The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-04-19 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
BY virtue of eight deeds of trust executed to the subscribers by Thomas Cheatham, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on Tuesday the tenth day of May next, or so much thereof as shall be sufficient to raise the sum of three hundred and ninety-three pounds, ten shillings and four pence, due by the said Thomas Cheatham to James Gam-mall, John Likly, Peter Murdock and Walter Ewing McClay, together with interest thereon from the first day of March, 1804, including expenses of sale, &c. the following eight Tracts of LAND, to wit:
 One tract containing one hundred and ninety-eight acres eighty-nine poles—part of the tract called King's land slashe formerly belonging to James Wardrope, dec'd.  One do. containing 66 acres nineteen poles.  One do. containing one hundred and twenty-three acres twenty-nine poles.  One do. containing one hundred and forty-five acres, one hundred and forty-two poles.  One do. containing one hundred and forty-two acres ninety-one poles.  One do. containing one hundred and forty-eight acres seven poles.  One do. containing two hundred and fifty-three acres, one hundred and nineteen poles.  One do. containing five hundred and sixty-one acres eleven poles. 
WM. ARMISTEAD, Trustee. April 15. [3w3]
SELECT SCHOOL.—This school is removed to the former Loan-Office, opposite to the Swan Tavern. The instructions given are in the Latin and Greek languages, Rhetoric and Mathematics, &c. The School hours are from 8 o'clock in the morning to 3 in the afternoon. The pupils are limited to twenty, and as that number is not filled up at present, a few will be received. The fees of tuition are fifteen dollars a quarter, payable in advance. There is no additional charge upon the Scholar's first entering, nor is there any for fuel. FRANCIS S. O'REILLY. Richmond, April 8. [2m]
NOTICE.—The subscribers having formed a connection in Business, under the firm of HOVEY & SIZER, offer for sale (at the store lately occupied by Mr. C. J. Macmurd) the following articles, viz:
 50 bds. N. E. Rum,  25 bds. Loaf and Lump Sugar,  12 bags of Pepper,  2 ton of bar Lead,  10 boxes Cotton and Wool Cards,  25 boxes Candles,  15 boxes New-York Chocolate,  25 trunks of Shoes assorted,  50 tiers Stone Lime. 
HENRY HOVEY, JAMES SIZER. [ep5w] April 5. All persons who are indebted to the subscriber are requested to make immediate payment—No further indulgence will be given to those whose bonds and accounts have been due 6 months. HENRY HOVEY. THE CAROLINE JOCKEY CLUB RACES will commence at the Union Tavern on the 20th April next. 1st DAY—A play or pay post Sweepstakes for 5 years old Colts & Fillies, 6 subscribers at $30 each. 2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse—There are 52 subscribers at $5 each; the necessary expenses attending the races will be drawn from this purse—distance 3 mile heats. 3d DAY—The subscription of the Proprietor of the Course of 30 dollars, with the toll of that, and the preceding day's entrance, 10 dollars each, 2 mile heats. Weights agreeably to the Richmond Jockey Club. PHILIP SAMUEL, Sec'y. Caroline, March 25. [20thA]
RICHMOND TILE MANUFACTORY.—The subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harrowd's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of thirty-five dollars per thousand, delivered at his Factory. He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction of those tiles to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best of slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent. Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side the vessels, at the expense of carriage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tiles with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a well here who has had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid. BENJAMIN DUVAL. Richmond, March 22. [ep2w&1avt] N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other States. B. D.
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADDS & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER March 18. [tf]
LIBERAL price will be given for an unexceptionable Maie COOK.—One of a middle age would be preferred—Enquire of Prosser and Broun. April 5. [ap4]
FIFTEEN DOLLARS REWARD.—Ran away from the subscriber, living in New-Kent county, on 6th March last, a Negro Man named GIBSON, about five feet 9 or 10 inches high, sallow complexion, he has a little in his speech, has rather a pleasing countenance, and had on when he went off dark Virginia Cloth clothing, he is 22 or 23 years old and very likely. It is probable that he has gone up James River in some of the boats, and may be lurking about Cumberland or Gloucester, where he has some acquaintances, and I believe some relations at Mr. Thomas Wilkinson's in Cumberland. The above reward will be given, if delivered to me in New-Kent or to Mr. Joshua Crump living in Richmond, and ten dollars to secure him in any jail so that I get him again. JOHN P. CRUMP. New-Kent, April 5. [ep4f]
PURSUANT to a deed of trust, executed by George Loving to me, and recorded in the county court of Amherst, for securing a debt therein expressed, I will sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the dwelling house of said Loving, on Thursday the 5th day of May next, two Negro Women named Silvy, or so many of them, as may be sufficient to pay the aforesaid debt and interest, and the necessary expenses attending the execution of this trust. I only warrant the title to those negroes against myself and those claiming under me. RICHARD POWELL. Warminster, April 5. [ep4w]
SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public that he still continues selling off under cost and charges till the whole of the stock is sold and wishes the public not to lose this opportunity as goods are daily raising.—The stock consists of the following articles, viz:
7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen, Kenting, Linen and Cotton Cambrics, a large assortment of India & British Muslin, corded and cambric Dimity, a large assortment of silk & cotton Hose, ladies silk Gloves, Damask Silk, Shawls, Black twilled Sarcenets, Florentine silk, printed Calico, Linen & Cotton Chequees, linen & cotton Cambric hks. white & black French laces, whiteand colored Marseilles and Janes, India Cotton and Wilkoare, Bennet's patent Cord, Cassimere, Broad Cloth, Flannels, Dressing Boxes, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. April 5. [ep2m]
IRON WORKS.—The following LANDS will be sold together or in separate parcels to suit purchasers, at Public Auction, at Mr. Chase's Vendue Warehouse, in Baltimore, on Saturday the 14th day of May next, at 12 o'clock: 33,343 acres of LAND, more or less, consisting of different surveys adjoining each other, lying in Bath and Botetourt counties, in the state of Virginia, on the Cowpasture river, which empties into James River. There is on the above Lands, a great abundance of Iron Ore, of the best quality, to be obtained with very trifling expense, near navigable water, and situations suitable for erecting furnaces and forges. The annexed certificate of Adam Clackner, (an experienced man of good character) is referred to for further particulars. The first named subscriber has also been on the Lands and examined the situations on the river for furnaces and forges, and is of opinion that the annexed certificate is in every respect correct. The terms of sale will be 5000 dollars cash, and for the residue of the purchase money an extended credit will be given. The titles are believed to be unquestionable. The P. tents may be seen by application to the subscribers. JOSIAS PENNINGTON, N. BRICE, Trustees of the Patentee
CERTIFICATE. I hereby certify, that in the year 1803, I examined the Ore banks on the above mentioned lands, and found the ore to be of a very superior quality, and in very great abundance. The ore banks consist of three mountains, and such is the facility of getting the ore, that in my opinion one man will be able to raise as much as will supply one furnace. The proper place for a furnace is not more than 3 of a mile from the banks, and for a forge that may be worked with four hammers; about 5 miles distant on a good road, there is also an abundance of wood to supply the furnace and forge, and a large quantity of White LIME-STONE near the furnace seat. I am of opinion that there are two good seats for forges, (exclusive of the above mentioned) each to act with one hammer, within 3 of a mile of the furnace; upon the whole, I solemnly declare, that in my opinion (and I have been for many years acquainted with the qualities of ore, and the proper management of Iron Works) the above property has more advantages in every respect, for the establishment of Iron Works than any I have ever seen. ADAM CLACKNER. March 25. [ep4ts]
PURSUANT to a deed of trust, executed to us by Elisha Estes of the county of Amherst, for the purpose of securing a debt therein particularly mentioned, we will sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the dwelling house of said Estes, on Thursday the twenty-eighth instant, a tract or parcel of LAND, lying or being in the aforesaid county of Amherst, on the head waters of Rucker's-run, and containing by survey 573 acres, and adjoining the lands of Abraham Warwick, Thomas Statham, William Broadwell and others, it being the same land whereon the said Elisha Estes now lives.—Although we believe the title to this land indisputable, we will only convey the title vested in us as trustees, and against the claim of any claiming under us. RO. MOORE, JAMES VIGERS, jr. } Trustees Warminster, April 5. [ep3wp]
LAND FOR SALE.—The subscriber offers for sale that valuable Tract of LAND in Amherst county, now in the occupancy of Thomas Coppedge. This Land lies on Buffalo River, two miles from New-Glasgow and one from the Oaks; and from its contiguity to those places, with the advantage of the Lynchburg road running through it, is equalled by few stands in the upper country for a tavern or private entertainment. There is on this land a very commodious one story dwelling house 32 by 18, two rooms below and two above stairs, a good kitchen, smoke house, barn, corn house and stable, and a number of never-failing springs of excellent water; also, a variety of excellent fruit trees. This tract contains two hundred and twenty-five acres, and is bounded on two sides by Buffalo river, and one by Tribulation creek, affording a good portion of low grounds and several mill sites and distilleries.—The payments must be one half when possession is given, which may be had in November next, the other half in two equal annual payments.—For price and other particulars, application must be made to the subscriber living in New-Haven, Rockingham county, Virginia, or Thomas Coppedge on the premises. MATTHEW WATSON. April 3. [1aw4w3]
DOMESTIC.
LETTER From the Secretary of State to Mr. Monroe, on the subject of Impressments, &c. Also, extracts from, and enclosure in, the letters of Mr. Monroe to the Secretary of State, prior to the joint mission of him and Mr. Pinkney; Part 2, accompanying the message of the President of the U. S. received on the 22d of March, 1808.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Madison to Mr. Monroe. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. May 22, 1807.
SIR, In my letter of March 18, to the joint commission, it was signified that in a conventional arrangement on the subject of boundaries, it would be inconsistent with the views of the President, to open any part of Louisiana to a British trade with the Indians. From the evident solicitude of the British government on this point, it is highly probable that the determination of the President will be a bar to any adjustment of that part of the difficulties between the two countries; nor is it very probable, considering the jealousy and want of information on the British side, that independently of that obstacle, the adjustment would at this time be concluded. That you may not however be without any information on which might contribute to its accuracy, or put you on your guard against propositions militating against any of our just pretensions, I transmit herewith copies of a communication from the governor of New-York, and of another from the governor of Vermont. With respect to the last it may be sufficient merely to save the right of correcting the alleged error at a future day. With respect to the subject of the former, it may be proper either to leave that also open to future discussion, or rather to provide for a joint examination and report relative to the islands and channels in the St. Laurence, &c. The most obvious and convenient demarcation would seem to be the channel best fitted for navigation. But as a more equal division of the islands might possibly be made without losing sight of a sufficient channel for common use, and as military positions may be involved in the case, it may be most safe and satisfactory to both parties, to proceed on more thorough and impartial information than is now possessed by either. I address these communications to our ordinary minister at London, merely because the subject has not been formally transferred to the joint commissioners. They will of course be for the use of the latter, if this branch of the negotiation should remain in their hands.
LETTERS FROM MR. MONROE TO MR. MADISON.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison. DATED, LONDON, MARCH 18, 1804.
I shall pay all the attention to the instructions contained in your letter of the 5th of January, which is due to their great importance. As soon as I am sufficiently possessed of the subject, I shall ask a conference with lord Hawkesbury, to propose to his government a convention between the two nations for the adjustment of the points, and on the principles of the project you have sent me. I hope to be able to commence the business in a week or ten days, and flatter myself that the negotiation will be productive of real advantage to the United States. Should it even not succeed in all its objects, the attempt must nevertheless be considered as a very satisfactory proof of a strong desire in our government to preserve, on just ground, the friendship of this country, and is likely, by the explanations to which it may lead alone, to have that tendency. I am, however, far from thinking it improbable that a suitable convention may be formed, especially on some of the points that are deemed interesting.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison. LONDON, APRIL 15, 1807.
