Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1806-06-25 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XIVth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE
[No. 1271.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum....paid in advance.]
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25, 1806.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
LETTER OF MR. T. M. RANDOLPH.
(CONCLUDED.)
The difference had reached this point, when the executive of the United States determined to proceed no farther, but to lay the matter before the legislature.
In the mean time the conduct of the Spanish officers who loitered an unwarrantable time at New Orleans, under the pretext of private affairs, became intolerably insolent and injurious to the interests of the United States. The people of the territory were assured by them that Spain meant to revive her claim to the whole country, and that she would certainly, if it was not quietly restored to her, employ all her own power and the auxiliary force of France to wrest it from the hands of the American government. The accommodation of the minds of the French and Spanish inhabitants to the American political and judicial system, was thus obstructed. The partisans of France and Spain among them, were encouraged in their views, and emboldened in their designs. The hopes of those who had enjoyed lucrative privileges under the Spanish government were revived. An idea, strange and inadmissible, as it involved a ruinous departure from primary federative principles, was early suggested by their malevolent ingenuity: That the agreement by which Louisiana was ceded had been violated and annulled on the part of the United States inasmuch as it required the immediate admission of the whole ceded country into the federal union, as one sovereign co-state, which admission had been refused by Congress—A pretension involving the absurd consequence of a state equal in territory to twenty others, and using a language different from all the rest: apparently embracing besides the flagitious scheme of engrossing to the state government the whole unappropriated lands of the territory purchased, and their robbing the United States of the fund destined to discharge the debt assumed. Discontent, clamor, disrespect for American authorities, breaches of the peace, quickly followed. At length aggressions of lawless parties took place upon the territories of the United States, within the boundary established by the treaty with Spain of 1795, or in the parts which we relinquished by her upon the evacuation of New Orleans. At last it became necessary to command the departure of the Spanish officers from the American territory, and orders were accordingly issued to that effect by the executive of the U. S. some time during the last summer. Those orders were reluctantly and tardily obeyed, and still farther troublesome and irritating circumstances have since arisen from the ill humor produced by them. All these unpleasant occurrences might with some justice be attributed to the inimical policy of Spain, and each served to swell the account of grievances, and to increase the indignation against her. In addition heavy duties were exacted at Mobile from American vessels on their passage out & in, to Fort Stoddert, and the settlements on the Tombigbee. Even the military stores of the U. States, for the supply of the garrisons in that quarter, were made subject to this exaction.
The asperity of these circumstances was in some degree, softened immediately before the meeting of Congress, by a voluntary offer on the part of Spain to assume payment of the Spanish spoliations, if the United States would agree to relinquish all claim for those committed by French subjects within her jurisdiction. Some mitigation too proceeded from a spontaneous order to her cruisers to respect our flag wherever it might be met, and to her courts, to observe scrupulously that principle of the treaty between the two nations, which protects from seizure the property of enemies on board the ships of either.
In this state the legislature found the relations of the United States with Spain. The plan recommended by the select committee of the House of Representatives, to which was referred that part of the message of the President, was simply the augmentation of the army, in order to enable the Executive, to repel and to chastize the aggressions of Spain. It was afterwards acknowledged that an addition of four thousand men was contemplated. The supporters of this proposition considered the aggressions which had been committed in a more serious light than the House in general was disposed to do. The majority looked on them rather as instances of riotous conduct—incident to an approaching or recent change of jurisdiction, than as actual hostilities, or even as serious national insults. They were not disposed to afford to the world the spectacle, of the calm legislature of an agricultural people imitating those thoughtless animals who rushed down precipices to avoid the idle buzz and the feeble stings of insects. They were able to appreciate the emphatic tone of the message, for they were
aware that it would ill become the chief magistrate to extenuate or palliate even the slightest offences against the dignity of the republic. They knew that the authority whose duty it is to preserve order & enforce the laws, could not be expected to speak feebly about infringements of law violations of order, and they felt that the executive branch is more naturally the exciter than the moderator of the legislature. The term chastize , used in the report of the committee, gave an alarm, for it seemed equivalent to offensive war, for which their minds were not prepared. Regardless of the declaration of contrary views, made by the supporters of the proposition, and of the different tenor of the preceding language of the report, they persisted in considering it as a step which would produce the war it was their desire to avert. It could not be denied there was reason to believe that Spain, having full reliance on the strength of her ally felt no disinclination to hostilities, but she had as yet collected no force on our frontier, unless four hundred men sent from the Havanna to Mobile might be considered as such; nor did it appear to be easy for her to do it, from the state of her troops in America, and the occupation of the sea by the English. The measure proposed would compel her to make all possible exertions, immediately to strengthen herself on our frontier. In the actual temper of the two nations, it was deemed unsafe by those who had yet strong hopes, and had conceived particular views of reconciliation, to trust large bodies of men, with hostile feelings in sight of each other, even if the United States could collect them immediately on their part. And that was known to be altogether hopeless, in the way proposed, from the slow progress which had been made in all former attempts to recruit. It could not be reasonably expected that even by increasing ten fold the bounty for enlistment, the number desired could be obtained in twelve months. This proposition was accordingly rejected.
Another was immediately brought forward, to put a sum of money into the hands of the executive to open a negotiation with Spain for the purchase of the Floridas, which contained besides the slip of country claimed by the United States, lying eastward of the Mississippi, a separate province of considerable extent and value, and of incalculable local importance to the union. That province, East Florida, contains an immense body of unsettled land of good quality, in a wholesome climate, which admits the culture of the most valuable kind of cotton throughout, and on the eastern extremity, it is said even that of coffee to advantage. It has a great extent of sea coast, along which the whole trade of the Mississippi, promising very soon to be much the largest portion of the export trade of the union, must pass. As long as this coast is held by another power that trade may be annoyed by public or private cruisers of all sizes, from the frigate to the barge, which may rise with safety and convenience in its harbors, or lurk behind its reefs for that purpose. But when possessed by the United States, gun boats alone will be sufficient to place the same trade in perfect safety. The U. States have no claim upon any part of this province.
West Florida, which was originally part of Louisiana, and is claimed as such by the United States, contains no great quantity of valuable land. By its position, however, it separates so completely the territory of Orleans from the Mississippi territory, that the mails of the United States cannot be carried by land to New Orleans without the indulgence of the Spanish governor. It includes the only outlets to the sea of the north western part of Georgia, of the eastern, the central, and more than half the western part of the Mississippi territory, which are watered by some of our best rivers. One of those affords the only ready and convenient route for the return trade of the country of the Ohio, the Tennessee, the Missouri, and all the upper branches of the Mississippi. The object of those who brought forward this proposition, was to offer a liberal province to which the United States had no pretensions, yet would derive immense benefit from possessing, upon condition that the province in dispute should be given up in the bargain, and that a boundary between the two nations on their squish-western frontier should be established upon a just and equal construction of the terms of the treaty as explained by the evidence of history. The claim for spoliations would of course be urged in the new negotiation, and could be readily provided for out of the money to be paid for East Florida.
Their opponents declared the plan to be nothing less than buying again what we had already paid for, and at least pronounced it to be a disgraceful scheme to purchase peace. They said that the money would be employed in bribes at the French court, to induce that power to compel
Spain to acquiesce in our views. They declared it infamous to form any contract of that nature with Spain, while France had so much control over her councils, that she could not exercise free will. They laid hold of an expression which had been used in an unofficial conversation by an eminent member of the executive branch of the government, that it appeared to him France discouraged an accommodation of the differences between us and Spain, with the view to produce another purchase of territory for the benefit of their joint coffers. They pronounced that France had dishonorable views of obtaining money at the expense of Spain, and that the proposition to purchase was an ignominious concurrence with those views on our part, produced by the threats of that power. This last assertion is founded solely on a candid answer given by the French minister of foreign affairs to a question of serious interest, put to him by our ambassador at Paris; whether France would take part in the war, in case of hostilities between the United States and Spain; to which the reply was that she would of course give aid to Spain. Merely an avowal that a connection as intimate exists at present between the two nations as that of the ancient family compact, through the force of which and its effects upon other powers, Spain was brought along with France to our aid in the struggle for our independence. A simple confession, which could not at the time have worn the aspect of menace, because expressions of regret at the serious appearance of the differences between Spain and the United States, the sincerity of which there was no sure reason to doubt, had been previously used. But the sound judgment, the best understanding, and the most ingenuous moral disposition may not always guard warm and quick tempers in the glow of ardent debates, against precipitancy and inconsistency, against unsound views or unwarranted inferences and constructions. They suggested that we should pay our money upon a risk, for the title made by Spain, under the influence of France, might on a favorable occasion be revoked by the former power, when her government fell into the hands of other men. That it was a sacrifice of our future repose as well as our honor to escape a present difficulty.
They did not succeed, however, in communicating their pugnacious sentiments to the majority of the house. The members composing it could not understand why, as France was bound to join in the war on the part of Spain, if the affair came to that issue, she might not with propriety use the influence over her councils which naturally arose out of that obligation, to procure measures which would avert war. They could not see how under such circumstances, the title made to us by Spain would be rendered questionable by the exercise of that influence. They would not admit that we had a right to take into consideration the probable application of the money by Spain, after she had given us her receipt for it. They would not concur in the unjust suspicion that it would be employed for infamous purposes at Paris, and that there was a probability of its being dissipated there, without attaining the end contemplated. They persisted in thinking that if we could get our just rights established, procure a territory of great importance to us, and secure peace at the same time by making a regular purchase of East Florida at a liberal price, although it might be afterwards said something had been allowed to extinguish the claims of Spain upon West Florida, and part of south western Louisiana, yet that the peace not only could not be an ignominious one, but that the termination of the dispute would be entirely honorable and satisfactory. They saw no humiliation to their country in offering to France and Spain combined, the alternative of assured peace and a generous price for Florida, or in the manifest risk, from inevitable collisions of war, with its certain consequences, the invasion of Mexico and Cuba. Two millions of dollars were appropriated and put into the hands of the executive, without an express declaration of the object intended, which could have had no other effect than to show a want of confidence in the wisdom, purity and disposition of the chief magistrate to promote the views of the legislature, which did not exist except in the breasts of a small minority.
