillo.
Bissell testified that he had no clear recollection
of the details of the February 14 briefing and he was unable
to say whether or not the method of overthrow to be attempted
by the dissidents was discussed. (Bissell, 7/22, pp. 101, 102)
Robert McNamara, one of the new members of the Special Group
in attendance for the briefing, has no recollection as to the
specificity in which the Dominican Republic was discussed at the
February 14 meeting. He does not recall any mention by either
Dulles or Bissell of dissident plans to assassinate Trujillo.
(McNamara affidavit).
February Memoranda
The Secretary of State sent the President a memorandum
on February 15, 1961, in response to a request concerning pro-
gress to assure an orderly takeover "should Trujillo fall."
The memorandum advised that:
4.2
"Our representatives in the Dominican Republic
have, at considerable risk to those involved,
established contacts with numerous leaders of the
underground opposition
/and/ . . the CIA
has recently been authorized to arrange for delivery
to them outside the Dominican Republic of small arms
and sabotage equipment."
•
This reference to recent authorization for delivery of
arms indicates that Secretary Rusk had received some briefing.
concerning events in the Dominican Republic and the January 1961
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 48
TOP SEGRET
-26-
Special Group decision to provide arms to anti-Trujillo
elements. Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs,
Thomas Mann; Deputy Assistant Secretary William Coerr; and
Special Assistant Frank Devine continued in their respective
positions throughout the transition period. The Committee has
been furnished no documents indicating that Secretary Rusk or
Under Secretary Bowles were specifically advised as to the
intentions of the Dominican dissidents to kill Trujillo; intentions
of which the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs certainly
had knowledge.
Indeed, Secretary Rusk testified that he was not
personally so advised.
(Rusk, 7/10, pp. 41,42)
On February 17, 1961, Richard Bissell sent a briefing paper
on the Dominican Republic to McGeorge Bundy, President Kennedy's
National Security Advisor. The paper made note of the out-
standing Special Group approval for the provision of arms and
equipment to Dominican dissidents and stated that the dissidents
had been informed that the U.S. was prepared to provide such
arms and equipment as soon as they developed the capability to
receive them.
-
The briefing paper also indicated that dissident leaders
had informed CIA of "their plan of action which they felt could
be implemented if they were provided with arms for 300 men,
explosives, and remote control detonation devices." Various
witnesses have testified, however, that supplying arms for 300
men would, standing alone, indicate a "non-targeted". use for the
TGE
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 49
TOP
-27-
VLULAR
arms (i.e., a paramilitary or revolutionary implementation as
opposed to a specifically targeted assassination use). (Bissell,
7/29, p.80),
Concerning the briefing paper, Bissell testified that:
"... it is perfectly clear that I was aware at the
time of the memorandum to Mr. Bundy that these
dissident groups were, and had for a long time,
been hoping they could accomplish the assassination
of Trujillo. As a matter of fact, the requests since
some seven or eight months earlier was a perfectly
clear indication of that, so that fact was not new
knowledge." (Bissell 7/22, p.102)
When asked why the memorandum did not include the fact that
the dissidents intended the assassination of Trujillo, Bissell
replied:
"I cannot tell you, Mr. Chairman. I do not
remember what considerations moved me. I don't
know whether it was because this was common
knowledge and it seemed to me unnecessary to
include it, or as you are implying, there was
an element of concealment here. I would be very
surprised if it were the latter, in this case.
(Bissell, 7/22, p.101)
॥१
In response to questions concerning the lack of information
in the February 17, 1961 briefing paper concerning the uses to
which the requested arms might likely be put by the dissidents,
Bissell stated:
•
I would say that the Agency's failure,
if there be a failure here was [not] (sic) to 'state
in writing that the plans of the dissidents
_ would include assassination attempts."
(Bissell, 7/22, p.99)
Bissell's briefing paper for Bundy concluded with the
assessment that a violent clash might soon occur between Trujillo
r
TCP
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 50

TOP SAGLIET
+28.
and the internal opposition; "which will end either with the
liquidation of Trujillo and his cohorts or with a complete
roll up of the internal opposition." In this regard, the fear
was expressed that existing schedules for the delivery of
weapons to the internal opposition might not be sufficiently
timely, and it was therefore recommended that consideration be
given to caching the requested arms and other materials.
(Bissell to Bundy memo, 2/17/61)
Thus, by the middle of February 1961, the senior
members of the new administration, and in view of the "for
higher authority" nature of Bundy's request, presumably
President Kennedy himself; were aware of the outstanding Special
Group approval for the passage of arms and other materials to
opposition elements within the Dominican Republic. There was
no modification or recision of the "inherited" Special Group
approval and it would seem fair, therefore, to regard the
approval as having been at least acquiesced in by the new
administration..
During March and early April 1961, operational levels
within both the CIA and the State Department learned of in-
creasingly detailed plans by the dissidents to assassinate
Trujillo. There is no evidence that this information was
passed to the White House or to any member of the Special Group,
TOP SELE
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 51
29.
TOP SECUIET
*
except Allen Dulles:
Similarly, there is no evidence that
the passage of the pistols or the carbines or the pouching
of the machine guns to the Dominican Republic was disclosed
to anyone outside of the CIA during this period.
VI.
April 17, 1961 May 31, 1961
-O
(Bay of Pigs Through Trujillo Assassination)
**
Following the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion, attempts
were made by State and CIA representatives in the Dominican
Republic to dissuade the dissidents from a precipitous assassina-
tion attempt. These efforts to halt the assassination of Trujillo
were the result of instructions from CIA Headquarters and were
prompted by concern over filling the power vacuum which would
result from Trujillo's death.
The machine guns arrived in the Dominican Republic but
permission to pass them to the dissidents was never given and
the guns never left the Consulate.
Dearborn returned to Washington for consultation and a
contingency plan for the Dominican Republic was drafted.
Two days before Trujillo's assassination, Dearborn received
a cable of instructions and guidance from President Kennedy.
The cable advised that the U.S. must not run the risk of associ-
ation with political assassination, since the U.S., as a matter
-.2
of general policy, could not condone assassination.
The cable
# Copies of CIA cables, including the March 20, 1961 cable
describing the plan to assassinate Trujillo in the apartment
of his mistress were apparently sent to the office.
of the Director of Central Intelligence.
** Although a copy of the CIA cable advising that the pistols
were being pouched was sent to the Director's office, Dulles
apparently did not receive copies of the cables approving
passage of the carbines or pouching of the machine guns.
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 52
30
further advised Dearborn to continue to hold open offers of
material assistance to the dissidents and to advise them of
U.S. support for them if they were successful in overthrowing
the Trujillo government. The cable also reconfirmed the
decision not to pass the machine guns.
A.
Decision Not to Pass the Machine Guns and Unsuccess-
ful U.S. Attempt to Stop Assassination Effort
By April 17, 1961, the Bay of Pigs invasion had
operation was a failed. As a result, there developed a general
realization that precipitous action should be avoided in the
Dominican Republic until Washington was able to give further
consideration to the consequences of a Trujillo overthrow and
the power vacuum which would be created. (Bissell, 6/11,
p.113)
A cable from Headquarters to the Station, on April 17,
1961, advised that it was most important that the machine guns
not be passed without additional Headquarters approval.
The machine guns arrived in the Dominican Republic on April
19, 1961, and Headquarters was so advised. The earlier ad-
monition that the machine guns should be held in Station custody
until further notice was repeated in a second cable from Ilead-
quarters, sent April 20, 1961. This decision was said to have
been "based on judgment that filling a vacuum created by assas-
sination now bigger question than ever view unsettled conditions
in Caribbean area. (HQs. to Station cable, 4/20/61)
"d
The dissidents continued to press for the release of the
machine guns and their requests were passed on to Headquarters
TOP SECRET
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 53
The
31
in cables from Dearborn and Owen.
(Station to HQS cables
4/25/61) On April 25, 1961, Owen advised Headquarters that
Wimpy Berry had informed him that Antonio de la Maza was
going to attempt the assassination between April 29 and May 2.
Owen also reported that this attempt would use the three
carbines passed from the American Consulate, together with
whatever else was available. (Id.)
In response to the April 26 cable, Headquarters restated
that there was no approval to pass any additional arms to the
dissidents and requested Owen to advise the dissidents that the
United States was simply not prepared at that time to cope with
the aftermath of the assassination. (See C/S comments,
Station to HQS cable, 4/27/61). The following day, April 27,
1961, Owen replied that, based upon further discussions with
the dissidents, "We doubt statement U.S. government not now
prepared to cope with aftermath will dissuade them from
attempt." (Station to HQS cable, 4/27/61)
Dearborn recalls receiving instructions that
an effort be made to turn off the assassination attempt and
testified that
unsuccessful,
efforts to carry out the instructions were
In effect, the dissidents informed him that
this was their affair and it could not be turned off to suit
the convenience of the U.S. government.
(Dearborn, 7/29, p.52)
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 54
TOP LUZET
32
On April 30, 1961, Dearborn advised Headquarters that
the dissidents had reported to him the assassination attempt
was going to take place during the first week of May. The
action group was reported to have in its possession three carbines,
four to six 12-gauge shotguns and other small arms. Although
they reportedly still wanted the machine guns, Dearborn advised
Headquarters that the group was going to go ahead with what they
had, whether the U.S. wanted them to or not. (Station to HQS
cable, 4/30/61)
Dearborn's cable set forth the argument of the action
group that, since the U.S. had already assisted the group to
some extent and was therefore implicated, the additional assistance
of releasing the machine guns would not change the basic re-
lationship. The cable concluded:
"Owing to far-reaching political implications
involved in release or non release of re-
quested items, Headquarters may wish discuss fore-
going with State Department. (Id.)
"
B. Further Consideration of Passing Machine Guns
In reponse, a cable was drafted at CIA Headquarters authori-
zing passage of the machine guns. The cable which was sent
to Allen Dulles, with Bissell's recommendation for its dispatch,
provided:
Since it appears that opposition group has
committed itself to action with or without
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 55
33-
additional support, coupled with fact ref.
Citems [the carbines] already made available
to them for personal defense; station authori-
zed pass ref. A items [the machine guns] to
opposition member for their additional pro-
tection on their proposed endeavor." (Draft of HQS
to Station cable, 5/2/61).
The cable was never sent.
In his testimony before the Committee, Bissell characteri-
zed his reasoning for recommending release of the machine guns
as:
19
having made already a considerable
investment in this dissident group and its
plans that we might as well make the addi-
tional investment." (Bissell, 7/22, p.127)
The following day, May 3, 1961, Ray Herbert, Deputy Chief
of the Western Hemisphere Division of CIA, who frequently acted
as liaison with the State Department in matters concerning
covert operations in the Dominican Republic, met with Adolph
Berle, Chairman of the State Department's Interagency Task Force
on Latin America.
A Berle memorandum of the meeting states that Herbert
informed Berle that a local group in the Dominican Republic
wished to overthrow Trujillo and sought arms for that purpose.
The memorandum continued:
"On cross examination it developed that the
real plan was to assassinate Trujillo and they
-wanted guns for that purpose. Herbert wanted
to know what the policy should be.
"I told him I could not care less for Trujillo
and that this was the general sentiment. But
we did not wish to have any thing to do with any
assassination plots anywhere, any time. Herbert
said he felt the same way. (Berle, Memo of
Conversation, 5/3/61)
"1
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 56
- 34 - N
34 11
Copies of Berle's memorandum were sent to Wymberly Coerr;
the Acting Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs,
and to Special Assistant Frank Devine.
Both Herbert and Devine, who had been in almost daily
contact with each other since August of 1960, had been advised
of the assassination plans of the dissident group.
In fact,
Herbert, along with Bissell, had signed off on the proposed
cable of May 2, releasing the machine guns for passage.
C.
Special Group Meetings of May 4 and May 18, 1961
On the day following the Berle-llerbert meeting, the
Special Group met and, according to the minutes:
"The DCI referred to recent reports of a new
anti-Trujillo plot. He said we never know if
one of these is going to work or not, and asked
what is the status of contingency planning should
the plot come off. Mr. Bundy said that this point
is covered in the Cuba paper which will be discussed
at a high level in the very near future." (Special
Group Minutes, 5/4/61)
Once again, the cryptic reporting of Special Group Minutes
makes subsequent analysis as to the scope of matters discussed
speculative.. It is not known to what extent and in what detail
Allen Dulles referred to "recent reports" of a new anti-Trujillo
plot. Certainly, the most recent report of such a plot was
Dearborn's April 30 cable
--
disclosing an imminent assassination
attempt potentially utilizing U.S.-supplied weapons.
On May 18, 1961, the Special Group again considered the
situation in the Dominican Republic and, according to the
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 57
minutes:
-35
L
D.
now in
He
" Cabell [Deputy DCI) noted that the
internal dissidents were pressing for the
release to them of certain small arms
U.S. hands in the Dominican Republic.
inquired whether the feeling of the
Group remained that these arms should not be
passed. The members showed no inclination to
take a contrary position at this time.
(Emphasis supplied). (Special Group Minutes,
5/18/61)
*
Final Requests by Dissidents for Machine Guns
On May 16, 1961, Dearborn cabled the State Department,
attention Acting Assistant Secretary Coerr, with an urgent
request from the dissidents for the machine guns. The cable
advised that the assassination attempt was scheduled for the
night of May 16 and that, while the chances of success were
80 percent, provision of the machine guns would reduce the
possibility of failure. The dissidents reportedly stressed
to Dearborn that if the effort failed, due to U.S. refusal to
supply the machine guns, the U.S. would be held responsible
and would never be forgiven. Dearborn reported that he had
informed the dissidents that, based on his recent conversations
in Washington, he was reasonably certain that authorization
could not be obtained for handing over machine guns. (Dearborn
to State cable, 5/16/61)
-2
A return cable from the State Department to Dearborn, sent
the same day, confirmed Dearborn's judgment. It instructed him
* There was no meeting of the Special Group at which the Domini-
can Republic was discussed between May 4 and May 18. The language
attributed to General Cabell as to whether the feeling of the
Group remained not to pass the arms, tends to suggest that the
question of passing these arms must have been raised prior to
the May 18 Group meeting, perhaps at the May 4, 1961 meeting.
NW 50955
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36.
to continue to take the same line until he received contrary
instructions which clearly indicated they had been cleared in
advance by the State Department itself. This cable from State was
approved by Under Secretary Bowles. (Department to Dearborn, 5/16/61)
Ray Herbert referred to Dearborn's May 16 request in a
memorandum he sent to Devine on the same date and asked to be
advised as to the Department's policy concerning passage of
the machine guns. Herbert noted that when this request was
last taken to the Department, Berle made the decision that the
weapons not be passed. (Memo to ARA from CIA, 5/16/61)
*
Devine responded to Herbert's memorandum on the same day,
advising Herbert that the Department's policy continued to be
negative on the matter of passing the machine guns. Herbert's
attention was directed to the January 12, 1961 Special Group
limitation concerning the passage of arms outside of the
Dominican Republic. A copy of Devine's memorandum to Herbert
was forwarded to the Office of the Under Secretary of State,
to the attention of his personal assistant, Joseph Scott.
(Devine to Herbert memo, 5/16/61)
E.
Dearborn in Washington for Consultation
Drafting of Contingency Plans
At a meeting of the National Security Council on May 5, 1961,
the question of U.S. policy toward the Dominican Republic was
considered and it was:
*
"Agreed that the Task Force on Cuba would
prepare promptly both emergency and long-
range plans for anti-communist intervention
in the event of crises in Haiti or the
By May 27, 1961 Dearborn was advising the State Department that
the roup was no longer requesting the arms and had accepted the
fact that it must make do with what it had. (Dearborn to State
cable, 5/27/61)
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- 37
Dominican Republic.
Noted the President's
view that the United States should not
initiate the overthrow of Trujillo before
we knew what government would succeed him,
and that any action against Trujillo should
be multilateral." (Record of Actions by
BICHE
National Security Council, 5/5/61)
(Approved by the President, 5/16/61)
Although the precise dates are uncertain, Dearborn was
recalled to Washington to participate in drafting of these
contingency plans and recommendations. Dearborn was in Washing-
ton at least from May 10 through May 13, 1961.
While in Washington, Dearborn met with State
Department personnel and with Richard Goodwin and Arthur
Schlesinger of the White House staff. When testifying before
the Committee, he was unable to recall the substance of
his discussions with Goodwin and Schlesinger, aside from his
general assumption that the current situation in the Dominican
Republic was discussed. He did not recall any discussion with
Goodwin or Schlesinger concerning arms, either those which had
been passed to the dissidents or those which were being sought.
(Dearborn, 7/29, pp. 58-61) Dearborn left the meeting at the
White House, however, with the firm impression that Goodwin had been
reviewing cable traffic between Washington and the Dominican
Republic and was very familiar with events as they then stood.
(Dearborn, 7/29, p.62)
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TOP-ECLIET
38
On May 11, 1961, Dearborn prepared a two-page draft".
document which set forth ways in which the U.S. could overtly
aid and encourage the opposition to Trujillo.
papers.
The draft noted
that means of stepping up the covert program were considered
in separate
(Dearborn draft document of May 11, 1961)
This Dearborn draft of May 11, 1961, was apparently used as a
basis for portions of the "Dominican Republic
Paper discussed below.
--
Contingency
Contingency," dated
Two documents entitled, "Program of Covert Action for the
Dominican Republic" were provided to the Committee staff from
State Department files. Each appears to be a draft of the
covert activities paper described in Dearborn's May 11, 1961
memorandum: One draft recommended an expanded U.S. offer to
deliver small explosive devices and arms. (Document indicating
it was attached to "Dominican Republic
5/12/61 and bearing Nos. 306-308). The other draft is very
similar except that it concludes that delivery of arms within
the Dominican Republic to members of the underground is not
recommended. (Document from State Dept. files bearing No. 310).
Attached to the second draft was a one-page document which
Frank Devine believes he wrote. It listed eight numbered
points including the following:
"1.
The USG
"2.
should not lend itself to direct
political assassination.
US moral posture can ill afford further
tarnishing in the eyes of the world.
TOP SECRET
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 61
TOT
39
"3.
"4.
"7.
We would be encouraging the action, supplying
the weapons, effecting the delivery, and then
turning over only the final execution to
(unskilled) local triggermen.
So far we have seen no real evidence of action
capability. Should we entrust ourselves and
our reputation to this extent in the absence
thereof?
Can we afford a precedent which may convince
the world that our diplomatic pouches are used
to deliver assassination weapons?"
(Document
from State Department files bearing No. 313)
The other points raised in document No. 313 related to the
likelihood that any such involvement by the U.S. would ultimately
be revealed.
On May 15, 1961, Acting Assistant Secretary Coerr sent to
Under Secretary Bowles a document entitled "Covert Action Pro-
grams Authorized With Respect to the-Dominican Republic". That
document outlined the existing Special Group approvals for covert
assistance to Dominican dissidents and, while making no recommen-
dation as to further policy, suggested that the Special Group
review the outstanding approvals and communicate to interested
agencies the status of such authorizations. (State Dept. document
from Coerr to Bowles, 5/15/61)
During this period a document dated May 13, 1961, was
TOP GODET
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525
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40
prepared at the request of Richard Goodwin and was thereafter
circulated within the State Department. This document,
*
entitled "Program of Covert Action for the Dominican Republic"
reported:
"CIA has had in the direct custody of its Station
in Ciudad Trujillo, a very limited supply of
weapons and grenades. In response to the urgent
requests from the internal opposition leaders for
personal defense weapons attendant to their
projected efforts to neutralize TRUJILLO, three
(3) 38 Cal revolvers and three (3) carbines with
accompanying ammunition have been passed by secure.
means to the opposition. The recipients have
repeatedly requested additional armed support."
This memorandum is the first direct evidence of disclosure to
anyone on the White House staff of the fact that arms had been
passed to dissidents in the Dominican Republic.
The original ribbon copy of the memorandum has the above
quoted material circled in pencil and the word "neutralize"
is underscored. Goodwin testified before the Committee that
he circled the above paragraph when first reading the memorandum
because the information concerning passage of the arms was new.
to him and struck him as significant. (Goodwin 7/18, pp. 48,49)
Under the heading of "Possible Covert Actions Which Require
Additional Authorization," the memorandum to Goodwin indicated
that the CIA had a supply of four 45 caliber machine guns and
2.
a small number of grenades currently in the direct custody of
the Station in Ciudad Trujillo and that a secure means of passing
these weapons to the internal opposition "for their use in
1000
* See Scott to Bowles memorandum of May 19, 1961, enclosing copy
of Goodwin memorandum.
20
NW 50955
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The
personal defense attendant to their projected efforts to re-
move Trujillo" could be developed by the Station. The memo-
randum made no recommendation to approve or disapprove passage
of these weapons. (Id.) ·
On May 15, 1961, Bundy forwarded to Goodwin another
memorandum.
This one, entitled "The Current Situation in and
Contingency Plans for the Dominican Republic," had been received
by Bundy from the State Department.
lying document which began:
Attached was an under-
"Recent reports indicate that the internal
Dominican dissidents are becoming increasingly
determined to oust Trunillo by any means, and
their plans in this regard are well advanced."
The May 15 memorandum stressed that it was highly desirable
for the U.S. to be identified with and to support the elements
seeking to overthrow Trujillo. The
attachment
recommended that Consul General Dearborn inform the dissidents
that if they succeed "at their own initiative and on their own
responsibility in forming an acceptable provisional government
they can be assured that any reasonable request for assistance
from the U.S. will be promptly and favorably answered."
from State Dept. files bearing Nos. 279-286).
-
(Documents
F. Drafts Leading to and Final Cable of May 29, 1961
A copy of Dearborn's cable of May 16, 1961, requesting
urgent State Department guidance, was forwarded to Richard
Goodwin. At the specific request of Goodwin,
the State Department replied to Dearborn on May 17,
TOP SECRET
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525
Page 64
-42-
and advised him to keep in mind the President's view, as
expressed at the May 5 National Security Council Meeting, that
the United States should not initiate the overthrow of Trujillo
before knowing what government would succeed him.
ment to Dearborn, 5/17/61)
(Depart-
Dearborn responded on May 21, 1961, pointing out that
for over a year State Department representatives in the
Dominican Republic had been nurturing the effort
to overthrow Trujillo and had assisted the dissidents in
numerous ways, all of which were known to the Department.
was, Dearborn stated, "too late to consider whether United
States will initiate overthrow of Trujillo."
further guidance from State.
It
Dearborn invited
In response to Dearborn's request for guidance, the State
Department drafted a reply on May 24. The draft discussed a
conflict between two objectives:
" (1)
"(2)
To be so associated with removal Trujillo
regime as to derive credit among DR dissidents
and liberal elements throughout Latin America;
To disassociate US from any obvious inter-
vention in Dominican Republic and even more so
from any political assassination which might
occur.
"
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43
It was said to be the Department's considered opinion that
"former objective cannot, repeat not, easily override latter."
(State Dept. to Dearborn cable, 5/24/61 not sent)
This State Department draft was forwarded to Under Secretary
Bowles with the comment that Goodwin considered it "too negative"
and that he would try his hand on a draft "for Bundy to present
tomorrow morning." (Memo from Achilles to Bowles, 5/24/61)
A May 26, 1961, memorandum from Bowles to Bundy begins:
"Following up on our discussion of the Dominican
Republic at yesterday's meeting of the Special
Group, I am forwarding you a draft telegram which
we would like to send to Henry Dearborn, our Consul
General in Ciudad Trujillo, supplementing the
guidance he will be receiving on the recently
approved contingency plans."
Minutes of the Special Group meeting on May 25, 1961 do not,
however, reflect any discussion of the Dominican Republic.
If, as Bowles' memorandum suggests, a discussion concerning
the Dominican Republic did occur at the May 25 meeting, it is
not known what the discussion involved or what decisions,
if any, were made.
Richard Goodwin personally prepared alternate drafts to
the proposed State Department cable to Dearborn. Goodwin testi-
fied that it was his intent in revising the cable to communicate
to Dearborn, President Kennedy's personal belief that the United
States:
51
. . didn't want to do anything that would
involve us further, the United States further,
in any effort to assassinate Trujillo."
(Goodwin, 7/10, p.32)
TOP
OP 
SECRET
لا عاد اطلاعات
NW 50955
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TOP EST
At the same time, Goodwin's draft raised the issue of
further covert action and transfer of arms to the dissidents
and advised Dearborn to hold out the arms as being available
to the dissidents pending their ability to receive them.
It was the twofold intent of the cable as revised by
Goodwin, (1) to express the desire to remain in the good graces
of the dissidents who, it was believed, would constitute the
new government following Trujillo's assassination, and (2)
to avoid any action which might further involve the United
States in the anticipated assassination.
This dual purpose
is clearly evident in the cable which advised:
"
we must not run risk of U.S. association
with political assassination, since U.S. as matter
of general policy cannot condone assassination.
This last principal is overriding and must prevail
in doubtful situation." (Emphasis added)
* * * * * * *
"Continue to inform dissident elements of U.S.
support for their position."
According to Goodwin, the underscored material was inserted in
the cable at the specific direction of President Kennedy.
(Goodwin, 7/10, pp. 22, 23).
With respect to the four machine guns which were in the
Consulate and which had been repeatedly requested by the
dissidents, the cable advised Dearborn that the U.S. was unable
to transfer these arms to the dissidents.
instructed to:
Dearborn was
"Tell them that this is because of our suspicion
that method of transfer may be unsafe. In actual
TOP RET
NW 50955
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Page 67
-7.45-
fact, we feel that the transfer of arms would
serve very little purpose and expose the United
States to great danger of association with
assassination attempt."
The cable, as revised by Goodwin and approved by President
Kennedy, was sent to Dearborn on May 29, 1961. (State Dept.
to Dearborn cable, 5/29/61)
VII.