"Soon after my last I requested an interview with lord Hawkesbury, which took place on the 2d instant, in which I informed him that I had received your instructions to propose to his government the regulation by convention of certain points, which I was persuaded both countries would find their advantage in placing on explicit and equitable ground. I stated to his lordship the concerns it was desired thus to regulate, in which I complied strictly with your views, and assured him that the object of the President was to fix the friendship of the two nations on the most solid basis, by removing every cause which had a tendency in their intercourse or other relations, especially in time of war, to disturb it. In the conversation I entered into detail on every point, in which I was met by his lordship with an apparent candor, the sincerity of which I had no reason to doubt, which manifested a disposition equally strong in favor of the proposed, and indeed real object of the proposed negotiation. He requested me in the conclusion to furnish him a project, which he promised to submit to his cabinet, and to communicate to me the result of its deliberations on it as soon as he could. I have since sent him a project, but too recently to admit my obtaining an answer to it. I am inclined to think, from what passed in the conference, that some advantage may be fairly expected from the negotiation. His lordship did not bind himself to anything it is true; he even went so far as to express a wish that the principles of our treaty of 1794 might be adopted in the present convention where they applied, and an expectation that if the accommodation which had been given in certain cases to the northern powers should be stipulated in our favor, that we should accord fully what they had yielded in return. Although I was very desirous to do justice to the moderate and friendly views of our government on the occasion, yet I did not fail to give him to understand that I could not accede to his idea in either case. I shall endeavor to bring the business to a conclusion and apprise you of the result as soon as possible, when I shall also communicate fully and in detail an account of what passes between us in the course of the transaction. I am, with great respect, &c. (Signed) JAMES MONROE.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison. LONDON, August 7, 1804.
"SIR, I received a note from lord Harrowby on the 3d instant, requesting me to call on him, at his office the next day, which I did. His lordship asked me in what light was our treaty viewed by our government. I replied, that it had been ratified with the exception of the 5th article, as I had informed him on a former occasion. He observed, that he meant the treaty of 1794, which by one of
its stipulations, was to expire two years after the signature of preliminary articles, for concluding the then existing war between Great Britain and France. He wished to know whether we considered the treaty as actually expired? I said, that I did presume there could be but one opinion on that point in respect to the commercial part of the treaty, which was, that it had expired; that the first ten articles were made permanent; that other articles had been executed, but that then, being limited to a definite period which had passed, must be considered as expiring with it. He said it seemed to him doubtful whether the stipulation of the treaty had been satisfied by what had occurred since the peace; that a fair construction of it might possibly require an interval of two years peace after the war, which had not taken place in point of form, much less so in fact, for the state of things which existed between the countries through that period, was far from being a peaceable one. I informed his lordship, that the distinction had never occurred to us, though certainly it would receive from our government all the consideration which it merited, especially if it was relied on, on his part. After some further conversation, he seemed to admit, that the construction he had suggested, of the stipulation referred to, was rather a forced one; that by the more obvious import of the article, the commercial part of the treaty must be considered as having expired. What then, says he, is the subsisting relation between the two countries? Are we in the state we were, at the close of the American war? By what rules is our intercourse to be governed respecting tonnage, imposts and the like? I said, that the law in each country, as I presumed, regulated these points. He replied, that the subject was nevertheless under some embarrassment here. He asked, how far it would be agreeable to our government to stipulate that the treaty of 1794, should remain in force until two years should expire after the conclusion of the present war? I told his lordship that I had no power to agree to such a proposal; that the President, animated by a sincere desire to cherish and perpetuate the friendly relations subsisting between the two countries, had been disposed to postpone the regulation of their general commercial system till the period should arrive, when each party enjoying the blessings of peace, might find itself at liberty to pay the subject the attention it merited; that he wished those regulations to be founded in the permanent interests, justly and liberally viewed, of both countries; that he sought for the present only, to remove certain topics which produced irritation in the intercourse, such as the impressment of seamen, and in our commerce with other powers, parties to the present war, according to a project which I had had the honor to present his predecessor some months since, with which I presumed his lordship was acquainted. He seemed desirous to decline any conversation on this latter subject, though it was clearly to be inferred from what he said, to be his opinion, that the policy which our government seemed disposed to pursue in respect to the general system, could not otherwise than be agreeable to his. He then added, that his government might probably, for the present, adopt the treaty of 1794, as the rule in its own concerns, or in respect to duties on imports from our country, and, as I understood him, all other subjects to which it extended; in which case he said, if the treaty had expired, the ministry would take the responsibility on itself, as there would be no law to sanction the measure: that in so doing, he presumed that the measure would be well received by our government, and a similar practice in what concerned Great-Britain, reciprocated. I observed, that on that particular topic, I had no authority to say anything specially, the proposal being altogether new and unexpected; that I should communicate it to you, and that I doubted not that it would be considered by the president with the attention it merited. Not wishing, however, to authorize an inference that that treaty should ever form a basis of a future one, between the two countries, I repeated some remarks which I had made to lord Hawkesbury, in the interview which we had, just before he left the department of foreign affairs, by observing, that in forming a new treaty, we must begin de novo; that America was a young and thriving country; that at the time that treaty was formed, she had had little experience of her relations with foreign powers; that ten years had since elapsed, a great portion of the term within which she had held the rank of a separate and independent nation, and exercised the powers belonging to it; that our interests were better understood on both sides at this time, than they then were; that the treaty was known to contain things that neither liked; that I spoke with confidence on that point, on our part; that in making a new treaty, we might engraft from that into it, what suited us, omit what we disliked, and add what the experience of our respective interests might suggest to be proper; and being equally anxious to preclude the influence of any sanction to the maritime pretensions of Great Britain under that treaty, in respect to neutral commerce, I deemed it proper to advert again to the project, which I had presented sometime since, for the regulation of those points, to notice its contents, and express an earnest wish that his lordship would find leisure and be disposed to act on it. He excused himself again from entering into this subject, from the weight and urgency of other business, the difficulty of the subject, and other general remarks of the kind. I told him that the most urgent part of the subject, was that, which respected our seamen; that our government wished to adopt a remedy which would be commensurate with the evils complained of by both countries. His government complained that deserters from their ships in America were not restored to them
restore deserters to their vessels in the United States, that little advantage could be derived from such a stipulation. The bias & spirit of the people would be against it, with us, as it was here, under favor of which, deserters would always find means to elude the most active search of the most vigilant peace-officers. I replied, that I did not think the difficulty would be found so great as he supposed; that our people were very obedient to the law in all cases; that as soon as the apprehension and restoration of deserting seamen to their vessels was made a law, as it would be, by becoming the stipulation of a treaty, the public feeling on that point would change, especially when it was considered as the price of a stipulation which secured from impressment their fellow-citizens, who might be at sea, or in a foreign country; that sailors never retired far into the interior, or remained where they went long, but soon returned to the seaport towns, to embark again in the sea service; that it was not likely they would be able to elude the search of the magistracy, supported as it would be by the government itself. I found, on the whole, that his lordship did not wish to encourage the expectation that we should agree in any way to this head, though he was equally cautious not to preclude it. I left him without asking another interview, and the affair, of course, open to further communication."
Project of a convention presented to lord Hawkesbury, April 7, 1804.
Article 1. No person shall, upon the high seas, and without the jurisdiction of the other party, be demanded or taken out of any ship or vessel belonging to citizens or subjects of one of the other parties, by the public or private armed ships belonging to, or in the service of the other, unless such person be at the time in the military service of an enemy of such other party.
Article 2. No person, being a subject or citizen of one of the parties, and resorting to, or residing in the dominions of the other, shall in any case, be compelled to serve on board any vessel, whether public or private, belonging to such other party; and all citizens and subjects whatever of the respective parties at this time compulsorily serving on board the vessels of the other, shall be forthwith liberated and enabled by an adequate recompense to return to their own country.
A certified list of the crew, or protection from either government, in such form as they shall respectively prescribe, showing that the person claiming to be a citizen or subject of either power, shall be deemed satisfactory evidence of the same. And in all cases where these documents may have been lost, destroyed, or by casualty not obtained, and any person claims to be a citizen or subject of either power, such other party, if said claim shall be received and admitted as would be satisfactory in a court of judicature.
Article 3. If the ships of either of the parties shall be met sailing either along the coasts or on the high seas by any ship of war, or other public or private armed ship of the other party, such ships of war, or other armed vessels, shall, for avoiding all disorder in visiting and examining the same, remain out of cannon shot, unless the state of the sea, or place of meeting render a nearer approach necessary, and shall in no case compel or require such vessel to send her boat, or her passengers, or any person from on board to the belligerent vessel; but the belligerent vessel may send her own boat to the other and may enter her to the number of two or three men only, who may in an orderly manner examine the same, and he is agreed that effectual provision shall be made for preventing violations of any part of this article.
Article 4. In order to determine what characterizes a blockaded port, that denomination is given only to a port where there is, by the dispositions of the power which attacks it, with ships stationed, or sufficiently near, an evident danger in entering.
Article 5. It is agreed that no vessel sailing from the ports of either party shall, although cleared and bound to a blockaded port, be considered as violating in any manner the blockade, unless in her approach towards such port she shall have been previously warned against entering the same.
Article 6. It is agreed that no refuge or protection shall be afforded by either party to the masters, sailors, or other persons, not bound to form a vessel of the other party of the crew whereof the deserter is made a part; but on the contrary, all such deserters shall be delivered up on demand to the commanders of the vessels from which they shall have deserted, or to the commanding officers of the ships of war of the respective nations, or to such other persons as may be duly authorized to make requisition in that behalf, provided that proof be made within two years from the time of desertion, by an exhibition of the ship's papers, or authenticated copies thereof, and by satisfactory evidence of the identity of the person, that the deserters so demanded were actually part of the crew of the vessel in question.
And for the more effectual execution of this article, adequate provision shall be made for causing to be arrested on the application of the respective consuls, or vice-consuls, to the competent authorities, all deserters duly proved to be such, in order that they may be sent back to the commanders of the vessels to which they belonged, or removed out of the country, at the request, and expense of the said consuls, or vice-consuls, until they shall have found an opportunity of sending them back, or removing them as aforesaid. But if they be not so sent back or removed within three months from the day of their arrest, they shall be set at liberty, and shall not again be arrested for the same cause.
Article 7. This convention shall be in force for the term of five years from the date of the exchange of ratifications. It shall be ratified on both sides within three months from the date of its signature, or sooner if possible, and the ratifications exchanged without delay in the United States at the city of Washington.
Paper respecting the boundary of the United States delivered to Lord Harrowby, September 3, 1804.
By the 10th article of the treaty of Utrecht it is agreed, "that France shall restore to Great Britain the bay and straits of Hudson, together with all lands, seas, sea-coasts, rivers and places thereunto, &c."
It is also agreed "that commissioners shall be forthwith appointed by each power to determine the Hudson and the places thereunto belonging to the French, and also to describe the settle in her manner the boundaries between the other British and French colonies in the parts."
Commissioners were accordingly appointed by each power, who executed the stipulations by treaty, establishing the boundaries proposed by them. They fixed the northern boundary of Canada

and Louisiana by a line beginning on the Atlantic at a cape or promontory in 53 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, thence south-westwardly to the lake Mississipi, thence further south-west to the latitude 49 degrees north from the equator, and along that line indefinitely.
At the time this treaty was formed, France possessed Canada and Louisiana, which she connected by a chain of forts extended from the mouth of the Mississippi, on all its waters, and on the lakes, along the St. Lawrence to Montreal. Her encroachments eastward on the territory of the present United States, then British provinces, extended to the foot of the Allegany mountain. It is well known that on the Ohio, at a point formed by the confluence of the Allegany and Monongahela branches, below which the stream takes the name of Ohio, that the French had built a fort which was called Duquesne: a fort which has been better known since by the name of Pittsburgh. The adjustment of the boundary of the territory between the two powers in this quarter, was the result of another war and another treaty.
By the 4th article of the treaty of 1763, France ceded to Great Britain, Canada, Nova-Scotia, &c. in the north, and by the seventh article, the bay and port of Mobile and all the territory which she possessed to the left of the Mississippi, except the town and island of New-Orleans.