A resolution was extorted from the house, expressive of an opinion, that an exchange of territory was the most eligible mode of settling the dispute about boundaries. But this was a nugatory declaration, for Spain had already rejected a liberal offer of that kind, upon the ground of confidence in the justice of her claim to the whole. The words of the resolution too rendered an arrangement of that kind in strict compliance with it, difficult in general, and impracticable in one point. Retaining all the country watered by the Mississippi, and yielding all the remainder, the line of demarcation would have
been difficult to describe on the earth, and impossible to guard. An ample barrier on the side of New Mexico could not have been given to Spain under that restriction, for the waters of some of the branches of the Mississippi interlock with those on which stands the capital of that province, at no great distance from which some of the sources of the Red river and of the Yellow Stone branch of the Missouri are known to exist. The principle of exchange too was in direct opposition to the spirit of some of the arguments most warmly urged by the opponents of purchase. If, as they said, the national honor was concerned in the support of the claim, what difference could they show between giving one half of the country in dispute to secure the other, and paying a small part of the value of the whole to obtain a relinquishment of the whole? On the score of interest there is a manifest difference in favor of the latter. But it was never contemplated, by a part at least of the favorers of the proposition, to purchase. They considered themselves as holding the following language to Spain—We will not take the purchase of Louisiana from France as the standard whereby to fix the price of East Florida. We will pay for it, all that we can make out of it, or save by its possession. The value of its lands, the convenience of its harbors, the advantage of holding so important a line of coast, the revenue of imports we shall derive from it, the benefit of having in our own hands the outlet to the sea of the Apalachicola, even the additional command the possession of the province will give us over the Creek nation of Indians, all shall be fairly taken into the estimate, but we must have West Florida in the bargain, and a just arrangement according to treaty, in the south west. This is our final proposal. We do not think ourselves dishonored by making another attempt at accommodation, although that recently made in your own capital through one of our citizens whom we honor most, was met by you with such disrespectful indifference. Tranquility is not our interest only, but the prevalent desire of our people. We shall not sacrifice it to punctilio. We entreat you, however, to reflect, that from the nature of our political system, insults given to our government touch every breast in the nation, and that a ferment excited in a large mass is not easily allayed. We shall make no application to you this time through your ally, for two reasons. First, because the intimacy of your connexion necessarily involves him in the consequence of a failure to accommodate our differences, and we believe that although he has the least reason of any power on earth to dread war, that he sincerely prefers peace. Next, because we conceive his honor to be implicated in the decision of the question between us, upon principles such as we propose. If the secret explanation between you of the descriptive words of your treaty of 1800, was a promise on his part that you should continue in possession of West Florida, surely it was equivalent to an acknowledgment that West Florida was included by the expressions of his treaty with us, and that it has been fairly conveyed to us, since we were not informed of his secret promise to you. If that explanation was an impartial construction made between you, of the terms of the treaty, he will not hesitate to acknowledge that it is not binding on us, as he made no provision for its adoption in his treaty with us, and that he cannot be a fair arbiter between us, in establishing a construction, since he has given his opinion against us already.—But where can we find an arbiter if he is thus excluded? What would be his feelings if upon agreeing on one, another construction contrary to his should be rendered, and Spain be deprived of what he has assured to her? In either case an accommodation of the kind we propose must be desirable to him.
It was during the debate on this question, that extraordinary imputation was cast on the Executive branch of our government, by an eminent member in his place, which must have reached your ears, and cannot fail to have given serious disturbance to your mind. He stated, that he had received information from undoubted authority, of a design having been conceived by the Executive to draw a sum of money from the treasury, for the purpose of commencing a negotiation for the purchase of the Floridas, previous to the appropriation by law; and that the intention had been regularly intimated to the head of the treasury department.—An eager and anxious inquiry was of course the immediate effect of such an assertion. The information obtained was, that at a meeting of the heads of departments, convened for consultation, some time before the legislature assembled, the President had given an opinion that the plan of accommodation, since adopted by the legislature, was the most eligible; that the circumstances then existing of the European powers, rendered that juncture the most favorable possible for the
commencement of such a negotiation, and that the probability was, it would become less so, if not wholly unfavorable, before Congress could decide on the measure. He then suggested as a matter of deliberation, how far it might be advisable to anticipate an appropriation, by instructing the minister of the United States, to enter into a negotiation immediately on the basis of purchase. After some discussion on the subject was dismissed, with the determination to wait the decision of Congress. By the official declaration of the Secretary of the Treasury to the House of Representatives, it became certain, that the member was entirely under a mistake, as to the fact of the application to that department. A mistake, which it appeared himself and two others had been led into, by an imperfect communication or comprehension of the occurrences I have stated, in a conversation with that officer. The question of appropriating money to purchase Florida, was discussed in secret, for the obvious reason that to proclaim the intention of making a bargain, not only renders it more difficult to insure advantageous terms, but exposes the party to the machinations of all who have an interest to defeat his design. In this particular case, it was manifestly the interest of Great Britain to render the design abortive, for she would thereby, not only hinder the coffers of her enemy from being replenished, but might eventually cause to fall into the scale against him, a weight by no means insignificant in the estimation of either. Diplomatic conferences too, which are the materials of debate, and the ground-work of measures in all questions relating to foreign affairs, have always been deemed, from their nature, confidential between governments and the publication of them to the world, while the characters concerned are in a way to be affected by it, is apt to produce strong resentment in Europe. And while the great powers of the earth continue to be under the absolute command of single men, who are governed by their passions, and swayed by their transient feelings, there will be room for apprehension, that the unguarded language of the indiscreet, or the violence of warm tempers, may mar the best prospects and produce excitements destructive of the tranquility of nations. Besides, to insure that freedom in debate, which is requisite to fair discussion, it is absolutely necessary when a great foreign power is the object of the measures proposed, to debate in private. The fear of exciting unfavorable feelings abroad by expressions uttered from a body which holds the sword and purse of a nation, will otherwise prove a pernicious restraint upon the minds of the discreet. Thus while the observance of secrecy as to the communications from the Executive of foreign correspondence, and as to the measures contemplated, is dictated by prudence, privacy of debate on certain occasions is not only consistent with the spirit of popular government, but is demanded by its most essential principles. At the same time, however, those principles imperiously demand the earliest promulgation which the considerations stated will admit, and it cannot be neglected or delayed without an unparadable violation of them. In this case, although the invitation from the Executive to privacy met no opposition, and was adopted without hesitation, yet very soon exertions were made to give premature publicity to the measure determined on, the sentiments uttered during debate, the confidential communications of the President, and the foreign correspondence on the subject, which succeeded as to the first, and of course the second, though they failed as to the remainder. Privacy of Legislative proceedings in popular governments was pronounced altogether inadmissible, and determinations were proclaimed to oppose all future orders of secrecy on whatsoever ground they might be proposed. It was said that already, from the slack observance by the members themselves of the order of the House, by the vigilant and dexterous cunning of a certain foreign minister, and by the ardor of the editors of gazettes to gratify public curiosity, the whole substance of the secret proceedings had transpired. An assertion by no means altogether unfounded, yet affording no argument at all to defend a formal promulgation of the whole proceedings at such an unreasonable time. For the public had what information on the subject it possessed entirely on the footing of conjecture, too vague to excite the jealousy of Great Britain, or to inflame the malcontents of Louisiana, who had become quiet at length, from the stronger hope, perhaps, which they cherished, of reunion with Spain, and from whose despair events might ensue of a nature to prove serious obstacles to the negotiation about to commence. Complaints were uttered of the injustice done the minority in refusing them permission to explain and defend their conduct to their constituents, when it had been rendered necessary by the unpopular vote they had been compelled to

As a result of the course to be pursued with regard to Spain, upon a great question that was discussed and decided in public, that of our differences with Great Britain, a strange and need less admission, which the well known political standing of those gentlemen contradicted of itself. For how low must that representative be in the confidence of his constituents, who could not at once effectually restrain their impatience to censure his conduct, by assuring them that he was prevented only by a public crisis which demanded secrecy, from giving them that entire satisfaction with regard to it, which he was ready to do, and would not delay a moment longer than necessary for the security of their important interests. Unfortunately a small number of the House of Representatives lost sight of the importance of secrecy in such circumstances, and of the consistency of conduct due from them. Without the smallest change of circumstances, or a single argument which had not equal force at the commencement, the injunction of secrecy, as to the debate, and the measure adopted, was removed. Immediately the intention to make purchase of the Floridas, the sum allotted as earnest money for the purpose, the reliance on the success of that measure, which was displayed in the rejection of the proposition to increase the regular troops, all became officially public. Much of the inflammatory declamation of the private debate, all the offensive sentiments uttered against France and Spain, the charge of venality upon the court of the former, and the imputation of servility against that of the latter, have been since given to the world under legislative sanction, in the gazettes of the union. Papers which, it is said, find their way as certainly to the bureau of foreign affairs in Paris, and to the mantle piece of the imperial Boudoir, as they do to the counting-rooms of our merchants, and the breakfast tables of our country squires. The sensation produced some years since in France, by insinuations of the same nature, cannot be forgotten. The fate of the negotiation may justly be deemed uncertain. If it should fail, war with France and her allies, Spain, Italy, and Holland, may possibly be the consequence. War with France, after she has trampled Austria in the dust, driven the arctic bear howling with anguish back to his polar prison, and rendered mute the British lion. For myself I do not despair of the favorable issue of such a contest, if it should be forced upon us.
I do not from that apprehension regret the rejection of the late proposition to increase the standing army, although I deem it possible that we may soon require a hundred thousand men instead of four thousand. If war is to take place, I sincerely wish we may receive the first blow, not only that we may give evidence to the world of the sincerity of our pacific professions, but that the spirit of the people may be completely roused, and our trifling dissensions hushed, that the irresistible elasticity of the American character may be completely displayed. I cannot, however, cease to regret the indiscretion in debate, and the much less excusable fluctuation of opinion, which may possibly have opened the way to incalculable calamities.
Your Friend, TH. M. RANDOLPH.
A very interesting Pamphlet has recently made its appearance, in England entitled "An Enquiry into the state of the nation". Popular opinion ascribes this Pamphlet to Lord Holland, the nephew of Mr. Fox, and a member of the administration. It exhibits what may be called an Exposé of the views of the new Cabinet, and appears to be intended to feel the pulse of the nation on that radical change of measures which would seem to be in contemplation. So far as we have perused it, it appears to indicate on the part of the new ministry, a disposition to lower that tone which characterised their predecessors, and to be contented with terms of reciprocity with other nations. That part of the pamphlet which relates to the points in dispute with us is peculiarly important, and would seem to be the harbinger of a good understanding between the two nations. We shall in the first instance lay this before our readers.—Nat. Int.
"Having taken a general survey of the present state of our enemy, of his allies, and of those powers which are upon the whole friendly to us; it may be proper, before concluding this branch of the subject, to consider the relations of England with the few powers which have preserved a strict neutrality in the present unfortunate contest, more particularly with the United States of America—the chief, indeed the only considerable nation of this description.
"It is the uniform consequence of a long continued war between the principal states of Europe, that the nations which take no part in the dispute, are employed to carry on much of the commerce of the belligerent countries with the permission of all parties, and that they also engage in branches of trade which those belligerents wish if possible to prohibit. When France and England, for example, are at war, the custom of privateering, or in general of permitting the vessels of the state to capture merchantmen, renders it dangerous for the English and French traders to sail as often as during peace; and much of the business which they used to carry on must be transferred to the
neutral merchants, the Danes or Americans. The mere interruption of direct intercourse between the belligerents, imposes the necessity of admitting neutrals to the trade which they used to carry on together, and to the trade which each used to carry on between the other, and their parties. The admission of neutrals to the former branch of commerce, has seldom been objected to, except during the heat of national animosity, and even then the objection was directed, not against the neutral, but against the other belligerent. The admission of neutrals to the latter branch of commerce, the carrying trade of one belligerent between the other and third parties, has been restricted by certain rules, tending to prevent the neutral from directly assisting the belligerent in his hostile operations. These rules have prohibited the neutral from dealing with the belligerent, in articles immediately subservient to the military operations, or as they have thence been denominated contraband of war . In order to enforce this law, a right of searching neutral traders at sea has been claimed by belligerent powers, and on some remarkable occasions, submitted to by the government of the neutral nation. None of these points are at present a subject of discussion. Neither the right of search nor the prohibition of contraband, nor the power of blockades, have for some time past been called in question. But a branch of ordinary commerce has, during the course of the present war, passed into the hands of neutrals, so important from its extent and so unequally beneficial to the belligerents, from its being confined chiefly to the weaker party, that a disposition has appeared in the councils of the stronger party to dispute the neutral right.