May 30, 1961 and Immediately Thereafter:
A. Trujillo Assassinated
Late in the evening of May 30, 1961, Trujillo was ambushed
and assassinated near San Cristobal, Dominican Republic. The
assassination closely paralleled the plan disclosed by the
action group to American representatives in the Dominican Republic
and passed on to officials in Washington at both the CIA and
the State Department. (Dearborn cable to State, 5/30/61) The
assassination was conducted by members of the action group, to
whom the American carbines had been passed, and such sketchy
information as is available indicates that one or more of the
carbines were in the possession of the assassination group when
Trujillo was killed. (I. G. Report, pp. 60-61).
however, that the actual assassination was accomplished by
handguns and shotguns.
(I.G. Report, p.61)
B. Cables to Washington
This evidence indicate
After receiving the May 29 cable from Washington, both Consul
General Dearborn and Station Chief Owen sent replies.
According
கக
to Dearborn's testimony, he did not regard the May 29 cable
as a change in U.S. policy concerning support for assassinations.
(Dearborn 7/29/75, p. 74).
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 68
{
-46
He interpreted the May 29 cable as saying:
" .we don't care if the Dominicans assassinate
Trujillo, that is all right. But we don't want
anything to pin this on us, because we aren't
doing it, it is the Dominicans who are doing
it." (Dearborn, 7/29, p. 104)
Dearborn testified that this accorded with what he said had
always been his personal belief; that the U.S. should not be
involved in an assassination and that if an assassination
occurred it would be strictly a Dominican affair. (Dearborn
7/29, pp. 100, 101)
In contrast the CIA Station Chief, Owen, did regard the
cable as manifesting a change in U.S. policy, particularly on
the question of supplying arms. (Owen p. 120) He believed the
May 29 cable was the final word in U.S. policy on this matter
and consequently felt that the government had retreated from
its prior position, of offering material support to the dissi-
dents, and had adopted a new position of withholding such support.
Owen's responsive cable to Headquarters stated:
"HQS aware extent to which U.S. government already
associated with assassination. If we are to at least
cover up tracks, CIA personnel directly involved in
assassination preparation must be withdrawn.'
(Station to HQS cable, 5/30/61)
11
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-47-
Immediately following the assassination, all¸CIA
personnel in the Dominican Republic were removed from the
country and within a few days Consul General Dearborn was
back in Washington.
The State Department cabled the CIA station
in the Dominican Republic to destroy all records concerning
contacts with dissidents and any related matters, except not to
destroy the contingency plans or the May 29, 1961 cable to Dear-
born. (HQS to Station cable, 5/31/61.
C. Immediate Post-Assassination Period
The U.S. Consulate in the Dominican Republic was quick
to dispatch its early reports that Trujillo had been assassinated,
and the U.S. communications network transmitted the report to
President Kennedy in Paris. The President's Press Secretary,
Pierre Salinger, made the first public announcement of the
assassination, preceeding by several hours release of the news
in the Dominican Republic. Secretary of State Rusk testified
that when he learned of Salinger's announcement he was most con-
cerned. Rusk said that Trujillo's son Ramfis was also in Paris
and he was afraid that Ramfis, upon first learning of his
father's death from the press secretary to the President of the
U.S., might try to retaliate against President Kennedy.
(Rusk,
32, 33.)
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SCHNEIDER REPORT
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 71
Reviewed and Agreed to by
Drafting Subcommittee on
August 27, 1975
I
:
SCHNEIDER REPORT
Page
1
6
I.
Summary
II.
The President's Initial General Instruction
and Background
Background:
C. CIA Views of Difficulty of Project
III. CIA's Implementation of Track II
A.
September 15 White House Meeting
B.
Tracks I and II
10
6
00
15
17
A.
Evolution of CIA Strategy
17
1. The "Constitutional Coup" Approach
17
Military Solution
18
'B.
The Chile Task Force
19
C.
The Use of the Army Attache and Interagency
Relations
20
D.
The False Flag Base
IV.
E. Chief of Station
CIA Efforts to Promote a Coup
A. The Chilean Conspirators
B. Contacts Prior to October 15
C. October 15 Decision
D. Coup Planning and Attempts After October 15
26
27
29
29
30
34
i
:
36
3. w
E.
The Killing of General Schneider
39
F. Post October 22 Events
41
V.
CIA/White House Communication During Track II
43
45
A. September
46
B. October
c. December
54
D. Did Track II End?
54
NW 50955
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1
I.
Summary
* SCHNEIDER REPORT
On September 4, 1970, Dr. Salvador Allende Gossens won a plurality
in Chile's Presidential election.* Since no candidate had received a
majority of the popular vote, the Chilean constitution required that
a joint session of its Congress decide between the first and second place
finishers. This constitutional requirement had, in the past, been pro-
forma. The Congress had always selected the candidate who received
highest popular vote. The date set for the Congressional joint session
was October 24, 1970.
On September 15, 1970, President Richard Nixon informed CIA Director
Richard Helms that an Allende regime in Chile would not be acceptable to
the United States. The CIA was instructed by President Nixon to play a
direct role in organizing a military coup d'etat in Chile to prevent
Allende's accession to the presidency. The Agency was to take this action
without coordination with the Departments of State or Defense and without
informing the U.S. Ambassador in Chile. While coup possibilities in
general and other means of seeking to prevent Allende's accession to
power were explored by the 40 Committee throughout this period, the 40
Committee was never informed of this direct CIA role. Nor did it ever
approve that role.
The only institution to which the Agency was to re-
port, both for informational and approval purposes, was the White House.
* Dr. Allende, a long-time Senator and founder of the Socialist Party in
Chile, was a candidate of Popular Unity Coalition. The Coalition was made
up of Communists, Socialists, Social Democrats, Radicals, and dissident
Christian Democrats. Allende was a self-proclaimed Marxist and was making
his fourth try for the presidency. His opponents were Radomire Tomic Romero,
candidate of the ruling Christian Democratic Party, and Jorge Alessandri
Rodriquez, candidate of the right-wing National Party. Dr. Allende won
36.3% of the popular vote; Alessandri was second with 35.3% of the vote.
Dr. Allende's margin of victory was 39,000 votes out of a total of 3 mil-
lion votes cast in the election. The incumbent President, Eduardo Frei
Montalvo, a Christian Democrat, was ineligible for re-election. Chilean
law prohibits Presidents from succeeding themselves.
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 73
-2-
In practice, this meant that the CIA was to keep the President's Assis-
tant for National Security Affairs, Henry Kissinger, informed of its
activities.
Between October 5 and October 20, 1970, the CIA made 21 contacts
with key military and Carabinero (police) officials in Chile. Those
Chileans who were inclined to stage a coup were given assurances of
strong support at the highest levels of the U.S. Government, both be-
fore and after a coup.
One of the major obstacles faced by all the military conspirators
in Chile was the strong opposition to a coup by the Commander-in-Chief
of the Army, General Rene Schneider, who insisted the constitutional
process be followed. As a result of his strong constitutional stand,
the removal of General Schneider became a necessary ingredient in the
coup plans of all the Chilean conspirators. Unable to have General
Schneider retired or reassigned, the conspirators decided to kidnap
him. An unsuccessful abduction attempt was made on October 19, 1970,
by a group of Chilean military officers whom the CIA was actively sup-
porting. A second kidnap attempt was made the following day, again un-
In the early morning hours of October 22, 1970, machine
successfully.
guns and ammunition were passed by the CIA to the group that had failed
on October 19 That same day General Schneider was mortally
wounded in an attempted kidnap on his way to work. The attempted
kidnap and the shooting was apparently conducted by conspira-
end
tors other than those to whom the CIA had provided weapons earlier
in the day.
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f
T
-3-
A Chilean military court found that high-ranking military officers,
both active and retired, conspired to bring about a military coup and
to kidnap General Schneider. Several of the officers whom the CIA had
contacted and encouraged in their coup conspiracy were convicted of con-
spiring to kidnap General Schneider. Those convicted of carrying out
the actual kidnap attempt and the killing of General Schneider were assoc-
iates of retired General Roberto Viaux, who had initially been thought by
the CIA to be the best hope. However, later the CIA discouraged General
Viaux because the Agency felt other officers, such as General Camilo
Valenzuela, were not sufficiently involved. General Viaux was convicted by the
military court and received a twenty-year prison sentence for being
the "intellectal author" of the Schneider kidnap attempt. General
Valenzuela was sentenced by the military court to three years in exile
for taking part in the conspiracy to prevent Allende's assumption of
office. The military court found that the two Generals had been in
contact throughout the coup plotting.
The principal facts leading up to the death of General Schneider (all
of which are discussed in more detail below) are as follows:
1. By the end of September 1970, it appeared that the only feasible
way for the CIA to implement the Presidential order to prevent Allende from
coming to power was to foment a coup d'etat.
2. All of the known coup plots developed within the Chilean mili-
tary entailed the removal of General Schneider by one means or another.
3. United States officials continued to encourage and support Chilean
plans for a coup after it became known that the first step would be to
kidnap General Schneider.
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 75
5*
-4-
1
4.
Two unsuccessful kidnap attempts were made, one on October 19,
the other on October 20. Following these attempts, and with knowledge
of their failure, the CIA passed three submachine guns and ammunition
to Chilean officers who still planned to kidnap General Schneider.
5. In a third kidnap attempt on October 22, apparently conducted
by Chileans other than those to whom weapons had been supplied, General
Schneider was shot and subsequently died. The guns used in the abor-
tive kidnapping of General Schneider were, in all probability, not those
supplied by the CIA to the conspirators. The Chilean military court
which investigated the Schneider killing determined that Schneider had
been murdered by handguns, although one machine gun was at the scene of
the killing.*
6. While there is no question that the CIA received a direct
instruction from the President on September 15th to attempt to foment
a coup, the Committee received sharply conflicting testimony about
whether the White House was kept informed of, and authorized, the
coup efforts in Chile after October 15. On one side of the conflict
is the testimony of Henry Kissinger and General Alexander Haig; on the
other, that of CIA officials. Kissinger testified that the White House
stood down CIA efforts to promote a military coup d'etat in Chile on
October 15, 1970. After that date, Kissinger testified--and Haig. agreed--
that the White House neither knew of, nor specifically approved, CIA
coup activities in Chile. CIA officials, on the other hand, have testi-
fied that their activities in Chile after October 15 were known to and
*
The Committee has not been able to determine whether or not
the machine gun at the scene of the Schneider killing was one of the
three supplied by the CIA.
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1
།
thus authorized by the White House.
*
This conflict in testimony, which the Committee has been unable
to resolve through its hearings or the documentary record, leaves un-
answered the most serious question of whether the CIA was acting
pursuant to higher authority (the CIA's view) or was pursuing coup
activities in Chile without sufficient communication (the Kissinger/
Haig view).
*
The basic issue is whether or not the CIA-informed the White House of
its activities. In context, informing was tantamount to being authorized.
No one who testified believed that the CIA was required to seek step-by-
step authorization for its activities%;B rather the burden was on the White
House to object if a line of activity being pursued by the CIA seemed
unwise. Both Kissinger and Haig agreed that if the CIA had proposed a persua-
sive plan to them, it almost certainly would have been approved. The CIA
did not believe it needed specific White House authorization to transfer wea-
pons to the Chileans; in fact, CIA Deputy Director (Plans) Thomas
Karamessines testified that he did not formally approve the transfer,
but rather that in the context of the project it was clear that the
Agency had the authority to transfer weapons and that it was clear to
Karamessines' subordinates that he would approve their decision to do
He believed he probably was informed before the weapons actually
SO.
were sent.
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 77
'
-6-
*
The President's Initial General Instruction and Background
A. September 15 White House Meeting
On September 15, 1970, President Nixon met with his Assistant for
National Security Affairs, Henry Kissinger, CIA Director Richard Helms,
and Attorney General John Mitchell at the White House. The topic was
Chile. Handwritten notes taken by Director Helms at that meeting re-
flect both its tenor and the President's instructions:
1 in 10 chance perhaps, but save Chile!
worth spending
not concerned risks involved
no involvement of Embassy
$10,000,000 available, more if necessary
full-time job--best men we have
game plan
make the economy scream
48 hours for plan of action
In his testimony before the Select Committee, Director Helms recalled
coming away from the meeting on September 15 with:
... (the) impression...that the President came down
very hard that he wanted something done, and he
didn't much care how and that he was prepared to
make money available....This was a pretty all-
inclusive order....If I ever carried a marshall's
baton in my knapsack out of the Oval Office, it.
was that day. (Helms testimony, July 15, pp. 6,10,11)
*
Director Helms also testified that the September 15th meeting with
President Nixon may have been triggered by the presence of Augustin
Edwards, the publisher of the Santiago daily El Mercurio, in Washing-
ton. That morning, at the request of Donald Kendall, President of
Pepsi Cola, Henry Kissinger and John Mitchell had met for breakfast
with Kendall and Edwards. (Mitchell calendar) The topic of conversa-
tion was the political situation in Chile and the plight of El Mercurio
and other anti-Allende forces. According to Mr. Helms :
- recall that prior to this meeting (with the President)
the editor of El Mercurio had come to Washington. and
I had been asked to go and talk to him at one of the
hotels here, this having been arranged through Don
Kendall, the head of the Pepsi Cola Company....I have
this impression that the President called this meeting
where I have my handwritten notes because of Edwards'
presence in Washington and what he heard from Kendall
about what Edwards was saying about conditions in
Chile and what was happening there.
(Helms testimony, July 15,
pp. 4-5)
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F
ri
NW 50955
However, none of the CIA officers believed that assassination was within
the guidelines Helms had been given.
Senator Hart of Colorado. ...did the kind of carte
blanche mandate you carried, the marshall's baton
that you carried out in a knapsack, to stop Allende
from assuming office, include physical elimination?
Mr. Helms. Well, not in my mind, because when I be-
came Director, I had already made up my mind that we
weren't going to have any of that business when I was
Director, and I had made that clear to my fellows, and
I think they will tell you this.
The following day, September 16, Director Helms called a meeting
at the CIA to discuss the Chilean situation. At this meeting, he re-
lated to his colleagues his understanding of the President's instruc-
tions:
2.
The Director told the group that President
Nixon had decided that an Allende regime in Chile
was unacceptable to the United States. The Presi-
dent asked the Agency to prevent Allende from com-
ing to power or to unseat him. The President
authorized $10,000,000 for this purpose, if needed.
Further, the Agency is to carry out this mission
without coordination with the Departments of State
or Defense.
(Memorandum/Genesis of the Project, 16 Sept. 1970)
*
Henry Kissinger's recollection of the September 15 meeting with
President Nixon is in accord with that of Richard Helms. Although
Dr. Kissinger did not recall the President's instructions to be as
precise as those related by Director Helms, he did testify that:
...the primary thrust of the September 15th meeting
was to urge Helms to do whatever he could to prevent
Allende from being seated. (Kissinger testimony, p. 13)
***
*
The documents, and the officials from whom the Committee has heard
testimony, are in substantial agreement about what President Nixon
authorized on September 15, namely CIA involvement in promoting a
military coup d'etat in Chile. There is not, however, agreement
about what was communicated between the CIA and the White House--
and hence what was authorized by the latter--in the week, between
October 15 and the death of General Schneider, October 22. This
matter will be discussed in Part V of this report on the Schneider
killing.
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It is clear that President Nixon wanted him (Helms)
to encourage the Chilean military to cooperate or
to take the initiative in preventing Allende from
taking office. (Kissinger testimony, P. 12)
Operationally, the CIA set the President's instructions into motion
on September 21. On that day two cables were sent from CIA Headquarters ·
to Santiago informing the CIA Chief of Station (COS) of his new directive:
3. Purpose of exercise is to prevent Allende as-
sumption of power. Parliamentary legerdemain has
been discarded. Military solution is objective.
(Hqs. to Stn. 236, 21 September 1970)
***
B. (Track Two)--This is authority granted to CIA
only, to work toward a military solution to problem.
As part of authority we were explicitly told that
40 Committee, State, Ambassador and Embassy were
not to be told of this Track Two nor involved in any
matter. (Hqs. to Stn. 240, 21 September 1970) ·
B. Background: Tracks I and II
United States Government concern over an Allende regime in Chile
did not begin with President Nixon's September 15 instruction to the
*
CIA. For more than a year, Chile had been on the 40 Committee's agenda.
At an April 15, 1969, meeting of the 303 Committee (the predecessor of
the 40 Committee) the question arose as to whether anything should be
done with regard to the September 1970 Presidential election in Chile.
At that time, Director Helms pointed out that "an election operation will
*
☐
Covert U.S. Government involvement in large-scale political action
As in
programs in Chile began with the 1964 Presidential election.
1970, this was in response to the perceived threat of Salvadore
Allende. Over $3 million was spent by the CIA in the 1964 effort.
(Colby testimony, July 14, 1975, p. 5)
K_
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A
*
not be effective unless an early enough start is made. On March 25,
1970, the 40 Committee approved a joint Embassy/CIA proposal recom-
mending that "spoiling" operations--propaganda and other activities--
be undertaken by the CIA in an effort to prevent an election victory
by Allende's Popular Unity (UP) Coalition. A total of $135,000 was
authorized by the 40 Committee for this anti-Allende activity. On
June 18, 1970, the U.S. Ambassador to Chile, Edward Korry, submitted a
two-phase proposal to the Department of State and the CIA for review.
1
The first phase involved an increase in support to the anti-Allende
campaign. The second was a contingency plan to make "a $500,000 effort
in Congress to persuade certain shifts in voting on 24 October 1970."
Phase II was, stated simply, a proposal to bribe Chilean Congressmen to
vote against Allende should he win a plurality in the September 4 elec-
tion. On June 27, 1970, the 40 Committee increased funding for the
anti-Allende "spoiling" operation to $390,000. A decision on Ambassador
Korry's bribe proposal was deferred pending the results of the September 4
election.
The 40 Committee met twice between the time Allende received a plural-
ity of the popular vote on September 4 and President Nixon issued his
instruction to Director Helms on September 15** At both these meetings the
question of .U.S. involvement in a military coup against Allende was raised.
Kissinger stressed the importance of these meetings when he testified be-
fore the Select Committee:
!
*This and other references to 40 Committee discussions and actions regard-
ing Chile are contained in a memorandum provided to the Committee by the
CIA entitled "Policy Decisions Related to Our Covert Action Involvement
in the September, 1970 Chilean Presidential Election," dated October 9, 1970.
On August 25, 1975, we subpoenaed all White House/National Security Council
documents and records relating to the effort by the United States Govern-
'ment to prevent Salvadore Allende from assuming office. On September 4, the
Committee received 46 documents from the White House relating to Chile cover-
ing the period September 5 to October 14, 1970!
**See Page 9a.
TOP
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9a
**Following the September 4 election, the CIA's Directorate of Intelli-
gence circulated an intelligence community assessment of the impact of
an Allende government on U.S. national interests. That assessment,
dated September 7, 1970, stated:
Regarding threats to U.S. interests, we conclude that:
1. The U.S. has no vital national interests within Chile.
There would, however, be tangible economic losses.
2.
3.
The world military balance of power would not be sig-
nificantly altered by an Allende government.
An Allende victory would, however, create consider-
able political and psychological costs:
a.
b.
Hemispheric cohesion would be threatened by
the challenge that an Allende government.
would pose to the OAS, and by the reactions
that it would create in other countries.
We do not see, however, any likely threat
to the peace of the region.
An Allende victory would represent a defin-
ite psychological set-back to the U.S. and
a definite psychological advance for the
Marxist idea. (Intelligence Memorandum/
"Situation Following the Chilean Presidential
Election, CIA's Directorate of Intelligence,
7 September 1970)
"
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I think the meeting of September 15th has to be
seen in the context of two previous meetings of
the 40 Committee on September 8th and September
14th in which the 40 Committee was asked to look
at the pros and cons and the problems and pros-
pects of a Chilean military coup to be organized
with United States assistance.
(Kissinger testimony, p. 5)
According to the summary of the 40 Committee meeting on September
8, the following was discussed:
..all concerned realized that previous plans for
a Phase II would have to be drastically redrawn....
The DCI made the point, however, that congressional
action against Allende was not likely to succeed
and that once Allende was in office the Chilean
opposition to him would disintegrate and collapse
rapidly. While not advocating a specific course
of action, the Director further observed that a
military golpe against Allende would have very
little chance of success unless undertaken soon.
Both the Chairman and the Attorney General supported
this view.... At the close of the... meeting the
Chairman directed the Embassy to prepare a "cold-
blooded assessment" of:
1) the pros and cons and problems and pros-
pects involved should a Chilean military
coup be organized now with U.S. assistance,
and
2) the pros and cons and problems and pros-
pects involved in organizing an effective
future Chilean opposition to Allende.
(CIA Memorandum/Policy Decision Related to Our
Covert Action Involvement in the September 1970
Chilean Presidential Election, 9 October 1970)
Ambassador Korry responded to the 40 Committee's request for a
"cold-blooded assessment" on September 12. He stated that "We the
Embassy believe it now clear that Chilean military will not, repeat
not, move to prevent Allende's accession, barring unlikely situation
of national chaos and widespread violence." The Ambassador went on to
say that "Our own military people are unanimous in rejecting possi-
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WAN
bility of meaningful military intervention in political situation.'
He concluded by stating: "What we are saying in this 'cold-blooded
assessment' is that opportunities for further significant USG action
with the Chilean military are nonexistent." (Memorandum/Ambassador's
Response to Request for Analysis of Military Option in Present Chilean
Situation, 12 September 1970)
The CIA's response was in the same vein. Viron Vaky, Kissinger's
assistant. for Latin American affairs on the NSC staff, summarized the
CIA's "cold-blooded assessment" in a memo to his boss: "Military ac-
tion is impossible; the military is incapable and unwilling to seize
power. We have no capability to motivate or instigate a coup."
randum for Dr. Kissinger/Chile--40 Committee Meeting, Monday--September 14,
September 14, Viron P. Vaky)
(Memo-
On September 14, the 40 Committee met to discuss these reports and
what action was to be taken:
11
Particular attention was devoted to a CIA prepared
review of political and military options in the
Chilean electoral situation based on the Embassy'
and Station's "cold-blooded assessment. The Com
mittee focused on the so-called "Rube Goldberg"
gambit which would see Alessandri elected by the
Congress on October 24th, resigning thereafter to
leave Frei constitutionally free-to run in a second
election for the presidency.
TOP SECRET
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اشر
Ambassador Korry was asked to go directly to President
Frei to see if he would be willing to commit himself to
this line of action. A contingency of $250,000 was
approved for "covert support of projects which Frei or
his trusted team deem important.' It was further agreed
that a propaganda campaign be undertaken by the Agency
to focus on the damage of an Allende takeover....
"
(CIA Memorandum/Policy Decision Related to Our
Covert Action Involvement in the September 1970
Chilean Presidential Election, 9 October 1970)
Following the September 14 Forty Committee meeting and President
Nixon's September 15 instruction to the CIA, U.S. Government efforts
*
Track
in-
to prevent Allende from assuming office proceeded on two tracks.
I comprised all covert activities approved by the 40 Committee,
cluding the $250,000 contingency fund to bribe Chilean congressmen as
well as propaganda and economic activities.
designed to induce the opponents to Allende in Chile to prevent his
assumption of power, either through political or military means.
These activities were
Track
*The terms Track I and Track II were known only to CIA and White House
officials who were knowledgeable about the President's September 15 order
to the CIA. The Committee sent letters to various senior officials in-
quiring if they were, in fact, not knowledgeable of the Track II activities.
Those letters were sent to Secretary of State William Rogers, Secretary of
Defense Melvin Laird, Deputy Secretary of Defense David Packard, Under-
secretary of State for Political Affairs U. Alexis Johnson, Chairman of
the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Thomas Moorer, NSC Staff Member for
Latin America Viron P. Vaky, Director of the State Department's Bureau
of Intelligence and Research Ray S. Cline, and the Deputy Chief of Mission
in Santiago Harry W. Shlaudeman. Thus far the Committee has received
written responses from Messrs. Moorer, Johnson, Vaky, Shlaudeman and Cline.
All except Cline have indicated that they had no knowledge of the Track II
activity at the time%3B Cline indicated he heard of the activities in a
general way, from his subordinate who handled 40 Committee work and from
Committee
former associates at the CIA. In oral communications with
staff members, Secretaries Rogers and Laird have indicated they were unaware
of Track II.
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II activities in Chile were undertaken in response to President Nixon's
September 15 order and were directed towards actively promoting and
encouraging the Chilean military to move against Allende. In his testimony
before the Committee, Kissinger stressed the links between Tracks
I and II:
...There was work by all of the agencies to try to
prevent Allende from being seated, and there was
work by all of the agencies on the so-called Track
I to encourage the military to move against Allende
...the difference between the September 15th meet-
ing and what was being done in general within the
government was that President Nixon was encouraging
a more direct role for the CIA in actually organiz-
ing such a coup. (Kissinger testimony, p. 13)
Tracks I and II did, in fact, move together in the month after
September 15. The authorization to Ambassador Korry, who was formally
excluded from Track II, to encourage a military coup became broader and
broader. In the 40 Committee meeting on September 14, he and other
"appropriate members of the Embassy Mission" were authorized to inten-
sify their contacts with Chilean military officers to assess their
willingness to support the "Frei gambit"--a voluntary turn-over of
power to the military by Frei, who would then have been eligible to
run for President in new elections.
(Memorandum/Policy Decisions Related
to Our Covert Action Involvement in the September 1970 Chilean Presiden-
tial Election, 9 October 1970)
In a situation report to Dr. Kissinger and Assistant Secretary
Charles Meyer on September 21, Ambassador Korry indicated that in order
- z
to make the Frei gambit work, "if necessary, General Schneider would
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*
-13-
have to be neutralized, by displacement if necessary.
11*
(Korry to
In testifying,
Meyer and Kissinger/Situation Report, 21 September 1970)
Kissinger felt the Korry report indicated "the degree to which Track
I and Track II were merging, that is to say, that individuals on Track
I were working on exactly the same problem as the CIA was working on
Track II." (Kissinger testimony, p. 21)
Ambassador Korry's activites in Chile between September 4 and
October 24 support Kissinger's view that the line separating Track I
and Track II often became blurred. For example, the Ambassador was
authorized to make his contacts in the Chilean military aware that if
Allende were seated, the military could expect no further military
assistance (MAP) from the United States. Later, in response to his own
recommendation, Korry was authorized to inform the Chilean military that
all MAP and military sales were being held in abeyance pending the outcome
On October 7, Ambassador
of the Congressional election on October 24.