By the 7th article it was also stipulated, that a line to be drawn along the middle of the Mississippi, from its source, to the river Iberville, and thence along the middle of that river and the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the sea, should be the boundary between the British territory to the eastward, and Louisiana to the west. At that time it was understood, as it has been ever since, till very lately, that the Mississippi took its source in some mountain, at least as high north as the 49th degree of north latitude.
By the treaty of 1783, and between the United States and Great-Britain, the boundary between those states and Nova-Scotia and Canada is fixed, by a line which is to run along the St. Croix and Highlands bounding the southern waters of the St. Laurence, the 45th degree of latitude to the water communication between the lakes, and along that communication to the lake of the Woods, and through that lake to the north western point thereof; thence a due west course to the Mississippi. The line follows afterwards the course of the Mississippi to the 31st degree of north latitude.
By Mitchell's map, by which the treaty of 1783 was formed, it was evident that the north western point of the lake of the Woods, was at least as high north as the latitude 49. By the observations of Mr. Thompson, astronomer to the North-Western company, it appears to be in latitude 49 degrees 37 minutes. By joining then the western boundary of Canada to its northern in the lake of the Woods, and closing both there, it follows that it was the obvious intention of the ministers who negotiated the treaty, and of their respective governments, that the United States should possess all the territory lying between the lakes and the Mississippi, south of the parallel of the 49th degree of north latitude. This is confirmed by the courses which are afterwards pursued by the treaty, since they are precisely those which had been established between Great-Britain and France in former treaties. By running due west from the north western point of the lake of the Woods to the Mississippi, it must have been intended, according to the lights before them, to take the parallel of the 49th degree of latitude as established under the treaty of Utrecht; and by pursuing thence the course of the Mississippi to the 31st degree of latitude, the whole extent of the western boundary of the United States, the boundary which had been established by the treaty of 1763, was actually adopted. This conclusion is further supported by the liberal spirit which terminated the war of our revolution, it having been manifestly the intention of the parties to heal, as far as could be done, the wounds which it had inflicted. Nor is it essentially weakened by the circumstance that the Mississippi is called for by the western course from the lake of the Woods, or that its navigation is stipulated in favor of both powers. Westward of the Mississippi, to the south of the 49th degree of north latitude, Great-Britain held then no territory. That river was her western boundary. In running west and ceding the territory to the river, it was impossible not to call for it; and on the supposition that it took its source within the limits of the Hudson bay company, it was natural that it should stipulate the free navigation of the river. But in so doing it is presumed that her government respected more a delicate sense of what it might be supposed to owe to its interest of that company, than any strong motive of policy founded on the interests of Canada, or its other possessions in that quarter. As Great-Britain ceded at the same time the Floridas to Spain, the navigation of the Mississippi by her subjects, if it took place, being under a foreign jurisdiction, could not fail to draw from her own territories the resources which properly belonged to them, and therefore could not be viewed in the light of a national advantage.
After the treaty of 1783, and at the time the convention in contemplation was entered into, the state of things was as above stated. The territory which Great-Britain held westward of the lake of the Woods, was bounded south by the 49th degree of north latitude; that which lay between the lake of the Woods and the Mississippi southward of that parallel, belonged to the United States; and that which lay to the west of the Mississippi, to Spain. It being, however, understood by more recent discoveries or observations that the source of the Mississippi did not extend so high north as had been supposed, and Great-Britain having shewn a desire to have the boundary of the United States modified in such manner as to strike that river, an article to that effect was inserted in the late convention. But in so doing it was not the intention of the American minister, or of the British minister, to do more than simply to define the American boundary. It was not contemplated by either of them, that America should convey to Great-Britain any right to the territory lying westward of that line, since not a foot of it belonged to her. It was intended to leave it to Great-Britain to settle the point as to such territory, or such portion of it as she might want, with Spain, or rather with France, to whom it then belonged. At this period, however, certain measures respecting the Mississippi, and movements in that quarter took place, which seemed to menace the great interests of America that were dependent on that river. These excited a sensibility, acute and universal; of which in equal degree her history furnishes but few examples. They led to a discussion which terminated in a treaty with France, by which that power ceded to the United States the whole of Louisiana, as she had received it of Spain. This treaty took place on the 30th of April, 1803, twelve days only before the convention between Great-Britain and the United States was signed, and some days before the adoption of such a treaty was known to the plenipotentiaries who negotiated and signed the convention.
Under such circumstances, it is impossible that any right which the United States derived under that treaty, could be conveyed by this convention to Great-Britain, or that the ministers who formed the convention could have contemplated such an effect by it. Thus the stipulation which is contained in the 5th article of the convention has become, by the cession made by the treaty, perfectly nugatory; for as Great-Britain holds no territory southward of the 49th degree of north latitude of north latitude, and the United States the whole of it, the line proposed by that article would run through a country which now belongs exclusively to the latter.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison.
LONDON, October 3, 1804. "In the interview which I had with lord Harrowby, we had much general conversation on the topics depending between us, which, as it corresponded with what has passed before and communicated to you, it is unnecessary to repeat. He appeared to agree with me with great sincerity in the advantage to be derived to both countries, from the preservation of their present amicable relations, and to be quite satisfied with the state in which the negotiation was left, assuring me that he would not fail to take it up on my return, with an earnest desire to conclude it to the satisfaction of both parties; though he intimated that there was great difficulty attending certain branches of it. He suggested that as I was forced to go to Spain, he hoped that the suspension would prove equally convenient to us both, to which I assented. He thought it unnecessary for me to go to Weymouth to take leave of the king, as he kept no regular court there, and my absence would be short; he promised however to communicate to his majesty my request to be presented to him there, as of his undertaking to prevent it, with which view he desired me to address him a special note to that effect to be submitted to the king, a copy of which is enclosed.
In the course of this conversation lord Harrowby expressed concern to find the United States opposed to Great-Britain on certain great neutral questions, in favor of the doctrines of the modern law which he termed novelties. I replied, that in adhering to our principles, the president had endeavored to arrange them in a friendly manner with his government; that he had taken no step of an opposite character; that he had sought no concert with the neutral powers in support of them, as he had supposed that a satisfactory arrangement to both governments might be made by direct communication between them, which he preferred. He observed, that although while the negotiation was suspended, his government would adhere to its principles, yet that it would act in what concerned us, with moderation in the practice of them.
I informed you in my letter of the 8th of September, that a case had occurred of an American vessel engaged in commerce between Batavia and Holland, as was inferred, by her having an European destination, being brought into port and subjected to trial. The case is not yet decided, though in her remarks, while the cause was in hearing before the court, the judge maintained the British doctrine; it was postponed to give time to ascertain what the regulations of the government of Holland were in peace respecting our commerce with that colony. He did not say if they prohibited the trade, that he would condemn the vessel. It is probable she may be acquitted on some other point in the cause without impugning that principle. It is understood that several other vessels engaged in the same trade which were stopped and examined at the Texel by the British cruisers, were permitted to prosecute their voyage; hence it is presumable that orders were given to that effect by the government. It is certain that on no principle or pretext whatever, has more than one of our vessels been condemned, on which judgment there is an appeal.
The whole subject is now before the President, on which I have to remark, that in discharging this trust, I have endeavored in every stage to give full effect to the feelings and sentiments of my country, in respect to the objects in question, especially the unwarrantable practice of impressment, without taking any step which should compromise our government, in the part it should take, when the result was submitted to it. In that state the affair now is, for after the expiration of a few months, it is perfectly consistent with it, to revive the negotiation in such form as the president may deem advisable. The proceeding here, lays a foundation for any course which the public honor and interest may dictate. If it is deemed expedient in pursuing our just rights to profit of time and circumstances, and in the interim, unless they be secured by a fair and equal treaty, to act with moderation till the occasion invites to a more decisive and hazardous policy, the state of things permits it. Or if it should be deemed more advisable to adopt the latter course at present, the opportunity is fair for such a measure. The situation in which our government will find itself on receiving this communication, is a very different one from that in which I have stood throughout. If the latter course is preferred, it cannot be doubted that the moderation which has been so far observed, will strengthen the government in any the most vigorous measures which may be thought necessary.
A virtuous and free people will be more united in support of such measures, however strong they may be, when they see by the clearest evidence that the cause is not only just, but that their government has done one thing in its power which the national honor and interest would permit, to avoid such an extremity."
LONDON, August 16, 1805.
SIR, I enclose you a copy of my letters to lord Mulgrave, relative to the late seizures of our vessels by his majesty's cruisers, in the channel and north sea, and of his replies. I had yesterday an interview with him on the subject, in which he gave me a report from each of the King's law officers in the admiralty, respecting the late decisions, and promised me another interview on that & the other topics, depending between our governments, as soon as I should desire it, after having perused the reports. By my note to him of this date, you will find that I consider these documents unsatisfactory on the great question, and have asked another interview. It appears, however, by them that no recent order has been issued by the government; hence it is probable that the late decisions on the point of continuity of voyage, which have carried the restraints on that commerce to a greater extent than heretofore, may have furnished to the parties interested a motive for these seizures. It is equally probable that the decision of the court of appeals in the case of the Essex, as several of its members are also members of the cabinet, may have been dictated by policy, to promote the navigation of this country, at the expence of that of the United States. In the late interview with lord Mulgrave much general conversation took place on the subject, in which he assured me, in the most explicit terms, that nothing was more remote from the views of his government than to take an unfriendly attitude towards the U. States: he assured me that no new orders had been issued, and that his government was disposed to do every thing in its power to arrange this and the other points to our satisfaction,
by which, however, I did not understand that the principle in this case would be abandoned; though I think it probable that in other respects much accommodation may be obtained relative to that commerce. Affairs here seem to be approaching a crisis. It is said that the combined fleets having been previously joined by the Rochefort squadron, have entered Ferrol, and that the force now there is thirty-seven sail of the line. Sir Robert Calder has joined admiral Cornwallis before Brest. The French fleet there consists of about twenty six sail of the line. This force, so nearly united, is a very imposing one. The menace of invasion is kept up and increased; every thing seems to indicate that an attempt will soon be made.
I am, sir, With great respect and esteem, Your very obedient servant, JAMES MONROE.
(COPY.)
DOWNING STREET, July 31, 1805.
Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to lord Mulgrave, and requests the honor of an interview with his lordship, on the subjects that were depending between their governments at the time of Mr. Monroe's departure last autumn for Spain, and postponed at the instance of lord Harrowby until his return. These subjects will be found in a communication to lord Harrowby, of the 5th of September last, which contains a project of a convention to define certain neutral rights, to discriminate between American and British seamen, and protect the former from impressment, and also to establish by a modification of the convention entered into by lord Hawkesbury and Mr. King on the 12th May, 1803, in the manner proposed and for the reasons stated in that communication, the boundary between the territories of his majesty and those of the United States, on their north western frontiers. The two first mentioned of these topics have been a cause of much irritation and complaint on the part of the United States, which cannot otherwise than be increased by the principles which appear to have been adopted in some late decisions of the court of admiralty, relative to the commerce of the United States with the colonies of the enemies of Great-Britain, and with the parent country, in the productions of such colonies. Mr. Monroe is persuaded that it is of great importance to both countries to arrange these points between them, and he flatters himself that it will be easy to do it on terms that will be equally safe and satisfactory to both parties.
FROM LORD MULGRAVE. No. 2. DOWNING STREET, Aug. 5, 1805.
Lord Mulgrave presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe, and will have the honor of appointing a day for receiving him at the foreign office, early in the next week. Lord Mulgrave wishes to inform himself of the state of the business, opened to lord Harrowby, previous to his conference with Mr. Monroe.
TO LORD MULGRAVE. No. 3. DOVER STREET, Aug. 8, 1805.
