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2025 RELEASE UNDER THE PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY ASSASSINATION RECORDS ACT OF 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR
SUBJECT
:
16 February 1970
Director of Security
Comments on Manuscript Give Us This Day;
CIA and the Bay of Pigs Invasion by Edward J.
Hamilton
1. This manuscript has evidently been kicking around in publishing
circles since at least mid-1968, presumably without CIA clearance.
William Buckley of the National Review seems to have been "shopping" it
at one point. One publisher rejected it as too "controversial", and noted
its "confidential" nature as well as its potential for libel suits.
.2. In the foreword to this manuscript, the author (whom I shall
fer to under his assumed name of Hamilton), describes the book as a
"personal account" of CIA's role in the Bay of Pigs affair in which he was
sentor CIA participant for 19 months. He notes in the foreword his hope
that someone would have written this book so that he would not have to do
it; now convinced that, if he does not write it, it will never be written,
he has taken up his pen "reluctantly and in a mood of nostalgic bitterness.
Hamilton states that he has used no official files or documents and has
consulted no one in preparing this work. Where true names are used in
the manuscript for CIA personnel, he writes that they have been publicly
identified before, and in this contention I believe that he is correct, with
the possible exception of Jim Noel. The author's claim that this book
would provide no information not known to Castro's intelligence service,
or that details this late are of no value to the opposition,is, in my view,
seriously open to question.
3. The book is, in general,favorable to CIA actions in the Bay of
The villains of the piece are certain liberal figures in the Kennedy
Administration (Schlesinger, Goodwin, Stevenson) and to some extent,
the President himself. In his concluding chapter, the author's bitterness
is undisguised against those in the Administration and the press who took
the opportunity of the Bay of Pigs incident to attack and denigrate CIA.
4. Mesers. Bissell and Barnes and the author's other CIA co-
workers in the Cuban Project, by and large, are given quite favorable
treatment. One exception is General Cabell, whom the author excoriates,
and it is apparent that Hamilton's opinion of Jerry Droller is far from
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03
favorable, both on political and professional grounds. [Jinf Noel also
comes out poorly.
It is apparent that Hamilton feels very deeply about the Bay of
Pigs and its aftermath, to the extent that he is willing to put his career
the line by circulating this manuscript to several publishers without
apparent clearance or authorization. He has utilized as his nom de plume
e special name assigned to him in the project for dealing with the Cuban
nte, and it would not take anyone who was involved in the Cuban Project
than a few pages of reading to identify the author,
publisher pointed out.
manuscript itself is
story of a CIA operation that has ever
knowledge. Meetings,
versations,
one potential
externs
actions are here reported extensively and with all the authority of an
#insider" who was there. It far exceeds in detail anything that has
written on the Bay of Pigs, including Charles Murphy's article in Fortune
September 1961 or the "insider" books that were published following the
death of President Kennedy.
Attached herewith is à chapter-by-chapter description of the
manuscript particularly as it affects CIA security. This analysis states
what the author states, whether right or wrong. Where I have occasion-
ally added comments of my own, they are in brackets [].
Attachment
As noted above
Distribution
Orig& 2
D/Security
HIC
w/att.
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Walter Pforzheimer
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Chapter 1
The chapter opens in 1956 in Ambassador Gardner's office in Havana,
where courtesy call was being paid on the Ambassador by the CIA Central-
American and Caribbean Chiefs of Station who are holding their annual regional
meeting, “It is noted that one of the reasons for selecting the place of meeting,
"absence of Communist embassies” (p. 6). The presence of Cal. J. C.
Division Chief, is mentioned. Col. King remarks that Castro wa
ily involved" in the Bogotaso, setting the stage for Hamilton's subse-
quent comment. [Actually Castro played a junior role in the Bogotazo,
it was after the Bay of Pigs that Mr. Dulles assigned Hamilton the talk of
determining Castro's role in the Bogotaso. (p. 7). Hamilton states that in
the subsequent three years, while funds were being collected in South America
for Castro's, 26th of July Movement, there were no orders from GIA Head-
quarters to penetrate pro-Castro groups abroad (p. 10). He then states that
In March 1960 he was "having coffee with the newly-elected president of the
country to which I was assigned." (p.10) [This could reveal the author's
relationship with President Nardone of Uruguay who became President in
ly March 1960.]