Korry received the following cable from Kissinger and Under Secretary
In this same situation report, Ambassador Korry related a message that
he had sent to President Frei through his Defense Minister indicating
the economic pressures that would be brought to bear on Chile should
Allende assume office.
Frei should know that not a nut er bolt will be
allowed to reach Chile under Allende. Once
Allende comes to power we shall do all within
our power to condemn Chile and the Chileans to
utmost deprivation and poverty, a policy designed
for a long time to come to accelerate the hard
features of a Communist society in Chile. Hence,
for Frei to believe that there will be much of
"an alternative to utter misery, such as seeing
Chile muddle through, would be strictly illusory.
The use of economic instruments as levers on Frei and the Chilean
military was a persistent subject of White House/CIA discussions
and of instructions to the field. Helms' notes from the September
15 meeting with the President and Kissinger included the notation
"make the economy scream. Economic leverage was the primary
topic of a September 18 White House meeting involving Kissinger,
Helms and Karamessines.
"
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of State U. Alexis Johnson:
2. ...you are now authorized to inform discreetly
the Chilean military through the channels available
to you that if a successful effort is made to block
Allende from taking office, we would reconsider the
cuts we have thus far been forced to make in Chilean
MAP and otherwise increase our presently programmed
MAP for the Chilean Armed Forces.. If any steps
the military should take should result in civil dis-
order, we would also be prepared promptly to deliver
support and material that might be immediately re-
quired.
(Hqs. to Stn. 075517, 7 October 1970)
The essential difference between Tracks I and II, as evidenced by
instructions to Ambassador Korry during this period, was not that Track
II was coup-oriented and Track I was not. Both had this objective in
mind. The difference between the two tracks was, simply, that the CIA's
direct contacts with the Chilean military, and its active promotion and
support for a coup, were to be known only to a small group of individuals
in the White House and the CIA. Kissinger testified that Track II
matters were to be reported directly to the White House "for reasons
of security." (Kissinger testimony, p. 14) Thomas Karamessines, the
CIA's Deputy Director for Plans at the time and the principal CIA
contact with the White House on Track II matters, testified on his
understanding of why State, Defense, the 40 Committee and Ambassador
Korry were excluded from Track II:
That was not a decision that we made. But the
best I can do is suggest that there was concern
about two things. Number one, that there might
be serious objections lodged, for example, by
the State Department particularly if Track 2
were to be laid out at a Forty Committee meeting.
And the only other thing I can contribute to that
is that it was felt that the security of the
activity would be better protected if knowledge
of it were limited. (Karamessines testimony, p. 122)
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CIA Views of Difficulty of Project
On one point the testimony of CIA officials who were involved in
Track II is unanimous:
they all said they thought Track II was unlikely
to succeed. That view ran from the working levels of the Agency to the
top. They all said they felt they were being asked to do the impossible,
that the risks and potential costs of the project were too great. At
the same time, they felt they had been given an explicit Presidential
order, and they tried to execute that order.
A few excerpts from the testimony follow:
Richard Helms, CIA Director
.my heart sank over this meeting, because...the
possibility of bringing off something like this
seemed to me at that time to be just as remote as
anything could be. In practical terms, the Army
was constitutionalist....And when you look here at
the time frame in which the man was suddenly asking
you to accomplish something, it seemed really almost
inconceivable....
What I came away from the meeting with
the distinct impression that we were being
asked to do almost the impossible and trying
to indicate this was going to be pretty tough. . . .
(Helms testimony, July 15, 1975, pp. 6-7)
David Phillips, Chief, Chile Task Force
-
...it is my feeling that the odds are unaccept-
able, it is something that is not going to work,
and we are going to be burned if we get into it
...what are the chances of pulling off a coup
successfully, or in any way stopping Allende from
assuming the presidency?...we never even got to
two chances out of 20. (Phillips testimony, p. 16)
...I assure you that those people that I
was in touch with at the Agency just about univers-
ally said, my God, why are we given this assignment?
(Phillips testimony, p. 53).
James Flannery, Deputy Chief, Western Hemisphere Division
There was just no question that we had to make
this effort, no matter what the odds were. And
I think that most people felt that the odds were
just pretty long. (Flannery testimony, p. 20)
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Further, CIA officials believed their judgment of the endeavor's
difficulty was known to the White House. Helms commented on the Septem-
ber 15th meeting: "So realizing all of these things, I'm relatively
certain that day that I pointed out this is going to be awfully tough."
(Helms testimony, July 15, 1975, p. 16) Karamessines recalled pointing
out to the President that "the Chilean military seemed to be disorganized
and unwilling to do anything. And without their wanting to do something,
there did not seem to be much hope." (Karamessines testimony, p. 10)
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III. CIA's Implementation of Track II
A.
Evolution of CIA Strategy
:
The President's instruction to the CIA on September 15 to prevent
Allende's assumption of power was given in the context of a broad U.S.
Government effort to achieve that end. The September 15 instruction
to the CIA involved from the beginning the promotion of a military coup
d'etat in Chile. Although there was talk of a coup in Chilean military
circles, there was little indication that it would actually take place
without active U.S. encouragement and support.
There was much talk among Chilean officers about
the possibility of some kind of coup...but this
was not the kind of talk that was being backed by,
you know, serious organizational planning.
(Karamessines testimony, Aug. 6, 1963, P. 32)
1. The "Constitutional Coup" Approach
Although efforts to achieve a political solution to the Allende
victory continued simultaneous with Track II, the Agency premised its
activities on the assumption that the political avenue was a dead end.
On September 21, CIA Headquarters cabled its Station in Santiago:
Purpose of exercise is to prevent Allende assump-
tion of power. Paramilitary legerdemain has been
discarded. Military solution is objective.
(Hqs. 236, Sept. 21, 1970, para. 3)
The initial strategy attempted, to enlist President Frei in promoting
a coup to perpetuate his presidency for six more years.
The Agency
decided to promise "help in any election which was an outgrowth of a
successful military takeover." (Nov. 18, 1970 Helms memo to Kissinger)
Under this plan Frei would invite the military to take over, dissolve the
Congress, and proclaim a new election. A private U.S. citizen who had
been a conduit for CIA funds to Frei's 1964 campaign was sent to see him
.
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1333
with this message on September 24. (Task Force Log, September 23)
Thomas Karamessines, the Deputy Director for Plans, testified:
So this was in a sense not Track II, but in a
sense another aspect of a quiet and hopefully
non-violent military coup.... This was abandoned
when the military were reluctant to push Frei
publicly... and, number two, Frei was reluctant
to leave on his own in the absence of pressure
from the military....There was left as the only
chance of success a straight military coup.
(Karamessines testimony, Aug. 6, 1975, p. 6)
At the same time, the Station in Santiago reported:
2.
Strong reasons for thinking neither Frei nor
Schneider will act. For that reason any scenario
in which either has to play an active role now
appears utterly unrealistic. Overtures to lower
echelon officers (e.g., Valenzuela) can of course
be made. This involves promoting Army split.
(Stn. to Hqs. 424, September 23, 1970)
Military Solution
(November 18
President Frei's failure even to attempt to persuade his own party
convention on October 3-4 from reaching a compromise with Allende ended
all hope of using him to prevent an Allende presidency.
memo, Helms to Kissinger, page 16) Thus, by the beginning of October,
it was clear that a vehicle for a military solution would have to be
found in the second echelon of Chilean officers, and that the top leader-
ship of the Armed Services, particularly General Rene Schneider, consti-
tuted a stumbling block. (Santiago 424, September 23, 1970; Santiago 439,
September 30, 1970) The Agency's task was to cause a coup in a highly
unpromising situation and to overcome the formidable obstacles represented
by Frei's inaction, Schneider's strong constitutionalism, and the absence
of organization and enthusiasm among those officers who were interested
in a coup.
A three-fold program was set into motion:
མ་23)
PUPPET
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Collect intelligence on coup-minded officers;
Create a coup climate by propaganda, disinformation,
and terrorist activities intended to provoke the left to
give a pretext for a coup; *(Hqs. 611, October 7, 1970)
C.
Inform those coup-minded officers that the U.S. Govern-
ment would give them full support in a coup short of direct
U.S. military intervention.
B. The Chile Task Force
(Hqs. 762, October 14, 1970)
Because of the highly sensitive nature of the operation, a special
task force was created in the CIA's Western Hemisphere Division to manage it.
The task force was placed under the daily direction of the Deputy Direc-
tor for Plans, Thomas Karamessines, and a group of the Agency's most
experienced and skilled operators were detailed to the task force.
*A cable sent from CIA Headquarters to Santiago on October 19 focused
on creating an appropriate justification for a coup. The cable stated:
1. It still appears that Ref A coup has no pretext or justification
that it can offer to make it acceptable in Chile or Latin America. It
therefore would seem necessary to create one to bolster what will prob-
ably be their claim to a coup to save Chile from communism...You may
wish include variety of themes in justification of coup to military for
their use.
These could include but are not limited to: A) Firm intel.
that Cubans planned to reorganize all intelligence services along
Soviet/Cuban mold thus creating structure for police state....B) Economic
situation collapsing....C) By quick recognition of Cuba and Communist
countries Allende assumed U.S. would cut off material assistance to
Armed Forces thus weakening them as constitutional barriers. Would then
empty armories to Communist Peoples Militia with task to run campaign of
terror based on alleged labor and economic sabotage (Use some quotes
from Allende on this.)
2. Station has written some excellent prop guidances. Using themes
at hand and which best known to you we are now asking you to prepare
intel report based on some well known facts and some fiction to justify
coup, split opposition, and gain adherents for military group. With
appropriate military contact can determine how to "discover" intel report
which could even be planted during raids planned by Carabineros.
3. We urge you to get this idea and some concrete suggestions to plot
ters as soon as you can. Coup should have a justification to prosper.
(Headquarters 882, 19 October 1970).
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10
David A. Phillips, Chief of Station in Rio de Janeiro, was summoned.
....
back to Washington to head the operation.
With the exception of the
Division Chief, William Broe, his deputy James Flannery and the head
of the Chile Branch, no other officers in the Division were aware of the
task force's activities, not even those officers who normally had respon-
sibility for Chile. The task force had a special communications channel to
Santiago and Buenos Aires to compartment cable traffic about Track II.
(November 18, 1970, Helms to Kissinger memo, page 3) Most of the
significant operational decisions were made by Phillips, Broe and
Karamessines, who met on a daily basis.
It should be noted that all those involved with the task force des-
(Kara-
cribed the pressure from the White House as intense. Indeed, Karamessines
has said that Kissinger "left no doubt in my mind that he was under the
heaviest of pressure to get this accomplished, and he in turn was plac-
ing us under the heaviest of pressures to get it accomplished."
messines testimony, August 6, 1975, page 7) The Deputy Chief of the
Western Hemisphere Division, James Flannery, testified that pressure was
"as tough as I ever saw it in my time there, extreme. (Flannery testi-
mony, July 15, 1975, page 20) Broe testified that "I have never gone
through a period as we did on the Chilean thing. I mean it was just
constant, constant.... . Just continual pressure. It was coming from the
White House. (Broe testimony, August 4, 1975, page 55)
"
"
C. The Use of the Army Attache and Interagency Relations
The CIA Station in Santiago had inadequate contacts within the
Chilean military to carry out its task. However, the U.S. Army At-
tache in Santiago, Colonel Paul Wimert, knew the Chilean military
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very well due to his five years of service there and his broad personal
contacts among the Chilean officers. Following a proposal by the Chief
of Station, the CIA decided to enlist Colonel Wimert in collecting in-
telligence concerning the possibility of a coup and to use him as a
channel to let the interested Chilean military know of U. S.
for a coup.
support
Karamessines described this procedure for the Committee:
We also needed contact with a wider segment of the military,
the senior military which we had not maintained and did not
have, but which we felt confident that our military represen-
tative in Chile had.... And we got the approval of the DIA to
enlist the cooperation of Colonel Wimert in our effort to pro-
cure intelligence.
(Karamessines testimony, August 6, 1975, P. 6)
To obtain Wimert's services, CIA officials prepared a suggested mes-
sage for the Director of DIA to send to the Army Attache in Santiago
through CIA communications channels. Because the DIA Director, General
Donald V. Bennett, was in Europe on official business, the Deputy
Director of Central Intelligence, General Cushman, invited DIA Deputy
Director Lt. General Jammie M. Philpott to his office on September 28,
1970.* During that meeting, General Cushman requested the assistance of
the Army Attache, and General Philpott signed a letter which authorized
transmission of a message directing the Army Attache:
. to work closely with the CAS chief, or in his absence,
his deputy, in contacting and advising the principal mili-
tary figures who might play a decisive role in any move which
might, eventually, deny the presidency to Allende.
Do not, repeat not, advise the Ambassador or the Defense At-
tache of this message, or give them any indication of its
portent. In the course of your routine activities, act in
accordance with the Ambassador's instructions. Simultaneously,
I wish and now authorize you--to act in a concerted fashion
with the CAS chief.
*
General Bennett returned to the United States on the evening of October
10, 1970. General Philpott was Acting Director in Bennett's absence.
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 95
・
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TO
This message is for your eyes only, and should not be dis-
cussed with any person other than those CAS officers who will
be knowledgeable. CAS will identify them. (Headquarters 380
to Santiago)
For this and all subsequent messages intended for the Army Attache,
the secret CIA communications channel was used.
Both General Philpott and Thomas Karamessines testified that ini-
tially the Army Attache would be used only to "obtain or procure" in-
telligence on Chilean military officers.* (Philpott, p. 11; Karamessines,
p. 6)
The September 28, 1970 message to the Army Attache, however, did
in fact trigger his deep involvement in the coup attempt. According to
the Attache's testimony, he received day-to-day instructions from the
Chief of Station, and on occasion, the COS would show him messages
ostensibly from Generals Bennett and/or Philpott, directing him to
take certain actions. The COS also transmitted messages from the Army
Attache to these Generals.
General Bennett testified that he never had knowledge of Track II
and that he never received any communication relating thereto, nor did
he ever authorize the transmission of any messages to the Army Attache.
General Philpott also testified that he had no recollection of anything
connected with Track II after his initial meeting with General Cushman
on September 28. (Philpott, p. 16)
U. S. Army Colonel Robert C. Roth, who in September and October 1970
was the Chief of the Human Resources Division, Director of Collection, DIA,
し
* In this connection it should be noted that when questioned about
this letter, General Philpott testified that he recalled signing
an authorization such as that contained in the first paragraph of
Headquarters 380 but that he did not recall the authorizations and
instructions in paragraphs two and three.
Connec
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 96
23
:
PT
testified that he recalled working for Generals Bennett and Philpott on
"a priority requirement to identify Chilean personalities who might be
helpful in preventing the election of Allende as President of Chile.
(Roth, Vol. I, p. 6) Though Roth recalls no mention of Track II as such,
the goal of this mission is identical to that described in the message.
of September 28 bearing Philpott's signature.
Beginning on October 15, Roth kept a chronology of his activities
connected with Chile. This chronology reflects that there was a meeting
on October 21 regarding the preparation of biographic material on Chilean
generals which focused on their willingness to participate in a military
coup. Generals Bennett, Philpott, and a CIA representative attended.
The chronology also shows that on October 21, Roth delivered a message to
Mr. Broe to be sent by CIA channels.* A message was sent to Col. Wimert
that same day, ostensibly from General Bennett, which authorized:
FYI: Suspension temporarily imposed on MAP and FMS has
been rescinded. This action does not repeat not. imply
change in our estimate of situation. On the contrary,
it is intended to place us in a posture in which we can
formally cut off assistance if Allende elected and situa-
tion develops as we anticipate. Request up. date on situa-.
tion. (Santiago 446; Ref: Headquarters 762) (Headquarters
934, 21 October 1970)
Roth testified that this DIA project ended on October 23 when he
followed Philpott's instructions to deliver biographic information on
Chilean figures to Mr. Broe at CIA. Philpott also instructed him that
*
Roth believes that General Philpott directed him to deliver this
message and also pressed him on several occasions to seek a re-
sponse from Broe to an earlier message to Colonel Wimert. (Roth,
Vol. II, p. )
TOP SECRET
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 97
23 a
"any further action on the subject would henceforth be the responsibility
of the CIA and that DIA would perform normal support functions."
p. 8)*
(Roth,
Both Bennett and Philpott testified that the activities described
by Roth were routine DIA activities. However, Colonel Roth testified:
I believe my impression at the time, or my recollection, is
that I was informed that there was concern at the highest
U.S. Governmental level over the possible election of Allende,
that DIA then had a priority responsibility of coming up with
the identities of key Chilean personalities that would be help-
ful, and so forth. I have nothing specific as to the nature of
the instructions or the channels through which they came.
Q. It was your sense at the time that you were working on a
project that if it had not been initiated by, at least had
the attention of or concern of, the highest level?
*
Roth's chronology also indicates that Philpott had asked that Broe
be queried on two or three occasions regarding a report from Wimert
and that Philpott instructed that only he (Philpott) would communi-
cate with Cushman if the need arose. (Roth, p. 11) Roth also testi-.
fied that Philpott advised him that communications with Wimert would
be by CIA channels. (Roth, p. 41)
TOP SECRET
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Colonel Roth. That was my impression at the time.
Q.
You understand from your work in the Defense Department
that the highest level of government usually indicated the
President of the United States?
Colonel Roth. I would assume that.
The CIA produced copies of several messages which identify
Generals Bennett and Philpott as either the sender or recipient. Among
these documents is a message relating to Track II which bears Philpott's
purported signature. (Undated message. ca. 14 October 1970) General
Philpott admitted that the signature appears to be his but doubted that
it was and he could not recall signing it, or having seen it.
.p.
(Philpott,
> CIA also produced messages of October 14 (Headquarters 762)
and October 21 (Headquarters 934) conveying instructions from General
Bennett to the Army Attache. General Bennett testified he did. not
authorize these messages:
It is beyond the responsibilities which I had in the military
assistance area. It goes beyond the responsibility which I
had in terms that I would have to get the authority or the
approval of the Secretary through the Chairman for covert
action of this magnitude. This message would not have been
signed by me. (Bennett testimony, p. 21)
According to Karamessines, only the White House had the authority to
issue the directives contained in those messages (Karamessines testi-
mony, p. 84)
The Department of Defense was unable to provide any documents bear-
ing on the issue of Wimert's Track II instructions or responses. A
DOD file search under the direction of General Daniel 0. Graham, the
present Director of DIA, produced no copies of communication documents
for the September-October 1970 period.
testified that detailed memoranda for the record which he prepared on
his activities are missing from the files. (Roth, Vol. II, P. )
(Graham, p. 6) However, Roth
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:
ཅ ན ད ད ད ད ད ད ད ད ས ས མ མ མ ག ག པ ག ག
CIA officials maintain that they acted faithfully in transmitting.
messages to Generals Bennett and/or Philpott and in never sending a
message without proper authorization.
forceful in this regard:
Mr. Karamessines was particularly
...I can recall no instance in my experience at the Central
Intelligence Agency in which a message was received for an
individual, an officer of the government anywhere, in what-
ever department, which was not faithfully, directly, promptly
and fully and accurately delivered to that officer, or to his
duly authorized representative.
(Karamessines testimony, p. 79)
We may have played tricks overseas, but it stopped at the
water's edge, and we didn't play tricks among ourselves or.
among our colleagues within the Agency or in other agencies.
(Karamessines testimony, p. 79)
We could not remain in business for a day...if this had been
the practice of the Agency. It would have been no time at
all before we would have been found out, a single instance
of the kind of thing you are suggesting might have taken
place would have put us out of business.
(Karamessines testimony, p. 80)
Dr. Kissinger denied he was ever informed of the Army Attache'
role or that he authorized any messages to be sent to the Army Attache.
(Kissinger testimony, p. 22)
The investigation to date has not resolved the conflict between the
statements of the senior CIA, DIA and White House officials.
:
There are
four possibilities that could explain the conflict. First, Generals
Bennett and Philpott were cognizant of Track II and communicated their
general instructions to the Army Attache. This possibility would be
contrary to their sworn testimony. Second, General Bennett was not aware
of Track II but General Philpott was and communicated general instructions to
the Army Attache. This possibility is supported by Roth's testimony
but would be contrary to Philpott's sworn testimony and his duty to
keep General Bennett informed. Third, the CIA acted on its own,
after receiving initial authority from General Philpott, co-opted and ordered
and,
NW 50955
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1231
the Army Attache without further informing any member of the Department
of Defense of the White House. This possibility would be contrary to
the sworn testimony of David Phillips, William Broe, Thomas Karamessines,
and William Colby. Fourth, members of the White House staff authorized
the CIA to convey orders to the Army Attache on the basis of high or
highest government authority. Further, that the White House staff
directed that the Army Attache's superiors in the Pentagon not be in-
formed. This possibility would contradict the sworn testimony of Dr.
Kissinger and General Alexander Haig.
D. The False Flag Base
In order to minimize the risks of making contact with the dissident
Chilean officers, the task force decided in late September to set up a
"False Flag Base," i.e., to send four staff officers to Chile posing as
nationals of other countries to supplement Colonel Wimert's contacts
with Chilean military officers. Given the limitations of the Station's
*
resources and Colonel Wimert's visibility, Headquarters felt the use of
"False Flag Officers" was necessary because "We don't want to miss a
chance." One of these officers posed as a Brazilian intelligence officer
so that "any flap would be a Brazilian one."
September 27, 1970)
(Headquarters 363,
"
*The use of "False Flag Officers" is not, according to David Phillips,
"an unusual practice, either by the CIA or foreign intelligence
services. (Phillips testimony, pp. 47-48)
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Page 101
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The False Flaggers were compartmented from each other and reported
separately on their contacts to a "deep cover" CIA officer in Santiago
who in turn reported to the Station. According to the testimony of the
Chief of Station, they received their instructions from Washington and
not from him. (Chief of Station testimony (Felix), August 1, 1975,
E. Chief of Station
P. 27)
Although most of the Station officers in Santiago did not know of
Track II, the Chief and Deputy Chief of Station were knowledgeable and
the Chief of Station initiated contacts on his own with Chilean officers.
The COS has testified that he regarded Track II as unrealistic:
I had left no doubt in the minds of my colleagues
and superiors that I did not consider any kind of
intervention in those constitutional processes
desirable.... And one of the reasons certainly for my
last recall. (to Washington) was to be read the riot
act--which was done in a very pleasant, but very
intelligible manner. Specifically, I was told at
that time that the Agency was not too interested in
continuously being told by me that certain proposals
which had been made could not be executed, or would
be counterproductive. (Chief of Station (Felix)
testimony, August 1, 1975, p. 10)
The Chief of Station's objection to Track II did not go unnoticed.
The following instruction to the COS was sent on October 7: "Report
should not contain analysis and argumentation but simply report on
(Headquarters 612, 7 October) Very simply, Headquarters
wanted the Station to take orders quietly as was the Agency itself.
action taken."
TOP GEODET
NW 50955
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:
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lj W² - 28–
Three examples of the Chief of Station's reporting bear out his
claim to have dissented:
Bear in mind that parameter of action is exceed-
ingly narrow and available options are quite
limited and relatively simple.
(Santiago 424, September 23, 1970)
Feel necessary to caution against any false optimism.
It is essential that we not become victims of our
own propaganda. (Santiago 441, October 1, 1970)
'
Urge you do not convey impression that Station has
sure-fire method of halting, let alone triggering
coup attempts. (Santiago 477, October 7, 1970, p.2)
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CIA Efforts to Promote a Coup
A. The Chilean Conspirators
Anti-Allende coup plotting in Chile centered around several key
individuals.
*
One of these was retired General Roberto Viaux, the General
who had led the "Tacnazo" insurrection a year before. Following the
"Taenazo" revolt, and his dismissal from the Army, Viaux retained the
support of many non-commissioned and junior officers as well as being
the recognized leader of several right-wing civilian groups. (CIA
Briefing Paper, "Special Mandate from the President on Chile," July
15, 1975)
Another individual around which plotting centered was General Camilo
Valenzuela, Commander of the Santiago Garrison. General Valenzuela was
in league with several other active duty officers, including Admiral
Hugo Tirado, Navy Commander in Chief%3B General Vicente Huerta, Director
General of the Carabinero (police) Corps; General Canales, Director of
the Military Academy; and General Joaquin Garcia, second in command,
Air Force. (CIA Report on Chilean Task Force Activities, November 18,
1970) All of these officers, with the possible exception of Canales,
were in contact with Viaux as well.
**
*This revolt was engineered by Viaux ostensibly for the purposes of drama-
tizing the military's demand for higher pay, but was widely interpreted as
an abortive coup.
**The record of meetings between Viaux and the active duty military officers
is incomplete. The record does show, however, that Viaux met with General
Huerta around October 7. (Chile Task Force Log, October 7). On October 12
Viaux met with General Valenzuela (Chile Task Force Log, 14 October). One
cable from Santiago indicates that Admiral Tirado may have been a member
of Viaux's inner circle of conspirators. (Station 545, 16 October 1970).
At the very least, Tirado was in contact with Viaux.
Although a distinction can be made between the Viaux and Valenzuela groups,
as CIA witnesses did throughout their testimony before the Committee, the
principal distinction between the two was that the latter was led by active duty
military officers. The two groups were in contact with each other. The
record also indicates that they worked together in at least two of the three
Schneider kidnap attempts.
NW 50955 DocId:32423525 Page 104
☐
10P SEXXC
There was considerable communication among the various plotting
elements. As Thomas Karamessines testified:
B.