In no maritime war before the present has it happened, that the superiority of one party was so decisive as to deprive the other of every chance of keeping the sea. England may generally have had the better, her fleets may have gained signal advantages, and her cruisers or privateers have annoyed the enemy's trade. But still France was not so crippled as to lose all chance of protecting her commerce. She was not so completely beset as to view a voyage & a capture with the same apprehensions. Accordingly her merchants ran the risk, which was not enormous; and continued to freight vessels for foreign ports, or to bring home their colonial produce with the chance, but not the certainty of their being taken. Some part of this commerce fell into the hands of neutral traders; some part was carried on fraudulently under the cover of the neutral flag, but the risk was not sufficient to make the merchant give up the profit of direct traffic on his own account, with vessels and crews and flag of his own country. But the unexampled increase of the English marine, and the almost total ruin of the French navy during the last & present wars, have augmented the risk of the capture to the French trader so greatly, that he can no longer undergo it, and must be content to give up much of his traffic to neutrals, and endeavor to screen the rest by fraudulent devices. The unprecedented length of the last war, too, and the renewal of hostilities after so short an interval of peace, has increased still further the inducement or rather the necessity of employing neutral nations, in the commerce formerly carried on by the belligerent alone. For a few years of war the privation of certain articles of necessity or luxury may be endured; but this becomes at length intolerable, and overcomes every restraint which either government or the opposing interest of traders can create. Those traders themselves, too, when a war has lasted long, gradually shift their capital into new channels, and withdraw more and more from the hazardous speculations in which, during a short period of hostility, they might be contented or compelled to continue. The lines of employment which they thus leave, become, in consequence, open to neutrals, who now carry on the various branches of foreign trade, from which they were formerly excluded. Thus it happened from the combined effects of our astonishing naval superiority, and the unprecedented length of the war, that almost all the foreign commerce of France, and a large proportion even of the coasting trade, have fallen into the hands of neutral nations, and particularly of the Americans, who have the greatest facilities of maritime carriage, and the most rising commercial system. Among other branches of the French commerce now engrossed by American traders, with the permission of both governments, is that of the colonies. As their trade, during peace, was subject to the strict rules of the navigation law, common to all the maritime powers of Europe, a peculiar objection has been taken to its being suddenly laid open by the enemy to neutrals during war, for the evident purpose of screening it from our just hostility. And this interference of the Americans, in order to assist such a scheme, has been supposed inconsistent with the relations of neutrality which their nation professes to maintain.
"It is in vain the supporters of the belligerent rights contend, that England conquers the French marine, nay, reduces it almost to annihilation. Her ships of war may be captured, but the commerce of France is safe. She may declare war when she pleases; and without a ship that can make head to our weakest cruiser, she has a sure method of at once protecting her whole trade, more effectually than if she had the entire command of the seas. She has but to suspend her navigation law, to admit the Americans into her colonial
and coasting trade, and to fit out no vessel under French colors. The English cruisers may damage over the seas, and yet they are unable to touch a ton of her trade. She has millions floating on the vessels of neutral nations, which no enemy can reach. She reaps the whole benefits of commerce and colonies, without the risk of capture or detention. She may fit out nothing but privateers or cruisers to attack our trade or distress our colonies, while her own are beyond the efforts of our armed vessels. She unites the whole benefits of war with all the security of peace. The rule, it is contended, which should guide us in this question, as the fairest measure of justice to all parties, is, that neutrals can only take part during war, in such branches of commerce as the domestic regulations of the belligerent allowed them to partake in during peace.
This doctrine was recognized, we are told, in the war of 1756, and has never since been disputed, though England has frequently departed from its rigor by voluntary concessions. Its policy is as obvious as its justice, say the enemies of the neutral claims. Were the present principle of unlimited neutral trade to be recognized, England might give over every pretension to naval power, abandon the hope of curbing French commerce, and despair at once of gaining any thing by a continuance even of the justest war. Should the support of our maritime rights lead to a rupture with the neutrals, which, however, is said to be most improbable, we can lose little by such an addition to the number of our enemies, in comparison of the vast detriment which we now sustain, from those neutrals tying up our hands against all the enemies we have to contend with. Better, say they, have America as well as France hostile, and exposed to our fair attacks, than France openly hostile, and America covertly protecting her from every effort of our enmity. This will give us a chance of speedily terminating the war, or at least secure the opportunity of rendering it both safe and lucrative.
Such is the main body of the argument, in favor of the justice as well as the policy of our reviving the rule of the war in 1756. The chief point at issue is the application of that rule to the colonial trade of the enemy; and, without at all entering into the question of right, we shall proceed to offer a few simple considerations, which may tend to show that the view of the case, in point of policy, taken by the supporters of the above doctrine, is by no means a correct one, and that the importance of the whole matter at issue in the dispute has been enormously exaggerated. The following observations proceed upon the further admission, that the facts stated by the advocates of belligerent rights are accurately given, and also that wherever a neutral flag is assumed as a cover to the ship and cargo of a belligerent power, so evident a fraud is excepted from the argument. The points to be maintained are, that, whatever right England may have to prevent the interference of America in the French colonial trade during war, no material advantage could be gained from the enforcement of such a prohibition; that the real difference between the former and the present method of carrying French colonial produce, and supplying the French colonies, is extremely trifling in its ultimate consequences; and that other reasons of a very positive nature enjoin a departure from such claims in the present situation of affairs.
To prevent a supply of colonial produce from reaching France, if not directly, at least by a roundabout importation, exceeds the power of the British navy, numerous and victorious as it is. Unless we can surround every port of the French coast with ships, and the land frontiers also with troops; and unless we are still further resolved to prohibit neutral nations from trading with France in their own merchandise, or in merchandise of our colonies, the French people must continue to be supplied with sugar and coffee, whether we are at war with them or not. If we prevent those articles from being carried directly to France from her colonies, a small increase of the price will enable neutrals to import them into their own countries, and then re-export them to France. If we maintain that the mere importation and re-exportation, though accompanied with re-landing of cargoes and payment of duties, is still a collusive transaction, and must be prohibited, as a continuation of the original voyage; then a further increase of price enables the same produce to reach France in different vessels, while the vessels that imported it take other freights. We in fact only oblige the neutrals to have two sets of vessels, one employed between the French colonies and America, the other between America and France. The total gain of England upon these prohibitory operations, is the causing Frenchmen to drink their coffee some sous a pound dearer, which is a most pitiful advantage to us; and creating inconvenience to America, which is no advantage at all.
But suppose we go a step further, and prevent the Americans from exporting the French colony produce at all, upon the plea that this trade was not open to them during peace; let us consider what consequences will follow. One of three things must happen if such a prohibition is rigorously enforced; either the French will be compelled to carry their produce in their own ships—or the English will be allowed to purchase it, and then sell to neutrals in Europe, who will carry it to France—or the produce will be condemned to remain in the colonies. If the French venture at first to freight their own vessels with the produce, the British cruisers will instantly take them, or at least the risk of capture, which made the French throw open this traffic to neutrals, will continue to be so enormous, that nei-
ther the planter nor the merchant can afford it. This expedient will therefore speedily be abandoned. If the English traders are allowed to purchase and carry the produce, it may be remarked, that such a proceeding, such an intercourse with the enemy, would be contrary to all the general rules of war, and would be a compromise of our character for the gain of trade. But, after all, what great national end would be gained by such a commerce? The French would pay somewhat higher for the produce than if neutrals carried it; and a few English merchants would gain a certain commission upon the sale of it. The capital required to carry on this new and suddenly created branch of trade, would leave other branches, in which it had formerly been employed; and those branches would be filled by the capital of neutral nations. At a peace, a new change would be necessary, the capital must partly shift back again, and must in part be thrown out of employment altogether. Such changes are rather upon the whole hurtful than beneficial in a general view. Lastly, if the produce of the French colonies is prevented from being exported, it must rot there, and the colonies must be ruined; the supplies of provision must fail; the work of the plantations be suspended; the negroes revolt, and the whole be involved in ruin. Besides the cruelty of such a plan, besides its total repugnance to the practice of civilized warfare, which never attacks private property, except at sea; the evils of this system would be shared by ourselves not only from the loss of customers, which we should feel when so much wealth and industry was destroyed in the country of our nearest neighbors, but also from the incalculable danger of having scenes of rebellion and confusion in the immediate vicinity of our finest colonies. The plan therefore of preventing all exportation of French colonial produce, though the only consistent one to those who attack neutral rights, and the point to which all their support of the rule of the war of 1756, necessarily leads them, is clearly objectionable on the most established principles both of policy and justice.
There is, moreover, a very essential distinction to be made, between the ordinary branches of trade and that commerce which is employed in transporting the produce of the colonies to the mother country; which is rather the remittance of their rents to the great body of non-resident proprietors than the exchange of colonial for European commodities. If Guadeloupe or Cuba, were countries unconnected with France and Spain, except by the intercourse of traffic; if no further relation subsisted between them, than that the West Indian territories produced commodities, which the European nations required, and must either purchase directly, or procure by a roundabout commerce; then it might be of some importance, according to the views with which maritime war is now carried on for England to harass this branch of Spanish and French trade, & to profit by taking it into her own hands. The people of Cuba and Guadeloupe would then be paid for their produce by English merchants, and France and Spain would be obliged to buy them circuitously from England. But this is by no means the nature of the navigation between those islands and Europe. The proprietors of the colonies reside almost entirely in the mother countries. The earnings of West Indian produce, is not on account of merchants, who are to sell it again after having bought it in the colony, but on account of absent landholders, who have no other way of receiving their rents but by having the produce of their estates brought over to them. They live not at their farm, but at the market; and their income is transmitted in goods, which they there dispose of.
Now, by intercepting this communication, what would England effect? She cannot intend to stop it altogether, to prevent the colonial agents from sending any of their revenue to the proprietors, or intercept it on the way. This would be a kind of warfare quite contrary to the spirit of modern customs; it would be more hurtful to individuals than the entire capture of the colonies where their estates lie, for in that case conquerors never interfere with private property, and only carry the rents of the planter round for them by a channel somewhat more circuitous. England, then, by intercepting the remittance of those rents, without capturing the enemy's colonies, can only mean to trade with the planters, to purchase the produce, and bring it home, where it will be sold again, and reach at last the consumer in the enemy's country, while the agents of the proprietors remit their rents, not in kind, but in money or bills. The same effect will be produced, if instead of buying the produce, we only cause it to be consigned to English merchants, who for a certain commission, sell it, and account to the planter or his agents. In either case, the colonial proprietor loses absolutely nothing. His produce is carried by the English, instead of French or American merchants; the freight cantankerous; the commission will probably be less; he is paid by bills upon London or Liverpool, instead of Bordeaux, or Nantz, or New York; and a few mercantile houses in England gain a profit upon the consignment instead of the same number of French or American houses. Surely it is neither for the gain of these individuals, nor for the sake of effecting such a change as this upon the wealth of French colonial proprietors, that we are to insist on the exclusion of neutrals from the colony trade of our enemies. We injure the enemy sufficiently by forcing those neutrals to carry the produce round by their own ports, instead of allowing it to be transported directly from the colony to the mother country, as during peace. This may raise the price of the goods to the consumer in the enemy's country; to the planter, who is most interested in the traffic, we can do no injury whatever, unless we can take the colonies where his estate lies, and there choose to violate the rights of individual proprietors; or until we discover a measure of compelling people to ship cargoes in vessels which are absolutely certain of being captured.