MY LORD, The late seizures of the vessels of the U. States, by his majesty's cruisers, is so important an event, as to make it my duty to invite your lordship's attention to it. My government will naturally expect of me immediately, the best information which I can obtain, of the nature and character of the measure, the extent to which it has been, and will be carried, and of the policy which dictates it. Being in a state of profound peace with his Britannic majesty and his dominions, conscious of having cherished that relation, and performed all its duties, with the most perfect good faith, it will be surprised at a measure which will be understood to breathe a contrary spirit. From the view I have of the subject, I can only state that many of our vessels have been brought in, under orders that were equally unknown to the parties that were affected by them, and to the representative of the U. States, accredited with his majesty; that the principles on which some of them have been condemned are denied by our government, and, as it is contended, on the soundest principles of the law of nations. I wish to possess, and to give correct information on the whole subject, and shall be happy that your lordship will enable me to do it.
It would have been agreeable to me, to have postponed this enquiry until I should be honored with the interview, which I requested of your lordship on the 31st ult. and which you have been so good as to promise me next week; but the importance of the subject, the impression which the measure has made on the parties interested, and doubtless will make in the United States, together with the propriety of giving my government such information as is official and authentic only, will I flatter myself, satisfy your lordship, that I could not justify a longer delay.
I have the honor to be, my Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant, (Signed) JAMES MONROE.
FROM LORD MULGRAVE. No. 4. DOWNING STREET, Aug. 9, 1805.
SIR, I have just received the honor of your letter, of yesterday's date, stating the existence of some measures relative to the vessels of the U. States, of which you have cause to complain. As you have not mentioned either the nature or the period of the transaction to which you allude, I am not enabled to give you a satisfactory answer, and I am not aware of any recent occurrence of so pressing a nature, as to require an explanation previous to the day on which I shall have the honor of seeing you in the course of the next week. If you will inform me more particularly of the ground of complaint, I shall, without delay, give the subject every attention in my power.
I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) MULGRAVE.
TO LORD MULGRAVE. No. 5. DOVER STREET, Aug. 12, 1805.
MY LORD, I have been honored with your lordship's letter of the 9th instant, and shall willingly comply with your request in stating more fully the nature of the complaint to which I alluded in mine of the 8th, and the period within which it has occurred. By a report from the consul of the U. States for this port and district, of which I have the honor to enclose you a copy, it appears that in the course of a few weeks past about twenty American vessels have been seized in the channel and north sea, by his majesty's ships of war and privateers; and brought into his ports for trial: the officers who seized them
stated (according to the report of some of the masters) that they acted by order, as is to be presumed, of the government. As this proceeding was sudden, without notice and without example in the conduct of the present war, as it has embraced a considerable number of vessels, and may be extended to many others, it was impossible for me to reconcile it with the friendly relations subsisting between the two powers. It is therefore my duty to request of your lordship such information respecting it, as I may transmit without delay to my government. Of a measure so highly important to the rights and interests of the U. States, no erroneous opinion should be formed, no incorrect idea entertained. It is proper here to observe that the decisions of the courts to which I alluded in mine of the 8th, the principles of which are considered by my government as subversive of the established law of nations, were given in the case of the "Essex," a few weeks since, and in these of the "Enoch" and "Mars," on the 23d and 24th ultimo. These decisions impose restraints on the commerce of neutral nations with the enemies of Great-Britain, which, it is contended, derive no sanction from that authority. The principle on which they are founded asserts a right in Great-Britain to restrain neutral nations from any commerce with the colonies of an enemy, in time of war, which they do not enjoy in time of peace; or in other words denies, in respect to neutrals, the sovereignty of an enemy in time of war, over its own colonies, which remain in other respects subject to its authority and governed by its laws. It cannot well be conceived how there should be a difference on principle, in the rights of neutral powers to a commerce between any two ports of an enemy not regularly blockaded, and any other two of its ports; how it should be lawful to carry on such commerce from one to another of the parent country, and not from its colonies to the parent country. As the board of commissioners under the 7th article of the treaty of 1794, in revising the decisions of the British courts, founded on the instructions of November 6, 1793, condemned this doctrine, there was just cause to expect, that it would never have been revived. It is understood that no other power admits it, & that it is also repugnant to the practice of Great-Britain herself, with respect to her own colonies in time of war. It is easy to show that the doctrine is of modern date even in England; that the decisions of her courts have not been uniform, and that those in the cases referred to have carried the pretension to an extent, which by assuming cognizance, if not jurisdiction, in the interior concerns of the United States, is utterly incompatible with the rights of sovereignty and the self respect, which as an independent nation, they can never lose sight of. I forbear however to enter further into this subject at present, in the expectation that I shall be honored with such information from your lordship, of the views of his majesty's government, as will be satisfactory to that which I have the honor to represent.
I have the honor to be, my Lord, (Signed) JAMES MONROE.
FROM LORD MULGRAVE. No. 6. DOWNING STREET, Aug. 12, 1805.
Lord Mulgrave presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe, and will be very happy to see him at his office on Thursday next, at two o'clock.
TO LORD MULGRAVE. No. 7. DOVER STREET, Aug. 12, 1805.
Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to lord Mulgrave, and will do himself the honor to wait on him at his office on Thursday next at two o'clock. He has the pleasure to send his lordship a reply to his letter of the 9th instant.
TO LORD MULGRAVE. No. 8. DOVER STREET, Aug. 16, 1805.
Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to lord Mulgrave, and has the honor to return his lordship the papers which he was so good as to deliver him yesterday. Mr. Monroe is sorry to find that these documents furnish no satisfactory explanation, on the real ground of complaint on the part of the United States, as stated in his letter of the 12th: he will therefore be happy to see lord Mulgrave again on the subject, as soon as it may be convenient for his lordship to receive him.
TRIPLICATE. LONDON, August 20, 1805.
SIR, I had an interview with lord Mulgrave yesterday on the late seizure of our vessels, which I am sorry to observe presented the prospect of a less favorable result than I had anticipated from the preceding one. He asserted the principle in the fullest extent, that a neutral power had no right to a commerce with the colonies of an enemy in time of war, which it had not in time of peace; and that every extension of it in the former state, beyond the limit of the latter, was due to the concession of Great-Britain, not to the right of the neutral power. I denied the principle in equal extent, and insisted that G. Britain had no more right in war to interfere with or controul the commerce of a neutral power with the colonies of an enemy, than she had in peace. As we could not agree on the principle, I asked on what footing his government was willing to place the trade? His reply shewed that it was not disposed to relax in the slightest degree from the doctrine of the late decrees of the courts of admiralty and appeals; which go to cut up completely by the roots the whole commerce of the United States in the produce of the colonies of its enemies, other than for the home consumption of their citizens. I urged in as strong terms as I could the objections which occurred to me to this pretension, but he shewed no disposition to accommodate, so that we parted as remote from an accord as possibly could be. I asked lord Mulgrave whether I should consider the sentiments which he expressed as those of his government? He said he had in the commencement expressed a desire that our conversation should be considered rather as informal, than official, as entered into more in the hope of producing an accord than in the expectation that we should ultimately disagree; that however he should report the result to the cabinet, and give me such an answer to my letters, for my government, of the views of its own, as it might wish to be taken of its conduct and policy in this business. I do not state the arguments that were used in the conference on each side, because those of lord Mulgrave will probably be furnished by himself, and you will readily conceive those to which I resorted. What the ultimate decision of his government may be, I cannot pretend to say. It is possible that he held the tone mentioned above, in the late conference, to see whether I could be pre-
vailed on to accommodate with his views. It is difficult to believe that it will yield no accommodation on its part to our just claims in the present state of public affairs.
In my former interview with lord Mulgrave he informed me that I should find the reports which he gave me, that most of the vessels had been dismissed; and it appeared by the reports that some of them had been, one or two on the opinion of doctor Lawrence, counsel for the captors, which had been taken in the absence of the king's proctor. I returned to him the reports to obtain copies for you. General Lyman has informed me that others have been since dismissed and as he thought some that had been seized on the new doctrine of continuity of voyage, though nothing to acquaint him with an expectation escaped from lord Mulgrave in the last conference.
It is decided on consideration of all circumstances, that Mr. Bowdoin will repair to Paris, where he will probably remain till he receives the orders of the president, and that Mr. Erving will proceed immediately to Madrid to relieve Mr. Pinkney. Mr. Bowdoin, by being on that ground, will be more in the way of obeying such orders as he may receive from here; and both he and Mr. Erving respectively may perhaps take their ground with greater propriety in this stage, while it is known that our government has not acted, than afterwards.
I am, SIR, With great respect and esteem, Your very obedient servant, JAMES MONROE.
No. 34. LONDON, September 25, 1805.
SIR, I have already forwarded you copies of two letters to lord Mulgrave, respecting the late seizure of American vessels, and you will receive with this a copy of a third one. His lordship has endeavored to manage this business without writing, from a desire, which has been very apparent, to get rid of it, without any compromitment. With that view he gave me, in an early interview, a report of the king's advocate-general and proctor on my first letter, which had been referred to them, which gave some explanation on the subject, which he might suppose would be satisfactory. I soon, however, assured him that it was not, and pressed an answer to my letters, which was promised, but has not yet been given. A few days before Mr. Erving left this for the continent, I requested him to ask Mr. Hammond when I should be favored with one. I send you a note of the conversation between them. Having waited some time longer, I thought it my duty to press the point again, and in so doing to expose as fully as I could the fallacy and injustice of the principle on which Great-Britain asserts the right to interdict our commerce with the colonies of her enemies and elsewhere, in the production of those colonies. I do not know that I shall be able to obtain an answer to this or the other letters. The presumption is against it, because she does not wish to tie up her hands from doing what her interest may dictate, in case the new combination with Russia and Austria should be successful against France. In the mean time she seeks to tranquillize us by dismissing our vessels in every case that she possibly can. It is evident to those who attend the trials that the tone of the judge has become more moderate; that he acquits whenever he can acquit our vessels, and keeping within the precedent of the Essex, seizes every fact that the papers or other evidence furnish in the cases which occur, to bring them within that limit. If any thing can be done in our affairs, it may be in a week or ten days; and if not done in that time, it most probably will not be during the present winter. I shall do every thing in my power to bring them to a satisfactory conclusion.
I am, SIR, with great respect and esteem, Your very obedient servant, JAMES MONROE. P. S I enclose you a copy of my letter to general Armstrong, by Mr. Erving. (TO BE CONTINUED.)
Extract of a letter from Ekstorp, (Maine) dated March 30.
"Within these few days, the Collector, who is extremely vigilant, has received additional instructions from Washington, in consequence of which he has appointed a large number of inspectors to watch every place where property is stored, and has engaged several boats in his service, which were intended for transport business. Several seizures have been made—one the last night, a sloop with flour."
"Boats are employed rowing round the island every night that the weather will permit, so that no property can be passed over without manifest danger."
"The licence from the Government of New-Brunswick, for salted provisions into that Province, is withdrawn, which exposes the beef and pork which may be landed on the British side to seizure."
NEW-YORK, April 9.
Admiral GRAVES and son, arrived in town yesterday from Newport, in the packet Aurora, on their way to Charleston. The admiral came out in the ship George and Mary in 27 days from Falmouth. He informed that the ship Octavia, Collins and another American ship, both from Charleston for London, loaded with cotton and rice, had been recently sent into Calais, and condemned, and their crew imprisoned. The ship Otis, of New-York, was still at Falmouth on the 29th of February, on which day, an American ship arrived from the Mediterranean. Mr. Burling and lady, who were passengers in the above ship went to Boston, to proceed for Charleston, where both the Admiral and himself have large plantations.
April 11.
We learn by a gentleman who left Albany on Saturday, that the Legislature of this state was to adjourn this day; and that a bill had passed the senate (and would pass in the house) granting a loan from the state of 400,000 dollars for the use of farmers and others on mortgage, to make good their engagements during the embargo.
April 12.
The ship Dryade, of New-York, from Charleston for Nantes, was boarded by a British Cruiser, and ordered for England. This is the seventh vessel in the European trade, in which a merchant in this city was interested, that has been intercepted by the belligerents, and all that have sailed for Europe within six months, in which he had an interest—one of which (the Eliza from Liverpool) was burnt by the French.
The return of votes for Governor of Massachusetts had been received at Boston on Thursday morning from 134 towns, which gave
FOR MR. SULLIVAN - - 19,993 FOR MR. GORE, - - 19,580
Leaving Mr. S. a majority of 413

to the same towns at the last election Mr. Sullivan had only 18,133, & his rival 19,330.