I might add here that it seemed that a good
dozen or more, maybe 20 Chilean senior officers
were privy to what was going on in addition to
President Frei and they were all talking to one
another exchanging views and trying to see how
best to mount the kind of coup that they wanted
to see take place. (Karamessines testimony, p. 10)
Contacts Prior to October 15
The CIA's initial task in Chile was to assess the potential within
the Chilean military to stage a coup. It recognized quickly that anti-
Allende currents did exist in the military and the Carabineros (police),
but were immobilized by "the tradition of military respect for the
Constitution" and "the public and private stance of General Schneider,
Commander in Chief of the Army, who advocated strict adherence to the
(CIA Report on Chilean Task Force Activities, 18 Novem-
Constitution."
ber 1970, p. 17) The Agency's task, then, was to overcome "the apolitical,
constitutional-oriented inertia of the Chilean military."
(Ibid, p. 2)
Since the very top of the Chilean military, embodied by General
Schneider and his second-in-command, General Prat, were hostile to the
idea of a coup against Allende, discreet approaches were made to the
second level of general officers. They were to be informed that the U.S.
Government would support a coup both before and after it took place.
(Headquarters to Station 611, 7 October 1970) This effort began in
earnest on October 5 when Colonel Wimert informed both an Army General
("Station's priority contact") an an Air Force General of the pro-coup
*
*
The military officers were told, for example, that should Allende be
prevented from taking office, "The Chilean military will not be ostra-
cized, but rather can continue to count on us for MAP support and main-
tenance of our close relationship." (Hqs. 075517, 7 October 1970)
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 105
I'
U.S policy.
(Santiago 469, October 5; Santiago 473, October 6)*
Three days later the Chief of Station told General Huerta, Commander
of the Carabineros that "the U.S. Government favors a military solu-
tion and is willing to support it in any manner short of outright
military intervention."
(Task Force Log, 9 October)
General Huerta
informed the COS that there was no chance of a coup by the Chilean
Army high command.
(Task Force Log, 10 October)
On October 7, Colonel Wimert approached members of the War Academy
in Santiago who in turn asked him to provide light weapons. This was
Colonel Wimert's first contact with the Army Lt. Colonel to whom he
would ultimately pass three submachine guns on October 22. At this
meeting, the Lt. Colonel told Colonel Wimert that he and his colleagues
**
were
trying to exert force on Frei to eliminate
Gen. Schneider to either replace him, send
him out of the country. They had even stud-
ied plans to kidnap him. Schneider is the
main barrier to all plans for the military
to take over the government to prevent an
Allende presidency. (Santiago 483, 8 October)
*
According to the CIA's wrap-up report on Track II, between October 5
and October 20, the CIA Station and the Army Attache--for the most part
the latter--made 21 contacts with key military and Carabinero officials.
(CIA Report on Chilean Task Force Activities, 8 November 1970)
**
In his testimony, Colonel Wimert indicated that the Lt. Colonel was
affiliated with General Canales. (Wimert testimony, p. 52) In a cable
sent to Headquarters on October 18, in which the Lt. Colonel's request
for three submachine guns was made, the Station indicated that Wimert
believed the Army officer, and his companion, a Navy Captain, were in
league with Admiral Tirado. (Station 562, October 18) At another point
in his testimony, Wimert stated, "There was Valenzuela here and the Navy
Captain and the Army Lt. Colonel and the Air Force General over here."
(Wimert testimony, p. 107) The Committee has been unable to determine
the exact affiliation of the Army Lt. Colonel. However, as previously
stated, both General Canales and Admiral Tirado were affiliated with
General Valenzuela and Admiral Tirado was in contact with General Viaux.
NW 50955
DocId: 32423525 Page 106
The next day, October 8, Headquarters cabled the Station in response
to the Wimert-Lt. Colonel meeting.
Headquarters took note of Schneider's
resistance to coup plans and stated:
We
This would make it more important than
ever to remove him and to bring this new
state of events...anything we or Station
can do to effect removal of Schneider?
know this rhetorical question, but wish
inspire thought on both ends on this matter.
(Hqs. 628, 8 October)
During the first week of intensive efforts chances of success
looked unusually bleak. The Chile Task Force Log commented:
President Frei and the highest levels of the
armed forces unable to pull themselves together
to block Allende. The Chilean military's tradi-
tion of non-intervention, Frei's reluctance to
tarnish his historical image, General Schneider's
firm constitutional stand, and most importantly,
the lack of leadership within the government and
military are working against a military takeover.
(Task Force Log, 8 October)
"
The following day the Station made reference to the "rapid (ly) waning
chances for success. (Santiago 487, 9 October) This pessimism was not
dispelled by their simultaneous judgment: "Station has arrived at Viaux
solution by process of elimination." (Santiago 504, 10 October) Three
days later the Task Force agreed: "We continue to focus our attention
on General Viaux who now appears to be the only military leader willing
to block Allende." (Task Force Log, 13 October)
If Viaux was the CIA's only hope of staging a coup, things were bleak
indeed. His own colleagues, Generals Huerta and Valenzuela described him
as "a General without an army. (Santiago 495, 9 October) Yet in the
first two weeks of October he came to be regarded as the best hope for:
carrying out the CIA's Track II mandate.
NW 50955
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Although Colonel Wimert was instructed not to involve himself with
Viaux because of the high risk involved (Santiago 461, 5 October), he
served initially as a contact to Viaux through an Argentine military
Attache. The Argentine reported on October 5 that Viaux wanted several
hundred paralyzing gas grenades to launch a coup on October 9. (Santiago
476, 6-October) Headquarters turned down the request, concluding that
a "mini-coup at this juncture would be counterproductive" and Viaux
should postpone his plans, "while encouraging him in a suitable manner
to maintain his posture so that he may join larger movement later if
it materializes.'
task.
(Headquarters 585, 6 October)
The primary purpose of the "False Flag Base" was to contact Viaux,
and it very rapidly relieved Wimert and the Argentine Attache of that
Viaux reiterated his demand for an air drop of weapons to the
"False Flagger," and again the response was the same: reject the demand
for arms, but encourage him to keep planning. In essence the Agency
was buying time with Viaux: "We wish to encourage Viaux to expand and
refine his coup planning. Gain some influence over his actions."
(Headquarters 689, 10 October) To achieve this latter purpose, Head-
quarters authorized passing $20,000 in cash and a promise of $250,000
in life insurance to. Viaux and his associates, as a demonstration of
U.S. support. (Headquarters 729, 13 October)
On October 13, Headquarters again indicated its concern over Schneider
by asking: "What is to keep Schneider from making statement in early
hours which will freeze those military leaders who might otherwise join
Viaux?" (Headquarters 729, 13 October) The Station's response later that
same day was "Viaux intends to kidnap Generals Schneider and Prats within
the next 48 hours in order to precipitate a coup. (Santiago 527,
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W!
TOP
R
October) This Viaux kidnapping of Schneider was reported by the Sta-
tion "as part of a coup that included Valenzuela." (Station 529, 13 October)
At about this time the Station began to receive encouragement from its
other contacts. On October 14, ten days before the Chilean Congress was
to vote, the Task Force Log concluded:
Now we are beginning to see signs of increasing
coup activity from other military quarters,
specifically, an Army General (name deleted),
Admiral Tirado, the forces in Concepcion and
Valdivis and perhaps even Frei and Ossa.
(Task Force Log, 14 October)
C. October 15 Decision
To summarize, by October 15, General Viaux had advertised to his con-
tact a desire to proceed with a coup, had indicated he would deal with
the Schneider obstacle by kidnapping him, had met at least once with Gen-
erals Huerta and Valenzuela and had once postponed his coup plans.*
On October 15 Thomas Karamessines met Henry Kissinger and Alexander
Haig at the White House to discuss the situation in Chile. According
to the Agency's record of this meeting, Karamessines "provided a run-
down on Viaux, the Canales meeting with Tirado, and, in some detail,
the general situation in Chile from the coup-possibility viewpoint.
(Memorandum of Conversation/Kissinger, Karamessines, and Haig, 15 October
A decision was made at the meeting "to de-fuse the Viaux coup plot,
at least temporarily:"
1970)
* The reason for Viaux postponing his coup plans was the subject of a cable
from Santiago to Headquarters:
We discount Viaux's statement that he had called off his coup at-
tempt because of False Flag Officer's impending visit. Other re-
porting indicated Viaux probably not able or intending move this
weekend. (Santiago 499, 10 October)
There is also reason to believe that General Valenzuela was instrumental
in persuading Viaux to postpone. According to the Chile. Task Force Loga
Station reported that on 12 October General Valenzuela met
with General Viaux and attempted to persuade him not to at-
tempt a coup." (Chile Task Force Log, 14 October)
AL
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It was decided by those present that the Agency
must get a message to Viaux warning him against
any precipitate action. In essence the message
should state: "We have reviewed your plans and
based on your information and ours, we come to
the conclusion that your plans for a coup at
this time cannot succeed. Failing, they may re-
duce your capabilities in the future. Preserve
your assets. We will stay in touch. The time
will come when you with all your other friends
can do something. You will continue to have
our support." (15 October Memorandum of Conver-
sation, Kissinger, Karamessines, Haig)
The meeting concluded, according to the Agency's record, "on Dr.
Kissinger's note that the Agency should continue keeping the pressure
on every Allende weak spot in sight--now, after the 24th of October,
after 5 November, and into the future until such time as new marching
orders are given. Mr. Karamessines stated that the Agency would comply.
The following day CIA Headquarters cabled the results of the White
House meeting to the Station in Santiago:
2. It is firm and continuing policy that Allende
be overthrown by a coup....We are to continue to
generate maximum pressure toward this end utiliz-
ing every appropriate resource.
3.
After the most careful consideration it was
determined that a Viaux coup attempt carried out
by him alone with the forces now at his disposal
would fail. Thus it would be counterproductive
to our Track Two objectives. It was decided that
CIA get a message to Viaux warning him against
precipitate action. (Headquarters 802, 16 Octo-
ber)
The message was supplemented by orders to "continue to encourage him
(Viaux) to amplify his planning; encourage him to join forces with other
coup planners."
-
(Headquarters 802, 16 October) The message concluded:
"There is great and continuing interest in the activities of Tirado,.
11*
Canales, Valenzuela et al and we wish them optimum good fortune." (Ibid.)
„
*
Secretary Kissinger's recollection of the October 15 meeting is not
in accord with that of Mr. Karamessines or the cable (Headquarters 802)
that was sent the following day to the Station in Santiago. This mat-
ter will be discussed in Part V of this report.
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D.
Coup Planning and Attempts After October 15
1
The decision to "de-fuse" General Viaux was passed to Viaux's
father-in-law on October 17. The in-law responded that it did not
matter because they had decided to proceed with the coup in any case.
(Santiago 533, 17 October) At the final meeting of the CIA "False
Flagger" and Viaux's father-in-law on October 18, the Agency was in-
formed that the coup would proceed on October 22, "and that the abduc-
tion of General Schneider is first link in chain of events to come."
(Santiago 568, 19 October) An "emergency channel" of communication
with Viaux was maintained.
18 November 1970, page 21)
page
T
(Report on CIA Chilean Task Force Activities,
*
As previously stated, by mid-October things suddenly looked brighter
for a coup being mounted by the high-level Chilean military contacts.
As a CIA overview statement in Track II stated:
Coup possibilities afforded by the active
duty military group led by General Valenzuela
and Admiral Tirado had always seemed more
promising than the capabilities of the Viaux
group. These military officers had the abil-
ity and resources to act providing they de-
cided to move and organized themselves ac-
cordingly.
(CIA Briefing Paper, "Special Mandate from
the President on Chile," July 15, 1975, P. 5)
By mid-October those military officers appeared to be moving in
this direction.
On the evening of October 17, Colonel Wimert met with the Army Lt.
Colonel and the Navy Captain. They requested 8 to 10 tear gas grenades,
NW 50955
W
*Two coup plotters, Generals Canales and Garin, made one last attempt to
persuade General Schneider to change his anti-coup position on October 15.
The Station reported that the meeting turned out to be a "complete fiasco.
Schneider refused to listen to General Canales' eloquent presentation of
Communist action in Chile...and adament in maintaining his non-involvement
stance. (Santiago 548, 16 October)
??
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-37-
three 45-caliber machine guns and 500 rounds of ammunition.
The Navy
Captain said he had three machine guns himself "but can be identified
by serial numbers as having been issued to him. Therefore unable to
use them." (Santiago 562, 18 October) Colonel Wimert and the Chief
of Station have testified that the officers wanted the machine guns
for self-protection. The question, of course, is whether the arms were
intended for use, or were used, in the kidnapping of General Schneider.
The fact that the weapons were provided the Lt. Colonel and the Navy
Captain and that Viaux associates were convicted of the Schneider killing
suggests that the guns were not involved.
The machine guns and ammunition were sent from Washington by diplo-
matic pouch on the morning of October 19, although Headquarters was
puzzled about their purpose: "Will continue make effort provide them
but find our credulity stretched by Navy Captain leading his troops
with sterile guns. What is special purpose for these guns? We will
try send them whether you can provide explanation or not."
854, 18 October) The first installment was delivered to the Army Lt.
Colonel and the Navy Captain late in the evening of October 18 and con-
sisted of the six tear gas grenades intended originally for Viaux.*
(Headquarters
* As previously stated, after October 15 CIA efforts to promote a coup in
Chile focussed on the active duty military officers--Valenzuela, et. al.-
rather than Viaux. An example of this shift in focus was the decision to
provide the Army Lt. Colonel and the Army Captain the tear gas grenades
originally intended for Viaux. A cable from Santiago explained the purpose of
this action:
*Station plans give six tear gas grenades to
Colonel Wimert for delivery to Armed Forces
officers (deletion) instead of having False
Flag Officer deliver them to Viaux group.
Our reasoning is that Wimert dealing with
active duty officers. Also False Flagger
leaving evening 18 October, and will not be
replaced but Wimert will stay here. Hence.
important that Wimert credibility with Armed
Forces officers be strengthened.
(Santiago 562, 18 October)
W
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That same day, General Valenzuela informed Colonel Wimert that he,
General Huerta, Admiral Tirado and an Air Force General were prepared
to sponsor a coup. (CIA Report on Chilean Task Force Activities, 18
November 1970) Their plan was to begin with the kidnapping of General
Schneider on the following evening, October 19, at a military
dinner being given for Schneider, * after which Schneider would be flown
to Argentina, Frei would resign and leave Chile, Admiral Tirado would
head the military junta, and dissolve Congress. With respect to the
kidnapping of Schneider, the cable reports:
General Viaux knowledgeable of above operation
but not directly involved. He has been sent to
Vina to stay with prominent physician. Will be
seen in public places during 19 and 20 October
to demonstrate fact that above operation not his
doing. Will be allowed to return to Santiago at
end of week. Military will not admit involve-
ment in Schneider's abduction which is to be
blamed on leftists. (Santiago 566, 19 October)"
The kidnapping of the evening of October 19 failed because General Schneider
left in a private vehicle, rather than in his official car, and his police guard
failed to be withdrawn, but the Army Lt.Colonel assured Colonel Wimert that an-
other attempt would be made on October 20. (Santiago 582, 20 October)
Colonel Wimert was authorized to pay Valenzuela $50,000 "which was the price
agreed upon between the plotters and the unidentified team of abductors,"
* The "False Flag Officer" who was in contact with Viaux at the time
the Valenzuela plan was given to Colonel Wimert apparently understood
that Viaux was involved in the October 19 attempt. He stated:
Q. Were you told any of the details of how
the (Viaux) kidnapping would be carried out?
Mr. Sarno. They indicated it was going to be
at some sort of a banquet which the General :
(Schneider) would be attending.
(Sarno testimony, p. 37)
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TOP
but Wimert insisted that the kidnapping be completed before he paid the
money. (Task Force Log, 20 October) At the same time General Valenzuela
assured Colonel Wimert that the military was now prepared to move. (Task
Force Log, 20 October) The second abduction attempt on the 20th also
failed and the Task Force concluded
E.
Since Valenzuela's group is apparently having
considerable difficulty executing even the first
step of its coup plan, the prospects for a coup
succeeding or even occurring before 24 October
now appears remote. (Task Force Log, 22 October)
The Killing of General Schneider
In the early morning hours of October 22 (2 am), Colonel Wimert
delivered the three submachine guns with ammunition to the Army Lt.
Colonel in an isolated section of Santiago.
*
*Although Colonel Wimert's testimony and the cable traffic do not
clearly establish the identity of the group to which the Lt. Colonel
was affiliated (see page 31) two CIA statements on Track II tie the
weapons, and therefore the Lt. Colonel, to the Valenzuela group:
... The only assistance requested by Valenzuela
to set the plan of October 197 into motion
through Schneider's abduction was several sub-
machine guns, ammunition, a few tear gas grenades
and gas masks (all of which were provided) plus
$50,000 for expenses (which was to be passed upon
demand.
(CIA Report on Chilean Task Force Activities,
18 November 1970, p. 22)
... Three sub-machine guns, together with six gas
cannisters and masks, were passed to the Valen-
zuela group at 2 am on 22 October. The reason
- why they still wanted the weapons was because
there were two days remaining before the Congress
decided the Presidential election and the Valen-
zuela group maintained some hope they could still
carry out their plans.
(CIA Briefing Paper, "Special Mandate from the
President on Chile, p. 7, July 15, 1975)
11
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a la
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At about 7 am that day the group that intended to kidnap General
Schneider met to discuss last-minute instructions. According to the
findings of the Chilean Military Court which investigated the Schneider
killing, neither the Army Lt. Colonel nor the Navy Captain were there.
Shortly after 8 am, General Schneider's car was intercepted, on his
way to work, by the abductors and he was mortally wounded when he drew
his handgun in self-defense. The Military Court determined that hand
gums had been used to kill General Schneider, although it also found
that one unloaded machine gun was at the scene of the killing.
*
The first Station reports following the Schneider shooting said
"Military Mission sources claim General Schneider machine gunned on
way to work" (Santiago 587, 22 October) and "Assailants used grease
guns." (Santiago 589, 22 October) The submachine guns had previously
been described as "grease guns. Thus the initial reaction of the Station
was that Schneider had been shot with the same kind of weapons delivered
several hours earlier to the Army Lt. Colonel. Santiago then informed
Headquarters "Station has instructed Col. Wimert to hand over $50,000
"
if Gen. Valenzuela requests (Santiago 592, 22 October), thus indicating
that the Station thought the kidnapping had been accomplished by Valen-
zuela's paid abductors. Later that day, the Station cabled Headquarters:
*The Military Court determined that those who participated in the
shooting of General Schneider on October 22 were part of the Viaux-led
conspiracy. The Court also found that this same group had participated
in the October 19 and 20 kidnap attempts.
In June 1972 General Viaux was convicted for complicity in the plot
culminating in the death of General Schneider. He received a 20-year
prison sentence for being "author of the crime of kidnapping which re-
sulted in serious injury to the victim," and a five-year exile for con-
spiring to cause a military coup. Also convicted on the latter charge
were Generals Valenzuela and Tirado. They received sentences of three
years in exile.
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Station unaware if assassination was pre-
meditated or whether it constituted bungled
abduction attempt. In any case, it important
to bear in mind that move against Schneider
was conceived by and executed at behest of
senior Armed Forces officers. We know that
General Valenzuela was involved. We also
near certain that Admiral Tirado, Army Lt.
Colonel and Navy Captain witting and involved.
We have reason for believeing that General
Viaux and numerous associates fully clued in,
but cannot prove or disprove that execution
or attempt against Schneider was entrusted to
elements linked with Viaux. Important factor
to bear in mind is that Armed Forces, and not
retired officers or extreme rightests, set
Schneider up for execution or abduction....
All we can say is that attempt against Schneider
is affording Armed Forces one last opportunity
to prevent Allende's election if they are willing
to follow Valenzuela's scenario..
(Santiago 598, 22 October)
F.
Post October 22 Events
The shooting of General Schneider resulted immediately in a declara-
tion of martial law, the appointment of General Prats to succeed Schneider
as Commander in Chief, and the appointment of General Valenzuela as chief
of Santiago province. These measures, and others taken, caused the Chile
Task Force to make the following initial judgment:
With only 24 hours remaining before the Congressional
runoff, a coup climate exists in Chile.... The attack
on General Schneider has produced developments which
closely follow Valenzuela's plan....Consequently the
plotters' positions have been, enhanced.
(Chile Task Force Log, 22 October)
On October 23, Director Helms reviewed and discussed Track II:
It was agreed...that a maximum effort has been achieved,
and that now only the Chileans themselves can manage a
--successful coup. The Chileans have been guided to a
point where a military solution is at least open to
them.
(Task Force Log, 24 October)/
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Although it was not immediately clear to CIA observers, the Station's
prediction of October 9 that the shooting of Schneider (as a result of
an abduction attempt) would "rally the Army firmly behind the flag of
constitutionalism" was correct. (Santiago 495, 9 October) On October 24
Dr. Allende was confirmed by the Chilean Congress.
died the next day.
General Schneider
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CIA/White House Communication During Track II
The testimony given to the Committee by Henry Kissinger and General
Haig conflicts with that given by CIA officials.
Kissinger and Haig testified that on October 15, 1970, the White
House stood down CIA efforts to promote a military coup d'etat in Chile.
Both testified that after that date they were neither informed of, nor
authorized, CIA Track II activities, including the kidnap plans of
General Schneider and the passage of weapons to the military plotters.
By contrast, CIA officials testified that they operated before and
after October 15 with the knowledge and approval of the White House.
The conflict pertains directly to the period after October 15, but
it bears on the degree of communication between the White House and the
CIA in the earlier period as well. For instance, Henry Kissinger testi-
fied that he was informed of no coup plan which began with the abduction
of General Schneider. He was aware of General Viaux's plan--which he
and Karamessines decided on October 15 to try to forestall--but did not
know that it was to begin with Schneider's abduction.
CIA officials, especially Thomas Karamessines, stated that there was
close consultation throughout Track II between the Agency and the White
Karamessines testified that he met with Kissinger some six to
House.
ten times during the five weeks of Track II (Karamessines testimony,
page 66); and that he kept Kissinger generally informed of developments.
(Ibid., page 56) The Committee has records of two meetings between
Karamessines and Kissinger and of one telephone conversation between
Karamessines and Kissinger's deputy, General Alexander Haig.
daily calendar indicates that three other meetings with General Haig
took place--but does not establish with certainty that the topic was
T05
Karamessines'
RET
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Track II The calendar also suggests that Karamessines and Kissinger
met on three other occasions and so might have had the opportunity to
discuss Track II.
Henry Kissinger's testimony before the Committee differs
from Karamessines in two respects: He believed Track II was "turned off"
on October 15%; and, after that date, he was informed neither of the coup
plans of the Chilean conspirators nor of the passage of weapons to them.
He said that Track II was
in the nature of a probe and not in the nature of
a plan,...no plan for a coup was ever submitted to
the White House. So my recollection of events,
this was a request by President Nixon for Track II
which led to two or three meetings which then on.
October 15th led to being turned off by the White
House, after which Track II was dead as far as my
office was concerned, and we never received another
report on the subject. (Kissinger testimony, p. 15)
***
In my mind Track II was finished on October 15th
and I never received any further CIA information
after October 15th on the basis of any records that
(Ibid., p. 59).
I have been able to find.
General Haig's testimony generally coincided with Kissinger's
recollection:
I left (the October 15th meeting) with the distinct
impression that there was nothing that could be
done in this covert area that offered promise or
hope for success. I had the distinct impression
that was Dr. Kissinger's conclusion, and that in
effect these things--and I wasn't even really
familiar with what these two groups were to do and
how they were to do it, but they were to cease and
desist. (Haig testimony, pp. 26-27)
***
My recollection would be that we had no hope for a
viable, covert plan of action. That is the impres-
sion I got. (Ibid., p. 29)
The following pages present the Committee's record of communication
between the White House and the CIA from September 18 through December 2:
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 119
A. September
September 18
VAD SECRET
Helms and Karamessines met with Kissinger at the White House. As
Helms' notes of the September 15 meeting indicate, Kissinger wanted a
plan within 48 hours. In the meeting on the 18th, according to CIA
records, there was little discussion of a military coup. Rather the
conversation focused on "what economic leverage could be exercised in
the Chilean situation...." (Memorandum/Meeting with DDP, 18 September)
The efficacy of economic pressure continued to be a subject of con-
cern during the last days of September. Apparently that pressure was
viewed as another inducement to Frei to opt for the "Frei gambit."
September 21
The 40 Committee met. The Select Committee has no confirmation
that Chile was on the agenda at this meeting.
Karamessines' calendar
confirms that he attended; presumably Kissinger, the 40 Committee chair-
man, also attended, although the Committee has not been able to review
his calendar. All that can be said about this meeting--and the meetings
of the Senior Review Group, which Kissinger also chaired--is that the
meetings afforded Karamessines and Kissinger an opportunity to meet
privately and discuss Track II if they desired. In all these instances
save the 40 Committee meeting on September 22, the Committee has no
evidence to confirm that such a private Kissinger/Karamessines meeting
actually took place. That the CIA prepared a memorandum of conversa-
tion for the private meeting on the 22nd but has been able to find none
-
for other meetings may provide some support for the argument that no
other such private meetings occurred.
September 22
Kissinger asked Karamessines to stay behind after a 40. Committ
meeting called to discuss Track I. The two men discussed Track "II actions,
especially the contacts with then-Chilean-President Frei.
According to
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Kissinger told Karamessines that "our
handling of the problem during the earlier meeting had been perfect
and he added we were doing fine and keep it up."
(Memorandum for
the Record/Chile, 22 September 1970, by Thomas Karamessines)
B. October
October 5
A cable sent to Santiago, released by Karamessines, requested a
report on how the Station planned to contact the three Chilean Generals
--Prats, Valenzuela and Huerta--named in a cable of September 30.
(Headquarters 449) The October 5 cable indicated that the report was
needed for a discussion with Kissinger on October 6. (Santiago 556,
5 October 1970) Karamessines presumed such a meeting had taken place,
although he had no specific memory of it. (Karamessines testimony,
His calendar for October 6 indicates that he attended a 40
pp. 69-70)
Committee meeting on Chile.
(Karamessines calendar) Kissinger
chaired the 40 Committee.