(To be continued)
FROM THE AURORA.
POLITICAL VIEWS.
No. III.
THE COMMERCE OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. Before the revolution of 1789, France employed nearly three thousand sail of vessels of all sizes in the Mediterranean, for Spain from the constant hostility which subsisted between her and the Barbary powers was under the necessity of using the bottoms and the flag of France in that sea. Since the conquest of Lombardy and Tuscany, France has secured by treaty the monopoly of the coral fishery on the coast of Algiers, which was formerly in the hands of merchants of the kingdom of Sicily, of the island of Corsica, Genoa, and Marseilles, giving employment to full 500 vessels of from 15 to 20 tons, with ten men each. France will not suffer this lucrative trade and nursery for 5000 seamen to diminish; and her factories at El Call and El Bastian, on the eastern coast of Algiers, in the province of Constantia, open at once resources of great magnitude to her commerce, give strength and increase to her influence at the courts of Barbary, and afford new aid to the coral and coasting trade. The monopoly which the city of Marseilles enjoyed under the Bourbons, was not as advantageous to that city, as an open trade to the whole nation would have been, and the whole nation suffered by this mistaken favor and contraded system. The African company at Marseilles,
like all monopolies, became as odious as their system was vexatious and incoherent, they were detested at home and lost the confidence of the natives of the African shores. The Barbary powers, during the reign of Louis XIV had contracted many treaties with France, highly advantageous to France had they been duly attended to, but the same laxity and imbecility which ruled France and which ultimately produced the revolution, had suffered those treaties to be broken through, and by the activity of her great English rival, in the year 1799 there was not a single French merchant in the dominion of Algiers. The recent expedition of Jerome Bonaparte to that coast—the counteraction of Mr. Curran, the English consul, still more recent, and his light from that country, plainly points out the objects pursued by France and the unity of her stupendous policy. In a subsequent number of these papers, we shall go into the detail and particulars of the commerce of the Levant.
The next power, in the order before given was Genoa, now an integral part of the federal empire of France. Genoa before her union with France, had pursued a system of policy in relation to the Barbary powers, well worthy of their ancient reputation, and honorable to the native land of Columbus. She always preferred fighting the barbarians to the payment of tribute. Her seamen therefore, were the best and bravest that sailed in that sea—the state never redeemed those who surrendered, and her merchantmen always prepared for death rather than slavery, were a terror to the Corsairs. They have not had for the 25 years preceding their incorporation with France more than three large ships of war, two galleys and two corvettes, yet with this small force they protected their coasts with effect, and carried on an active commerce with a degree of security and success, honorable and worthy of imitation, by commercial nations. The acquisition of such a people on the Mediterranean shores must be of the first consequence to the federal empire; and the recent release of a great number of Genoese who had been captured, and remained unredeemed, at the solicitation of Jerome Bonaparte is another evidence, that the system of French policy is directed by men of no mean intellect or shallow views.
The third power whose number of ships we stated, was Great Britain. One half of the number stated are chiefly confined to Gibraltar and Malta; a great proportion of those that trade with Gibraltar are navigated by Italians, who expect under the British flag protection against Corsairs, and who during war possess many advantages in a smuggling commerce not authorized by English laws, but which policy blinks at in consideration of their supplying the British garrisons, and aiding in cutting up the French and Spanish commerce; these men after acquiring property adequate to their wishes return to the Italian shores from whence they came, to Genoa, to Tuscany, to Elba, Sardinia, and Corsica.
A decree of Bonaparte published in July 1805, against enemy's corsairs, manned in Italy, has paralysed that branch of illicit commerce, and has thrown those hardy seamen on shore in their several countries or transferred them to the naval ports of the federal empire; and it is not at all improbable that the same sagacity which distanced the ducer and that adopted Genoa, may upon the ascendency of Bonaparte being unequivocally established, convert those very seamen into enemies of the English commerce.
Malta to which another portion of the British commerce was directed, has been in a commercial decline for fifty years; and after all her former celebrity, her military monks like the eunuchs of those infidel countries to which they had lost all their vigor and their captivation. During the twenty years which our American friend to whom we are indebted for these facts resided there, there had not been, a single Barbary corsair captured by the Maltese knights. Malta, excepting a small quantity of cotton, produces nothing worthy of commerce. It is therefore a mere entrepot, where the commerce of other places may be deposited for future transportation, and possesses no consequence but from its military position. As things look at present, the British commerce of the Mediterranean has reached its height. The Barbary system has been hitherto sustained and nourished by Great Britain, as a check and a scourge upon the commerce of nations which are not "intimately connected with her." That system will now be either destroyed, or employed by France as it was formerly employed by her rival, the patent of universal mischief . The commerce of Italy and of the Mediterranean generally will obtain a renewed life, and a more vigorous body; & the consequences will affect the Baltic and the Atlantic—while to the United States if the pacific and strictly neutral policy of our government is pursued, the consequences must prove of the first importance. But our greatest danger will be from the influence of English politics in our country, and the assumption of our flag by English factors who disregard our nation, and who to answer the purposes of England would readily commit our peace. But these dangers will diminish with the progress of those events which time must now speedily unfold.
Spain before the humiliating peace made with the Barbary powers, and her disasters under Acton (late Neapolitan minister) and count O'Reilly , in 1785, had not in the Mediterranean more than 250 vessels, and these principally belonged to Majorca and Ivice; Barcelona and La Viga furnished a few. The sacrifice of national honor, however procured a considerable advantage to Spain, near 100,000 Italians removed to her sea ports on the Mediterranean. The Catalonians and Majorcans are the most active of the Spanish seamen; and it has been more than once hinted that Catalonia was to be incorporated with the federal empire; an event by no means inconsistent with the prevailing policy of France.
Naples has recently undergone a total revolution. The island of Sicily which contains a population of about a million of both sexes, cannot long remain unsubjected. Its commercial prosperity was at its greatest height about 30 years ago. Since that period, particularly since the war of the second coalition, its general commerce has been virtually annihilated, as its ordinary imports and exports were almost limited to the mere subsistence of human life. Her navy, betwixt her enemies and her friends, ceased to exist, and the numerous corsairs of Tunis, without professing or courting alliance, preyed upon the vessels and ravaged the coasts and carried thousands of the unhappy Sicilians into captivity. Under their own flag, the Sicilian seamen have never fought with valor or success. Under other flags they have been found gallant, intrepid and intelligent—such is the evident effect and the most salutary commentary on depraved & debased government. Her new destiny may restore her to commerce and prosperity; under the former dynasty Naples and Sicily were doomed to wretchedness and progressive deterioration. If the same genius that pervades France should equally favor Naples and Sicily, their position, climate, and productions, promise to exalt them to an unexampled state of commercial prosperity. The occupation of Naples is surely a powerful evidence of the intelligence and unity of design which governs the policy of France.
Next to the Neapolitan & Sicilians we noticed the Greeks, subject to the grand seignior. These possess the largest, best rigged, and best fitted ships that navigate the Mediterranean. Since the commencement of the French revolution, they

have doubled in number. Three out of four of their vessels they build themselves, the rest are purchased at Naples, Genoa, Venice, &c. The seamen are intelligent, industrious and enterprising, and their skill in commercial transactions is not surpassed even by the Chinese. In 1804 nine hundred sail of Greek vessels were loaded in the Archipelago and Euxine, with grain for Spain and Portugal; and as they took but very little of a return cargo, it is supposed that from Spain alone they carried, in that year, four millions and a half of dollars, and it is a fact ascertained, that in the course of three months they carried from the port of Malaga a loan, in exchange for grain, to the amount of a million of dollars.
Nothing more strongly characterises the activity and perseverance of the Greeks, than the constancy with which they resist and overcome all the oppressive exactions and vexations to which they are subjected under the Turkish rule. The Porte is jealous of them, and with great justice, for they are miserably and cruelly oppressed. The heavy duties and fees exacted by the officers of the Turkish government, have no doubt retarded and deterred many from commerce; but the progress which they have made is the best proof that even subjected as they are, they are a great people, and form the materials ready prepared for a great nation. The oppression which they have been exposed to, has thrown many under the protection of Russia, and given life and commerce to the Crimea. It is difficult to foresee what course the Greeks will take, because it will be difficult for France to maintain amicable relations with Turkey, and encourage the emancipation of the Greeks; while it will be equally difficult not to afford protection to the Greeks, who would if not countenanced by France, naturally strengthen their connections and adhere more ardently to Russia. The course to be pursued, perhaps, by France, is that of colonization; and the Porte would be readily brought to a standstill, if France in return for the guarantee of Romania, Bulgaria and Barsabia, against the designs of Russia, or perhaps in consideration of shutting up the Bosporus against the Russian fleet.
The reader of these papers will keep constantly in mind, that they are but the illustration of certain reasonings and anticipations formed at different times in the Aurora, on the interesting theatre of European politics; and that we pursue the commercial and political relations of the several people as they bear upon and illustrate each other.
(To be continued) BOSTON, June 13.
ELECTION OF GOVERNOR. On Wednesday forenoon, while the House were debating on an amendment offered to the report of the Election Committee by Mr. Upham, Mr. King rose and observed, that as it had been ascertained, that there were returns included in the calculations in the report, which were not conformable to the requisitions of the constitution, and must be rejected; and that as it would appear, when those returns were rejected, that Gov. Strong was re-elected; he moved that the future consideration of the report should subside. This motion was carried.
Mr. Bigelow then moved, that the return from Lincolnville should be rejected, as it did not appear in the return when the votes were given. This motion was carried unanimously.
Mr. Bacon then moved, that the return from Cambridge, which appeared (by the date of the certificate of the Selectmen of April 29,) not to have been sealed in town meeting, should be rejected. Carried unanimously.
It was next moved to re-commit the report, that it might be brought into a new draft; which was agreed to.
In the afternoon, the committee reported, that the House should concur with the Senate, in the report of the joint committee as taken into a new draft. This draft tenderly stated, that His Excellency Caleb Strong, had a majority of the votes for Governor, and the Hon. William Heath a majority of the votes for Lieutenant Governor, and were elected to those offices. This report was unanimously accepted; and sent to the Senate for concurrence.
All the contested points, in the former report, were purposely avoided in the new draft; as, whatever decisions might have been made on them, after long discussions, the fact, it was agreed, would remain the same, that Governor Strong had a majority of the suffrages.
In the Senate the new draft was committed. In about half an hour the committee recommended a concurrence with the House, which was unanimously agreed to.
A committee was then appointed to wait upon His Excellency Gov. Strong, and the Hon. Mr. Heath, and inform them of their election, and that the Legislature is ready to administer the necessary oaths of office, at any time most agreeable to them.