In Boston, federalists are divided into two sects—the Adams federalists, and the tory or Pickering federalists.
April 13.
Capt. Lawson, from St. Croix, informs us, that the island of Martinique was in a state of revolt, occasioned by famine; and that the inhabitants, having received a partial supply of provisions from the British, had solicited them to take possession of the island.
Captain L. further informs, that two British frigates had captured the island of Martinique, where they found five million weight of coffee, which they were about to carry off in British vessels that had been ordered there for the purpose.
The British colonies in the West-Indies are represented as being well supplied with flour, a large quantity having been shipped to St. Croix from Barbadoes.
EXTRACT.
Washington, March 31st. 1808.
The court of enquiry, in the case of gen. Wilkinson, adjourned yesterday, until Monday, the 4th April. In the course of the late sessions, the depositions of governor Wright, James L. Donaldson, esq. General S. Smith of the senate, and doctor W. Jones and W. Alston, esq. have been recorded. The combined testimony of those gentlemen, corroborates the fact, that Mr. Clark, gen. Wilkinson's accuser, did voluntarily and officially, pending the last session of Congress, take pains to assert general Wilkinson's innocence of the very calumnies, which he, (Mr. Clark) has, in consequence, recently endeavored to substantiate by his oath. The following is an extract from general Smith's testimony, which is fully sustained by that of his excellency governor Wright, and is substantially supported by those of Dr. Jones & James L. Donaldson, Esq.
"On or about the 20th February, 1807, being in the Senate chamber, Mr. Daniel Clark took me aside and said—"I understand that Mr. Latimer (of M. Territory) has received a letter from col. Claiborne, stating that col. Burr had said that Gen. Wilkinson did receive a sum of money, I think 10,000 dollars from the Spanish government for secret service; that he (Clark) knew perfectly, from undeniable proof, that no money had been given that gentleman, for that our mayor (meaning the mayor of N. Orleans) had mentioned the same tale to him, (Clark) on his arrival at N. Orleans, and asked if it was true; that he (Clark) answered that he did not believe it, but could inform himself correctly on the subject: that he waited on the proper officer who I understood to be the intendant, who, on being asked the question, did declare on his honor, that it was false, for that Gen. Wilkinson had never received one dollar from the Spanish government, but, for your better satisfaction, I will submit to your inspection the book in which all payments for secret service are inserted. He did so, and I (said Clark) did examine the same carefully and critically, and can assure you, on my honor, that there was no charge therein, of payment made to gen. Wilkinson, or for his use, either directly or indirectly: and further, that our house did his commercial business at Orleans, and that, if any such transaction had taken place, it must, in some way, have come to his knowledge. That he had thought it due to gen. Wilkinson, to communicate this circumstance, and added, I authorize you to make use of my name, in case you think proper, on this subject, and for that purpose have mentioned it. I communicated the foregoing to Mr. Gallatin, to Oliver Pollock, to R. Smith, and several others the same day and since."
"Mr. Alston's testimony involves the following singular fact—pending the last session of congress, and anterior to the President's message respecting the combinations in the western country—Mr. Clark spoke favorably of gen. Wilkinson, and when complaining of governor Claiborne, said the general "would be preferred for the station of governor, to Claiborne," and asked why they could not have "Wilkinson for governor, or some such man."
"Immediately after the president's first communication respecting Burr's conspiracy, or rather the plots germinating in the west; and before it could be known here that Wilkinson was bending his course towards New-Orleans, Mr. Clark called Mr. Alston aside and observed to him, that "Gov. Claiborne must be dismissed and general Wilkinson disposed of." That he did not wish General Wilkinson dismissed, as he had rendered important services to the country; but it was necessary he should be removed from the command of the army, and be provided for in some other way; that tranquility could not be restored in the territory of Orleans, whilst Claiborne was governor and Wilkinson commanded the army." Mr. Alston also denied that he had ever mentioned to Mr. Clark, Gen. Smith's having told him Wilkinson had received money from the Spaniards on account of a tobacco contract;—Mr. Alston declared, "that he had no recollection of having conversed with General Smith on the subject the last winter."
"Doctor Carmichael has also been examined. The doctor lived in general Wilkinson's family at the period, when Mr. Clark declares he made his visit at Fort Adams, and partook of the general's hospitality in his tent for three days and nights. The doctor's testimony is expressly contrary to that which Mr. Clark offers on the occasion—that the general "was not encamped at the time, but slept on board his boat."
Aurora.
We see that the only powers now remaining in Europe, hostile to the freedom of the seas—the only nations at war with all Europe—are Great-Britain and Sweden.
All the other nations have been successively seduced by Great-Britain into coalitions—and in succession betrayed or destroyed or driven into the arms of France—betrayed as Denmark, Florence, Sardinia, Prussia, Holland, Naples, &c. and the whole collective force, revenues, naval and military resources of Europe, saving only Sweden and Great-Britain, are now in array and opposed to Great-Britain and Sweden.
When a man comes to a ditch that he wishes to pass over—the first asks himself whether it is too wide to jump over; to be sure there are numps enough in the world, and we see some of them in Congress, ready to attempt jumping across the Atlantic, who could not jump over a broomstick—if big words and pompous phrases, could change the order of nature, and of the nations of the world, we have men, whose mouths are full of sound and fury—meaning nothing to attempt it.
A man of sense, always considers how much he can do—what he can do—and is
never fool enough to undertake impossibilities—we have heard of a man who invented a weather-cock, which was not to tell how nature ordered the winds to blow; but to change their direction at pleasure—it is from this incident perhaps, that the proverbial expression of weather-cock politicians has arisen.
May we, without doing great violence to the omnipotence which was at the bottom of the anti-caucus of seventeen at Washington, make so far as to say, that their politics are as ridiculous as the philosophy of him who made a weather-cock to regulate the wind.
Our policy is peace—inflexible peace—we must keep our resources within ourselves—and prosper from the means within our own country. If any nation whatever assail us, repel them or perish. But we must not league with injustice any more than submit to it.
We must not involve this precious and happy portion of the globe, in contentions interminable but for ages; we must not give to our posterity, an inheritance of ages of war, in return for the inheritance of peace and prosperity we have received.....th.
Admiral Graves, of the British navy, and his son, passed through this city on Sunday to the southward.
This gentleman possesses some landed estate in Carolina, which he is come hither to arrange, in order to guard against impending events.
Admiral Graves said without scruple in this city, that the mission of Mr. Rose was not intended to make any change in the political differences between the U. States and G. Britain.
He further said, that the British government would not depart a title from the ground assumed in the proclamation.....th.
BALTIMORE, April 11.
ARRIVED—Below ship London packet, Rutter, 105 days from Calcutta, piece goods, Left the City 19th and Sand Head 24th Dec. On the passage was boarded by several British ships of war, and treated politely. In coming into the bay, was brought to by a shot from the British frigate M c L o , then laying at anchor in the Chops of the Capes; the officer on getting on board, apologized for bringing us to, saying that nothing but their anxiety to hear from Europe made them do it.
The Baltimore East-India company's ship London Packet, has a valuable cargo of piece Goods.
The following interesting Letter, in reply to an address of "The Tammany Society or Columbian Order, No. 1, of the city of New-York," signed by Benjamin Romaine, Grand Sachem, has been published, with the address itself, in the papers of that city. Mr. Mitchell, who encloses it to that Society, pronounces it to be "one of the best answers" which this "distinguished friend of his country" ever wrote:
THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER,
To the Society of Tammany or Columbian Order, No. 1, of the City of New-York.
I have received your address, fellow-citizens, and thankful for the expression so personally gratifying to myself, I contemplate with high satisfaction, the ardent spirit it breathes of love to our country and of devotion to its liberty and independence. The crisis in which it is placed cannot but be unwelcome to those who love peace, yet spurn at a tame submission to wrong. So fortunately remote from the theatre of European contests, and carefully avoiding to implicate ourselves in them, we had a right to hope for an exemption from the calamities which have afflicted the contending nations, and to be permitted unoffendingly to pursue the paths of industry and peace. But the ocean, which, like the air, is the common birth-right of mankind, is arbitrarily wrested from us, and maxims consecrated by time and by usage, and by an universal sense of right, are trampled on by superior force. To give dim for this demoralizing tempest to pass over, one measure only remained which might cover our beloved country from its overwhelming fury—an appeal to the deliberate understanding of our fellow-citizens in a cessation of all intercourse with the belligerent nations, until it can be resumed under the protection of a returning sense of the moral obligations, which constitute a law for nations as well as individuals—There can be no question, as to a mind truly American, whether it be best to send our citizens and property into certain captivity and then wage war for their recovery, or to keep them at home, and to turn seriously to that policy which plants the manufacturer and the husbandman side by side, and establishes at the door of every one that exchange of mutual labors and comforts, which we have hitherto sought in distant regions and under perpetual risk of broils with them. Between these alternatives, your address has soundly decided; and I doubt not your aid, and that of every real and faithful citizen towards carrying into effect the measures of your country, and ensuring the sound principle, but that in opposing foreign wrong there must be but one mind.
I receive with sensibility your kind prayers for my future happiness, and I supplicate protecting Providence to watch over your own and our country's freedom and welfare.
(Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. February 29, 1808.
WASHINGTON, April 11.
We have received a number of late London papers down to the 24th of February inclusively. They do not contain any new continental intelligence; being principally filled with Parliamentary proceedings. The correspondence between Mr. Erskine and Mr. Madison, with the letters of Lord Howick to the former, as laid before Parliament, is commenced. No definitive vote had passed on the late British orders. The Ministry had proposed to communicate the export duties on cotton into a total prohibition of the exportation of that article, unless licensed under particular circumstances. They had likewise abandoned the proposed export duty on salt to this country. We shall give some interesting extracts in our next.
Nat. Int.
Considerable solicitude has for some time existed to learn the issue of the trial of Commodore Barron at Norfolk. We understand that the documents and proceedings on this occasion are so very voluminous as not to have been yet forwarded to the Secretary of the navy.....th.
CHARLESTON, April 8.
On the 25th ult. lat. 37, long. 65, captain Anderson (arrived on Wednesday) was boarded by Admiral Duckworth's squadron of five sail of the line, steering for the Western Islands, and treated politely. On the 2d instant, Cape Roman bearing w. by s. distant 10 leagues, capt. Anderson was boarded by the Latona frigate, capt. Woods. The lieutenant that boarded, after mustering the ship's crew, and searching the ship's fore and aft, took captain Anderson, with captain Monies (a passenger) and four men, on board the frigate; capt. Woods then found fault with all the ship's papers—said they were too many, and that he supposed they had been made out on the passage by capt. Anderson. He also threatened to detain captain Anderson and capt. Monies, but after
detaining them four hours and treating them very roughly, he permitted capt. Anderson with his passenger, captain Monies, and two men, to return on board the Mississippi, detaining on board the frigate, two men, Henry Neilson and Peter Graham both native Americans. Neilson was born and raised in this city, he is an apprentice to capt. Monies, and has respectable connections now residing in this city.....Courtier.
PETERSBURG, April 15.
On Tuesday morning last, the remains of JOHN D. BURK, were consigned to the grave. He had particularly desired in his will, that his body should not be interred in a church yard, and requested that the usual religious formalities on funeral occasions, might be dispensed with. His corpse was, therefore, conveyed to Cedar Grove, the seat of general Jones, in the suburbs of this town, and buried with military honors. The Volunteer Companies of Artillery, Cavalry, and Infantry attended the funeral, as well as a numerous concourse of citizens.