October 6
The Station reported that General Viaux was "ready to launch golpe
evening 9 October, or morning 10 October."
(Santiago 472, 6 October
1970) In response,
CIA Headquarters labeled the prospective coup one
"with scant chance of success which will vitiate any further more seri-
"
ous action." The Station was directed to try to "stop ill-considered
action at this time."
(Headquarters 585, 6 October 1970)
Kissinger testified he had not been informed of the Viaux plan,
supporting his recollection with the fact that the CIA memorandum of
an October 10 conversation between Karamessines and Haig (see below)
makes no mention of any previous plots. (Kissinger testimony, P. 24)
:
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Similarly, Kissinger did not remember having been informed that the
CIA had called off a coup it regarded as premature.
He stated:
My perception at that period was that if they
had a coup they would come...back to us before
triggering it...at no time during the period
did they, in fact, tell us...that they had a
coup that might be ready to go. And, indeed,
they generally told us the opposite..
".
(Kissinger testimony, pp. 25-26)
As Karamessines' calendar indicated, there was a 40 Committee meet-
ing on October 6. He attended this meeting, along with Richard Helms:
According to the minutes of that meeting,
and William Broe of the CIA.
CIA efforts to promote a military coup in Chile were not discussed.
However, in an exchange with Charles Meyer, who was then the State De-
partment's Assistant Secretary for Latin. American Affairs, Dr. Kissinger
stressed the desire of "higher authority" (President Nixon) to prevent
Allende's assumption of office. According to the minutes:
October 8
Mr..
Mr. Meyer pointed to the need to determine a post-Allende
position such as proposed in NSSM 97. It was agreed that.
an early NSC meeting was desirable on that subject.
Kissinger said this presumed total acceptance of a fait
accompli and higher authority had no intention of conced-
ing before the 24th; on the contrary, he wanted no stone
left unturned. (Memorandum for the Record/Minutes of the
Meeting of the 40 Committee, 6 October 1970, 7 October
1970)
Karamessines met for lunch with General Haig.
(Karamessines calendar)
In his testimony, Haig recalled being aware that the CIA was in touch
with two differenct groups of military plotters. He believed there must
have been another meeting in which the CIA informed him of its on-going
contacts.
TOP SECRET
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 122
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TOP SECRET
October 10
It seems to me, although the records don't re-
flect it, that there was a meeting in September,
a very brief one,
in which I must have been
told that there was a specific program going
underway. That probably would have been by
Henry (Kissinger) and perhaps with Karamessines
there. I am not sure. (Haig testimony, p. 12).
Karamessines discussed the Chilean situation by telephone with General
Haig. He indicated that the Station had "made direct contact with a number
of the senior military officers, especially those who had been reportedly
very activist-minded and had received pessimistic reactions from all.'
(Memorandum/FUBELT, by William Broe, 10 October 1970)
TE
Haig recalled the telephone conversation with Karamessines on the 10th.
His recollection accords with the CIA memorandum of conversation.
I do know, and I know that from looking at the
record this morning, that Karamessines made a
telephone call to me in which he gave a progress
report. I recall that. It was in effect a nega-
tive progress report, that they were just not com-
ing up with it. (Haig testimony, p. 12)
TOP SECRET
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Haig indicated to the Committee that he would have passed along the
substance of that conversation to Kissinger, and that in general his
role at the time was one of a conduit to Kissinger:
I am quite confident that, given my own concep-
tion of my role at that time, that I would have
conveyed that information to Henry,...
(Haig testimony, p. 13)
***
October 14
Q. If Mr. Karamessines was unable to see Dr.
Kissinger, and talked to you, what degree of
latitude did you have concerning what you would
pass on to Dr. Kissinger?
General Haig. At that time I would consider I
had no degree of latitude, other than to convey
to him what had been given to me. (Ibid., p. 15)
A cable to Santiago for Colonel Wimert, ostensibly from General
Bennett, authorized Wimert to select two Chilean general officers and
convey to them the following message: "High authority in Washington
has authorized you to offer material support short of armed interven-
tion to Chilean Armed Forces in any endeavors they may undertake to
prevent the election of Allende on October 24...."
(Headquarters to
Station cable 762, October 14, 1970) Karamessines testified that in
this case "high authority" would have been Kissinger or the President,
for no one else could have given Wimert such broad authorization.
Karamessines presumed that the message had been drafted in, or at
least cleared with, the White House.
(Karamessines testimony, p. 91)
However, Kissinger did not recall having authorized the October 14th
cable. He found the sequence of events puzzling: having been told on
the 10th that little was happening, he would have expected in the
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meeting on the 15th (see below) to have discussed the results of the
October 14th message. But the CIA record makes no mention of any
such discussion.
October 14
(Kissinger testimony, p. 53)
The 40 Committee met to discuss, among other topics, Chile. In ad-
dition to the 40 Committee principals (Kissinger, John Mitchell, David
Packard, Alexis Johnson, Admiral Moorer), the meeting was attended by
Karamessines, William Broe and General Robert Cushman of the CIA, Charles
Meyer from State, Viron Vaky, and Ambassador Korry, who had returned to
Washington from Santiago for a short period of consultation.
According to the minutes of that meeting, Kissinger asked Karamessines
to give a rundown on the latest developments and present situation in Chile.
Karamessines pointed out that "a coup climate does not presently exist.'
"
He noted that "the unpredictable General Viaux is the only individual seem-
ingly ready to attempt a coup and...his chances of mounting a successful.
one were slight.". Ambassador Korry agreed with Karamessines' assessment
and stated that "as of now it seemed almost certain that Allende would
be voted into office on October 24th." Kissinger then observed that
"there presently appeared to be little the U.S. can do to influence the
Chilean situation one way or another:" Other participants at the meet-.
ing concurred. (Memorandum for the Record/Minutes of the Meeting of the
40 Committee, 14 October 1970, 16 October 1970)
TOP SECRET
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October 15
Karamessines met with Kissinger and Haig at the White House to dis-
cuss Track II. According to the CIA memorandum of conversation, Karamessines
gave a run-down on Viaux, Canales and Tirado and "the general situation in
Chile from the coup-possibility viewpoint."
It was concluded that Viaux
did not have more than one chance in twenty--perhaps less--to launch a
successful coup. Kissinger ticked off the list of negative repercussions
from an unsuccessful coup. The CIA record of the meeting continues:
5. It was decided by those present that the
Agency must get a message to Viaux warning him
against any precipitate action. In essence our
message was to state: "We have reviewed your
plans, and based on your information and ours,
we come to the conclusion that your plans for a
coup at this time cannot succeed. Failing,
they may reduce your capabilities for the future.
Preserve your assets. We will stay in touch.
The time will come when you with all your other
○ friends can do something. You will continue to
have our support.'
6. After the decision to de-fuse the Viaux coup
plot, at least temporarily, Dr. Kissinger instruc-
ted Mr. Karamessines to preserve Agency assets in
Chile, working clandestinely and securely to main-
tain the capability for Agency operations against
Allende in the future.
8. The meeting concluded on Dr. Kissinger's note
that the Agency should continue keeping the pres-
sure on every Allende weak spot in sight--now,
after the 24th of October, after 5 November, and
into the future until such time as new marching
orders are given. Mr. Karamessines stated that
the Agency would comply.
(Memorandum of Conversation/Dr. Kissinger, Mr.
Karamessines, Gen. Haig at the White House, 15
October 1970)
TOP SEGRET
NW 50955
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Kissinger, in his testimony before the Committee, regarded the CIA
memorandum of conversation as substantially correct, although somewhat
more detailed than he would have remembered. (Kissinger testimony, p. 52)
He believed the Agency had been told to "stand down and preserve your
assets.
"
- Kissinger believed that the gist of the October 15th meeting as
recorded in the CIA memorandum was incompatible with the order the CIA
issued to its Station the next day, an order ostensibly based on the
October 15th meeting. And, he noted, in writing its memorandum of the
meeting of the 15th, the CIA had a "high incentive to preserve the maxi-
mum degree of authority." (Ibid., pp. 55-56) The October 16th order
indicated that Track II had been reviewed at "high USG level" the previous
day, and stated:
2. It is firm and continuing policy that Allende
be overthrown by a coup. It would be much prefer-
able to have this transpire prior to 24 October
but efforts in this regard will continue vigorously
beyond this date....
4. There is great and continuing interest in the
activities of Tirado, Canales, Valenzuela et al
and we wish them optimum good fortune.
(Headquarters 802, 16 October 1970)
Kissinger recalled the October 15th conversation as "turning off
the coup plans rather than giving a new order to do them."
testimony, p. 56) Haig agreed in his testimony.
The conclusions of that meeting were that we had
better not do anything rather than something that
_ was not going to succeed....My general feeling
was, I left that meeting with the impression that
there was nothing authorized."
(Haig testimony, p. 13)
(Kissinger
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October 10-October 22 (approximate)
Karamessines and one or two others went with Kissinger to speak with
the President, after a larger meeting.
Karamessines believed this meeting
took place between October 10 and 24.
(Karamessines testimony, p. 89)
*
As
According to Karamessines, the "President went out of his way to impress
all of those there with his conviction that it was absolutely essential
that the election of Mr. Allende to the presidency be thwarted."
they were leaving the Oval Office, the President took Karamessines aside
to reiterate the message.
October 19
(Karamessines testimony, p. 8)
Station cabled Headquarters early in the morning, advising that
the tear gas had been passed and outlining the Valenzuela coup plan,
beginning with the kidnap of Schneider. In testimony before the Com-
mittee, Karamessines indicated he certainly would have reported the
Valenzuela plan to Kissinger "very promptly, if for no other reason
than that we didn't have all that much promising news to report to
the White House...." (Karamessines testimony, p. 72)
And as I say, if for no other reason we would have.
wanted to get this kind of hopeful report to the
White House as soon as possible, and it would be my
best estimate now that that is precisely what we
did. (p. 72)
In the afternoon of the 19th, Karamessines met with General Haig
for an hour at the White House.
(Karamessines calendar) By then,
Karamessines would have had in hand the cable outlining the Valenzuela
*
If the meeting with the President occurred after October 15, that
would lend credence to the testimony of CIA officials that they were
not directed to end their coup efforts in the October 15th meeting.
Unfortunately, the Committee has not had access to the daily calendars
of President Nixon or Secretary Kissinger, which might pinpoint the
date of the President's conversation with Karamessines. Those calen-
dars, along with other White House documents bearing on Track II, have
been subpoenaed.
.
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137
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1
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plan, since the cable had arrived that morning.
However, General Haig
had no recollection of the meeting with Karamessines on the 19th. Nor
"This
did he believe he had been informed of the Valenzuela plan.
is all very new to me. I hadn't seen any of this, and I was not familiar
with this particular plan...or $50,000, or any of the characters that
are described in here." (Haig testimony, pp. 38-39)
Similarly, Kissinger testified that he had not been informed of
the Valenzuela plan. He said he "was informed of nothing after October
15th...." (Kissinger testimony, p. 65) He indicated that, according
to his daily calendar, he had no conversation with either Karamessines
or Helms between the 15th and the 19th. (Ibid., p. 53) He indicated
that he never knew that the CIA was in the process of passing guns and
tear gas to Chilean military conspirators.
He said "...there was no
further meeting on that subject. In anybody's record, mine or theirs
(the CIA's), none of the information from the 16th on was familiar to me..
(Ibid., P. 62)
Kissinger further testified he did not know that the United States
was dealing with Chilean officers who plotted a coup which involved
the abduction of General Schneider:
Senator Hart of Colorado. I am not sure that
the record clearly shows you answer to the direct
question of whether you knew or did not know that
we were negotiating with military officers with
regard to a plot that did involve the abduction
of General Schneider.
Secretary Kissinger. I said I did not know.
(Kissinger testimony, p. 86)
Nor did General Haig believe he had been informed of any abduction
plans before the fact.
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TOP
October 20
Were you aware during that period of time
of the plans to kidnap General Schneider?
General Haig. I was aware after the fact....
Q.
But you were never informed prior to his
attempted abduction?
General Haig. I don't believe I was at all.
Karamessines
A cable to the Station indicated that "while awaiting word on whatever
events may have occurred 19 October, please let us know what you can on
interim basis....Headquarters must respond during morning 20 October to
queries from high levels." (Headquarters 883, 20 October 1970)
testified that the references to "high levels" in the cable of the 20th
meant White House officials, probably Kissinger. He felt quite certain
that Kissinger would have been briefed in advance about Valenzuela's plan
for the 19th and so would have been expected to ask what happened on the
morning of the 20th. (Karamessines testimony, p. 73) In contrast, Kissinger
interpreted that cable in precisely the opposite light. He felt it indicated
that he had not been informed of the Valenzuela plan in advance. When
news of the Schneider kidnap reached the White House, Kissinger believed
he would have had "somebody pick up a telephone and say, 'What is this
all about?'" (Kissinger transcript, p. 68)-
October 22
Karamessines met with Haig at the White House.
(Karamessines calendar)
General Haig remembered that word of the shooting of Schneider came as
"a great shock" to him, and he believed that Karamessines had told him
about it in their meeting on the 22nd. He thought that Kissinger either
was present at the meeting or that he, Haig, had gone immediately in to
Kissinger's office to relate what Karamessines had told him (Haig testi-
mony, p. 36)
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C. December
December 2
A memorandum, dated December 2, 1970, from Helms to Kissinger stated
that Helms had given a recapitulation on Track II to Attorney General
Mitchell, who would deliver it personally to Kissinger. A handwritten
note on the memorandum reads: 'sent to Kissinger via DCI (Helms)."
(Helms memorandum for Kissinger, 2 December 1970)
The report, which
was dated November 18, 1970, contained a full account of CIA activities
during Track II, including the several plans to kidnap Schneider and
the passage of weapons to the Chilean conspirators.
Chilean Task Force Activities, 15 September to 3 November 1970, 18
November 1970)
(Report on CIA
In his testimony to the Committee, Kissinger did not recall receiv-
ing the report, although he doubted that he would have read such an
"after action" report in any case. He testified that he could not find
it in his files, in contrast to his finding a CIA report on Track I,
dated November 19, 1970. Kissinger was puzzled by a number of aspects of
the memorandum and report: why there were two reports, why the report
of the 18th apparently was only called to his attention on the 2nd of
December, and why it was to be delivered through Mitchell.
testimony, pp. 71, 74)
D. Did Track II End?.
(Kissinger
The Committee also received conflicting testimony about whether or
not Track II ever ended, formally or in fact. As noted above, Kissinger indi-
cated that Track II was supposed to have ended, as far as he was concerned, on
October 15. It was formally terminated, according to Kissinger, by a new Presi-
dential marching order issued prior to the October 24 vote of the Chilean Congress."
☐
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The Committee does not have this new "marching order" in its possession.
However, CIA officials from whom the Committee took testimony believed
that there had been no such definitive end to Track II. It merely
tapered off, to be replaced by a longer-term effort to effect a change
Karamessines' testimony was most explicit:
of government in Chile.
Mr. Karamessines. I am sure that the seeds that
were laid in that effort in 1970 had their impact
in 1973. I do not have any question about that
in my mind either. (Karamessines testimony, p. 26)
***
Q. Was Track II ever formally ended? Was there
a specific order ending it?
Mr. Karamessines. As far as I was concerned,
Track II was really never ended. What we were
told to do in effect was, well, Allende is now
President. So Track II, which sought to prevent
him from becoming President, was technically out,
it was done. But what we were told to do was to
continue our efforts. Stay alert, and to do what
we could to contribute to the eventual achieve-
ment of the objectives and purposes of Track II.
That being the case, I don't think it is proper
to say that Track II was ended.
(Ibid., PP.
128-129)
When informed of Karamessines' testimony that Track II was never
ended, Kissinger testified:
The Chairman. Would you take issue with that,
with the (Karamessines) testimony?
Secretary Kissinger. Totally....It is clear
that...after October 15th that there was no
separate channel by the CIA to the White House
and that all actions with respect to Chile were
taken in the 40 Committee framework. There was
no 40 Committee that authorized an approach to
or contact with military people, no plots which
I am familiar with, and all the covert operations
in Chile after Allende's election by the Congress
were directed towards maintaining the democratic
opposition for the 1976 election. And that was
the exclusive thrust, and if there was any further
contact with military plotting, it was totally
unauthorized and this is the first that I have
heard of it. (Kissinger testimony, pp. 75-77)
..
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1
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(Draft--9/8/75)
A. Summary
South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem and his brother,
Ngo Dinh Nhu, were assassinated during a coup by Vietnamese
generals on November 2, 1963. Evidence before the Committee
indicates that the United States Government offered encourage-.
ment for the coup, but neither desired nor was involved in the
assassinations. Rather, Diem's assassination appears to have
been a spontaneous act by Vietnamese generals, engendered by
anger at Diem for refusing to resign or put himself in the
custody of the leaders of the coup.
On one occasion, General Duong Van Minh ("Big Minh") out-
lined to a CIA officer the possible assassination of Nhu and
another brother, Ngo Dinh Can, as one of three methods being
considered for changing the government in the near future.
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge and Deputy Chief of Mission William
Trueheart were informed of this possibility by the Saigon Chief
of Station, who recommended that "we do not set ourselves
irrevocably against the assassination plot, since the other two
alternatives mean either a bloodbath in Saigon or a protracted
struggle which would rip the Army- and the country asunder" (CIA
cable SAIG 1447, Saigon Station to DCI, 10/5/63).
informed, Director McCone sent two cables. The first stated
"[w]e cannot be in the position of stimulating, approving, or
supporting assassination", and the second directed that the
recommendation be withdrawn because "we cannot be in position
actively condoning such course of action and thereby engaging
Upon being
DocId: 32423525 Page 133
-2-
our responsibility therefor" (CIA cable, DCI to Saigon 10/5/63);
CIA cable DIR 73661, DCI to Saigon, 10/6/63).
B. The Abortive Coup of August 1963
On May 8, 1963, South Vietnamese troops in the City of Hue
fired on Buddhists protesting against the Diem Government, killing
nine and wounding fourteen. This incident triggered a nationwide
Buddhist protest and a sharp loss of popular confidence in the
Diem regime.
*
On May 18, United States Ambassador Frederick E. Holting
met with Diem and outlined steps which the United States desired
him to take to redress the Buddhist grievances and recapture
public confidence. These steps included admitting responsibility
for the Hue incident, compensating the victims, and reaffirming
religious equality in the country. (Pentagon Papers, p.208) On
June 3, Madame Nhu, the wife of Diem's brother, Nhu, publicly
accused the Buddhists of being infiltrated with Communist agents;
Truehart protested her remarks to Diem and threatened to dis-
associate the United States from any repressive measures against
the Buddhists in the future (Pentagon Papers, p.308). Shortly
thereafter, Madame Jhu commented on the self-immolation of Quang
* Senator Gravel Edition, The Pentagon Papers, The Defense Depart-
ment History of United States Decisionmaking on Vietnam, pp. 207-
208, Volume II, Beacon Press, Boston (hereinafter cited as Pentagon
Papers). Former Public Affairs Officer of the U.S. Embassy in
Saigon, John Mecklin), in his book, Mission in Torment, An Intimate
Account of the U.S. Role in Vietnam, Doubleday and Company, 1965,
(hereinafter cited as Mecklin, at pages 158-60 described the vul-
nerability of the Buddhists to Communist infiltration during this
period noting that it" "offered a classic opportunity for a Communist
sleeper ploy."
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1
Duc and other Buddhist monks by stating that she would like to
furnish mustard for the monks' barbecue. On June 12, Trueheart
told Diem that Quang Duc's suicide had shocked the world and
again warned that the United States would break with his govern-
ment if he did not solve the Buddhist problem. (Pentagon Papers,
p. 208.)
Lucien Conein, a CIA officer in Saigon, * testified that the
Buddhist uprisings were the catalyst that ultimately brought
down the Diem regime (Conein, pp. 42-44). These events led the
United States to apply "direct, relentless, and tablehammering
pressure on Diem such as the United States has seldom before
attempted with a sovereign friendly government.' (Mecklin, p. 169)
1 B
By July 4, 1963, Generals Minh, Don, Kim, and Khiem had
agreed on the necessity for a coup.
**
In his final meeting on August 14 with Ambassador Nolting,
Diem agreed to make a public statement offering concessions to
the Buddhists. This statement took the form of an interview
*Conein testified that he had known the Generals involved
in the coup
"for many years.
Some of them I had known back even in
World War II. Some of them were in powerful positions,
and I was able to talk to them on a person to person basis,
not as a government official.” (Conein, p. 17.)
**Conein's After-Action Report stated that:
"The majority of the officers, including General Minh,
desired President Diem to have honorable retirement from
the political scene in South Vietnam and exile. 'As to
Ngo Dinh Nhu and .Ngo Dinh Can, there was never dissention.
The attitude was that their deaths, along with Madame Ngo
Dinh Nhu, would be welcomed." (Conein After-Action Report,
p. 10.)
NW 50955 DocId:32423525 Page 135
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with the columnist, Margurite Higgins, in which Diem asserted
that his policy toward the Buddhists had always been conciliatory
and asked for harmony and support of the government.
Shortly after midnight on August 21, 1963, Nhu ordered forces
loyal to him to attack pagodas throughout Vietnam, arresting monks
and sacking the sacred buildings. Over thirty monks were injured
and 1,400 arrested. The American Embassy was taken by surprise
and viewed the attacks as a shattering repudiation of Diem's
promises to Nolting. (Pentagon Papers, p.210)
*
On August 24, 1963, the State Department sent a cable
(Deptel 243) to the new ambassador in Vietnam, Henry Cabot Lodge.
The telegram was prepared by Roger Hilsman, Assistant Secretary
of State for Ear Eastern Affairs, and Under Secretary of State
Averell Harriman, and was approved by President Kennedy. (Pentagon
Papers, p.235) Deptel 243 told Lodge to press Diem to take
"prompt dramatic actions" to redress the grievances of the
Buddhists.
*
"We must at same time also tell key military leaders
that US would find it impossible to continue support
GVN (Vietnamese Government) militarily and economically
unless above steps are taken immediately which we
recognize requires removal of the Nhu's from the scene.
We wish give Diem reasonable opportunity to remove Nhu's
but if he remains obdurate, then we are prepared to accept
the obvious implication that we can no longer support
Diem. You may also tell appropriate military commanders
we will give them direct support in any interim period
of breakdown central government mechanism
currently with above, Ambassador and country teams should
urgently examine all possible alternative leadership and
make detailed plans as to how we might bring Diem's
replacement if this should become necessary
.
Con-
Conein testified that the raids might have been timed to occur
when no American Ambassador was in Vietnam (Nolting had left a few
days before and his replacement, Lodge, had not yet arrived) (Conein,
p.21).
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 136
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In a cable on August 25, CIA Chief of Station John Richardson
reported the result of a conference among himself, Lodge, True-
heart, General Harkins (Commander, Military Assistance Command,
Vietnam (MACV) and General Weede (Chief of Staff, MACV). They
accepted Deptel 243 "as a basic decision from Washington and
would proceed to do their best to carry out instructions", (I.G.,
C, pp. 7-8) but believed that Diem would refuse to remove his
brother from his position in the government.
Early in the morning of August 26, 1963, the Voice of America
in South Vietnam placed the blame on Nhu for the August 21 raids
and absolved the army. The broadcast also reported speculation
that the United States contemplated suspending aid to the South
Vietnamese Government (Pentagon Papers, p. 212).* . Later on that
same day, Lodge presented his credentials to Diem.
Conein and Spera were told to see Generals Khiem and Khanh,
respectively, and to convey to them the substance of Deptel 243,
but to remind them that "we cannot be of any help during initial
action of assuming power of state.
win or lose" (SAIG 0304, 8/26/63).
CIA officers
Entirely their own action,
A message from the White House on August 29 authorized
Harkins to confirm to the Vietnamese Generals that the United
States would support a coup if it had a good chance of succeeding,
but did not involve United States armed forces. Lodge was autho-
rized to suspend United States aid at his discretion. (Deptel 272,
8/29/63.) A cable from the President to Lodge on the same day stated:
*In a cable to Harriman, Lodge complained that the VOA broadcast
had "complicated our already difficult problem" by eliminating
"the possibility of the generals' effort achieving surprise.
Lodge further warned that. "the US must not appear publicly in
the matter, thus giving the 'kiss of death' to its friends"
(Cable, Lodge to Harriman, 8/26/63).
NW 50955 DocId:32423525 Page 137
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"I have approved all the messages you are receiving from
others today, and I emphasize that everything in these
messages has my full support. We will do all that we can
to help you conclude this operations successfully .
Until the very moment of the go signal for the operation
by the Generals, I must reserve a contingent right to
change course and reverse previous instructions. While
fully aware of your assessment of the consequences of
such a reversal, I know from experience that failure is
more destructive than an appearance of indecision. I
would, of course, accept full responsibility for any such
change as I must also bear the full responsibility for this
operation and its consequences." (Cable, 8/29/63).
In a reply cable, Lodge stated:
"1. I fully understand that you have the right and
responsibility to change course at any time.
I will always respect that right.
Of course
2. To be successful, this operation must be essentially
a Vietnamese affair with a momentum of its own. Should
this happen you may not be able to control it, i.e., the
"go signal" may be given by the generals." (Cable, Lodge
to President, 8/30/63)
A cable from Saigon dated August 31, 1963, stated:
"This particular coup is finished
Generals did
not feel ready and did not have sufficient balance of
forces
There is little doubt that GNV. (South
Vietnamese Government) aware US role and may have con-
siderable detail
(SAIG 0499, 8/31/63)
"
Deptel 243 and the VOA broadcast set the tone for later
relations between the United States representatives and the
generals. Big Minh, who had initial doubts about the strength
of American support, grew in confidence.
C. The November 1963 Coup
American dissatisfaction with the Diem regime became
increasingly apparent. On September 8, AID Director David Bell,
in a television interview, stated that Congress might cut aid
to South Vietnam if the Diem government did not change its course
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(Pentagon Papers, p. 214).