Yesterday the Senate and House of Representatives assembled in Convention, when His Excellency Gov. Strong, attended by the Council, entered the Representatives' Chamber, and His Excellency the Governor took the oaths of office, and declaration of his election was made by the Sheriff of Suffolk; after which the Governor and Council withdrew. The Convention then proceeded to the choice of Councillors, when the Honorable Messrs. Howe, Maynard, Hill, Deane, Coffin, Childs, Woodman, Farley, and Willis, were chosen. The members of the Senate then withdrew.
It is supposed the gentlemen now chosen to the Council will resign, and that an election will be made at large this day.
The following letter was received from the Hon. WILLIAM HEATH: To the Honorable Senate, and the Honorable House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
GENTLEMEN, I have been notified, by a very respectable committee of both Houses, that I have been elected Lt. Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts for the year ensuing, by a majority of the votes of the electors.
Impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude, for this mark of confidence and esteem, I present to you, and through you to my fellow citizens my most sincere and hearty thanks. Having been more than forty years in public life, contemporary with the early assertors of American rights, and the adoption of measures for their defence, and near the illustrious WASHINGTON, during the revolutionary war, in the most difficult, perilous and interesting periods our country has yet experienced, the prime of my life has passed away, and I have arrived at nearly the common age of man, when the vigor of the mind abates, and the most splendid offices cease to charm.
I have seen my beloved country in deep distress, struggling to retain the life of that equal liberty which Heaven has given as an unalienable legacy to man; I have seen her triumph in peace, sovereignty and independence; forming constitutions of civil government, selected and combined of principles calculated for durability, superior to those found in any other republics yet seen. I now see her under a wise and prudent administration of the general government, respected abroad, and prosperous at home, beyond a parallel in any other nation; and this, my native state, whose prosperity is the unceasing wish of my heart, one of the most respectable and prosperous among her sisters.
Pausing, at this point of view with thankful admiration, although a laudable ambition to serve my country, and a long public life, which has rendered its duties familiar, tend to excite a wish for continuance in it, reason points to retirement rather than to the acceptance of a new station. I do therefore, decline qualifying myself to attempt a discharge of the duties of the honorable Office to which I have been elected.
Beseeching the all wise Councillor, to guide and direct the Legislature in all the important business which may come before them, and that this Commonwealth and the United States, may be a name and a praise in the earth, so long as time shall endure.
I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient servant, W. HEATH.
Roxbury, June 12, 1806.
After the declaration of the election of Governor was made, the bells of the town were rung for an hour.
Mr. Heath having declined the office to which he was elected, the State will be without a Lt. Governor the present year.
By a gentleman who left Halifax on the 3d inst. we learn that considerable rain had fallen, & extinguished the fires which had been spreading in the interior.
NEW YORK, June 14.
We have been favoured by a respectable Merchant of this city, with the following letter, received at Liverpool from Elsinour.
"ELSILOUR, 12th April. "We take the liberty to advise you that under date of the 22d ult. an ordinance was passed, directing that unless American ships as well as others from America, were provided with bills of health from that country, signed, either by the Danish, Russian, Prussian, or Swedish Consul, that they would be subject to quarantine; and altho' they may have delivered in Europe, yet it is expected, that they should bring with them such American bill of health. However, in case of their not having such bill of Health, they ought to provide themselves with one from the last port of discharge, attested, either by the Danish, or Russian Consul. We had, yesterday, an American from Lisbon, who, for want of such attest, met with much difficulty."
The commander of the Russian squadron has placed all the harbors and the coast of the Adriatic, owned or possessed by the French, under a rigid blockade. Stocks at London May 1.—3 per cent. cons. 59 7-8, 60 for money—omnium 2 1-4.
June 17. By the brig William, captain Warner, which arrived at this port last evening from Liverpool, the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has been favored with London papers to the 3d of May, two days later than any previously received: but no event of magnitude having occurred on the European continent in the intermediate space between our former and present advices from that quarter, these papers are almost without interest. We have selected all the leading articles. The trial of Lord Melville was progressing; and it was supposed would not terminate in less than four or five weeks.
LONDON, May 3.
The letters by the Lisbon mail are very contradictory. Some of them express great apprehensions with respect to the designs of Spain and France, while others say that the fears upon this head have greatly subsided. The Topaze, French frigate, which had been so long in the Tagus, had slipped out, and passed the British sloop of war Star, in safety; the latter being prevented from immediately following the frigate by the batteries on shore; a circumstance which is considered by some as an hostile interference on the part of the Portuguese; but which we cannot view in this light when we consider that the neutrality of Portugal binds her to protect alike the ships of all nations within her several ports and harbors.
An order has been issued by the Spanish Government for removing all restraint from American vessels trading to the ports of South America.
The surrender of Cattaro to the Russians continues to be an object of complaint on the part of Bonaparte against the Court of Vienna.—Though the number of French troops in Istria and Dalmatia is represented as not less than 30,000, and of course capable of expelling with ease the Russians at Cattaro, who are said to be but a few hundreds, the burthen of this expulsion is thrown on the Austrian Government from whose hands alone Bonaparte will receive the possession, and who are called upon to expel the Russians by force, a proceeding which has a direct tendency to involve Austria in a war with France.
A letter from Deal states that a very heavy cannonade was distinctly heard about 5 o'clock on Thursday morning.—As the sound came in a direction off Bologne, it is conjectured that Commodore Owen's squadron had begun his spring plan of annoying the French batteries.
The peace establishment of France is estimated, by a report on that subject presented by Gaudin to Bonaparte, to be 600 millions of livres; and the expense for the current year 894 millions.
The great commercial house of Bogle, French, Burrows and Canning, stopped payment yesterday. Consols 60 3 4 Omnium 2 1 4.
VIRGINIA ARGUS. RICHMOND.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25, 1806. RICHMOND PRICE CURRENT. (CORRECTED WEEKLY.)   Tobacco, 33 3/4 c. 15H  Wheat, none do.  Flour, fine, 39 3/4 do.  Flour, superfine, 42 3/4 do.  Corn, 16 3/4 do.  Hemp, clean, £ 55 do.  Iron, £ 36 do.  Bacon, 9d do. 
HIGHLY INTERESTING.
We lately laid before our readers some extracts from a Pamphlet written in England, avowedly in defence of Neutral Rights, particularly as they regard the relations between England & the U. States. Many enquiries and conjectures have been made as to the author of this work. Some have even intimated that it is the production of a pen under the influence of Mr. Monroe, our Minister at London; and of course are unwilling to admit that its doctrines and opinions can in any manner be considered as a criterion of the disposition and views of the New British Cabinet towards this country. We are extremely happy in being able to assure our readers and the American public generally, that the author of this interesting work is no less a person than Lord HOLLAND, nephew of Mr. Fox, and that it has been issued in England with the view of preparing the public mind for the reception of certain liberal stipulations between that government and America, in which some important and advantageous principles will be conceded to us.
In our estimation of this article, we conceive it the most important intelligence that could be announced. Its authenticity is indisputable.—Phil. Gaz.
Dr. J. J. Giraud, of Baltimore, states, that he has discovered an infallible cure for the Yellow Fever; Castile soap, he says is the basis of his specific. His declaration is supported by the certificates of about 100 persons, who have, in the course of 5 years, been cured by his remedy.—Fed. Gaz.
New-York, June 15.
GENERAL MIRANDA SUCCESSFUL. The Editor has been politely favored with the Political and Commercial Gazette of Hayti, of the 22d of May, containing the following highly interesting letter from Gen. KIRKLAND, one of the commanders under Gen. Miranda.
(Translated for the Commercial Advertiser.)
SOUTH AMERICA. Extract of a letter from general KIRKLAND from Cumana, the 19th of April, to his Haytian Friend.
My Dear Friend, Veni, Vidi, Vici, (I came, I saw, I conquered,) was the motto of Caesar.—Bonaparte has lately applied it to himself; it has now become mine, thanks to the Genius, who presides over liberty and independence.
To my great regret I cannot permit myself to enter into the details which I had promised you respecting the celerity of our operations on account of the rapidity of the events which hurry us on; and the favorable opportunity which requires haste to take advantage of the error which such successes impress. Let it suffice to you for the moment to know that the island of Santa Margaretti, Barcelona and Cumana are in our possession, and that at the moment I am writing to you, the army is filing off for Carraccas. At every step we take our army is increased by these illustrious unfortunates, who think that they behold, in the Generalissimo Miranda, a new Washington, who comes to re-establish them in the primitive state of liberty, which the barbarity of the Spaniards had ravished from them. There is not the shadow of doubt but that new successes will crown so holy an enterprize. The Generalissimo desires to be remembered to you. His first Aide-de-camp, whom you well know, joins with his commander and myself in wishing you every kind of prosperity.
We request you instantly to communicate our progress to his majesty the emperor of Hayti. Tell him that the first intelligence which we shall have the honor to give him, will be dated from Carraccas.
Forget us not, my dear friend, and believe, that as long as I live I shall feel for you the most sincere affection. Vive L'Independence! Vive La Liberte! The General, KIRKLAND.
At the very moment when the British cruisers are blockading our ports, pillaging our ships,
armed merchantmen, impressing and murdering our seamen, we are told that the "British ministry are extremely desirous to preserve harmony between the two nations."—N. T. D. Adv.
After the Massacre at Cape Francois on the 14th of May last, a Priest, a Physician and an Officer in the Custom-house, were the only white Frenchmen left alive.
A small village to the leeward of the city of St. Domingo, was taken, pillaged and burnt by the negroes about the first of May.
From Amherst, (N. H.) June 10. LEGISLATIVE.
On Wednesday last, the Government of this state was organized at Hopkinton for the current year.—The honorable Clement Storer was chosen President of the Senate; and the honorable Samuel Bell unanimously chosen Speaker of the House of Representatives.
On Thursday, his excellency Gov. LANGDON, met both branches of the Legislature.
Extract from his Speech "The time will soon arrive, when the sense of the citizens of this state is to be taken on the subject of a revision of the Constitution. It would, in my opinion, be a happy circumstance, if it should be generally agreed to recommend an alteration of it, so far as to have only one session of the Legislature annually, to be held at a proper season, when it would be more convenient for the members to attend a sufficient length of time to complete the business of the year."
A large quantity of Marble stone, of different colors, has lately been discovered on the plantation of Mr. John Henckel, near Harper's Ferry in this state. It is said to be equal to the marble of Italy, or that of any other country.
The General KIRKLAND'S LETTER.
Many are disposed to give credit to this production. The more we view it the more are we confirmed in the opinion of its being spurious. Now, it is well ascertained that Miranda's squadron did not leave the island of Aruba until after the 16th of April; and that letters from Curacoa as late as the 16th of May, a month subsequent to their sailing, confidently state that his two ships, had been captured, and that the Leander had retired from the coast. Unless the date of the letter be incorrectly stated, this contradiction is complete.—It is also reported that the Spanish Minister in this city, has actually received a list of the crews of the ships, captured.—Phil. Gaz.
George W. Sweeney was on Monday called before the examining court of this city, on the charge of poisoning his great Uncle, the venerable George Wythe, and a servant boy. He was unanimously remanded to jail for further trial before the district court to be had in September next.
Yesterday, (says the Augusta Chronicle of the 7th inst.) Polly Barclay was executed, as an accessory in the murder of her husband.