Richard Bissell and Mr. Tracy Barnes are mentioned and
author adds that he had worked with Barnes as a member of the team
ousted President Arbenz from Guatemala (p. 11). At this point Hamilton
recalled to Headquarters to become Chief of Political Action in an
Eisenhower-approved project to assist Cuban exiles in overthrowing Castro.
His duties would include organizing Cuban leaders intö ä government-in-
xdle which would form a provisional government in Cuba when Castro was
forced out. Hamilton's bass was to be in Costa Rica, provided ex-President
Pepe Figueres could obtain Costa Rican agreement (p. 11). [This link could
be quite embarrassing in view of Figueres' recent re-election as President
of Costa Rica.].
At this point the manuscript introduces the Project Chief as Jake
presumably Mr. Esterline), who is referred to as Jake throughout (p. 12).
We also meet Droller about whom there is some "diversity in attitudes”
among CIA officers. Droller's operational name of Frank Bender is noted (p. 13),
´and he is referred to as Bender throughout the rest of the manuscript. [This
is not the first time Droller has been identified as Bender; his name was
blown by Arthur Schlesinger in his book A Thousand Days in 1965.) Bender's
cover telephone arrangements in Miami and New York, which allowed him to
answer local calls there at his Washington desk, are disclosed (p. 14).¨
Hamilton states that Bender told him that as far as he knew "Richard Helms,
Chief of Operations for the Clandestine Services, had not been cut in" (p.14).
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outside,
Hamilton calls on the Project's Propaganda Chief (presumably
Phillips), whom he calls Xnight throughout, noting that Knight ha
the Guatemala
He notes that Knight "had spent m
under cover", and that he had spent the
preceding years under cover in Havana. At this palut Knight was also
lishing a clandestine zadio on Swan Island (p. 15). The Paramilitary Chief
introduced and is called Nod throughout. (p. 15). Nad tells Hamilton that
refugees are being recruited and polygraphed at Useppa Island off Fort
Florida (p.16). Hamilton is also advised of the role of Roberto Alėjos
aus ja Gusterunin; that all this had the con
idered framic,
Jim Noel) and his deputy, Earl Williamson, b
ver Castro while he
Stations Hav
with certain rabel groups
Sierra Maestra, an
(p.17). Hamilton also charges
tant Secretary of State Rubottom and William Wieland "exercised
rable influence" over Col. J. C. Kẵng (p.18).
Hamilton returi d to his station, closed out his affairs and then
back to Washington. Resigning from the Foreign Service, "my cover
na”, he then flew to Spain to try to defect the Cuban military at
(p. 20).
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apter II
In this chapter Hamilton states that Barnes and others re mmended
that he visit Havana, and that the CIA Cover Staff provided him with the docu-
mentation for his operational alias of Edward J. Hamilton which he kept for
the duration of the Project (p. 23). Upon returning from Havana, Hamilton
prepared a report and recommendations. "The first recommendation was that
stro be assassinated before or coincident with the invasion. Hamilton con
aldered this his principal recommandation, but Barnes would only tall him
subsequently that it was in the hands of a "special group." So far as Hamilton
able to determins, no plan was developed within CIA to
30-31). (These comments ald be unfortunate if pu
tra (pp.
How al curs
charges in the press of various CIA
assina
Hamilton describes a luncheon that he and Jake had with Brig.
General Robert Cushman, then Assistant for National Security Affairs to
Vice President Nixon. Hamilton had known Cushman when the latter had had
an earlier tour in CIA, and Jake said that Cushman followed the Cuban Pro-
Ject for the Vice President. Hamilton states that Cushman advised him that
Nixon “as Chairman [sic] of the National Security Council, was the real
spark plug behind the project" and the Administration's focal point and trouble-
shooter regarding it. The General gave Hamilton his private telephone
mumber in the event that he had something for the Vice President's urgent
Attention (pp. 31A-32).