Lodge suggested a study to deter-
mine the most effective methods of cutting aid to topple the
regime (Pentagon Papers, p. 214). On September 12, with White
House approval, Senator Church introduced a resolution in the
Senate condemning the South Vietnamese Government for its
repressive handling of the Buddhist problem and calling for an
end to United States aid unless the oppressive measures were
curtailed (Pentagon Papers, pp. 214-215).
In mid-September 1963, two proposals for dealing with Diem
were considered by the Administration. The first contemplated
increasingly severe pressure to bring Diem in line with American
policy; the second involved acquiescing in Diem's actions,
recognizing that Diem and Nhu were inseparable, and attempting
to salvage as much as possible. It was decided to adopt the
first proposal, and to send Secretary of Defense McNamara and
General Taylor on a fact-finding mission to Vietnam. (Pentagon
Papers, p. 215.)
(
On October 2, McNamara and Taylor returned to Washington
and presented their findings to the National Security Council.
Their report confirmed that the military effort was progressing
favorably, but warned of the dangers inherent in the political
turmoil and recommended bringing pressure against Diem. This
pressure would include announcing the withdrawal of 1,000
American troops by the end of the year, ending support for the
forces responsible for the pagoda raids, and continuing Lodge's
policy of remaining aloof from the regime. The report recommended
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 139
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against a coup, but suggested that alternative leadership should be
The recommendations were promptly
identified and cultivated.
approved by the President.
(Pentagon Papers, pp. 215-116)
On October 3 Conein contacted Minh. Minh explained that a
coup was being planned, and requested assurances of American
support if it were successful. Minh outlined three courses of
action, one of which was the assassination of Dien's brothers,
Nhu and Can (Conein, p.25; cable, Saigon to Director, 10/5/63).
The Acting Chief of the CIA Station, David R. Smith, cabled on
October 5 that he had recommended to Lodge that "we do not set
ourselves irrevocably against the assassination plot, since the
other two alternatives mean either a blood bath in Saigon or a
protracted struggle" (Cable, Saigon to Director, 10/5/63).
*
A cable from the Director, CIA to Saigon responded that:
"(w) e certainly cannot be in the position of stimulating,
approving, or supporting assassination, but on the other.
hand, we are in no way responsible for stopping every
such threat of which we might receive even partial know-
ledge. We certainly would not favor assassination of Diem.
We believe engaging ourselves by taking position on this
matter opens door too easily for probes of our position
re others, re support of regime, et cetera. Consequently
believe best approach is hands off. However, we naturally
interested in intelligence on any such plan.'
"
*
* The other courses of action were the encirclement of Saigon
by various military units and direct confrontation between military
units involved in the coup and loyalist units.
-
**Colby, who was then Chief, Far Eastern Division, drafted
this cable for McCone. Colby testified:
"Q: So you were on notice as of that date that the Director
personally opposed any involvement by the CIA in an assas-
sination?
"г
"Colby: I certainly was.' (Colby, p. 57)
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McCone testified that he met privately with the President and
the Attorney General, taking the position that "our role was
to assemble all information on intelligence as to what was
going on and to report it to the appropriate authorities, but
to not attempt to direct it" (McCone, p. 62). He believed the
United States should maintain a "hands off attitude" (McCone,
p. 62). McCone testified:
"I felt that the President agreed with my position, des-
pite the fact that he had great reservations concerning
Diem and his conduct. I urged him to try to bring all
the pressure we could on Diem to change his ways, to
encourage more support throughout the country. My precise
words to the President, and I remember them very clearly,
was that Mr. President, if I was manager of a baseball
team, I had one pitcher, I'd keep him in the box whether
he was a good pitcher or not. By that was saying that,
if Diem was removed we would have not one coup but we
would have a succession of coups and political disorder
in Vietnam and it might last several years and indeed
it did.' (McCone, pp. 62-63.)
McCone stated that he did not discuss assassination with
the President, but rather "whether we should let the coup go
or use our influences not to". He left the meeting believing
that the President agreed with his "hands off" recommendation
(McCone, pp. 62-63). McCone cabled Smith on October 6:
"McCone directs that you withdraw recommendation to
ambassador (concerning assassination plan) under McCone
instructions, as we cannot be in position actively con-
doning such course of action and thereby engaging our
responsibility therefore" (CIA to Saigon, DIR 73661, 10/6/63).
In response, the CIA Station in Saigon cabled headquarters:
"Action taken as directed. In addition, since DCM
Trueheart was also present when original recommendation
was made, specific withdrawal of recommendation at McCone's
instruction was also conveyed to Trueheart. Ambassador
Lodge commented that he shares McCone's opinion." (Saigon
to CIA, SAIG 1463, 10/7/63)
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Conein, the CIA official who dealt directly with the Generals,*
testified that he was first told of McCone's response to the
assassination alternative by Ambassador Lodge around October 20
(Conein, p. 35). Conein testified (but did not so indicate in
his detailed After-Action Report) that he then told General Don
that the United States opposed assassination, and that the
General responded, "alright, you don't like it, we won't talk
about it anymore" (Conein, p. 36).
The United States increased pressure on Diem to mend his
ways. On October 17, General Richard Stillwell (MACV J-3)
informed Secretary Thuan that the United States was suspending
aid to the special forces units responsible for the pagoda
raids until they were transferred to the field and placed under
Joint General Staff (JGS) command (Pentagon Papers, p. 217).
On October 27, Lodge traveled to Dalat with Diem, but did
not receive any commitment from Diem to comply with American
requests (Pentagon Papers, p. 219).
On October 28, Conein met with-General Don, who had
received assurance from Lodge that Conein spoke for the United
States. Don said that he would make the plans for the coup
* Conein described his role as follows:
"My job was to convey the orders from my Ambassador and
the instructions from my Ambassador to the people who
were planning the coup, to monitor those individuals who
were planning the coup, to get as much information so
that our government would not be caught with their pants
down" (Conein, pp. 38-39).
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 142
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available to the Ambassador four hours before it took place,
and suggested that Lodge not change his plans to go to the
United States on October 31. (I.G., C, p. 37; Pentagon Papers,
p. 219.)
On October 30, Lodge reported to Washington that he was
powerless to stop the coup, and that the matter was entirely
in Vietnamese hands. General Harkins disagreed and cabled his
opposition to the coup to General Taylor (Pentagon Papers,
p. 220).
A cable from Bundy to Lodge dated October 30 expressed
White House concern and stated that "[w]e cannot accept conclu-
sion that we have no power to delay or discourage a coup"
(Cable, Bundy to Lodge, 10/30/63). A subsequent cable on that
same day from Washington instructed Lodge to intercede with
the Generals to call off the coup if he did not believe it
would succeed. The instructions prescribed "strict noninvolve-
ment and somewhat less strict neutrality".
p. 220.)
(Pentagon Papers,
Late in the morning of November 1, the first units involved
in the coup began to deploy around-Saigon. The Embassy was
given only four minutes' warning before the coup began (MACV
cable to Joint Chiefs of Staff 8512, 11/1/63).. An aide to
Don told Conein to bring all available money to the Joint
General Staff headquarters. Conein brought 3 million piasters
(Approximately $42,000) to the headquarters, which was given
to Don to procure food for his troops and to pay death benefits
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to those killed in the coup (Conein, 6/20, p. 72).*
Conein was at the Joint General Staff Headquarters during
most of the coup (I.G., C, pp. 41-42). At 1:40 p.m., the
Generals proposed that Diem resign immediately, and guaranteed
him and Nhu safe departure (Conein After-Action Report, p. 15).
The palace was surrounded shortly afterwards, and at 4:30 p.m.
the Generals announced the coup on the radio and demanded the
resignation of Diem and Nhu. Diem called Lodge and inquired
about the United States' position. Lodge responded that the
United States did not yet have a view, and expressed concern
for Diem's safety (Pentagon Papers, p. 221).
According to Conein's report, Minh told Nhu that if he and
Diem did not resign within five minutes, the palace would be
bombed. Minh then phoned Diem. Diem refused to talk with him
and Minh ordered the bombing of the palace. Troops moved in
on the palace, but Diem still refused to capitulate. Minh
offered Diem a second chance to surrender half an hour later,
telling him that if he refused he would be "blasted off of the
earth". Shortly before nightfall an air assault was launched
on the Presidential Guard barracks. (Conein After-Action Report,
pp. 17-18.)
At 6:20 on the morning of November 2, Diem called General
* CIA had apparently considered passing money to the coup
leaders in early October (Colby, 6/20, p. 21). On October 29,
Lodge calbed that a request for funds should be anticipated*.
(Lodge to State, No. 2040, 10/29/63; and 2063, 10/30/63).
Conein received the money on October 24, and kept it in a safe
in his house.
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Don at the Joint General Staff headquarters and offered to
surrender if he and Nhu were given safe conduct to an airport.
Shortly afterwards, Diem offered to surrender unconditionally
and ordered the Presidential Guard to cease firing. According
to Conein, an escort for Diem appeared in front of the palace
at 8:00 a.m., but Diem and Nhu were not present (Conein After-
Action Report, p. 24).
At 10:30 a.m. the bodies of Diem and Nhu were reported to
be at the Joint General Chiefs' headquarters.
Conein declined
to view the bodies because he feared that doing so might damage
United States interests (Conein, p. 57).
The details of Diem's and Nhu's deaths are not known.*
* Conein specualted that Diem and Nhu escaped through a tunnel
from the palace and fled to a Catholic Church in Chalon.
He
opined that an informant must have identified them and called the
General Staff Headquarters (Conein After-Action Report, p. 23).
Another CIA source states that Diem and Nhu had left the palace
the previous evening with a Chinese businessman and arrived at
the church at 8:00 on the morning of November 2. Ten minutes
later they were picked up by soldiers and forced into an army
vehicle (Cable, Saigon to State, No. 888). Minh originally told
Conein that Diem and Nhu had committed suicide, but Conein
doubted that Catholics would have taken their own lives in a
church (Conein, p. 56). The Inspector General's Report states
that on November 16, 1963, a field-grade officer of unknown
reliability gave the CIA two photographs of the bodies of Diem
and Nhu in which it appeared their hands were tied behind their
backs (I.G., C, pp. 43-44). The source reported that Diem and
Nhu had been shot and stabbed while being conveyed to the Joint
General Staff headquarters.
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None of the informed sources give any indication of direct or
indirect involvement of the United States.*
* It must be noted that on October 30, 1963, Ambassador Lodge
notified Washington that there might be a request by ked leaders
for evacuation, and suggested Saipan as a point for evacuation
(Saigon Station Cable No. 2036, 10/30/63). Conein was charged
with obraining the airplane. Between 6:00 and 7:00 on the
morning of November 2, Minh and Don asked Conein to procure an
aircraft. Conein relayed the request to David Smith, Acting
Chief of Station at the Embassy, who replied that it would not
be possible to get an aircraft for the next twenty-four hours,
since it would have to be flown from Guam. Conein testified
that Smith told him that Diem could be flown only to a country
that offered him asylum and that the plane could not land in
any other country. There were no aircraft immediately avail-
able that had sufficient range to reach a potential country
of asylum (Conein, p. 54).
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-
IV.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
R1440
Page
Findings and Conclusions
1
A.
Findings Concerning the Plots Themselves
2
1.
Officials of the United States
Government Initiated Plots to
Assassinate Fidel Castro and
Patrice Lumumba
2.
2.
No Foreign Leaders Were Killed As
A Result of Assassination Plots
Initiated by Officials of the
United States
3
3.
American Officials Encouraged or
Were Privy to Coup Plots Which
Resulted in the Death of Trujillo,
Diem, and Schneider
4.
The Plots Occurred in a Cold War
Atmosphere Perceived to be of
Crisis Proportions
3A
5.
American Officials Had Exaggerated
Notions About Their Ability to
Control the Actions of Coup Leaders
4
6.
CIA Officials Made Use of Known Under-
world Figures in Assassination
Efforts
5
B.
Conclusions Concerning the Plots Themselves.
5
1.
The United States Should Not Engage
in Assassination
5
а.
Distinction Between Targeted
Assassinations Instigated by
the United States and Support
for Dissidents Seeking to
Overthrow Local Governments.
6
. b.
The Setting In Which the Assas-
sination Plots Occurred Explains,
But Does Not Justify Them
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6.
Page
(a)
Agency Officials Failed On
Several Occasions to Reveal
The Plots To Their Superiors
Or To Do So With Sufficient
Detail and Clarity
Castro
Trujillo
27
27
34
Schneider
36
(b)
On Occasion, Administration Officials
Gave Vague Instructions to Sub-
ordinates and Failed to Make Sufficiently
Clear That Assassination Should Be
Excluded From Consideration.
37
Schneider
Lumumba
Castro
Practices Current at the Time in Which
the Assassination Plots Occurred Were
Revealed by the Record to Create the
Risk of Confusion, Rashness, and
Irresponsibility in the Very Areas Where
Clarity and Sober Judgment Was Most
Necessary
39
38
38
ww ww
46
(a) The Danger Inherent in Overextending
the Doctrine of Plausible Denial
47
(b)
The Dangers of Using "Circumlocution"
and "Euphemism'
48
(c)
The Danger of Generalized Instructions. 49
(d)
The Danger of "Floating Authorization".
50
(e)
The Problems. Connected With Creating
New Covert Capabilities
50
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iii
IV.
SEGRET
Approved, Drafting Subcommittee,
10/8/75 (Lumumba sections open
to possible reconsideration)
Findings and Conclusions
In evaluating the evidence and arriving at findings and
conclusions, the Committee has been guided by the following
standards. We believe these standards to be appropriate to
the constitutional duty of a Congressional committee.
1. The Committee is not a court. Its primary role is
not to determine individual guilt or innocence, but rather
to draw upon the experiences of the past to better propose
guidance for the future.
2. It is necessary to be cautious in reaching conclusions
because of the amount of time that has passed since the events
reviewed in this report, the inability of three Presidents and
many other key figures to speak for themselves, the conflicting
and ambiguous nature of much of the evidence, and the problems
in assessing the weight to be given to particular documents
and testimony.
3. The Committee has tried to be fair to the persons
involved in the events under examination while at the same
time responding to a need to understand the facts in sufficient
detail to lay a basis for informed recommendations.
With these standards in mind, the Committee has arrived at
the following findings and conclusions.
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SH
A.
Findings Concerning the Plots. Themselves
1.
Officials of the United States Government Initiated
Plots to Assassinate Fidel Castro and Patrice Lumumba
The Committee finds that officials of the United States
Government initiated and participated in plots to assassinate
Patrice Lumumba and Fidel Castro.
The plot to kill Lumumba was conceived in the latter half
of 1960 by officials of the United States Government, and quick-
ly advanced to the point of sending poisons to the Congo to be
used for the assassination.
The effort to assassinate Castro began in 1960 and continued
until 1965... The plans to assassinate Castro using poison cigars,
exploding seashells, and a contaminated diving suit did not
advance beyond the laboratory phase. The plot involving under-
world figures reached the stage of producing poison pills,
establishing the contacts necessary to send them into Cuba,
procuring potential assassins within Cuba, and, according to one
witness, delivering the pills to the island itself. In the
1960 plot involving a Cuban pilot and in the AM/LASH episode
from 1963-1965; the CIA gave active support and encouragement
to Cubans whose intent to assassinate Castro was known, and
provided the means for carrying out the assassination.
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2. No Foreign Leaders Were Killed As a Result of Assas-
sination Plots Initiated by Officials of the United
States
The poisons intended for use against Patrice Lumumba
were never administered to him, and there is no evidence that
the United States was in any way involved in Lumumba's death
at the hands of his Congolese enemies. The effort to assas -
sinate Castro failed.
3.
American Officials Encouraged or Were Privy to
Coup Plots Which Resulted in the Death of Trujillo,
Diem, and Schneider
American officials clearly desired the overthrow of
Trujillo, offered both encouragement and guns to local dissi-
dents attempting his overthrow, and supplied them with pistols
and rifles.
American officials offered encouragement to the Vietnamese
generals who plotted Diem's overthrow, and a CIA official in
Vietnam gave the generals money after the coup had begun,
However, Diem's assassination was neither desired nor suggested
by officials of the United States.
The record reveals that the United States officials
offered encouragement to the Chilean dissidents who plotted
the kidnapping of General Rene Schneider, but did not desire
or encourage his death. Certain high officials did know that
the dissidents planned to kidnap General Schneider.
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TOP SKONE!
As Director Colby testified before the Committee, the death of
a foreign leader is a risk forseeable in any coup attempt. In
the cases we have considered, the risk of death was known in
varying degrees.
It was widely known that the dissidents in
the Dominican Republic intended to assassinate Trujillo; the
contemplation of coup leaders to assassinate Nhu, President
Diem's brother, was communicated to the upper levels of the
United States Government; while the CIA and perhaps the White
House knew that the coup leaders in Chile planned to kidnap
General Schneider, it was not anticipated that he would be killed,
although the possibility of his death should have been recognized
a forseeable risk of his kidnapping.
as
4.
The Plots Occurred in a Cold War Atmosphere Perceived
to be of Crisis Proportions
The Committee fully appreciates the importance of
evaluating the assassination plots in the historical context
within which they occurred. In the preface to this report, we
described the perception, generally shared within the United
States during the depths of the Cold War, that the country
faced a monolithic enemy in Communism. That attitude helps
explain the assassination plots which we have reviewed,
although it does not justify them. Those involved neverthe-
less appeared to believe they were advancing the best inter-
ests of their country.
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5. American Officials Had Exaggerated Notions About
Their Ability to Control the Actions of Coup Leaders
Running throughout the cases considered in this report
was the expectation of American officials that they could
control the actions of dissident groups which they were support-
ing in foreign countries. Events demonstrated that the United
States had no such power. This point is graphically demonstrated
by cables exchanged shortly before the coup in Vietnam.
Ambassador Lodge cabled Washington on October 30, 1963, that he
was unable to halt a coup; a cable from Bundy in response stated
that "We cannot accept conclusion that we have no power to delay
or discourage, a coup." The coup took place three days later.
Shortly after the experience of the Bay of Pigs, CIA
headquarters. requested operatives in the Dominican Republic
to tell the dissidents to "turn off" the assassination attempt,
because the United States was not prepared to "cope with the
aftermath. The dissidents replied that the assassination
was their affair and that it could not be turned off to suit
the convenience of the United States Government.
#
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6.
- 5-
CIA Officials Made Use of Known Underworld Figures
in Assassination Efforts
Officials of the CIA made use of persons associated
with the criminal underworld in attempting to achieve the
assassination of Fidel Castro. These underworld figures were
relied upon because it was believed that they had expertise and
contacts that were not available to law-abiding citizens.
Foreign citizens with criminal backgrounds were also used
by the CIA in two other cases that we have reviewed. In the
development of the Executive Action capability, one foreign
national with a criminal background was used to "spot" other
members of the European underworld who might be used by the CIA
for a variety of purposes, including assassination if the need
should arise. In the Lumumba case, two men with criminal back-
grounds were used as field operatives by CIA officers in a
volatile political situation in the Congo.
B.
Conclusions Concerning the Plots Themselves
1. The United States Should Not Engage in Assassination
We cannot condone the use of assassination as a tool
of foreign policy. Aside from pragmatic arguments against the
use of assassination supplied to the Committee by witnesses with
extensive experience in covert operations, we find that assas-
sination violates moral precepts fundamental to our way of life.
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In addition to considerations, there were several
practical reasons advanced for not assassinating foreign
leaders. These reasons are discussed in the section of
this report recommending a statute making assassination
a crime.
a. Distinction Between Targeted Assassinations
Instigated by the United States and Support
for Dissidents Seeking to Overthrow Local
Governments
Two of the five principal cases investigated
by the Committee involved plots to kill foreign leaders
(Lumumba and Castro) that were instigated by American
officials. Three of the cases (Trujillo, Diem, Schneider)
involved killings in the course of coup attempts by local
dissidents. These latter cases differed in the degree to
which assassination was contemplated by the leaders of the
coups and the degree to which United States officials
motivated the coups.
The Committee concludes that targeted assassinations
instigated by the United States must be prohibited.
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7
Coups involve varying degrees of risk of assassination.
The possibility of assassination in coup attempts raises
questions concerning the propriety of United States involve-
ment in coups, particularly in those where the assassination
of a foreign leader is a likely prospect.
This country was created by violent revolt against a
regime believed to be tyrannous, and our founding fathers.
(the local dissidents of that era) received aid from foreign
countries. Given that history, we should not today rule
out support for dissident groups seeking to overthrow tyrants.
But passing beyond that principle, there remain serious
questions for example, whether the national interest of
the United States is genuinely involved; whether any such
support should be overt rather than covert; what tactics
should be used; and how such actions should be authorized
and controlled by the coordinate branches of government.
The Committee believes that its recommendation on the question
of covert actions in support of coups must await the Committee's
final report which will be issued after a full review of
covert action in general.
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- 8
b. The Setting In Which the Assassination Plots
Occurred Explains, But Does Not Justify Them
The Cold War setting in which the assassination
plots took place does not change our view that assassination
is unacceptable in our society. In addition to the moral and
practical problems discussed elsewhere, we find two principal
defects in any contention that the tenor of the period justifi-
ed the assassination plots:
First, the assassination plots were not necessitated by
imminent danger to the United States. Among the cases studied,
Castro alone posed a threat to the United States, but then
only during the period of the Cuban missile crisis. Castro's
assassination had been planned by the CIA long before that
crisis, and was not advanced by policymakers as a possible
course of action during the crisis.
Second, we reject absolutely any notion that the United
States should justify its actions by the standards of totali-
tarians. Our standards must be higher, and this difference is
what the struggle is all about.
Of course,
democracy. But in defending it, we must resist undermining
the very virtues we are defending.
we must defend our
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Two documents which have been supplied to the Committee
graphically demonstrate attitudes which can lead to
tactics that erode and could ultimately destroy the very
ideals we must defend.
The first was written in 1954 by a special committee form-
ed to advise the President on covert activities. The United
States may, it said, have to adopt tactics "more ruthless than
[those] employed by the enemy" in order to meet the threat from
hostile nations. The report concluded that "long standing
American concepts of American fair play must be reconsidered."*
Although those proposals did not involve assassinations,
the attitudes underlying them were, as Director Colby testified,
indicative of the setting within which the assassination plots
(Colby, 6/4/75, p. 117)
were conceived.
* The full text of the passage is as follows:
another important requirement is an aggressive
covert psychological, political, and paramilitary
organization far more effective, more unique, and,
if necessary, more ruthless than that employed by the
enemy. No one should be permitted to stand in the
way of the prompt, efficient, and secure accomplish-
ment of this mission.
The second consideration, it is now clear that we
are facing an implacable enemy whose avowed objective
is world domination by whatever means at whatever
cost. There are no rules in such a game.. Hitherto
acceptable norms of human conduct do not apply. If
the U. S. is to survive, long standing American con-
cepts of American fair play must be reconsidered.
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We do not think that traditional American notions of
fair play need be abandoned when dealing with our adversaries.
It may well be ourselves that we injure most if we adopt
tactics "more ruthless than the enemy".
The
A second document which represents an attitude which we
find improper was sent to the Congo in the fall of 1960 when
the assassination of Patrice Lumumba was being considered.
chief of CIA's Africa Division recommended a particular agent
WIROGUE
--
because
He is indeed aware of the precepts of right
and wrong, but if he is given an assignment
which may be morally wrong in the eyes of the
world, but necessary because his case officer
ordered him to carry it out, then it is right,
and he will dutifully undertake appropriate
action for its execution without pangs of con-
science. In a word, he can rationalize all
actions. (Memo dated / /60; Bissell
6/11/75, p. ).
Tr.,
The Committee finds this philosophy is not in keeping with the
ideals of our nation.
2. The United States Should Not Make Use of Underworld
Figures for Their Criminal Talents
We conclude that agencies of the United States must not
use underworld figures for their criminal talents* in carrying
out their operations. In addition to the corrosive effect
*Pending our investigation of the use of informants by the FBI and
other agencies, we reserve judgment on the use of known criminals
as informants. We are concerned here only with the use of persons
known to be actively engaged in criminal pursuits for their
expertise in carrying out criminal acts.
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upon our government,* the use of underworld figures involves
the following dangers:
-
a. The use of underworld figures for "dirty business"
gives them the power to blackmail the government and to avoid
prosecution, for past or future crimes. For example, the
figures involved in the Castro assassination operation used
their involvement with the CIA to avoid prosecution. The CIA
also contemplated attempting to quash criminal charges against
QJWIN in a foreign tribunal.
b. The use of persons experienced in criminal tech-
niques and prone to criminal behavior increases the likelihood
that criminal acts will occur. Agents in the field are neces-
sarily given broad discretion. But the risk of improper
activities is increased when persons of criminal background
are used, particularly when they are selected precisely to take
advantage of their criminal skills or contacts.
*The corrosive effect of dealing with underworld figures is
graphically demonstrated by the fact that Attorney General Robert
Kennedy, who had devoted much of his professional life to fight-
ing organized crime, did not issue an order against cooperating
with such persons when he learned in May 1961 that the CIA had.
made use of Sam Giancana in a sensitive operation in Cuba.
In May 1962, when the Attorney General learned that the
operation had involved assassination, he did, according to
a CIA witness, inform those briefing him that underworld
figures should not be used before checking with him first,
but failed to direct that they must never be so used.
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- 12
C. There is the danger that the United States Govern-
ment will become an unwitting accomplice to criminal acts and
that criminal figures will take advantage of their associa-
tion with the government to advance their own projects and
interests.
d. There is a fundamental impropriety in selecting
persons because they are skilled at performing deeds which the
laws of our society forbid.
The use of underworld figures by the United States Govern-
ment for their criminal skills raises moral problems comparable
to those recognized by Justice Brandeis in a different context
five decades ago:
Our government is the potent, the omnipresent
teacher. For good or for ill, it teaches the
whole people by its example. Crime is con-
tagious. If the Government becomes a law-
breaker, it breeds contempt for law; it in-
vites every man to become a law unto himself.