PHILADELPHIA FASHIONS. FOR JUNE.
THE THERMOMETER AT 85. The taste discovered in the head dresses of the ladies, including the equipment of their straw bonnets and hats with various colored ribbons and flowers, is truly pleasing; their loose-flowing body dresses are also inviting, where too much pains is not taken either to suppress or force natural appearances. The part called the waist, and which used to be admired, has disappeared, and we are left to conjecture where it may be found.
An entire metamorphosis has taken place in the shapes of our young gentlemen, owing to the make and wear of their small clothes and trowsers. The prominence that was formerly contained in a vest, or jacket, has found its way into a pair of wide pantalettes, making a correspondent swell or protuberance in front and rear; and these are made the more conspicuous by a short jacket, that merely covers the breast and shoulders; in fact the appearance of some is so remarkable, that if one of their grand mothers could now see them, she would conclude they were ready to tumble to pieces.—United States Gazette.
CUSTOM HOUSE—RICHMOND.
ENTERED.
 Schr. Alliance, Roche, New York.  Good Intent, Gerard, Norfolk.  Appomattox, Bouchon, Do.  Sloop Resolution, Gray, Do.  Schr. Charming Mary, Potter, New York  Brothers, Rose, Norfolk.  Sloop Orange, Jennings, Philadelphia  Independence, Sommers, G E Harbor  Happy Return, Ireland, Philadelphia  Schr. Felicity, Willing, Alexandria.  Rising Sun, Baker, Philadelphia.  Betsy, Aberdeen, Norfolk  Ark, Marvel, Wilmington.  Sally Anne, Jones, Norfolk  Jane, Pearson, Philadelphia  Sloop Three Sisters, Harber, New York. 
CLEARED.
 Brig Zervia, Holden, Rotterdam.  Bruttannia, Douglas, Hull.  Sloop Cato Maria, Storer, New York.  Schr. Three Friends, Fisher, Philadelphia  Packet, Luce, Boston.  Sloop Hope, Hoven, Wilmington.  Schr. Sea, Hewett, New York.  Rebecca, Tyler, Do.  Regulator, Sears, Baltimore.  Sloop Rising Sun, Baker, Philadelphia.  President, Ireland, Do.  Happy Return, Ireland, Do.  Good Intent, Gifford, Marcus Hook  Three Sisters, Harber, Philadelphia  Bark Two Brothers, Swain, Dublin 
FOR SALE.
At the store of A. HEWES & CO opposite the market, ALEXANDRIA CRACKERS, in half bbls.; & kegs.—ENGLISH WALNUTS, fresh LEMONS & ORANGES, NEW KING LAND RUM, of high proof, in barrels; which they lately received and will sell low for cash. Richmond, June 24th, 1806.
SALES AT AUCTION.
WILL BE SOLD, by the subscribers, at their various warehouses, for cash, on Thursday next, the 26th of this month, June, for the benefit of the underwriters. 6 bales Osnaburgs, damaged on board the Columbus, Wm. Findlay, master, from Liverpool.—Also, 32 pieces Irish Linens, and A quantity of Sack Bags, damaged on board the Herald, John Murphy, master, from Dublin and Liverpool. Prosser & Moncure, v. m. Richmond, June 20th, 1806
A LIKELY AND VALUABLE
Negro Woman and Child, WILL BE SOLD, at Prosser and Moncure a Vendue Store, on Thursday next, at 11 o'clock, for negotiable notes on the Bank of Virginia. Terms of Sale 90 days. June 24 1806
A COACH AND HARNESS, FOR SALE.
WILL BE SOLD, at vendue, on Thursday next, by Prosser and Moncure, a large and strong family COACH, made of the best materials, all the body being mahogany, with HARNESS complete for four horses—on a credit of ninety days. Richmond, June 23, 1806.
FOR RENT,
AND possession given at Christmas, the PLANTATION and DWELLING HOUSE, which is very convenient, belonging to the estate of the late Major Stephen Southall, lying on the Westham road, about three miles from Richmond. For terms apply to G. F. Stras. Richmond, June 24, 1806.
A request to the Benevolent and Humane.
WHEREAS in September last, I took John Jones, son of Mary Jones, a lad then about twelve years of age, from the Berkeley Spring to this city, under a mistaken notion, that his mother had a right (since she actually exercised it) to bind her son to me, and when as the said John Jones, getting probably informed, as I have since been, of the reality of the Indenture, did on the 21st or 22d of October, after my setting out for Alexandria, leave my house and said several days at Mr. Albert's, a baker, on Shockoe hill, by whom he was brought back, but left my house a second time on the same or next day, (as I have been informed on my return) saying, that he wished to go back to his mother; that he knew every step of the road, and should find in Frederickburg plenty of wagons to carry him to Winchester; and whereas I learned lately to my great surprise, from Capt. John Hunter, at the Berkeley Spring, to whom I had occasion to write, that the said John Jones had neither been seen, nor heard of, which has been confirmed since, by a letter from his mother to me. I therefore request, by this public notice, all and every person, or persons, who may have or before named John Jones, or know his place of abode or what has become of him, to communicate their intelligence to his disconsolate mother, at the Berkeley Spring, or to the subscriber in Richmond. G. F. Stras. June 21, 1806.
The said Jones is rather tall for his age, slender, but well made, has a fair complexion, blue eyes, light hair, a number of freckles in his face; he is sprightly and active, rides well on horse-back and can drive a waggon. The printers in the different parts of this state, are humbly solicited by a distressed mother, to give a place to the foregoing in their papers.
ON Monday the 16th of June, in the county of Powhatan, there was taken from a servant by an Indian man, who had for some time been loitering in said county, a small ROAN MARE, of the Gincrac breed, with a saddle almost new, and plated trappings. The mare is not more than 4 feet 5 or 6 inches high, 4 years old, of a handsome form, with a great mixture of white hair, and that which is not white, I believe is of a sorrel or perhaps a red bay color. Any person who will secure the mare, saddle and bridle, so that I get them again, shall be well rewarded for their trouble, by Mary Meade. Amelia, June 20th, 1806.
P.S. From the information given me, I think it uncertain whether the Indian will go to the City of Washington, to Richmond, or to the upper country.
THE subscriber offers for Sale, twenty five acres of LAND, adjoining his farm, about one mile from this city, on the main road leading from thence to Williamsburg; pleasantly situated, and convenient to good water. An indisputable title will be given to the purchaser. John Glynn. Richmond, June 20th, 1806.
AN EXCELLENT RIDING HORSE, FOR SALE.
Enquire of Mr Hallam at the Washington tavern, Richmond June 23d 1806
SIX CENTS REWARD.
RUN away from the subscriber, living in Charlesville, Albemarle county, on the 10th of this month, an apprentice boy named MERIWETHER STARKS. He is about 14 years old. Whoever will deliver the said apprentice to me in this place, shall receive the above reward, and no thanks given. JOHN BISHOP. Charlottesville, June 21, 1806
N.B. All masters of vessels and others are hereby forewarned to harbor the said apprentice.
In Hanover County Court, 23th April 1806.
Burnley and Brackenridge, Pks.
Against
Phoenix Jirvas, adm'x. of John Tyler, dec.
and David Tyler, heir at law of the said John Tyler, deceased.
This day came the plaintiffs by their counsel, and the defendant David Tyler, not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this county, on the motion of the plaintiffs, it is decreed and ordered, That the defendant David Tyler do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith returned in some public newspaper printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy—Teste, THOS TOLLARD nunc.
A FEW COPIES OF THE American Clerk's Magazine, Or, POCKET CONFESSIONAL, Are just received at S. PLEASANT'S Book-Store.

WANTED as House-keeper, in a large family, an elderly Lady, who can come well recommended. Liberal wages will be given. Enquire of the printer. Nov 6, 1805
JUST RECEIVED and for Sale by the Subscriber, an extensive assortment of GROCERIES,
AMONG WHICH ARE THE FOLLOWING ARTICLES: Muscovado Sugar, as. FF and F Gun Powder W India Coffee Thomas Leiper's Snuff Antigua and Jamaica Macouba do. Rum Havana Segars Country do. Salt Petre Cognac & Peach Bran Brimstone, Madder & do ground Ginger in Holland Gin small bags W India and Sugar Log Wood House Molasses Turkey Cotton L. P. Madeira Wine New York Candles & Port, Sherry and Ma Soap do. do. Spermaceti Candles Hebert's Brown Stout Patent Lamps Martinique and Bor- Dutch Casks with plain deaux Cordials and gilt bottles Basket Salt Castings, assorted Do. in Sacks & Loose Eastern and Stone Bullock's Cheese Ware Caldwell, Fraser & Writing & Wrapping Cos Sup. Chocolate Paper Rice Henry VIII & Merry Nutmegs, Pepper, Gin- Andrew Caris ger and Pimento China Plates Mace and Cloves Do. Bowles, different Oil, Olives and Capers sizes Gun Powder, Young Do. Tea & Coffee Cups Hyson & Souchong and Saucers Tea Plain and Cut, quart, Canister Containing 1 pint & half pint De- 12 and 3 lbs. Gun canters Powder Tea Pint, half pint and gill Picked Salmon Tumblers. Cut Herring and Shad Patent Shot, assorted A regular supply of LOAF SUGAR by the hoghead and barrel at the Philadelphia price. Fisher & Lesueur. May 20, 1806. (if)
W. WARDLAW IS receiving a large supply of MEDICINES, SURGEON'S INSTRUMENTS, FAMILY MEDICINE, CHESTS, &c. by the Professors, from London. Richmond, May 6, 1806. (if)
Advertisement. IN consequence of a resolution of the General Assembly, passed at their late session, I am instructed by the Executive to make enquiry respecting the situation of all Ordnance and Military Stores, belonging to the state (not including those in the service of the United States or of this State) and make report thereof to the Governor.
In obedience to this instruction, and as the most probable mean of effecting the object contemplated by the Executive, I have thought proper thus publicly to request of such of the citizens of the commonwealth as may have any knowledge of the situation, number, quality and size or weight of any cannon or other ordnance, and muskets; cannon balls, shells or other military stores, supposed to belong to the state, and not in immediate use, to communicate a particular report thereof to me as soon as convenient. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Clerk to the Executive. Richmond, Feb. 7, 1806. (if)
TO BE RENTED, THE TENEMENT where 1 now reside, and possession given in June. April 9th, 1806. J. PENN.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, A PAMPHLET, Containing Sketches of the HISTORY OF FRANCE and ENGLAND—And an account of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, Emperor of France, from his birth to the battle of Austerlitz—price 3s. April 26, 1806. (if)
NOTICE. THE copartnership of Samuel Shelton & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent; those who have claims against said concern, will apply to Samuel Shelton, for their adjustment; and all those indebted to said concern, are earnestly requested to make immediate payment to him, or those he may authorise to receive the same, as no farther indulgence can be given. Sam. Shelton. John Staples. Jas. Walker, adm. for William Walker, dec. Warren, May 1, 1806. 2m
WHEAT FANS, FOR SALE, BY C. & T. SAUNDERS, Near the Basin of the Canal. May 23, 1806. (if)
Manchester Turnpike Company. SALE OF SHARES. NOTICE is hereby given, that all shares upon which the tenth requisition shall remain unpaid, will be offered for sale, at Mr. Brooks's tavern, on Saturday the 19th of July next—the sale to commence at 12 o'clock in the forenoon.