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[AS QU
Chapter III (commencing at page 34)
Hamilton
Chapter II, here again Hamilton's distaste for Bender comes
The difference is particularly one of their political philosophies
Hamilton being quite conservative and Bender being a liberal,
was pro-Nixon, Bender apparently anti-Nixon. Hamilton gets the impression
fin both Chapters II and III) that conservative Cuban elements, such
business and professional communities, would not be much utilised in
Project's plans. In Hamilton's view, the emphasis was on utilizing Cubans
who had originally supported Castro but who had fled Cuba when they became
aware of the direction in which the Castro Revolution was moving.
discusses
budget (pp. 35-39
Hamilton tells of visiting the Cuban Project headquar
ables, noting the building's disguise as an electronics firm for cover
poses (p.39), as well as CIA subsidies to Cuban exilé groups and newspap
an intra-office squabble with the paramilitary elements of the Project,
Hamilton leses contral of military hardware, a decision he considers basi
cally wrong in that it placed the paramilitary people in charge of what the
Cubans wanted most and thus undercut Hamilton's political action role (pp. 42-43)
bulk of the chapter describes the various members of the Frente including
their idiosyncrasios,
nt of these who would not join.
well a
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Chapter II (commencing at page 45. This is second Chapter III and
apparently was misnumbered.)
and
7 The attempt to locate the Frente in Costa Rica having failed, it
determined to set them up in Mexico City, to which Hamilton and his 16
nów repaired. Hamilton's office was to be independent of the Station
hover was to be that of a fiction writer. Hamilton's use of an
businessman in Mexico named Sam às his principal manager of
activities, fehouses and the like are described. Here the name
Ray is first introduced (pp. 50-52).
ment by the Mexican police and
nce, caused Hamilton
problem because
Cuban as possible,
horities, includ-
ommend withdrawa
ident Eisenhower
hich presented diffi
erican spil. However, things proved so difficult in Mexico
moved back to Miami in October 1960. This caused
rsonal difficulty to Hamilton because it was impossible to explain
ung children why he should be living under an assumed name in
a result, hig wife and children were forced to come back
Hamilton stayed in Miami.
Washington,
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Chapter IV
on is made of the training of an exile parachute battalion
emala. The training was being handled by Calonal Lake (presumably
Lou Rucker] "one of the world's most experienced parachutists” (p. 57),
Mention is also made of Hamilton's assistant, Bernie, who had originally
joined the Havana police force at CIA request, which ultimately lost hím
his U. S. citizenship (p. 59).” CIA funding of the Frente through foreig
is noted (p.60). Some problems with Bender including a security brej
which 
came to the attention of the FEI, are menti
when it was disc
security flap is noted (pp.
sistant Mexico
Hamilton
statement
The sult
rvis
King's ill-will, and never ap to him after that" (p. 65). Hamilto
that a Marine Colonel named Hankins had been placed in charge
Project's paramilitary operations, séconded from the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
He garnered Hamilton's ill-will by refusing to accede to the Fre
that they be permitted to visit the training site in Guatemala.
request
2. There is some mention of relations with the Coast Guard in
Florida in alerting them to those boats which CIA desired to allow to go
through to Cuba without being stopped. This chapter also includes the
usual probles aquabbling within the
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Chapter V
Hamilton writes in this chapter (p.77), and in a
subsequent
chapters, of the general failure of infiltration efforts into Cubs, the roll-up
of those that got there, and the poor record for delivering supplies to those
anti-Castro guerrillas who might have gotten into Cuba. Maritime operatio
also were not very effective.
2. Hamilton underscores the fact that at no meeting of which
are was it asserted that the Cuban underground or population was sched-
aled to pla significant role in the invasion. He notes the many
in the pr and alsewhere from uninforme
on various
the chapter des
milte
ing the period between election of 1960 and President Kennedy's fange
-ration, during which time a lot the activity ground to 1 Alt. Hamilton
here also again airs one of his major, gripes, namely that the Cubán political
objectives were being continually downgraded in favor of the paramilitary
operations (pp. 92-93).
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Chapter VI
“In this chapter Hamilton levels some criticism at Ambassador
Bonsal, whom he describes as ineffectual and whom he calls "fumbling
Phil" (pp. 94–95) ·
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Miami Base, fol-
2. Hamilton describes Jim Noel's arrivi
lowing the severing of diplomatic relations with Cuba, as "unwelcome",
because he felt him to be "basically either soft on Communism or at least
térribly confused about the issues" (p. 96). Hamilton offers his criticism
of Manuel (Manolo) Hay because the latter had stayed with Castro too long
was now sounding a theme
revolution betrayed" which was find-
favor at the White House,
CIA.