To declare that in the administration of the
criminal law the end justifies the means
to declare that the Government may commit
crimes in order to secure the conviction of
the private criminal would bring terrible
retribution. Against this pernicious doctrine
this Court should resolutely set its face.
Olmstead v. U. S., 277 U.S. 439, 485 (1927)
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- 13
C... Findings and Conclusions Relating to the Issues of Authori-
zation and Control
In the introduction to this report, we set forth in
summary form our major conclusions concerning whether the
assassination plots were authorized. The ensuing discussion
elaborates and explains those conclusions.
The Committee analyzed the question of authorization for
the assassination activities from two perspectives. First,
the Committee examined whether officials in policymaking
positions authorized or were aware of the assassination
activities. Second, the Committee inquired whether the
officials responsible for the operational details of the
plots perceived that assassination had the approval of
their superiors, or at least was the type of activity that
their superiors would not disapprove.
No doubt, the CIA's general efforts against the regimes
discussed in this report were authorized at the highest
levels of the government.
But the record leaves serious
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CLORET
-14-
doubt concerning whether assassination was authorized by
Even if the plots were not expressly
the Administrations.
authorized, it does not follow that the Agency personnel
believed they were acting improperly.
ed
1. The Command and Control System for Assassina-
tions Was Such That the Plots Could Have
Been Undertaken Without Express Authorization
As emphasized throughout this report, we are
unable to draw firm conclusions concerning responsibility
for the assassination plots. Even after our long investiga-
tion, it is unclear whether the conflicting and inconclusive
state of the evidence is due to the system of plausible
denial and its attendant doctrines, or whether there were.
in fact serious shortcomings in the system of authorization
which made it possible for assassination efforts to have
been undertaken by agencies of the United States Government
without express authority from officials outside of those
agencies.
Our preeminent finding is that assassination could have
been undertaken by an agency of the United States Government
without it having been uncontrovertibly clear that there was
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-15-
explicit authorization from the highest level. The command
and control system revealed by the record made it possible for
the CIA to have engaged in assassination activities without
express authorization by officials outside the Agency.
The ambiguity and imprecision in the record illustrates
the dangers of a "plausible denial" system in which the precise
level of authorization may be difficult to ascertain. While
there is no evidence that the "plausible denial" system has
succeeded in shielding decision makers in the cases considered
in this report, the possibility that a system exists which
might permit those responsible for authorizing major operations
to escape responsibility is disturbing.
Responsible government
requires that public officials be held accountable for their
decisions.
2. Findings Relating to the Level at Which the Plots Were
Authorized
a.
Diem
We find that neither the President nor any other
official in the United States Government authorized the assas-
sination of Diem and his brother Nhu. Both the DCI and top
State Department officials did know, however, that the death
of Nhu at least at one point had been contemplated by the coup
leaders. To the contrary, when the possibility that the coup
leaders were considering assassination was brought to the
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-16-
attention of the DCI, he directed that the United States
would have no part in such activity, and this information
was relayed to the coup leaders.
b.
Schneider
We find that neither the President nor any other
official in the United States Government authorized the assas-
sination of General Rene Schneider.
The CIA, and perhaps the
White House, did know that coup leaders contemplated kidnap-
ping, which, as it turned out, resulted in Schneider's death.
C.
Trujillo
The Presidents and other senior officials in
the Eisenhower and Kennedy Administrations sought the overthrow
of Trujillo and approved general actions to obtain that end.
The DCI and the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs knew that the Dominican dissidents intended
to assassinate Trujillo, but the date at which the dissidents'
intent to assassinate was communicated to higher levels of
the government responsible for formulating policy is less
clear. The record does establish that in the Spring of 1961
senior American officials, including the President, learned
that the dissidents intended to assassinate Trujillo and that
they desired machine guns for that purpose. The Special Group
disapproved passage of those weapons and the President himself,
in a telegram, reaffirmed that decision, indicating that the
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United States "as [a] matter of general policy cannot condone
assassination", although he did state that if the coup succeeded,
the United States would support the plotters.
d. Lumumba
The chain of events revealed by the documents and
testimony is strong enough to permit a reasonable inference
that the assassination plot was authorized by the President.
It is absolutely clear that Allen Dulles authorized the plot.
The juxtaposition of discussions concerning "disposing of"
Lumumba and taking "straightforward action" against him at NSC
and Special Group meetings with Dulles' cable to the Congo,
Bissell's representation to Gottlieb about "highest authority",
and the delivery of poison to the Congo can be read to support
an inference that the President and the Special Group urged
the assassination of Lumumba.
Robert Johnson's testimony that he understood the President
to have ordered Lumumba's assassination at an NSC meeting does,
as he said, offer a "clue" about Presidential authorization
which, however, should be read in light of the uncertain record
of the meetings Johnson attended and the contrary testimony of
others in attendance at the meetings, including the President's
national security advisors. The fact that both the Chief of
· Station and Gottlieb were under the impression that there was
Presidential authorization for the assassination of Lumumba
is not in itself direct evidence of such authorization because
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this impression was derived solely from Gottlieb's meetings
with Bissell and Tweedy. Neither Gottlieb nor the Chief of
Station had first-hand knowledge of Allen Dulles' statements
about Presidential authorization. Richard Bissell assumed
that such authorization had been conveyed to him by Dulles,
but Bissell had no specific recollection of any event when
this occurred.
The evidence leads us to conclude that DDP Bissell and
DCI Dulles knew about and authorized the plot to assassinate
Lumumba. However, we are unable to make a finding that
President Eisenhower intentionally authorized an assassination
effort against Lumumba because of the lack of absolute certainty
in the evidence.
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NW 50955
e.
Castro
There was no evidence from which the Committee
could conclude that Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, or Johnson,
their close advisors, or the Special Group authorized the
assassination of Castro.
We find that the effort against Castro was clearly autho-
rized through the level of DDP. It is not certain whether
Allen Dulles knew about the plots, although Bissell and
Edwards were of the opinion that he did, and the credibility
of their beliefs is buttressed by the fact that Dulles knew
about the Lumumba assassination plot, which was planned and
attempted at the time of the early Castro plots. We can find
no evidence that McCone was aware of the plots which occurred
during his tenure. His DDP, Richard Helms, testified that
he never discussed the subject with McCone and was never
expressly authorized by anyone to assassinate Castro.
The only suggestion of express Presidential authorization
for the plots against Castro was Richard Bissell's opinion
that Dulles would have circumlocutiously informed Presidents
Eisenhower and Kennedy after the assassination had been plan- .
ned and was underway. The assumptions underlying this opinion
are too attenuated for the Committee to adopt it as a finding.
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First, it assumes that Dulles himself knew of the plots, a
matter which is not certain.
Second, it assumes that Dulles
went privately to the two Presidents--a course of action
which Helms, who had far more covert action experience than
Bissell, testified was precisely what the doctrine of
plausible denial forbade CIA officials from doing. Third,
it necessarily assumes that the Presidents would understand
from a "circumlocutious" description that assassination was
being discussed.
The chain of assumptions is far too speculative for the
Committee to make findings inplicating Presidents who are not
able to speak for themselves. Moreover, it is inconsistent
with Bissell's other testimony that "formal and explicit”
approval would be required for assassination,* and contrary
to the testimony of all the Presidential advisors, the men
closest to both Eisenhower and Kennedy.
* If the evidence concerning President Eisenhower's order
to assassinate Lumumba is correct, it should be weighed against
Bissell's testimony concerning circumlocutious briefings of the
Presidents in the Castro case. First, the Lumumba case would
imply that President Eisenhower and Dulles did discuss such
matters bluntly and not circumlocutiously. Second, the Lumumba
example indicates that the President would discuss such matters
openly in an appropriate forum, and would not need to be
approached privately. Third, it can be inferred from Bissell's
testimony in the Castro case that if President Eisenhower had
told Dulles that he approved of the plot, Dulles would not have
told anyone else of that fact. Yet Gottlieb's testimony in the
Lumumba case states that he had been told of Presidential autho- :
rization for assassination by Bissell, who in turn assumed he"
was told by Dulles.
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Helms and McCone testified that the Presidents under
which they served never asked them to consider assassination.
There was no evidence whatsoever that President Johnson
knew about or authorized any assassination activity during his
Presidency.
3.
CIA Officials Involved in the Assassination Opera-
tions Perceived Assassination To Have Been A Permis-
sible Course of Action
The CIA officials involved in the targeted assassination
attempts testified that they had believed that their activities
had been fully authorized.*
In the case of the Lumumba assassination operation,
Richard Bissell testified that he had no direct recollection
of authorization, but after having reviewed the cables and
Special Group minutes, testified that authority must have
flowed from Dulles through him to the subordinate levels in
the Agency.
In the case of the assassination effort against Castro,
Bissell and Sheffield Edwards testified they believed the
operation involving underworld figures had been authorized
by Dulles when they briefed him shortly after the plot had been
12
initiated. William Harvey testified he believed that the
*The lower level operatives, such as O'Connell and the
AM/LASH case officers, are not discussed in this section, since
they had clear orders from their immediate superiors.
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plots "were completely authorized at every appropriate level
within and beyond the Agency", although he had "no personal
knowledge whatever of the individuals' identities, times,
exact words, or channels through which such authority may
have passed". Harvey stated that he had been told by Richard
Bissell that the effort against Castro had been authorized
"from the highest level", and that Harvey had discussed the
plots with Richard Helms, his immediate superior. Helms
testified that although he had never discussed assassination
with his superiors, he believed:
In
that in these actions we were taking against
Cuba and against Fidel Castro's government in Cuba,
that they were what we had been asked to do.
other words we had been asked to get rid of Castro
and
there were no limitations put on the means,
and we felt we were acting well within the guidelines
that we understood to be in play at this particular
time.
The evidence points to a disturbing situation. Agency
officials perceived the effort to assassinate Castro to have
been within the parameters of permissible action, but Adminis-
tration officials (including McCone) responsible for formulat-
ing policy were not aware of the effort and did not authorize
it. The explanation may lie in the fact that orders concerning
overthrowing the Castro regime were stated in broad terms that
were subject to differing interpretations by those responsible
for carrying out those orders.
The various Presidents and their senior advisors
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strongly opposed the regimes of Castro and Trujillo, the
accession to power of Allende, and the potential influence
of Patrice Lumumba. Orders concerning action against those
foreign leaders were given in vigorous language. For example,
President Nixon's orders to prevent Allende from assuming.
power left Helms feeling that "if I ever carried a marshall's
baton in my knapsack out of the oval office, it was that day."
Similarly, General Lansdale described the Mongoose effort
against Cuba as "a combat situation", and Attorney General
Kennedy emphasized that "a solution to the Cuban problem
today carries top priority". Helms testified that the
pressure to "get rid of [Castro and the Castro regime]" was
intense, and Bissell testified that he had been ordered to
"get off your ass about Cuba".
It is possible that there was a failure of communica-
tion between policymakers and the agency personnel who were
experienced in secret, and often violent, action. Although
policymakers testified that assassination was not intended
by such words as "get rid of Castro", some of their sub-
ordinates in the Agency testified that they perceived that
assassination was desired and that they should proceed with-
out troubling their superiors.
The 1967 Inspector General's Report on assassinations
appropriately observed:.
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CADE
落
DET
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The point is that of frequent resort to synechdoche
the mention of a part when the whole is to be under-
stood, or vice versa. Thus, we encounter repeated
references to phrases such as "disposing of Castro",
which may be read in the narrow, literal sense of assas-
sinating him, when it is intended that it be read in
the broader, figurative sense of dislodging the Castro
regime. Reversing the coin, we find people speaking
vaguely of "doing something about Castro" when it is
clear that what they have specifically in mind is
killing him. In a situation wherein those speaking
may not have actually meant what they seemed to say or
may not have said what they actually meant, they should
not be surprised if their oral shorthand is interpreted
differently than was intended.
Differing perceptions between superiors and their sub-
ordinates were graphically illustrated in the Castro context.
McCone, in a memorandum dated April 14, 1967, reflected as
follows:
Through the years the Cuban problem was discussed in
terms such as "dispose of Castro", "remove Castro",
"knock off Castro", etc., and this meant the overthrow
of the Communist government in Cuba and the replacing
of it with a democratic regime. Terms such as the
above appear in many working papers, memoranda for the
record, etc., and, as stated, all refer to a change in
the Cuban government.
*
* "Senator Mathias: Let me draw an example from history.
When Thomas A'Beckett was proving to be an annoyance, as
Castro, the King said, 'who will rid me of this turbulent
priest?'. He didn't say, 'go out and murder him'.. He said,
'who will rid me of this man', and let it go at that.
"Mr. Helms : That is a warming reference to the problem.
"Senator Mathias:
and the centuries?
You feel that spans the generations
"Mr. Helms: I think it does, sir.
"Senator Mathias:
And that is typical of the kind of
thing which might be said, which might be taken by the
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Helms, who had considerable experience as a covert operator,
gave precisely the opposite meaning to the same words, interpret-
ing them as conveying authority for assassination.
Helms repeatedly testified that he felt that explicit
authorization was unnecessary for the assassination of
Castro in the early 1960's, but he said he did not construe
the intense pressure from President Nixon in 1970 as pro-
viding authority to assassinate anyone. As Helms testified,
the difference was not that the pressure to prevent Allende
from assuming office was any less than the pressure to remove
the Castro regime, but rather that "I had already made up my
mind that we weren't going to have any of that business when
I was Director."
Certain CIA contemporaries of Helms who were subjected
to similar pressures in the Castro case rejected the thesis
that implicit authority to assassinate Castro derived from
the strong language of the policymakers. Bissell testified
that he had believed that "formal and explicit approval"
would be required for assassination; and McManus testified
director or by anybody else as presidential authorization to
go forward?
"Mr. Helms : That is right. But in answer to that, I
realize that one sort of grows up in tradition of the time
and I think that any of us would have found it very difficult
to discuss assassinations with a President of the U.S. I
just think we all had the feeling that we were hired out to
keep those things out of the oval office."
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that "it never occurred to me" that the vigorous words of
the Attorney General could be taken as authorizing
The differing perceptions may have resulted
assassination.
from their different backgrounds and training.
Neither
Bissell (an academician whose Agency career for the six years
before he became DDP had been in the field of technology) nor
McManus (who had concentrated on intelligence and staff work)
were experienced in covert operations.*
The perception of certain Agency officials that assas-
sination was within the range of permissible activity was
reinforced by the continuing approval of violent covert actions
against Cuba that were sanctioned at the Presidential level
and by the failure of the successive administrations to make
clear that assassination was not permissible. This point is
one of the subjects considered in the next section.
In
* Of course, this analysis cannot be carried too far.
the Lumumba case, for example, Johnson and Dillon, who were
Administration officials with no covert operation experience,
construed remarks as urging or permitting assassination, while
other persons who were not in the Agency did not so interpret
them.
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4.
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The Failure In Communication Between Agency Officials
In Charge Of The Assassination Operations And Their Superiors
In The Agency And In The Administration Was Due To:
(a) The Failure of Subordinates To Disclose The
Operations To Their Superiors; and
(b) The Failure of Superiors to Give Frecise Orders
Regarding the Nature of Permissable Operations and to Make
Clear That Assassination Was Precluded in the Climate of
Violence Engendered by the Aggressive Covert Actions
Sanctioned by the Administrations.
While we cannot find that officials responsible for
making policy decisions knew about or authorized the assassina-
·tion attempts (with the possible exception of the Lumumba case),
Agency operatives at least through the level of DDP neverthe-
less perceived assassination to have been permissible.
failure in communication was inexcusable in light of the gravity
of assassination.
This
The Committee finds that the failure of
Agency officials to inform their superiors was reprehensible,
and that the reasons that they offered for having neglected
to inform their superiors are unacceptable.
The Committee
further finds that Administration officials failed to be
sufficiently precise in their directions to the Agency and
that their attitude toward the possibility of assassination
was ambiguous in the context of the violence of other activities
that they did authorize.
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(a) Agency Officials Failed On Several Occasions To Reveal
The Plots To Their Superiors, Or To Do So With Sufficient
Detail and Clarity
Several of the cases considered in this report raise
questions concerning whether officials of the CIA sufficiently
informed their superiors in the Agency or officials outside the
Agency about their activities.
Castro
The failure of Agency officials to inform their superiors
of the assassination efforts against Castro is particularly
troubling.
Richard Bissell testified that he and Sheffield Edwards
told Allen Dulles only "circumlocutiously" and only after
the project had begun about the operation which used members
of the underworld. Both Bissell and his successor as DDP,
Richard Helms, testified that they never discussed the opera-
tion with John McCone or any officials outside the CIA. The
two officials directly responsible for the operation--Edwards
and William Harvey--testified that they never discussed the
operation with McCone or any Government official above, the
level of DDP. McCone testified that he was never consulted about
the operation, and that Dulles never briefed him on its
existence. On the basis of the testimony and documentary
evidence before the Committee, it is uncertain whether Dulles
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was ever made aware of the true nature of the underworld
operation, and virtually certain that it continued into
McCone's term without his or the Administration's knowledge
or approval.
On the occasions when Richard Bissell had the opportunity
to inform his superiors about the assassination effort against
Castro, he either failed to inform them or misled them.
Bissell testified that he and Edwards told Dulles and
Cabell about the assassination operation using underworld
figures, but that they did so "circumlocutiously", and then
only after contact had been made with the underworld and a
price had been offered for Castro's death.
Bissell further testified that he never raised the issue
of assassination with officials of either the Eisenhower or
His reason was that since he was under
Kennedy Administration.
Dulles in the chain of command, he would normally have had no
duty to discuss the matter with the Presidents or other Adminis-
tration officials, and that he assumed that Dulles would have
circumlocutiously spoken with Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy
about the operation. These reasons are insufficient. It was
inexcusable to withhold such information from those responsible
for formulating policy on the unverified assumption that they
might have been circumlocutiously informed by Dulles, who
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himself had not been straight-forwardly told about the operation.*
The failure to either inform those officials or to make
certain that they had been informed by Dulles was particularly
reprehensible in light of the fact that there were many occasions
on which Bissell should have informed them, and his failure to
do so was misleading. In the first weeks of the Kennedy Adminis-
tration, Bissell met with Bundy and discussed the development
of an assassination capability within CIA--executive action.
But Bissell did not mention that an actual assassination attempt
was underway. Bissell appeared before the Taylor-Kennedy Board
of Inquiry which was formed to report to the President on the
Bay of Pigs and the Cuban situation, but testified that he did
not inform the Commission of the assassination operation. As
chief of the CIA directorate concerned with clandestine operations
and the Bay of Pigs, Bissell frequently met with officials in
the Eisenhower and Kennedy Administrations to discuss Cuban
operations, and his advice was frequently sought. He did not
tell them that the CIA had undertaken an effort to assassinate
Castro, and did not ask if they favored proceeding with the
* Even assuming that Bissell correctly perceived that Dulles
understood the nature of the operation, it was inexcusable for
Bissell not to have briefed Dulles in plain language. Further,
even if one accepts Bissell's assumption that Dulles told the
Presidents, they would have been told too late, because Bissell
"guessed" they would have been told that the operation "had
been planned and was being attempted”.
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effort. He was present at the meeting with Dulles and Presi-
dent Kennedy at which the new President was briefed on covert
action in Cuba, but neither Dulles nor Bissell mentioned the
assassination operation that was underway.
The failures to make forthright disclosures to policy-
makers continued during the time that Richard Helms was DDP.
Helms failure to inform McCone about the underworld operation
when it was reactivated under Harvey and poison pills were
sent to Cuba was a grave error in judgment, and Helms' excuses
are unpersuasive. In May of 1962, the Attorney General was
told that the CIA's involvement in an assassination plot had
terminated with the Bay of Pigs. Not only did Edwards, who
had briefed the Attorney General, know that the operation had
not been terminated, but Helms did not inform the Attorney
General that the operation was still active when he learned
that the Attorney General had been misled. Helms did not
inform McCone of the plot until August 1962, and did so then
in a manner which indicated that the plot had been terminated
before McCone became Director. Helms' denial that AM/LASH
had been involved in an assassination attempt in response to
Secretary of State Rusk's inquiries was, as Helms testified,
"not truthful".
When Helms briefed President Johnson on the Castro plots,
he apparently described the activities that had occurred during
prior administrations but did not describe the AM/LASH opera-
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tion which had continued until 1965. Helms also failed to
inform the Warren Commission of the plots because the precise
question was not asked.
Helms told the Committee that he had never raised the
assassination operation with McCone or Kennedy Administration
officials because he had assumed that the project had been
previously authorized, and that the aggressive character of
the Kennedy Administration's program against the Castro regime
made assassination permissible even in the absence of an
express instruction. He added that he had never been convinced
that the operation would succeed, and that he would have told
McCone about it if he had ever believed that it would "go
anyplace".
Helms' reasons for not having told his superiors about
the assassination effort are unacceptable; indeed, many of them
were reasons why he should have sought express authority.
As Helms himself testified, assassination was of a high order
of sensitivity. Administration policymakers, supported by
intelligence estimates furnished by the Agency, had emphasized
on several occasions that successors to Castro might be worse
than Castro himself. In addition, the Special Group Augmented
required that plans for covert actions against Cuba be sub-
mitted in detail for its approval. Although the Administration
was exerting intense pressure on the CIA to do something about
Castro and the Castro regime, it was a serious error to have
-2
Je
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undertaken so drastic an operation without obtaining full and
equivocal permission.
William Harvey, the officer in charge of the CIA's attempt
using underworld figures to assassinate Castro, testified that
he never discussed the plot with McCone or officials of the
Kennedy Administration because he believed that it had been
fully authorized by the previous Director, because he was
uncertain whether it had a chance of succeeding, and because
he believed that it was Helms', not his, duty to inform higher
authorities.
Nonetheless, the Committee believes there were occasions
on which it was incumbent on Harvey to have disclosed the
assassination operation. As head of Task Force W, the branch
of the CIA responsible for covert operations in Cuba, Harvey
reported directly to General Lansdale and the Special Group
Augmented. The Special Group Augmented had made known that
covert operations in Cuba should be first approved by it, both
by explicit instruction and by its practice that particular
operations be submitted in "nauseating detail".
Yet Harvey
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did not inform either General Lansdale or the Special Group
Augmented of the assassination operation, either when he was
explicitly requested to report to McCone, General Taylor,
and the Special Group on his activities in Miami in April
1962, or when the subject of assassination was raised in the
August 1962 meeting and McCone voiced his disapproval.
The Committee finds that the reasons advanced for not
having informed those responsible for formulating policy
about the assassination operation were inadequate, misleading,
and inconsistent. Some officials viewed assassination as
too important and sensitive to discuss with superiors, while
others considered it not sufficiently important. Harvey
testified that it was premature to tell McCone about the
underworld operation in April 1962, because it was not
sufficiently advanced, but too late to tell him about it in
August 1962, since by that time he had decided to terminate
it. On other occasions, officials thought disclosure was
someone else's responsibility; Bissell said he thought it was
up to Dulles, Harvey believed it was up to Helms, but Helms
remarked that Harvey "kept Phase II pretty much in his back
⚫ pocket".
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The Committee concludes that the failure clearly to
inform policymakers of the assassination effort against
Castro was grossly improper. The Committee believes that
it should be incumbent upon the DDP to report such a
sensitive operation to his superior, the DCI, no matter how
grave his doubts might be about the possible outcome of the
operation. It follows that the DCI has the same duty to
accurately inform his superiors.
Trujillo
In the Trujillo case there were several instances in
which it appears that policymakers were not given sufficient
information, or were not informed in a timely fashion.
At a meeting on December 29, 1960, Bissell presented a
plan to the Special Group for supporting Dominican exile groups
and local dissidents, and stated that the plan would not bring
down the regime without 'some decisive stroke against Trujillo
⚫ himself". At a meeting on January 12, 1961, the Special Group
authorized the passage of "limited supplies of small arms and
11
other material" to Dominican dissidents under certain conditions.
At this time, the fact that the dissidents had been contemplating
the assassination of Trujillo had been known in the State Department
at the level of the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs, and by senior officials of the CIA, including the DCI.
Yet the memorandum supplied to Under Secretary Merchant, which
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was said to have been the basis upon which the Special Group
agreed to the "limited supply" of small arms, did not mention
assassination.
To the contrary, it spoke of "sabotage potential"
and stated that there "would be no thought of toppling the
[government] by any such minor measure [as the supplying of
small arms].'
On February 17, 1961, Richard Bissell sent a memorandum
on the Dominican Republic to McGeorge Bundy. Bissell knew
that the dissidents planned to assassinate Trujillo, but his
memorandum did not mention assassination. It indicated that
the dissidents' "plan of action" included arms for 300 men.
Those involved agreed that support of this nature suggested a
non-targeted paramilitary plan, not an assassination.
The passage of the carbines was approved by CIA head-
quarters on March 31, 1961. The State Department was apparently
unaware of this passage for several weeks. The pouching of the
machine guns was not disclosed outside the CIA.
The State Department official from whom the CIA sought
permission to pass the machine guns stated that on "cross
examination" the CIA official conceded that the purpose was
assassination. The CIA official then agreed the United States
should have nothing to do with assassination plots "anywhere,
anytime", even though the previous day he and Bissell had signed'
a draft cable permitting the passage of the machine guns for
use in connection with a planned assassination.
-
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Schneider
The issue here is not whether the objectives of the CIA were
contrary to those of the Administration. It is clear that Presi-
dent Nixon desired to prevent Allende from assuming office, even
if that required fomenting and supporting a coup in Chile. Nor
did White House officials suggest that tactics employed (includ-
ing as a first step to kidnapping General Schneider) would have
been unacceptable as a matter principle. Rather, the issue posed
is whether White House officials were consulted, and thus given
an opportunity to weigh such matters as risk and likelihood of suc-
cess, and to apply policy-making judgments to particular tactics.
The record indicates that up to October 15 they were; after Octo-
ber 15 there is some doubt.