GENERAL MEETING. As a sufficient number of members to constitute a meeting, did not attend on Sunday the 14th instant, I am therefore authorised to give notice, that a meeting of the company will be held at Mr. Brooks's tavern, on Saturday the 19th of July next; when it is expected the members will be present in their attendance, which business of importance to the interest of the company, particularly requires. JAMES BRANDER, CLK. Manchester, 17th June, 1806. idm
COURT'S CELEBRATED PATENT METALLIC HONES, Are for sale at this Office.
A. HEWES & Co. HAVE received a small quantity of very superior quality CHEESE; whole and cut HERRING; Alexandria BEER, of good quality; Rhode Island WINE; N. E. RUM; which with a general assortment of Groceries, they offer for Sale, either for cash, negotiable paper, or exchange for country produce. Richmond, 20th May, 1806. (if)
Geo. Watt HAS removed from the store he formerly occupied to a brick house on the cross street leading from the main street to Shockoe warehouse, where he has on hand and offers to dispose of on moderate terms, by wholesale, the following Articles, viz: Loaf and Muscovado Sugars, N. England, W. Island, and Antigua Rum, Cognac, Barcelona and Apple Brandy, Sherry and Malaga Wine, Coffee of a superior quality, Molasses, Ginger and Fig Blue, Young Hyson and Imperial Tea, 400 Sacks Liverpool Salt, Patent Shot, assorted sizes—And the remainder of his Stock of Dry Goods, consisting principally of articles suited to the present and approaching season, which he will either sell on a credit of 3, 6 and 9 months, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia, with approved endorser, or barter for Tobacco, Flour or Hemp. Cash given for Tobacco. Richmond, 22d March, 1805.
FOR SALE, THAT well known and very valuable farm belonging to the estate of Samuel Couch, dec. lying on James River, near Goodland court house, containing about 900 Acres of LAND, about half of which is well-timbered wood land; about 200 acres of River Low Grounds and from 50 to 100 acres of valuable Creek Bottom. The cleared land is well enclosed and improved, with convenient dwelling and out houses in good repair, with a commodious Store, a valuable Mill, and a choice collection of about 1,500 bearing fruit trees. The terms of sale may be known on application to Daniel Couch on the premises (who will show the land to any person inclined to purchase) or to Micajah Crew in Hanover. The above tract of land contains improvements and accommodations for two families, and, if more agreeable to the purchasers, they may be divided and sold separately. MICAJAH CREW, ANN COUCH, Ex'or. & Ex'ix. of S. Couch.
SALES AT AUCTION. ON Wednesday the 2d of July next, will be sold by Auction, on the premises, if not previously disposed of at private sale, that valuable BRICK TENEMENT on Shockoe hill, opposite to Mrs. Page's, now occupied by Mr. James H. Lynch—Terms of payment, one and two years credit, the purchaser to give a deed of trust on the property, to secure the payment of the purchase money. TAYLOR & BROWN, Auctioneers. June 5th 1806. (id)
WHEREAS I purchased of Jesse Miller, now of Cumberland county, a certain tract of land, lying on Randolph's creek, in Buckingham county, and gave three bonds for the balance due for the said land, each bond for £280 13s 4d—the first of said bonds due on the first day of March, 1807, the second due the first day of March, 1808, and the third due the first day of March, 1809. The said land did belong to Thomas Miller, of Powhatan county, who conveyed it by deed of trust to Edward Carrington, and afterwards sold it to said Jesse Miller, who conveyed it to me by deed, which deed was recorded in the county court of Buckingham. I am informed that Mrs. Thomas Miller will not relinquish her right of dower on said land, and that Mrs. Jesse Miller, who likewise has a right of dower on said land, has not yet relinquished it—I therefore forewarn all persons from trading for said bonds, as I will not pay any more money for said land, until all the abovementioned encumbrances are removed. Samuel Woodfin. Powhatan Cty. June 2, 1806. [4w 3w*]
MATTRASSES. CAN be had on very short notice, MATTRASSES of all sizes & kinds, agreeably to order, in the corner house, same square, below Mr. Jos. Darnstadt's, near the market, and next door to Mr. Jacob Johnson's book store.—Also, BEDS furnished, and old mattresses worked over. Jno. S. Pleasants. June 5, 1806.
TO BE SOLD, FOR cash, at Orange courthouse, on Monday the 28th day of July next, by virtue of a deed of trust, to me executed, by William G. Allen, for the purpose of discharging his debts to Riely, Murphy & Co. and Willis Willis & Co. therein specified, ONE NEGRO BOY, named Charles, one named Taylor—and ONE NEGRO GIRL, named Lucy. Daniel Higginbotham, Trustee. Amherst, June 11, 1806. 4w
IN pursuance of a general rule adopted by the Court of Hustings, of this city, NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, That an application has been made by William Allen Hanley, for a License to Manufacture Tobacco, within the said city—the consideration of which is postponed until the next session of the said court. Geo. Chisman, D. C. Richmond, June 10th, 1806. (14)
FOR SALE, THAT valuable TRACT OF LAND, on which Cumberland Courthouse stands—It contains about TWO HUNDRED and FIFTY ACRES, one half of which is yet uncultivated. Besides the advantage of being the Courthouse on this tract of Land, it is situated on one of the most public roads in Virginia; as a public stand there is none can surpass it. The buildings, with some repairing, may be made sufficiently extensive and comfortable. Part cash will be expected of the purchaser, when possession is given; a reasonable credit will be allowed for the balance or if it should suit the purchaser better, landed property will be received in part. Creed Taylor and Blake B. Woodson, both of Cumberland county, are authorised to sell the above tract of land. Or the same may be purchased of the subscriber in Buckingham county, near Allen's Mill. BEVERLY LANGHORNE. June 10th, 1806. 4m
*** Subscribers to the DEBATES of the VIRGINIA CONVENTION, and to GIBBON'S HISTORY of the DECLINE and FALL of the ROMAN EMPIRE, are requested to apply at this office, where their copies are now ready for delivery. (if)
WE the subscribers, Judges of the General Court, have pursuant to law allotted the Judges of the respective District courts as follows: William Nelson, Jr. and Robert White, Esqrs. to the Districts of Winchester, Hardy and Montgomery courthouse; Joseph Premis and John Tyler, Esqrs. to the Districts of Richmond, Petersburg, Brunswick courthouse and Suffolk; Edmund Winston and Paul Carrington, Jr. Esqrs. to the Districts of Prince Edward courthouse, Franklin, Washington courthouse, and the Sweet Springs, in Botetourt county; Richard Parker and Hugh Holmes, Esqrs. to the Districts of Northumberland, King and Queen, Williamsburg and Accomack courthouses; and Archibald Stuart and Francis T. Brooke, Esqrs. to Staunton, Charlottesville, Fredericksburg and Haymarket Districts, at the next succeeding terms thereof. Witness our hands and seals, this thirteenth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and six. John Tyler, (Seal.) Wm. Nelson, Jr. (Seal.) Fr's T. Brooke, (Seal.) Published by order of the Judges. Wilson Allen, C. C. C.
BY THE GOVERNOR OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the Uniform established by the Executive for the Militia of this Commonwealth and declared by Proclamation bearing date the first day of March last, in pursuance of the eighth section of an act of the General Assembly, passed at the last session, "Further to amend the several acts concerning the Militia of this Commonwealth," hath, in some particulars, been considered inconvenient by the people generally, and repeated applications have been presented to the Executive in behalf of the Militia in various and numerous parts of the state, representing that very few, if any, of the Militia, have as yet, provided themselves with the uniform lately established, and praying certain alterations therein: I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the Council of State, to issue this Proclamation, hereby declaring that the uniform of the Militia of this Commonwealth shall be as follows, to wit: For the General Officers. A dark blue coat, skirts lined with buff, cape, lapels and cuffs buff, yellow buttons, gold epaulets (one on each shoulder) black cocked hat with black cockade, and black stock. For the Artillery. A blue coat, skirts lined with red, cape, lapels and cuffs red, vest buff, overall blue, edged with red, buff garters, yellow buttons, a cocked black hat with red cockade. For the Light Infantry. A dark blue short coat with half lapels, cape and cuffs white, white lining and buttons, vest and overall white, with black garters, black stock, black half boots, black stock, a round hat cocked on the left side, with black cockade. For the Grenadiers. A dark blue coat, cape, lapels and cuffs white, white lining and buttons, vest and overall white, with black garters, black half boots, black stock, cocked hat with black cockade. For the Riflemen. A linen hunting shirt of purple color, with overall of the same, leather moccasins or shoes, round hat cocked on the left side, with black cockade and black stock. For the main body of the Militia. A blue hunting shirt trimmed with red fringe, white overall and black garters, round hat cocked on the left side with black cockade and black and red plume, black garters or half boots.—The officers' uniform to be a dark blue coat, cape, lapels and cuffs red, white lining and buttons, vest and pantaloons white, with black garters, black stock, cocked hat with black cockade. For the Cavalry. A short dark blue coat, with yellow buttons, white lining, half lapels, cuffs and cape red, white vest & leather breeches, jack boots, spurs, black stock and black leather cap dressed on the crown with bearskin and decorated with a light blue sash and red and white plume. The officers of the main body of the Militia, of the Light Infantry, Grenadiers, Riflemen and Cavalry, to be distinguished by epaulets of silver; the officers of the Artillery to be distinguished by epaulets of gold. The field officers to wear two epaulets, the captains one on the right and the subalterns one on the left shoulder. All officers to wear side arms and boots. Provided however, That where any troop of cavalry, company of artillery, grenadiers, light infantry, riflemen, or of the main body of the militia, shall have provided themselves with an uniform different from that herein prescribed, they are respectively permitted to wear the same for three years from and after the date hereof. Given under my hand as Governor, with the Seal of the Commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 14th day of June, 1805. (Signed) Wm. H. CABELL.
FOR SALE, TWO TRACTS OF LAND, lying in the county of Fluvanna, one of them on Hardaway river, and within 1 1/2 miles of James river, containing 385 acres—One on Cary's Creek and within one mile of the north fork of James river, containing 364 acres. A further description is deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed that no person will purchase without viewing the same; which will be shown by the subscriber living in Albemarle. WILLIAM MOON. June 5th, 1806. 1m
FOR SALE, Charlotte Court, 7th April, 1806. Thomas and Charles Morton, plaintiffs. Against William Walker, John Richardson, B. H. and Creed Taylor, defts.
THE defendant Walker not having entered his appearance according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, It is ordered, that he appear here on the first day of July court next, and answer the plaintiff's bill; that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the Virginia Gazettes for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county. A Copy—Teste, Thomas Read, Clk.