The causes which led to a misunderstanding between Mr. Coequbert and the deceased, and which finally produced so distressing a catastrophe, were of a political nature. In a conversation at a public table, sometime during the last week, as we are told, the subject turned upon the letter of the French minister, Champagny, to Gen. Armstrong, lately published—the deceased expressed himself with considerable warmth, reproached the conduct of the French government towards the United States, and painted in strong colors the insolence of its minister—Mr. C. being a native of France, conceived himself individually assailed by the words uttered, as well as insulted by the epithets applied to his nation and government—he demanded an explanation of the object of the speaker—Very few words, however, passed between Mr. C. and the deceased—the explanation required was not given, and the former in a few moments left the room. Soon after, a challenge was sent by Mr. C. which was accepted, and early on Monday morning the parties with their seconds, met in a field adjoining town. On the first fire, Mr. C's pistol snapped, and the contents of Mr. B's were discharged in effectually. The second fire proved decisive. Mr. C's ball passed through the heart of his antagonist, who expired without a word or a groan. Such is the relation which we have had of this unfortunate affair.....Intelligencer.
Deceased this life yesterday morning, CARTER B. HARRISON, Esq. of Maycox, on James River. He was for several years a member both of the National and State Legislatures, and possessed, in a high degree, the confidence and affection of his countrymen.
EUROPE.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.—Feb. 24. ORDERS OF COUNCIL.—The bill now before the House of Commons, as amended in the committee, directs—
That goods warehoused, taken out on payment of home duties are to be liable to duties notwithstanding the drawbacks.
Vessels sailing before times limited in Orders of Council, are allowed to proceed without payment of duty.
Goods imported under licenses, dated before 11th Nov. and cleared out before the period specified in the act, and warehoused for exportation, are exempt from duty.
Goods imported under licence from St. Domingo, since the 11th Nov. only are chargeable upon exportation with a duty of one half of that upon goods of the like description.
Prize goods exported to be chargeable with duties.
WEST-INDIES.
BALTIMORE, April 14.
We have made the following translation of the dispositions of the French government at Guadeloupe, tending to invite infraction of the embargo law, by supplying, with those privations which the unjustifiable conduct of Great-Britain and France have subjected them to. It is to be hoped, the temptations held forth to invite mercantile cupidity, will be resisted by the magnanimity of Americans. The view taken of the dispositions of the embargo is somewhat laughable.
American.
In the name of the Emperor of the French.
LIBERTY OF THE SEAS.
A Resolve.—To open all the ports of the colony, to the entry of French and neutral vessels laden with provisions, free of all duties whatever.
March 21, 1808.
Augustus Ernouf, Grand Officer of the Legion of Honor, Captain-General of Guadeloupe and its dependencies, and General in Chief:
Francis Maria Perichou-Kerversau, Gen. of Brigade, Member of the Legion of Honor, Colonial Perfect, and
A. R. Constance, Bertolio, Member of the Legion of Honor, Commissary of Justice:
Considering that the embargo existing in the United States, and the absolute prohibition of exportation of any thing whatever from their ports, under the flag of any nation, renders abortive every precaution hitherto taken for the provisioning of the colony.
As well that the rigor of these measures is a new proof of the faithfulness of this power to its former friendship with the French empire; of its attachment to the general interests of Europe which are likewise its own, as one of the great means of accelerating a maritime peace, by the impossibility which it presents to the common enemy of acquiring the means to continue the war; the redundant stroke falls not less severely on the colonies, by insulating them from their natural granary, and suddenly depriving them of the resources they were accustomed to receive thence for their subsistence.
That the great attachment to the mother country, and the affection to the sacred person of H. I. and R. Majesty which the inhabitants of this colony profess, give no doubt of their constancy and courage in supporting all the privations of momentary distress for sonoble a cause, but, after the present state of things, the embargo being prolonged for several months, it becomes the duty of the magistracy, in order to alleviate the burdens, to excite the generous desire for colonial commerce, by giving it all possible encouragement, and in directing with the means of which it is possessed, its exertions to procure a constant supply of articles of the first necessity.
That, to acquire this desirable end, notwithstanding the enormous extraordinary expenditures from the public treasury by the advanced price of articles of consumption, they hesitate not to make new sacrifices, by the exemption of all kinds of produce from any duties or restrictions whatever, which can tend to restrict its sales in the colony.
But as the extreme rigor of the blockade, by the English fleet, of the towns of Basse-Terre and Point-Petre, renders all these
measures useless, and the attempts dangerous, if they profit not of the advantages presented them by the numerous ports of the Island to paralyze the efforts of the enemy, by opening all the ports throughout to national and foreign vessels, who, as well after as during the existence of the embargo, shall carry hither their provisions for sale.
Considering, also, that this two-fold favor, encircled only by the just bounds prescribed by the general interests of culture and commerce, ensures them a mutual advantage without giving a dangerous shock to business, and will afford a new pledge to the colony of the constant anxiety and paternal regard manifested by the general administration, unceasingly, in promoting whatever may contribute to the advancement of the general good.
RESOLVE: Article I. From the first of April, salt provisions, such as beef, pork, codfish, salted fish of all kinds, land and sea turtles, likewise small and large cattle, wheat flour, Indian meal, rye flour, yucca flour, ice, Indian corn, and all provisions which shall either be imported into the island by regular commerce, or by prizes taken from the enemy, are declared free of all custom-house duties.
Art. II. From the same period, all the ports of the colony are open to all French, allied or neutral vessels, laden with provisions enumerated in the foregoing article. Their sales shall be absolutely free throughout the Island. Foreign vessels, with other than those articles, must be delivered over to the consignees.
Art. III. In return, these vessels shall load with sugar, coffee, cotton, syrup, rum and cocoa, in all the ports of the island, upon proof that this last article is the produce of the island, and paying the established export duties.
Art. IV. The price of flour after the first of April, shall be subjected to no tax whatever, but left free to the current of commerce. From this date, the bakers are charged with procuring their own supplies, until which they may raise the price of bread, to the price fixed by the decree of the 20th January, until they shall have consumed the flour provided them by the administration.
Art. V. Vessels, the cargoes of which shall consist of less than two-thirds provisions, shall only be admitted to sell in the ports heretofore open and in all cases they shall conform for their dry goods, to the laws and regulations relative to consignees.
Art. VI. There shall be a visitor, residing at the Moule, who shall inspect the ports of St. Francis, and St. Anne; one at Port Louis, to inspect the ports of Morne-a-l'Eau, and Petit Canal, and one at la Baye Mahault, who shall have under his care the inspection of the ports of Lamentin and St. Rose.—[The remainder of this article is of no importance to foreigners.]
Art. VII. The premium for the introduction of fat cattle, intended for the slaughter-house, shall be continued to be paid to the captains importing them, to which there shall be an addition of 2 sols 6 deniers per lb. of flesh sold by the butchers, who shall render an account thereof to the receiver-general and his deputies.
Art. VIII. & IX.—(local)
Art. X. Upon the arrival of a vessel, the commissary commandant shall place a guard on board to prevent any fraudulent loading or unloading, and shall instantly inform the visitor charged with the inspection of the port.
Art. XI. Before the arrival and visit of the custom house officer, the captain and supercargo shall be allowed alone the liberty of communicating with the shore. No other person from the vessel shall be permitted to go ashore, nor none other from the land to go on board.
Art. XII. The relative resolves; as to the formalities observed at the entry or clearance, for the loading or unloading, or as to the quota of duties established in the colonies, shall continue to have their full and entire execution.
Art. XIII.—(local)
Art. XIV. The captains and supercargoes, are bound to pay into the public chest, either at Point-Petre or Basse Terre, the amount of the duties fixed by the scale of liquidation, and the necessary papers for the departure of the vessel shall only be delivered on the presentation of the receipt of the receiver-general.
Art. XV. The directors, &c. are charged with the execution of the present Resolve, which is declared to be revoked in those ports, where infractions have been suffered and not forbidden and repressed.
The present Resolve shall be printed, &c. Done at Basse-Terre, Guadeloupe, March 21, 1808, and in the 5th year of the empire of Napoleon.
ERNOUF, KERVERSAU, BERTOLIO.
ENQUIRER OFFICE.
Considerable and animated arguments have occurred in Congress, on Mr. G. W. Campbell's resolution respecting the Embargo.—Mr. John Randolph has been its leading opponent. Much desultory matter was introduced into the discussion. Mr. Randolph is said to have entered into a vindication of Mr. Monroe's disavowed rejected treaty. He was answered by several members.—On Thursday, the House had come to no decision on the resolution.—The Senate have adopted the Bill respecting Courts Martial and Courts of Enquiry, with some amendments.
Mr. Hillhouse, of the Senate, proposes to choose the President every three years out of the Senators by Lot. Now, if every principle is to be tested by its effects: Suppose that the blind fates should decide in favor of the said Mr. Hillhouse or the Honorable Timothy Pickering. Who would dare to question the infallibility of the Fates? Surely neither Mr. Hillhouse nor Mr. Pickering.
COMMUNICATION.—The People enquire, what is the ostensible cause or necessity for keeping Congress so long in session? One of that body replies, that, to his certain knowledge, this prolongation of the session, is simply owing to a small minority, who endeavor to frustrate every measure of interest to the U. S.
COMMUNICATION.
"One of the People" will be glad to receive the respects of "One of the Protractors," as soon as it shall suit his convenience.
The votes given by 134 towns for Governor of Massachusetts give Mr. Sullivan a majority of 418; being a republican gain of 1628 votes on the result of the last election.
[So much for Tim Pickering's and Ely's electioneering letters, and all their idle clamors about the Embargo.]
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
Harrisonburg, 31st March, 1808.
I hereby authorise you to say, that I decline serving on the committee of Rockingham county for the promotion of the Monroe Ticket; the rest of the members also, authorise me to say the same for them.
Yours, JOHN FAWCETT.
We are authorised to state, that Mr. William Armistead declines serving on the Monroe Committee for the county of Nelson.
We are authorised to state, that Mr. Thomas C. Clark declines serving on the Madison Committee for the county of Halifax.
We are authorised to state that Stapleton Crutchfield and Jno. M. Herndon, of the county of Spottsylvania, decline serving on the Monroe committee.
DELEGATES ELECTED TO THE NEXT LEGISLATURE.
King & Queen.—John Roane, Jr. John H. Smith. Frederick.—William Castlemann, Charles Brent. Isle of Wight.—Thomas Purdie, Chas. Wren. Princess Anne.—Tilly Robinson, Edward Mosely.
Chesterfield.—Mat. Cheatham, Bev. C. Standard.
King George.—Caleb Smith, Wm. Hooe, Jr. Louisa.—Frederick Harris, David Watson. Stafford.—John Moncure, Peter V. Daniel. Prince William.—Wm. Tanner, John H. Peyton.
Rockbridge.—Thomas L. Preston, Joseph Grigsby.
Caroline.—Wm. Hoomes, Henry C. Coleman. Prince George.—Allen Temple, Chas. Cee. Mecklenburg.—James Jones, Francis E. Walker.
* New Members.
TUTION OF YOUNG LADIES.—Mrs.
BARBOUR, who has lately become a resident of Richmond, proposes on the 1st of May to open a School for the tuition of Young Ladies, in the house lately occupied by Mr. Warfield; in a very healthy and agreeable part of this City. She will teach Reading, Writing, Arithmetic & the English Grammar—Her price for these will be eight dollars per quarter, payable in advance. Likewise the Elements of Natural Philosophy, Natural History, History of Nations, Geography, and Belles Lettres, at $12 and 50 cents per quarter, and in advance. Young Ladies will also be boarded—the price for tuition, boarding and washing will be one hundred and sixty dollars a year, payable quarterly and in advance. Mrs. Barbour will zealously and ardently devote her whole attention to her School, and if she meets with sufficient encouragement, her plan will be enlarged, and proper persons will be employed to teach music, drawing, the French language, and other branches of polite and useful education. Those who may be dissatisfied with the progress of their children, will be at liberty to withdraw them at any time. Richmond, April 19. (law5w)
FITZWYLLSONN & POTTER have just received a very extensive supply of Foolscap and Letter PAPER, which they offer for sale on terms advantageous to the purchaser. They have on hand a great variety of
Day-Books, Journals, and Ledgers, Record and Sheriff's Books, Music, and Music Books, Musical Instruments and Strings, Paper Hangings for rooms, Pocket Books, Penknives, Traveling and other Trunks, Spectacles mounted in Silver, Tortoise-shell and Steel, Elegant Visiting Cards. With a general assortment of articles in the Blank Book and Stationary line. Richmond, April 19. [TSv]
* VALUABLE MANUFACTURING MILL & DISTILLERY.