The documentary record with respect to the disputed post-
October 15 period gives rise to conflicting inferences. On the one
hand, Karamessines' calendar shows existence of at least one White
House contact in the critical period prior to the kidnapping of
General Schneider on October 22. However, the absence of any sub-
stantive memoranda in CIA files--when contrasted with several such
memoranda describing contacts with the White House between Septem-
ber 15 and October 15--may suggest a lack of significant communi-
cation on the part of the CIA as well as a lack of careful super-
vision on the part of the White House.
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The standards applied within the CIA itself suggest a
view that action which the Committee believes called for
top-level policy discussion and decision was thought of as
permissible, without any further consultation, on the basis
of the initial instruction to prevent Allende from assuming
power. Machine guns were sent to Chile and delivered to
military figures there on the authority of junior CIA officers
without consultation even with the CIA officer in charge of
the program. We find no suggestion of bad faith in the action
of the junior officers. But it necessarily establishes that
there was no advance permission from outside the CIA for the
passage of machine guns. And it also suggests an attitude
within the CIA toward consultation which was unduly lax.
Further, this case demonstrated the problems inherent in giving
an agency a "blank check" to engage in covert operations
without specifying which actions are and are not permissible,
and without adequately supervising and monitoring these
activities once begun.
(b) On Occasion, Administration Officials Gave Vague.
Instructions to Subordinates and Failed to Make Sufficiently
Clear That Assassination Should Be Excluded From Consideration.
While we cannot find that high Administration officials
expressly approved of the assassination attempts, we have
noted that certain agency officials nevertheless perceived
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assassination to have been authorized. Although those officials
were remiss in not seeking express authorization for their
activities, their superiors were also at fault for giving
vague instructions and for not explicitly ruling out assassina-
tion. No written order prohibiting assassination was issued
until 1972, and that order was an internal CIA directive issued
by Director Helms.
Schneider
As explained above, there is no evidence that assassina-
tion was ever proposed as a method of carrying out the Presi-
dential order to prevent Allende from assuming office. The
Committee believes, however, that the granting of carte.
blanche authority to the CIA by the Executive in this case
may have contributed to the tragic and unintended death of
General Schneider. This was also partially due to impositing
an impractical task to be accomplished within an unreasonably
short time. Apart from the question of whether any inter-
vention was justified under the circumstances of this case,
the committee believes that the Executive in any event should
have defined the limits of permissible action.
Lumumba
We are unable to make a finding that President
Eisenhower intentionally authorized an assassination
effort against Lumumba because of the lack of absolute
certainty in the evidence. However, it appears that the
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strong language used in discussions at the Special Group and
NSC, as reflected in minutes of relevant meetings,
led Dulles to believe that assassination was desired. The
minutes contain language concerning the need to "dispose of"
Lumumba, an "extremely strong feeling about the necessity
for straight forward action", and a refusal to rule out any
activity that might contribute to "getting rid of" Lumumba.
Castro
The effort to assassinate Fidel Castro took place in an
atmosphere of extreme pressure by Eisenhower and Kennedy
Administration officials to discredit and overthrow the Castro
Richard Helms recalled that:
regime.
"I remember vividly [that the pressure] was very
intense. And therefore, when you go into the record,
you find a lot of nutty schemes there and those nutty
schemes were borne of the intensity of the pressure.
And we were quite frustrated."
Bissell recalled that:
"During that entire period, the administration was
extremely sensitive about the defeat that had been
afflicted, as they felt, on the U.S. at the Bay of
Pigs, and were pursuing every possible means of
getting rid of Castro.
Another witness, Samuel Halpern, stated that sometime in
the Fall of 1961 Bissell was
"chewed out in the Cabinet Room in the White House by
both the President and the Attorney General for, as he
put it, sitting on his ass and not doing anything about
getting rid of Castro and the Castro Regime."
General Lansdale informed the agencies cooperating in Operation
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been given full command".
-40-
Mongoose that "you're in a combat situation where we have
Secretary of Defense McNamara
confirmed that "we were hysterical about Castro at the time
of the Bay of Pigs and thereafter"..
Many of the plans that were discussed and often approved
contemplated violent action against Cuba. The operation
which resulted in the Bay of Pigs was a major paramilitary
onslaught that had the approval of the highest government
officials, including the two Presidents. Thereafter, Attorney
General Kennedy vehemently exhorted the Special Group Aug-
mented that "a solution to the Cuban problem today carried
top priority
no time, money, effort--or manpower is
Subsequently, Operation Mongoose involved
propaganda and sabotage operations aimed toward spurring a
revolt of the Cuban people against Castro. Measures that
were considered by the top policymakers included incapacita-
ting sugar workers during harvest season by the use of
chemicals; blowing up bridges and production plants; sabotaging
merchandise in third countries--even those allied with
to be spared."*
the United States--prior to its delivery to Cuba; and arming
insurgents on the island. Programs undertaken at the urging
* The Attorney General himself took a personal interest
in the recruitment and development of assets within Cuba,
on occasion recommending Cubans to the CIA as possible recruits
and meeting in Washington and Florida with Cuban exiles
active in the covert war against the Castro government.
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of the Administration included intensive efforts to recruit
and arm dissidents within Cuba and raids on plants, mines,
and harbors.
Discussions at the Special Group and NSC meetings might'
well have contributed to the perception of some CIA officials
that assassination was a permissible tool in the effort to
overthrow the Castro regime. At a Special Group meeting in
November 1960, Under Secretary Merchant inquired whether
any planning had been undertaken for "direct, positive action"
against Che Guevarra, Raul and Fidel Castro. Cabell replied
that such a capability did not exist, but might well have
left the meeting with the impression that assassination was
not out of bounds. One phase of Lansdale's plans, which
was submitted to the Special Group in January 1962, aimed
at inducing "open revolt and overthrow of the Communist
regime", and included in the final phase an "attack on the
cadre of the regime, including key leaders". The proposal
stated that "this should be a 'Special Target" operation
Gangster elements might provide the best recruitment potential
against police.
Several minutes from Special Group
meetings contain language such as "possible removal of
-..2
Castro from the Cuban scene". Although Lansdale's proposal
was shelved, the type of aggressive action contemplated was
not ruled out.
On several occasions, the subject of assassination was
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discussed in the presence of senior Administration officials.
While those officials never consented to actual assassina-
tion efforts, they also failed to indicate that assassination
was impermissible as a matter of principle.
In early 1961, McGeorge Bundy was informed of a CIA
project described as the development of a capability to
assassinate. * Bundy raised no objection and, according to
Bissell, may have been more affirmative. Although Bissell
stated that he did not infer authorization from Bundy's
remarks for the underworld plot against Castro that was then
underway, the fact that he believed that the development
of an assassination capability had been approved by the White
House (which he subsequently told to Harvey) may well have.
contributed to the general perception that assassination was
not prohibited.
Documents indicate that in May 1962, Attorney General
Kennedy was told that the CIA had sought to assassinate
Castro prior to the Bay of Pigs. According to the CIA
officials present at the briefing, the Attorney General
*Bundy, who was National Security Advisor to the President,
had an obligation to tell the President of such a grave
matter, even though it was only a discussion of a capability
to assassinate. His failure to do so was a serious error:
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indicated his displeasure about the lack of consultation
on the impropriety of the attempt itself.* There is no
evidence that the Attorney General told the CIA that it must
not engage in assassination plots.
At a meeting of the Special Group Augmented in August
1962, well after the assassination efforts were underway,
Robert McNamara is said to have raised the question of
whether the assassination of Cuban leaders should be explored,
and General Lansdale issued an action memorandum assigning
the CIA the task of preparing contingency plans for the
assassination of Cuban leaders. While McCone testified
that he had immediately made it clear that assassination
was not to be discussed or condoned, Harvey's testimony
and documents which he wrote after the event indicate that
Harvey may have been confused over whether McCone had
objected to the use of assassination, or whether he was only
concerned that the subject not be put in writing.
In any
NW 50955
* Documents show that the Attorney General, Robert Kennedy,
learned in May of 1961 that the CIA had used underworld.
figures in an operation against Cuba. The documentary record
further reflects that the Attorney General was not told that
the operation had involved assassination efforts until May
of 1962, and that the operation was then described to him
as having been terminated in May 1961. There is no evidence
that the Attorney General suspected the true nature of the
operation until that briefing, or that he learned that it
had not in fact been terminated. While it is curious that
the Attorney General would not have inquired further into
the nature of the operation when he discovered that Sam
Giancana had been involved in it, there is no evidence that
he did.
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event, McCone went no further. He issued no general order
banning consideration of assassination within the Agency.
One of the programs forwarded to General Lansdale by
the Defense Department in the Mongoose program was entitled
"Operation Bounty" and envisioned dropping leaflets in Cuba
offering rewards for the assassination of Government leaders.
Although the plan was vetoed by Lansdale, it indicates that
persons in agencies other than the CIA perceived that assas-
sination might be permissible.
While the ambivalence of Administration officials does
not excuse the misleading conduct by Agency officials or
justify their failure to seek explicit permission, it dis-
played an insufficient concern about assassination which
may have contributed to the perception that assassination
was an acceptable tactic in accomplishing the Government's
general objectives.
With the exception of the tight guidelines issued by
the Special Group Augmented concerning Operation Mongoose,
precise limitations were never imposed on the CIA requiring
prior permission for the details of other proposed covert
operations against Cuba. No general policy banning assas-
sination was promulgated until Helms' intra-agency order
in 1972. In light of the number of times in which the
--
subject of assassination arose, Administration officials
were remiss in not explicitly forbidding such activity.
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*
*
*
*
The Committee notes that many of the occasions on
which CIA officials should have informed their superiors
or did
of the assassination efforts but failed to do so,
so in a misleading manner, were also occasions on which
Administration officials paradoxically may have reinforced
the perception that assassination was permissible.
For example, when Bissell spoke with Bundy about an
executive action capability, Bissell failed to indicate that
an actual assassination operation was underway, but Bundy
failed to rule out assassination as a tactic.
In May of 1962 the Attorney General was misleadingly told
about the effort to assassinate Castro prior to the Bay of Pigs,
but not about the operation that was then going on. The Attorney
General, however, did not state that assassination was improper.'
When a senior administration official raised the question
of whether assassination should be explored at a Special Group
meeting, the assassination operation should have been revealed,
but a firm written order against engaging in assassination should
also have been issued by McCone if, as he testified, he had ex-
hibited strong aversion to assassination.
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6. Practices Current at the Time in Which the Assas-
sination Plots Occurred Were Revealed by the Record to
Create the Risk of Confusion, Rashness, and Irresponsibility
in the Very Areas Where Clarity and Sober Judgment Was
Most Necessary.
Various witnesses described elements of the system
within which the assassination plots were conceived. The
Committee is disturbed by the custom that permitted the
most sensitive matters to be presented to the highest levels
of Government with the least clarity. We find this dis-
turbing, and view the following concepts as particularly
dangerous:
(1) The extension of the doctrine of "plausible denial"
beyond its intended purpose of hiding the involvement of
the United States from other countries to an effort to
shield higher officials from knowledge, and hence, responsi-
bility for certain operations.
(2)
The use of circumlocution or euphemism to describe
serious matters--such as assassination--when precise meanings
ought to be made clear.
(3)
The theory that general approval of broad covert
action programs is sufficient to justify specific actions
such as assassination or the passage of weapons..
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(4) The theory that authority granted, or assumed to
be granted, by one director or one administration could be
presumed to continue without the necessity for reaffirming
the authority with successor officials.
(5) The creation of capabilities without careful
review and authorization by policymakers, and the risk that
such capabilities might be used without further authoriza-
tion.
(a) The Danger Inherent in Overextending the Doctrine
of Plausible Denial
The original concept of plausible denial envisioned
implementing covert actions in a manner calculated to conceal
American involvement if the actions were exposed.
The
doctrine was at times a delusion and at times a snare. It
was naive for policymakers to assume that sponsorship of
.
actions as big as the Bay of Pigs invasion could be concealed.
The Committee's inquiry into assassination and the public
disclosures which preceded it demonstrate that when the
United States resorted to cloak and dagger tactics, its hand
was ultimately exposed. In addition, the likelihood of
reckless action is substantially increased when policymakers
believe that their decisions will never be revealed.
Whatever can be said in defense of the original pur-
pose of plausible denial--a purpose which intends to conceal
U.S. involvement from the outside world--the extension of
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the doctrine to the internal decision-making process of
the Government is absurd. Any theory which, as a matter
of doctrine, places elected officials on the periphery of
the decision-making process is an invitation to error, an
abdication of responsibility, and a perversion of democratic
government.
(b) The Dangers of Using "Circumlocution" and
"Euphemism"
According to Richard Bissell, the extension of plausible
denial to internal decisionmaking required the use of cir-
cumlocution and euphemism in speaking with Presidents and
· other senior officials.
Explaining this concept only heightens its absurdity.
On the one hand, it assumes that senior officials should be
shielded from the truth to enable them to deny knowledge if
the truth comes out. On the other hand, the concept assumes
that senior officials must be told enough, by way of double
talk, to grasp the subject. As a consequence, the theory
fails to accomplish its objective and only increases the
risk of misunderstanding.
Subordinate officials should des-
cribe their proposals in clear, precise, and brutally frank
language; busy superiors are entitled to and should demand
no less.
Euphemism may actually have been preferred--not because
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of plausible denial--but because the persons involved
could not bring themselves to state in plain language what
they intended to do and may have, in some instances; assumed,
rightly or wrongly, that the listening superiors did not
want the issue squarely placed before them.
Assassinate,
murder and kill are words many people do not want to speak
or hear. They describe acts which should not even be pro-
posed, let alone plotted. Failing to call dirty business
by its rightful name may have increased the risk of dirty
business being done.
(c) The Danger of Generalized Instructions.
Permitting specific acts to be taken on the basis of
general approvals of broad strategies (e.g., keep Allende
from assuming office, get rid of the Castro regime) blurs
responsibility and accountability. Worse still, it increases
the danger that subordinates may take steps which would
have been disapproved if the policymakers had been informed.
A further danger is that policymakers might intentionally
use loose general instructions to evade responsibility for
embarrassing activities.
-
In either event, we find that the gap between the
general policy objectives and the specific actions under-
taken to achieve them was far too wide.
It is important that policymakers review the manner in
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which their directives are implemented, particularly when
the activities are sensitive, secret, and immune from
public scrutiny.
(d) The Danger of "Floating Authorization"
One justification advanced by Richard Helms and William
Harvey for not informing John McCone about the use of under-
world figures to assassinate Fidel Castro was their assertion
that the project had already been approved by McCone's
predecessor, Allen Dulles, and that further authorization was
unnecessary, at least until the operation had reached a more
advanced stage.
Similarly, most of the actions taken in the Trujillo
case during the early months of the Kennedy Administration
were authorized by the Special Group on January 12, 1961,
at the end of the Eisenhower Administration.
The idea that authority might continue from one adminis-
tration or director to the next and that there is no duty
to reaffirm authority with successors inhibits responsible
decisionmaking. Circumstances may change or judgments differ.
New officials should be given the opportunity to review
significant programs.
(e) The Problems Connected with Creating New Covert
Capabilities
The development of a new capability raises numerous
problems. Having a capability to engage in certain covert
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activity increases the probability that it will occur,
since the capability represents a tool that is available
for use.
There is the further danger that authorizing a
capability may be misunderstood as authorizing its use
without need for obtaining explicit authorization.
Of course, an assassination capability should never
have been created in the first place.
:
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V.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Approved by
Drafting
Subcommittee
10/8/75
(with possible reservation
as to language of statute)
During our long investigation of assassination, a number of vital issues
came into sharp focus."
Above all, stood the question of assassination. Our recommendations on
other issues should await the completion of our continuing investigations and
our final report. But we need no more information to convince us that a
a 
flat
ban against assassination should be written into law.
:
We condemn assassination and reject it as an instrument of American
policy. Surprisingly, at present there is no statute making it a crime to assas-
sinate a foreign official outside the United States. Hence, for the reasons
set forth below, the Committee recommends the prompt enactment of a statute mak--
ing it a Federal crime to commit or attempt an assassination, or to conspire to
do so.
tion.
A. General agreement that the United States must not engage in assassina-
Our view that assassination has no place in America's arsenal is shared by
the Administration.
President Ford, in the same statement in which he asked this Committee to
deal with the assassination issue, stated:
I am opposed to political assassination.
This administration
has, not and will not use such means as instruments of national
policy. Presidential Press Conference, June 9, 1975, Weekly
Compilation of Presidential Documents, Vol. II, No. 24, p. 611.
The witnesses we examined uniformly condemned assassination.
They denounced
it as immoral, described it as impractical, and reminded us that an open society,
most of all, runs the risk of the assassination of its own leaders. As President
Kennedy was reported to have said: "we can't get into that kind of thing, or we
would all be targets.' (Goodwin
EE
7/18/75, p. 4)
The current CIA Director and his two predecessors testified emphatically
that assassination should be banned. Thus, Colby said:
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2
I
With respect to assassination, my position is clear.
just think it is wrong. And I have said so and made it
very clear to my subordinates.
(5/21/75,
P. 89)
Colby's predecessor, Helms, although himself involved in an earlier plot,
said he had concluded assassination should be ruled out for both moral and
practical reasons:
As a result of my experiences through the years, when I be-
came Director I had made up my mind that this option...of
killing foreign leaders, was something that I did not want
to happen on my watch. 'My reasons for this were these:
There are not only moral reasons but there are also
some other rather practical reasons.
;
It is almost impossible in a democracy to keep any-
thing like that secret.... Somebody would go to a Con-
gressman, his Senator, he might go to a newspaper man, what-
ever the case may be, but it just is not a practical alterna-
tive, it seems to me, in our society.
Then there is another consideration...if you are going
to try by this kind of means to remove a foreign leader,
then who is going to take his place running that country,
and are you essentially better off as a matter of practice
when it is over than you were before? And I can give you I
think a very solid example of this which happened in Vietnam
when President Diem was eliminated from the scene. We then
had a revolving door of prime ministers after that for quite.
some period of tiem, during which the Vietnamese Government
at a time in its history when it should have been strong was
nothing but a caretaker government . In other
words, that whole exercise turned out to the disadvantage of
the United States.
there is no sense in my sitting here with all the ex-
perience I have had and not sharing with the Committee my
feelings this day. It isn't because I have lost my cool,
or because I have lost my guts, it simply is because I don't
think it is a viable option in the United States of America these
days.
---
I
Chairman Church. Doesn't it also follow, Mr. Helins
what
agree with
you have said fully but doesn't it
also follow on the practical side, apart from the moral side,
that since these secrets are bound to come out, when they do,
they do very grave political damage to the United States in
the world at large? I don't know to what extent the Russians
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Page 203
because:
involved themselves in political assassinations, but under
their system they at 
least have a better prospect of keep-
ing it concealed. 
Since we do like a free society and
since these 
secrets are going to come out in due course,
revelation will then do 
serious injury to the good name and
reputation of the United 
States.
Would you agree with that?
Mr. Helms. Yes, I would..
the
The Chairman. And finally, if we were to reserve to our-
selves 
the prerogative to 
assassinate foreign leaders, we may in-
vite reciprocal action from 
foreign governments who assume
that if it's our 
prerogative to do so, it is their prero-
gative as well, and 
that is another danger that we at least
invite with this kind 
of action, wouldn't you agree?
Mr. Helms. Yes, sir.
(6/13/75, pp. 76-78)
Similarly, John McCone said he was opposed to assassinations
B.
I didn't think it was proper from the standpoint of the U.S.
Government and the 
Central Intelligence Agency.
(6/6/75, p. 15)
CIA Directives Banning Assassination. In 1972 and 1973, Helms and
then Colby issued internal CIA orders banning assassination.
said:
In his order, Helms
It has recently again been alleged in the press that CIA
engages 
in assassination. 
As you are well aware, this is not
the case,
and 
Agency policy has long been clear on this issue.
To underline 
it, however
, I direct that no such activity or
operation be undertaken
, assisted or suggested by any of our
personnel.... (Memorandum
, Helms to Deputy Directors, 3/6/72)
Colby, in one of a series of orders in August 1973 arising out of the Agency's
own review of prior "questionable activity," issued an order which stated:
CIA will not engage in assassination nor induce, assist or
suggest to others that assassination be employed. (Memorandum, Colby
to Deputy Directors, 8/29/73)
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 204
C. The need for a statute.
Commendable and welcome as they are, these
CIA directives are not sufficient.
Administrations change, CIA directors change,
and someday in the future what was tried in the past may once again become a tempt-
ation.
Assassination plots did happen. It would be irresponsible for us not to do
all that we can do to prevent their happening again. Laws express our society's
values; they deter those who might be tempted and stiffen the will of those who
want to resist.
The statute we recommend, which is printed as an appendix to this report,
makes it a criminal offense for persons subject to the jurisdiction of the United
States 1) to conspire, within or outside the United States, to assassinate a
foreign official; 2) to attempt to assassinate a foreign official, or 3) to assas-
sinate a foreign official.
Present law makes it a crime to kill, or to conspire to kill, a foreign
official or foreign official guest while such a person is in the United States.
18 U.S.C. 1116; 18 U.S.C. 1117. However, there is no law which makes it a crime
to assassinate, or to conspire or attempt to assassinate, a foreign official
while such official is outside the United States. Our proposed statute, is thus
designed to close this gap in the law.
Subsection (a) of the proposed statute would punish conspiracies formed
within the United States; subsection (b) punishes conspiracies outside of the
United States. Subsection (b) is necessary to eliminate the loophole which would
otherwise permit persons to simply leave the United States and conspire abroad.
Subsections (c) and (d), respectively, make it an offense to attempt to kill or
to kill a foreign official outside the United States.
i
Subsections (a) through (d) specifically apply to any "officer or employee
of the United States" to make clear that the statute punishes conduct by U.S.
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11
government personnel, as well as conduct by private citizens having no relation
to the U.S. government: In addition, subsection (a), dealing with conspiracies
within the United States, applies to "any other person, whether or not a United
States citizen. Noncitizens who conspire within the United States to assassi-
nate a foreign official clearly come within the jurisdiction of U.S. law. Sub-
sections (b) through (d), which deal with conduct outside the United States, apply
to U.S. citizens, and to officers or employees of the United States, whether or
not they are citizens. Criminal liability for conduct outside the United States
of persons who are not U.S. citizens or who do not hold a position as a officer
or employee of the United States are matters for the law of the place where such
conduct takes place.
The term "foreign official" is defined in subjection (d) (2). The defini-
tion makes it clear that the offense may be committed even though the official
belongs to an insurgent force, an unrecognized government, or a non-governmental
political party. Our investigation as well as the reality of international
politics
--
www.www
has shown that officials in such organizations are potential targets
for assassination.*/
Thus,
The offenses are limited to conduct aimed at such persons because of their
official duties or status, or their political views, actions, or statements.
for example, a conspiracy to kill or the killing of a foreign official, which is
not politically motivated would not be punishable under this statute.
The definition of official in section (d) (2) also provides that such per-
son must be an official of a foreign government or movement "with which the
United States is not at war or against which the United States Armed Forces have
*/For example, Lumumba was not an official of the Congolese government at the
time of the plots against his life, and Trujillo, though the dictator, held no
official governmental position in the latter period of his regime.
NW 50955 DocId: 32423525 Page 206
-6-
not been introduced into hostilities or situations pursuant to the provisions of
the War Powers Resolution. This definition makes it clear that, absent a decla-
ration of war or the introduction of United States Armed Forces pursuant to the
War Powers Resolution, the killing of foreign officials is a criminal offense.
insert discussion of paramilitary aspect/
****, *
In the course of our hearings, some witnesses, while strongly condemning
assassination, asked whether, as a matter of theory, assassination should absolutely
be ruled out in a time of truly unusual national emergency. Adolf Hitler was
Of course, the cases with which we were concerned were not
cited as an example.
of that character. */
In a grave emergency, the President has a limited power to
act, not in violation of the law, but in accord with his own responsibilities
under the Constitution to defend the Nation. As the Supreme Court has declared, the
Constitution "is not a suicide pact." Kennedy v. Mendoza-Martinez, 372 U.S. 144,
160 (1963).
Abraham Lincoln, in an unprecedented emergency, claimed unprecedented
power based on the need to preserve the nation:
www.www.
.my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of
my ability, imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by
every indispensable means, that government that
nation of which that Constitution was the organic law.
Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the
Constitution? By general law life and limb must be pro-
tected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life;
but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt
that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become
lawful, by becoming indispensable to the preservation of
the Constitution, through the preservation of the nation
The Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X,
pp. 65-66 (Nicolay and Hay, Eds. 1894).
;
*/Indeed, in the only situation of true national crisis -- the Cuban missile
assassination was not even considered.
crisis
--
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NW 50955
Of course,
whatever the extent of the President's own constitutional
powers," it is a fundamental principle of our constitutional system that these
powers are checked and limited by the Congress, including the Congress' power
of impeachment. As a necessary corollary, any action taken by a President pur-
;
suant to his limited inherent powers and in apparent conflict with the law
must be disclosed to the Congress. Only then may the Congress judge whether the ac-
tion truly represented, in Lincoln's phrase, an "indispensable necessity" to
the life of the Nation.
As Lincoln explained in submitting his extraordinary actions to the Congress
"In full view of his great responsibility he has, so far,
for ratification:
done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own judgment,
(Abraham Lincoln, Message to Congress in Special Session, July 4,
perform yours."
1861).
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:
i
EPILOGUE
Appro by Drafting
Subcommittee on 9/9/75.
We do not believe that the acts which we have examined represent the
They do not reflect the ideals which have given
American character.
the people of this country and of the world hope for a better, fuller,
fairer life.
We regard the assassination plots as aberrations.
ends.
Means are as important
We must not adopt the tactics of the enemy.
Crisis makes it tempting to ignore the wise restraints that make
But each time we do so, each time the means we use are wrong,
our inner strength, the strength which makes us free, is lessened.
men free.
Despite our distaste for what we have seen, we have great faith in
this country. The story is sad, but this country has the strength to hear
it and to learn from it. We must remain a people who confront our mistakes.
and resolve not to repeat them. If we do not, we will decline; but,
do, our future will be worthy of the best of our past.