30 DOLLARS REWARD. RUN a way from the subscriber some time in December last, RANDOL, a mulatto man, about 21 or 22 years old, square made, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, he is apt to smile when spoken to, he is at times in Richmond, but the principal part of his time as I am informed, is about Williamsburg and the upper end of York county. I will give the above reward if delivered to me in Chesterfield county on the Turnpike road, on or before the 1st day of August next, or 20 dollars if secured in any jail, so that I get him again. I do forwarn all masters of vessels from employing him or carrying him out of this state. John P. Shields. June 8th, 1806. w3t
The celebrated high blooded English Horse, OSCAR, Full fifteen hands high, imported by me in 1804, after having been him the year before, and satisfied myself as to his reputation, is now in fine health, full of vigor and muscular strength, and will be let to mares, the ensuing season, at my stables in Charles City county, Sandy Point, at Six Guineas the season, which may be discharged by the payment of Five Guineas, on or before the tenth day of August next; Three Guineas the season, and Ten to insure a foal; a Dollar to the groom—Pastures as extensive as any in the state and inferior to none for fine natural grass, especially the white clover, which abounds to a wonderful degree in the months of April, May and June, as also after harvest, that succession of crab and other grass, which to plausibly takes place here, will be afforded, with entertainment for servants, free from charge. No liability for involuntary escapes, nor will I be responsible for any injuries or accidents which may not be the result of wanton neglect or abuse. I here give my word to the public, that no pains nor affluence shall be wanting on my parts, to render satisfaction without respect to persons, to every gentleman who thinks fit to send mares for the season—This very extraordinary stallion came when landed in this state, greatly upwards of one thousand pounds, and without meaning to detract from the merits of any other, I can freely venture to say, is the most perfect horse in Virginia; for the most critical observer has not yet been able to discover a single defect or blemish in him, either as to activity, strength, or beauty. Nothing can excel him in the neck, ear and eye: So bold, gay, and full of fire is he, that he fascinates in spite of prejudice, every beholder, that instant he is brought into view. I would endeavor to give a full description of him, for the satisfaction of those gentlemen who cannot conveniently visit me, but in the attempt I might do him injustice, and therefore I invite the most scrupulous examination of him, even by those who think themselves competent judges in this respect, and I do not fear the trial. In short, it will not be deemed extravagant to say, he is, of his kind, the best effort of nature. OSCAR is a dark brown, was got by Saltram, the best horse in his day, (who was the sire of Whitney and many good racers)—his dam by Highlander, grandson by Herod great-granddam (Mills Middleton) by Regulus, great great granddam (Camilla) by a son of Bay Bolton, Bartlett's Children, Honeywood's Arabian, dam of the two True Blues. In 1793, at New Market, at 3 years old he won a Handicap sweepstakes of 15 guineas each, two year old course, beating Lord Clermont's b c by Dramator, Mr. Howarth's b c Maude, Mr. Adams's b c Cypress, Mr. Wason's b c Duplicity; two to one on Oscar. At Lambourn he was 2d bet, 4 mile heat, against Heart of Oak and others, running 3 heats. In 1799 he won the Oatlands stakes of 50 gs. each, half ditch (in 10 subscribers) beating Lord Grosvenor's ch f Lady Bull, Mr. Heathcote's b c Warner, Sir F. Standish's b c Stamford, Mr. Durand's Play or Pay, Mr. Cookson's b c Ambrolio, Lord Clermont's b c A. Hamilton, Lord G. Cavendish's b c Jupiter. The judges could only place the 3d five. At New Market, the same year, he won at Bracket Hall, 500 gs. all ages, heats about one mile and a quarter, beating Sir Charles Bunbury's Combatant, 4 years old, Mr. Lewis's Sadiel, 5 years old. In Oct. he won the Oatlands stakes of 30 gs. each (18 subscribers) beating Sir Tharpe's b c Chippenham, Mr. Williamson's b c by Buzzard, out of Rachel, Lord Clermont's Ailmator, Lord Grosvenor's ch f Lady Bull, Sir C. Bunbury's Wrangler, Sir F. Poole's b f by Dragon, Mr. Howarth's Spectator, Mr. Ladbrooke's Humbug. The judge could only place the first three. In 1800, at New Market, April 14th, he won the Craven stakes, of 10 gs. each, across the Flat, 4 1/2 years old, carrying 8 1/2 lbs free for all ages, beating the dke of Grafton's b c First Fruit, Lord Clermont's b c by Meteor, Mr. Cookson's b c by Diamond, Mr. Coventry's b c Voltaire, Mr. O'Kelly's Grey Pilot, Mr. Durand's Ramfhouduay (late Princess) Mr. Dalhousie's Play or Pay & Sir F. Standish's b c by Peter, out of Storage. The judge could only place the first five. Even betting, Oscar against the field. In the same month and place, he won a subscription plate of 50l. beating Mr. R. Heathcote's ch f Georgiana, Mr. Hallet's Quiz, Mr. O'Kelly's Antim, Lord Clermont's ch c Vernal, Mr. Golding's b c by Balloon, Mr. Travis's Ballarina, Mr. Perrin's Pizarro, and Lord Grosvenor's ch c by Buzzard. The judge could only place the first three, 7 to 4 on Oscar. He was second bet for the King's plate of 100 gs for 4 years old, carrying 11 st. running against Sir F. Poole's Worthby, by Portia's, and Sir F. Standish's b h by Stamford, 5 years old. In Oct. New Market, he received forfeit of Mr. Heathcote's Warner, for 500 gs. across the Flat, half forfeit. For those remarkable instances of speed and bottom, in so young a horse, I refer the reader to the Racing Calendars for 1793, 1799 and 1800. WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT. Sandy Point, Feb. 1806. w1j
TO BE RENTED, THE TENEMENT on the street leading from the Main street up Shockoe Hill by the Governor's, at present occupied by Mrs. Pheasant as a Millinery Store and dwelling house; there is a large cellar, a room which she uses as a kitchen, a very convenient and well fixed store and counting room, up stairs a room 18 by 20 feet, another 14 by 16 feet, three sleeping rooms and a lumber room. It being on a street very much frequented, near the Capitol and Main street, it suits very well for a store or other business. The situation is healthy and pleasant. Also to let, four rooms in the TENEMENT wherein I live, that is, a dining room, drawing room, two bed rooms, part of the kitchen, stable for two horses, and a place to put coal and wood. Wm. F. AST. Richmond, June 16, 1806. law 3w
BREWERY FOR SALE. THE subscriber will SELL all his interest in that extensive BREWERY, which he now occupies, situated on the river Potomac, in the town of Alexandria, district of Columbia, of which 11 years of an unexpired lease from September, is to come. This Brewery is on a very extensive plan, having two copper boilers of 1200 and 800 gallons, with every working utensil complete—with malt house, kiln, mill, &c. To the capitalist, this concern offers many inducements, 1300 barrels beer having been brewed by the subscriber for some seasons back, and is capable of being considerably extended; a barrel of Beer can be sent to the city of Washington and George Town at a few cents expense. Proposals will be received to the 1st July, and every necessary information may be had by letters, post paid, by applying to THOMAS CRUSE. Alexandria, 5th May, 1806. w1j30
SECOND CLASS. Scheme of a Lottery, FOR THE BENEFIT OF WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE. Tickets that drew blanks in Dollars. 5938 The first class & may be renewed } 59 350 4685 Tickets at fifteen dolls. each, } 70 275 10,623 } 129,655 Deduct loss on 2000 tickets, that drew prizes of fifteen dollars each, in first class, and may be renewed in this, at 2 1/4 dollars each, } 4,500 Dollars 125,155 The number of prizes and order in which they stand, viz: To float in the wheel, and come out as chance may direct. 2 prizes of 5,000 each 10,000 4 " 2,000 " 8,000 16 " 1,000 " 16,000 16 " 500 " 8,000 32 " 200 " 6,400 160 " 100 " 16,000 23 " 50 " 11,500 750 " 20 " 15,000 1 " 155 Stationary Prizes are, 1 ticket, first draw after 1,000 tickets are out of the wheel, 500 1 do do do 2,000 500 1 do do do 3,000 500 1 do do do 4,000 500 1 do do do 5,000 500 1 do do do 6,000 500 1 do do do 7,000 10,000 1 do do do 8,000 500 1 do do do 9,000 500 1 do the last drawn ticket, a prize of } 20,000 1,223 prizes. Dolls. 125,155 The prizes subject to a discount of only 10 per cent. 12,500 Expense of drawing, 2,500 Dolls. 10,000
The superiority of this scheme, to the one first proposed, is so obvious, that little need be said in recommendation of it. Those inclined to adventure, will see, that their chance for obtaining prizes, is greatly increased; that pending the drawing, their obtention of small prizes, may, by renewal, instantly give them several chances for a prize of considerable magnitude. To those who have drawn PRIZES of fifteen dollars, in the First Class; as well as to those who drew BLANKS, INFORMATION IS NOW GIVEN, that the PRIZES, may, at their option, be renewed, by tickets in this class—and their BLANKS, at ten dollars each; Provided such PRIZES and BLANKS, with the CASH, is remitted, FREE OF POSTAGE, to ROBERT GREENHOW, merchant in Williamsburg, Agent and Treasurer; or WILLIAM NEWSON, Post Master in Norfolk; previous to the commencement of the drawing; after which period no renewal will be made. When to the prospect of individual advantage, that may result to each adventurer, is added, the patriotic reasons, which induced the legislature to authorise this lottery, it is arduously hoped, that the disposition of tickets will soon enable the commissioners to certify that the drawing has commenced. Which event the agent assures the public, shall be expedited by every means in his power. Robert Greenhow, Agent and Treasurer. Williamsburg, June 10, 1806. w8t
Tickets may be had of Robert Greenhow, merchant in Williamsburg; and William Newson, post master in Norfolk; who will as opportunity offer, give them more extensive circulation, by placing them in the hands of others for disposition.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, A GOOD RIDING and GIGG HORSE, young, gentle and well gated—For which a liberal price in cash will be given—Enquire of the printer.
*** TICKETS in the Second Class of the William and Mary College Lottery are for sale at this office. MAP OF VIRGINIA. SUBSCRIBERS to the Map of Virginia, are respectfully informed, that the work will in a short time, be ready for delivery. The delay has been occasioned by circumstances, which could not be controlled; but it is hoped, that superior accuracy in the delineation, as well as elegance in the execution, will be a sufficient atonement. Specimens of the work may be seen at the offices of the Enquirer and Argus. THE PROPRIETORS. Richmond, 19th June, 1806. 3t
LAND FOR SALE. AGREABLE to a decree of Gloucester County Court, will be sold, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on Thursday the 17th of July next, a valuable TRACT OF LAND, belonging to the estate of John Howlett, dec. containing 400 acres; there is on the said land, a good brick dwelling house, in good repair, and all necessary out houses, with an excellent apple orchard. This land is situated about four miles from the Courthouse, and about the same distance from navigation. The soil is well adapted to the growth of corn, wheat and tobacco. Twelve months credit will be allowed the purchaser, on giving bond with approved security. THOS. BAYTOP, Ex'or. June 19th, 1806. 3w
"Discoveries of Lewis and his Party, in Louisiana" A few copies of the above interesting work, just received, and for SALE, at the Post Office, Williamsburg, and at this office. May 5, 1806 Just published, and for sale, at this office [PRICE TWENTY FIVE CENTS.] RURICOLA'S DISCOVERY IN BILIOUS CONTAGION, Advised respectfully SO FAR AS IT RELATES TO THE QUARANTINE LAW, TO THE NOTICE OF THE HONORABLE THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF VIRGINIA. Enlarged for this second impression, by further observation, BY TRAVIS TUCKER. June 4, 1806. w3t