The subscriber will sell or lease for a term of years, with or without a distillery, containing five stills, of near 1000 gallons, the valuable MILL on Appomattox river, in Cumberland, lately owned by William Skipwith. The house is 66 feet long, 26 wide, and three stories high, containing 2 pair best burr and 1 pair corn stones, with Evans's patent machinery and a saw Mill in complete order. Boats pass under the Mill through one of the best locks on the river—the neighborhood affords an abundant supply of wheat, and on the spot are two commodious houses calculated for a store and residence. If sold, the purchaser may be accommodated with 4 or 500 acres of Land, one half in wood. Terms may be known on application to Mr. Jeffers at the Mill or to me near Gento Bridge. EDMUND HARRISON. Amelia, April 19. (law5w)
* ENGLISH GOODS.—APPLETON & Co.
By the John Adams, St Johns, from Liverpool, 16, Calvert-Street, have received their regular supply of GOODS calculated for the present and approaching season.
Cambricks and Common Calicoes, Plain and striped D. Dimities, Printed Marseilles Vestings, White Jeans, Furniture Chintz, Do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths, Do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres, Patent Nankeens, Cords, Grandurells, Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambricks Muslins, Japan, Haricord and Check do. Plain and Figured Mull do. Leuo, Victory, Riddle, &c. do. Colored do. do. do. 4-4 Plain Book do. Ginghams, Silk do. Satins, Persians and Saranets, Bonnet Silks, Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs, Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, Do. Braces, Do. Laces and Footings, Do. Quilts, English Kid Gloves, Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks, Buttons, Birmingham Ware, &c. &c. In store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These Goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted paper at 60 days. Baltimore, April 19. (10t)
THE BROAD-ROCK SPRING RACES
will commence the 11th day of May next. The 1st day, the Jockey Club Purse of $ 400, four mile heats—The 2d day the Proprietor's Purse of $ 200 three mile heats—The third day, a purse of $ 100 two mile heats—Entrance $ 20. For this purse, any person may run a horse whether he be a member of the Jockey Club or not—Agreeable to the Jockey Club weights, winning horses for the first and second days' races not allowed to start for the third day's purse. Wm. BALL, Proprietor of the Fie d . April 19. [04t]
FOR SALE.
If applied for within a few days, the good Sloop AMICUS, built 41 tons, in complete order and well found, two years old, now lying at Rockett

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, April 4.
Mr. Boyd a member from New-Jersey in the stead of Mr. Ezra Darby, deceased, appeared and took his seat.
Mr. Randolph from the committee to whom the subject had been referred, reported a bill making provision for arming and equipping the whole body of the militia of the United States which was twice read and referred to the committee of the whole.
The engrossed bill for raising an additional military force was then read; and the question having been put, "shall this bill pass?"
An extremely interesting debate arose, which occupied the House until they adjourned, at four o'clock, without taking a question. Messrs. Clopton, Howard, Smith, Trumbull, Alston, Rhea, Taylor, Lyon, and Quincy supported the bill, and Messrs. Randolph and D. R. Williams opposed it.
Tuesday, April 5.
Mr. M. Williams obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session.
A petition was received from the inhabitants of Newburyport, Mass. praying the liberty of exporting fish; which was referred to the committee of the whole on the state of the union.
Mr. Barker presented several petitions from dealers in fish, praying the liberty to export the same, &c. which were referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union.
On motion of Mr. Lacey.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of authorising the President of the United States to exchange the site of the fortification near Portland harbor for other land more suitable for a fortification for the protection of said harbor, and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Stanford, from the committee appointed on a message from the President of the United States relative to the deficit of appropriations for public buildings in the city of Washington, reported a bill to make appropriations for that purpose, and for other purposes.
This bill, after some debate, was recommitted to the committee who reported it, with instructions to make a detailed report, &c. to enquire into the expediency of abolishing the office of surveyor of the public buildings.
The House took up the unfinished business of yesterday, on which a debate continued till near five o'clock, when the House adjourned.
Messrs. Stanford and Randolph opposed the bill, and Messrs. Macon, Blount and Burwell supported it.
A motion made by Mr. Randolph to postpone the subject for one week was negatived 68 to 36.
WEDNESDAY, April 6.
The House took up the unfinished business, the bill for raising an additional military force, the debate on which, continued till past four o'clock, when the House adjourned without taking a question.
Messrs. Talmaadge, Southard, G. W. Campbell, supported the bill, and Messrs. Mosely, Sloan and Dana opposed it.
(Taken for the Baltimore E. Post.)
THURSDAY, April 7.
Mr. Pindley from the committee appointed to confer with the committee of the Senate, on the subject of adjournment, made a report concluding with a resolution to adjourn on the 25th instant, which was ordered to be on the table.
The bill from the Senate for the punishment of certain crimes and offences against the U. States, was read by the Speaker, committed to a committee of the whole house, and order d to be printed. This bill calculated to meet cases for which the laws of the U. States did not provide previous to Burns's conspiracy.
The House took up for consideration the bill which has been under discussion for several days, to wit: "An act for raising an additional military force," when Mr. Randolph moved to re-commit it to a committee of the whole House: And entered into a long and elaborate, desultory and tiresome harangue against the bill and the supporters of it.
It would be utterly impossible for me to give you a correct view of Mr. Randolph's speech, without going into a very long detail. Suffice it to say, that he travelled all round the political compass; from the north, where he attempted to freeze the spirit of the nation, to the south, where he flamed in hostility to the non-importation act and the embargo law.
He was able, eloquently, and conclusively answered by Mr. Eppes.
Philip B. Key took part in the debate to day. He was for the bill; but wished a postponement. (This was in perfect consonance with Randolph's feelings.)
Mr. Dana spoke; but in reality, what he said would have answered just as well for any other subject.
Mr. Randolph's eloquence to-day produced a singular effect upon Matthew Lyon; who for a considerable part of the time that the oration was delivering, lay lock'd in the arms of balmy sleep on one of the back seats.
Stretch'd at his ease, the pining sleeper lay. The speakers to-day in the house spoke to every thing but the question before them; Mr. Eppes, Clopton and Key excepted. Mr. Clopton made some very sensible remarks in refutation of the arguments of the opposers of the bill.
Mr. Stanford, who is against the bill, voted in the time of John Adams, for a standing army: He made a confession of repentance for that vote the other day. To-day he said he made the confession because the journals were published, and he expected a retort: But he declared he would not have confessed at all, if he had thought members would have scored him so much about it (A general laugh.) About 5 o'clock the ayes and nays were taken on the passage of the bill; when it passed in the affirmative, ayes 95, nays 16, and the house adjourned.
Thus, after a great waste of time and words, the bill for raising an additional army has passed by a large majority.
(From our Correspondant.)
WASHINGTON, April 7. 1808.
The bill for raising an additional military force, has been now several days before the House of Representatives. Mr. Randolph has occupied the principal part of the time in debate. This gentleman, charged with the most deadly enmity to the administration, has displayed all the arts and all the perseverance in his power, against every act which has been deemed necessary by the people at large, and by the most enlightened and best friends of the country. There are 3 federal stenographic scribes in the house, who, you may be assured, will pick and cull all ludicrous witticisms uttered by Randolph, without accompanying them with the grave, dignified and manly replies which put them to shame. What, for instance, will you think of Randolph's saying, in those solemn and serious times of peril, when the honor and interests of the nation ought to be supported with soberness and wisdom, "that the 6000 men, contemplated to be raised, were calculated for no other purpose than to eat the Fish which were kept in the country by the Embargo!" This giggling expression, with many others, equally decorous and cogent, will doubtless run a rapid round through the federal prints. But what will the people believe of Randolph, who is capable of jesting, descending to the low ambition of exciting a broad, insignificant grin, on subjects of the last importance to the country?
Balt. Ev. Post.
April 8.
I closed my letter of yesterday in such haste, that I had not time to state to you the many little manoeuvres on the part of John Randolph and his friends to render the new military bill unpopular. I mentioned to you Gen. Bloom's motion to amend the title of the bill. This gave rise to divers ludicrous attempts to throw odium on the whole business. Mr. Stanford moved to call it "An act for raising standing troops." Mr. Randolph requested Mr. Stanford to alter his motion, so as to call it a standing army, &c. In this way it was that the house was occupied till half past seven o'clock in the evening, when they adjourned, after having, 60 to 25, fixed upon the following title for the bill, viz. "An act to raise for a limited time an additional military force." This alteration in the title was purely with a view to express more explicitly the intentions of those with whom it originated.
Mr. Clark, from the Orleans Territory, got leave of absence for the remainder of the session.
Mr. G. W. Campbell offered the following resolution, which was referred to a committee of the whole-house to-morrow.
Resolved, That in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe in the judgment of the President of the U. States, he ought to be authorised by law to suspend the act laying an EMBARGO on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, under such exceptions and restrictions as the public interest and circumstances of the case may require; provided such suspension shall not extend beyond 60 days after the commencement of the next session of Congress.
Mr. Rhea (of Tenn.) offered the following resolution, which was ordered to be on the table.
Resolved, That the secretary of state do transmit to this house, authentic copies of the several accredited documents which may be in his office, commercial orders and regulations, and orders and decrees of blockade, affecting the commerce of the United States, which may have been respectively made or issued by the governments of G. Britain and France, at any time since the year 1790, exclusive of treaties to which the U. States are a party.
Mr. Rowan presented a memorial of the Trustees of Louisiana Academy, in the territory of Louisiana, praying the aid and patronage of Congress for the support of the said institution, by the adoption of such measures as may be deemed equitable and proper. Read, and ordered to be referred to the committee on public lands.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill for franking the late voluminous message of the President of the United States. After going through the bill, the committee rose and reported the bill with an amendment, which was agreed to by the House. The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading this day.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill to alter and establish certain post roads. After some debate, (in the course of which Mr. Sloan expressed a hope that at this late period of the session the House would leave off talking, and begin to act,) the committee rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
(From the National Intelligencer.)
SATURDAY, April 9.
Mr. Randolph observed that he knew it was customary of late to do certain species of small business in the early part of the day; but the session was now drawing to a close, and it was little more than a mere matter of form for gentlemen now to present petitions as it was scarcely possible to obtain reports on them. He therefore asked for the consideration of the bill for arming the whole body of the militia; and also asked for the Yeas and Nays on the motion, that it might appear on the Journals, that it was from no neglect of his that the bill had not been taken up. Such was his extreme indisposition on this day as well as yesterday, that nothing but a wish to get up the bill could have induced him to come to the House these two days.
The question on taking this bill into consideration was then decided by Yeas and Nays; Yeas 41, Nays 50.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill concerning the post-office and post-roads. Mr. Masters in the chair. The bill having been gone through, was reported to the House.
Mr. Randolph renewed his motion for taking up the bill for arming the whole body of the militia. Negatived 44 to 36.
The House then took up the report of the committee of the whole just made on the bill for altering and establishing certain post roads.
There being great difficulty in retaining a quorum within the bar, and the report not having been gone through,
After repeated motions for adjournment, one of which was taken by yeas and nays, the House at length adjourned, 35 to 30.
MONDAY, April 11.
Messrs. Wilson, Hoge, Storer, Smith (P. and Elliot obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session.
Mr. Quincy presented petitions from five towns in Massachusetts, respecting fish, stating the peculiar distress under which they labor from the operation of the embargo; that it falls unequally upon that class of citizens to which they belong; that they are the class least able to bear it; that their soil is miserable and sandy; and that they depend wholly upon the fishing business for support, having no other employment than fishing; that to carry it on with any success, they should have the right of exportation, as great part of the product of their labor is consumed in foreign countries; that the common home consumption is much reduced by the present low price of other articles for the support of life; that the whole of their product now on hand is of a perishable nature, and great danger will arise in consequence of its putrefaction in summer; that in their opinion it would be better to lose part by capture than to lose the whole from the denial of the privilege of exportation. They pray therefore that they may be allowed to export in foreign ships; they consider that the principle admitted by the permission granted to vessels in ballast to bring home property from abroad, applies here, as that principle was the only mode of saving property, and the proposed mode is the only one which may be devised for saving a valuable property in fish; if this be denied, they pray that the Secretary of the Treasury may be allowed to buy their fish.