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Chapter VII
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chapter relates Hamilton's touchy visit, with some members
of the Frente, to the Guatemala training bases. Their breakfast conversa… »
tions with President Yälgoras are described. This breakfast gives the author
chance to reflect back on the CIA role in the overthrow of Guatemalan
President Arbens. He recalls the three exiled leaders of Quatemala, his
own support for Dr. Cordova to head the new government, and State's veto
of Cal. Ydigoras as "vaguely authoritarian." At a crucial moment, however,
Dr. Cordova had to undergo cancer surgery and therefore could not be selected;
the choice fell on Castillo Armas. Now Ydigoras was President but
sequently overthrown because he had done so much for the U. B.
ba (pp. 119-122).
273741
Bob Davis, the CIA Chief in Guatemala, is mentioned as a partici-
pant in the breakfast with Ydigoras. - [Davis' name has been published
_viously.)
At the Guatemalan training site, Hamilton refers to being greeted
there by an American Army Lt. Colonel whose name was "Frank.” In a
footnote, Hamilton adds that this officer had been detailed to CIA for the ⠀
Project, and that "Credible allegations of his actions during the invasion
strongly suggest that he was to some extent mentally unbalanced” (p. 124).
Hestlle conversations between Hamilton and "Frank”, as well as the initial
unfortunate polemics of Frente chief Tony Varona, are described.
he presence of Green Berets to help in the training of the
Brigade is noted. Colonel Lake's presence and parachute training is again
mentioned (pp. 195–136).
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Chapter VII
This chapter
ation
of whose members is trying
lems within the Fremdescribes more
Ray (p. 140–145).
2. `Hamilton then tells of a meeting with Bissell who said tha
the Frente.
under White House pressure to broaden the political base
Evidently former Venezualan President Betancourt, former Costa Rican
President Figueres and Puerto Rican Governor Muños Marin were insistin
the inclusion of Manolo Ray (p. 146). Schlesinger and Go
backing Ray. “Hamilton mentioned that the Cubans did n
of the lateness with which he broke from Castro (p. 1
that the Joint Chiefs of Staff wished to send an evaluation te
camps to appraise the st of readiness (p.148).
Tracy Barnes takes Hamilton to see Schlesinger at the White House
the latter is working on his famous White Paper on Cuba (p. 151), k
was there that Hamilton learned that Secretary of State Rusk had vetold the
original point of invasion as toe "noisy." Ambassador Stevenson joins the
mesting and asks Barnes if everything was going well. Hamilton interprets
this remark as indicating that the Ambassador knew about the invasion plans
which the latter had subsequently denied. Hamilton also mentions the fact
that Barnes had kept a mamorandum of his briefing of Stevenso
invasion (pp. 152-153).
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Chapter IX
1. Hamilton states that the Joint Chiefs of Staff assessment team
visited the Guatemalan camps and issued an enthusiastic appraisal as to
the Brigade's training and battle readiness (p. 160). The author notes
that this was important in the light of post-invasion attempts by the
Pentagon to play down their role."
In a footnote, Hamilton writes that after the invasion Bender
▪ galled" by the fact that the exiles referred to him freely, and usually -
flattering terms (p. 162). Hamilton also adds that he learned that
Jim Noel and Will Carr, "Col. King's crony", were becoming increasingl
active among non-Frente Cubans in Washington and New York (p. 163).
[This presumably cut across Hamilton's political action lines. ]
3. “The remainder of the chapter is-largely taken up with discussions
of intra-Frente problems, with a note of the fact that American infiltra-
tion operations into Cuba had virtually ceased because of their lack of
success.
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Chapter X
This chapter opens with an unsuccessful internal s
President Ydigoras in Guatemala and indicates the desire of the Cuban
Trents and some of the Cuban Brigade in Guatemala to come to his assis-
tance. Hamilton relayed this request to Washington, where it was consider
by Bender, Barnas and Bissell, and presumably higher levels, and turned
down (p. 180). Ydigoras succeeded in putting down this revolt. Hamilton
notes that he subsequently learned that several companies of the Brigade
had disobeyed orders, made a show of force at a rebel stronghold i
helped stifle the uprising (p. 182).
mid-March
to a meeting with Bissell, Barnes, Jake, Bender and Jame
pointed out that the White House wanted a broader base in
how important it was to the White House to bring Manolo Ray Inte
Hamilton pointed out that the Cubans disliked Ray and that a large perce
be Cubans accepted the Frente. [Noel indicated that Ray was not as
painted, while Hamilton listed the Cuban objections to Ray's program
Castroism without Fidal and the length of time it took Ray to become
illusioned with Castro. Furthermore, Ray's program did not include
turning to the
onstitution of 1940 which the others all
result of the desire to force Ray into
assigned.{p. 18
ported (pp. 185-189),
Hamilton resigned his position in Miami and
Noel and Care replaced him (p. 190).