In connection with these petitions Mr. Quincy said he would offer the following resolution, and would preface it but by one
observation: that these petitions came from a great number of the laboring class of citizens, stating that their very subsistence was at stake; and that some mode must be devised by which they may escape from perishing.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the peculiar hardships and sufferings to which the citizens of the United States immediately interested in the fisheries are subjected by the various acts laying an embargo, and that the committee be instructed to enquire, whether any, and if any, what relief ought to be extended to them, and that it have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Burwell asked the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Q.) if he could inform the house what portion of the fish exported from the United States were sent to Europe? Because he had believed that the greatest part was generally sent to France, Spain and Portugal, in which case the repeal of the embargo could be no relief to the fishermen, as the British orders of council altogether prohibited any trade to other countries.
Mr. Quincy declined going into particulars, as it would lead him into too wide a field of discussion. He then offered some remarks as to the power of Congress to lay an embargo.
The House agreed to consider the resolution, Ayes 72.
After an hour's debate, on motion of Mr. Newton, the resolution and the petitions were referred to the committee of the whole, to whom similar petitions had been referred—56 to 26.
Messages were received from the Senate announcing their agreement to the amendments of this House to the bill for raising an additional military force, and to the report of the joint committee on the subject of adjournment.
The House took up the report of the committee of adjournment, (directing the speaker to adjourn the House on the 25th instant) and passed it without a division.
A bill from the Senate for registering certain claims to land lying in the state of Tennessee, was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Poindexter presented a memorial from the legislature of the Mississippi territory, complaining of the mal-conduct of P. B. Bruin, presiding judge of the territory of Mississippi.
Mr. P. then offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to prepare and report articles of impeachment against Peter B. Bruin, one of the judges of the superior court of the Mississippi territory, and that the said committee have power to send for persons, papers and records.
Mr. Poindexter hoped the resolution would be adopted; he did not expect that a committee could act on the subject during this session; but it might be put in a state of progress.
Mr. Randolph said he hoped the resolution would lie on the table. He had heard & was extremely sorry for it, that the House had concurred, sub silentio , with the Senate in their agreement to the report on the subject of adjournment. If the House then were bound by their own resolution to adjourn on the 25th, nothing could be done on this subject during the present session. He hoped not to be considered as opposed to the resolution, for he trusted it would at some future time be acted on, and was sorry that the constitution of the U. S. had not provided a more adequate remedy for these acts of offence. It would be remarked that it was not proposed that the committee should act during the recess; he hoped therefore that it would lie on the table, and the House would take up such business as it was deemed essential to act on during the present session—such as the bill for arming the whole body of the militia of the U. States.
Mr. Smith wished to know what grounds there were for this proposition, before he consented to pass a resolution declaring an opinion.
Mr. W. Alston said, that the paper which had just been presented by the gentleman from Mississippi, was the result of an enquiry held by the legislature of the territory. They had said the man was disqualified, and Mr. A. thought it was the best and shortest way to appoint a committee to report articles of impeachment.
Mr. Picken hoped the House would never depart from the dignified course which the legislature of the union ought to pursue. A resolution of the legislature of a state or territory was not of itself sufficient ground for a resolution for impeachment. A committee should first be appointed to enquire into the propriety of impeaching. Great respect no doubt was due to resolutions of state or territorial legislatures; but he did not consider them as conclusive.
Mr. Rhea (T.) would vote for the resolution lying on the table. He drew a distinction between the legislatures of states, and of territories, for were they to be considered as equal, it might produce mischievous consequences. In saying this, he did not mean to derogate from the purity of the legislature, but he did not like this mode of doing business. He would ask, whether the report of a legislature would be considered as conclusive evidence of fact? Certainly not; for the House would undoubtedly call for the evidence on which that report was bottomed.
He remarked that he knew of no authority by which a territorial legislature could act as a grand jury for this House, who would certainly call for evidence before they appointed a committee to prepare articles of impeachment.
Mr. Poindexter said, that at the suggestion of experienced gentlemen, he had modified his resolution by striking out the words in italic , and inserting "enquire into the expediency of preferring." He took occasion while up, to remark that he had a very high respect for the past services of this venerable old man, (judge Bruin.) He had been a patriot of the revolution, in the times which tried men's souls. For this, Mr. P. said, he venerated him. But his faculties were impaired by habitual intoxication; he had been seen awaked on the bench to attend to business, and in five minutes afterwards, he would relapse into sleep. Very important cases frequently occurred in these courts, and it was certainly necessary to judge correctly that a person's faculties should be unimpaired. I will not go further into explanation, said Mr. P. but request that the resolution may pass for enquiry; for if it pass now, the committee may take measures to procure evidence from the Mississippi territory, in time for the next session. If postponed till next session, it cannot be acted on during that session, and the result will be, that this officer will be quartered upon us for another year.
On the suggestion of Mr. Dana, the resolution was ordered to lie on the table till to-morrow, 52 to 26.
The House then resumed the unfinished business (the post-office bill.) The bill was gone through, after repeated motions for adjournment without success, and about six o'clock was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. When the House adjourned.
TUESDAY, April 12.
The House agreed to meet for the remainder of the session, at ten o'clock on each day.
Mr. Gardner's proposition for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the propriety of providing, by law, for an earlier meeting of Congress than usual, was taken up and agreed to, 50 to 26.
The bill for altering and establishing certain post-roads, was passed by yeas and nays, 71 to 31.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 52 to 20. Mr. Desha in the chair, on the resolution offered by Mr. G. W. Campbell declaring that the President of the United States ought in the event of certain contingencies occurring during the recess of Congress, to be authorized to suspend the operation of the embargo.
Messrs. G. W. Campbell and Johnson supported the resolution, and Mr. Randolph opposed it at considerable length. [Debate hereafter.]
The committee rose at about four o'clock, and obtained leave to sit again; when the House adjourned.
SENATE UNITED STATES.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
FRIDAY, April 8.
A short conversation arose on the course of proceeding, some diversity of opinion existing as to the propriety of deciding on the report generally, or on the resolution of expulsion with which it concludes.
When on motion of Mr. Franklin, it was agreed, without a division, to proceed to the consideration of the resolution.
A message was received from the President, in consequence of the resolution adopted yesterday, laying various papers before the Senate.
Mr. Adams then addressed the Senate in a speech of about three hours length; in the course of which he vindicated the course pursued in this case against the objection of unconstitutionality; and then went at considerable length into an examination of the evidence. Abandoning almost entirely the testimony of Glover and McFarlane, and insisting but lightly on that of the other deponents, he rested his argument principally on the letters, declarations and acknowledgements of Mr. Smith himself; and concluded with expressing his opinion in favor of the resolution of expulsion.
When, on motion of Mr. Giles, the further consideration of the subject was postponed till to-morrow.
SATURDAY, April 9.
Messrs. Anderson, Crawford, and Adams, spoke in favor of the resolution of expulsion; and Messrs. Hillhouse, Giles and Pope against it; when the question was taken by Yeas and Nays—Yeas 19—Nays 10. The constitution requiring the concurrence of two thirds to expel a member, the resolution is to be considered as disagreed to. YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Clegg, Crawford, Franklin, Gailhard, Gilman, Gregg, Kitchell, Maclay, Mathewson, Milledge, Moore, Robinson, Smith, of Md. Smith of Tenn. Sumter, Tiffin, Turner—19. NAYS—Messrs. Giles, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Howland, Pickering, Pope, Reed, Smith of N. Y. Thurston, White—10.
WASHINGTON, April 13.
Mr. Hillhouse yesterday laid before the Senate sundry propositions of amendment to the Constitution of the United States materially altering the organization of the Executive and legislative departments, by which the representatives are to be elected annually, the Senators triennially, and the President to be every three years taken from the Senators by lot. The length of these propositions obliges us to defer them until our next.... Nat. Int.
REMOVAL.—GEORGE WATT has removed to the main-street, next door above the Bell-Tavern, where he offers FOR SALE the following ARTICLES:
20 bbls. Brown Sugar, 30 bbls. Molasses, 8 tierces and 8 barrels best green Coffee, 20 bbls. Antigua Rum, 5 pipes Holland Gin, 4 pipes Cognac Brandy, 2 bbls. and 20 bbls. Northern Whiskey, 15 gr. casks old Sherry Wine, 3 chests Y. H. Tea, 6 chests Pyson Skin do. 5 chests Souchong do. and 70 sacks Liverpool ground S. R. Richmond, March 18. [law6w]
IN CHANCERY.—Louisa County October Term, 1806. Andrew Todd, Plaintiff—Against Christopher Stanley, William Hodges William Hodges, jun. and Frederick Harris, Defendants.
The defendants Christopher Stanley, William Hodges and William Hodges, jun. not having entered their appearance & given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, an lit appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this state, therefor, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, It is ordered and decreed by the court , that the said defendants, Christopher Stanley, Wm. Hodges and William Hodges, jun. do appear here on the second Monday in January next and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county on some court day. A Copy. Teste. JOHN POINDENTER, C. L. C. [law6w]
April 11.
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. The subscriber begs leave to inform the Citizens of Richmond, and the public in general, he has established himself in the above line. Any business intrusted to his care will be done on the most liberal terms. D. DORRINGTON. Richmond, Feb. 26. [law6w]
NOTICE. —The subscriber being by a power of attorney authorised to settle the accounts and collect the balances due to the following different co-partnerships, formerly of this city, viz. Montgomery and Allan, Alexr. Montgomery & Co. Montgomery's, Henry & Co. and Montgomery's and Henry, requests all those who remain indebted to either of said firms to call and pay their respective balances to him. GEO: WATT. Richmond, March 29. [law6w]
FOR SALE. 121,000 acres of LAND in Ken-tuckia county, in the forks of Great Sandy river;
24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river;
20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks;
1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river;
Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments.
To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family.
THOS: NORVELL.
Dec. 19. [law6w]
VIRGINIA. —At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the 13th day of February, 1808.
Robert Birchett, Peter Puryear and Edmund Birchett, merchants and partners, under the firm of Birchett and Puryear, Plaintiffs—Against Thomas Stokes, administrator of Wm. Stokes, deceased, Defendant.
The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city.
A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. March 29. [law6w]
IN PURSUANCE of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 3d circuit, in the district of Virginia, at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place hereinafter mentioned: Two TRACTS in the county of Goochland, one on Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little Island, containing 10 acres; at Goochland court house, on the court day thereof, on Monday the 16th day of May, 1808. The dower of the widow of Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal instalments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued. WM. BERKELEY, JOSIAH ELLIS, WM. MANN, Commissioners. March 13. [law2m]
VALUABLE LANDS. —The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:
822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river.
Also, 1090 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.
Also, 470 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse.
Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. Jan. 28. [law6w]
MINE LANDS FOR SALE. —The subscriber will sell a TRACT OF LAND containing 2731 acres, lying in Hampshire county, within 20 miles of Winchester, on Cacapon, a branch of Potomac. This Land contains a large body of Potomac of an excellent quality, which has been worked on a small scale, but discontinued for want of funds, and would be to any person able to carry it on, a very valuable acquisition.
Also—A tract in said county on the waters of Mill Creek under the South Branch Mountain, containing 238 acres—197 acres on Mill Creek, within 12 miles of Romney—400 acres on the waters of Cacapon—1000 acres on the falls of Green River in the state of Kentucky, and 1000 acres on the waters of Ohio in Kentucky.
Undisputed titles will be given; and terms made known by applying to Mr. Harby Heath at the Coal Pits or the subscriber at Curles, on James River, 15 miles below Richmond. WILL. M. HETH. [sep12m]
REMOVAL