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Chapter XI
1. Hamilton moved to Washington to assist Knight (presumably Dave
Phillips) in the propaganda work. An attempt to secure Mexican coopera-
tion to obtain a re-fueling stop for the Guatemalan-based aircraft scheduled
to bomb Cuba failed because of the venality of a Mexican air force officer
this was error.
whose price CIA would not meet. In Hamilton's vie
2. As the Frente leaders
it was determined to bring them. ""re clamoring for invasion information,
New York and to tell them if they wanted
to learn the assault plans and go to the beachhead, they would have to agre
to remain in isolation from that date forward. Hamilton stresses
"voluntary" basis for this agreement, to counter later charger that CIA
had kidnapped the Frente and imprisoned them by force (p. 200).
3. With regard to the selection of the Bay of Pigs landing site,
Hamilton states that assault plans were almost entirely in the hands of the
Pentagon (p. 203). Relations with Lem Jones' public relations firm in
New York are noted (p. 204).
• CIA project officer is flown to the Carrier Boxer, flagship of
naval task force that was assembled in Puerto Rican waters. This
officer was to serve as liaison between the naval task force commander
CIA Headquarters and the Cuban Brigade (p. 205).
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Chapter XI
This chapter tells of the initial air raid on Chiba. Ambassador
Stevenson's doubt at the UN as to the origins of the planes aro aúrfaced,
and Barnes and Hamilton draft a message to Stevenson. When Stevenson
received it and was advised of the true nature of the planes, Hamilton
heard that Stevenson had called the White House to express his resent
ment (p. 211).
Generi
photography showed that the initial air raid on Cubi
ccessful as claimed,
stated that
Project Officers gay
-
stered the Headqua
*
strik
authoris
for
their opinion that there had been no limitation
other than to knock out the Cuban air force.” General Cabell sent
Bissell and stated that the matter would have to be checked out with
Secretary Rusk. In the meantime, the second strike was held up (p. 215).
Cabell´and Bissell went to meet Rusk at State. Adverse comments in the
War Room about General Cabell are quoted (p. 216).
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Chapter XIII (commencing at p. 218)
-
tenor of remarks in this chapter and in the conclusion of the
previous chapter is that the meeting with Rusk included the President,
Rostow, and Stevenson. [Other authoritative accounts have included only
Rusk, Cabell and Bissell; Tracy Barnes has said he also was present.
is believed that the President was not at the meeting but was contacted by
Rusk on the telephone at his Virginia home. There is no other indication.
other than Hamilton's allegation, that Walt Rostow was present]. (p. 219)
Hamilton
indication that the call-
had Dulles been in
anti-Cabell views are expressed, with
second air strike would not have happens
222-223).
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- 16 -
Chapter XIII (commencing at page 225. This chapter is appa
misnumbered.)
rently
1. This chapter describes some of the battle problems at
head. Three jets from the Bozer were allowed a reconnaissance
over the beach (p. 227). Finally the President authorised an hour
cover from the Boxer, but the time was fouled up and the Brigade
down before the air cover arrived (p. 230).
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Chapter XIV
In this chapter, Hamilton is highly critical of the post-invasion
attacks on CIA by Administration officials and the press. Hamilton
the President's establishment of the Taylor Committee to look into
causes of the failure and states his conclusion that the Committes
"whitewash the New Frontier by heaping guilt on CIA” (p. 234).
fämilten does
exception to these attacks as Charles Murph
eptember 1961 Tortune. Hamilton believes
dministration official wh
the President to comm
the source's name (p. 238). [P
Admiral Burke)]. Hamilton charges that one subsequent Cl
Cuban Operations was removed because of incompatibility
Kennedy (p. 242).
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