The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-02-09 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING. SUBSCRIPTION TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber intending to remove from this State, requests those having demands against him, to call for payment. Those indebted to him will see the necessity of making immediate payment.
ASHER MARX.
Manchester, February 1st. 1803. (4t)
TO MASTER BUILDERS.
A NEW THEATRE of Brick or Stone is designed to be built on the Lot of Ground, on Shore Hill , where the old Theatre formerly stood, now the property of Mrs. WEST. The fund necessary for the completion thereof is raised partly by subscription, and partly from the private funds of the proprietor. Those disposed to undertake the building, or a part thereof, are requested to send in their proposals immediately, to MR. MERIWETHER JONES, who will shew the plan, and from whom more particular informations may be acquired.
February 1st. 1803. (3t)
N. B. The subscription for the above building is still open.
VIRGINIA.
AT a court continued and held for Halifax County, on Wednesday the 24th day of November 1802.
Isaac Coles, senr. Plaintiff. AGAINST Stephen Biggs and James Snead, Defendants. In Chancery
THE defendant Biggs, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country. On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county.
A copy—Teste BERRYMAN GREEN. D. C. H. C.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stones ready for delivery; also PLASTER of PARIS ground and in the stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (tf.)
50 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUN away from the Subscriber in this city, in May last, a Negro man, named
BAILOD.
A Black complexion, about Twenty-Six or Seven Years old, about Five Feet Seven or Eight. Formerly belonged to the estate of HOOPER and TOLLE, has worked at the Blacksmith's trade. Was purchased at Public Sale, last Spring.
Whoever secures the said Negro, and lodges him in Jail in this City, shall have the above reward by applying to William Fulcher.
THOMAS MOORE.
October 5th, 1802. (tf.)
FISH,
A QUANTITY OF HERRINGS and SHAD, for Sale, By FRANCIS HYLAND.
Richmond, Nov. 2d, 1802. (t. f.)
NOTICE.
ALL persons having any claim on the estate of JOHN M'BRIDE, deceased (either by bond or open account) are desired to make them known to the subscriber, and all those who stand indebted to said estate are desired to come forward and discharge the same.
ALSO
On the 28th day of February, 1803, will be sold at the late dwelling house of said John M'Bride, deceased at 12 o'clock, all the personal property, consisting of Boats, Shoes, household Furniture, &c. belonging to said estate. A credit of six months will be given to all purchasers above ten dollars, giving bond and approved security.
MARY M'BRIDE, Adm'x.
Richmond, Jan. 26th, 1803.
The subscriber begs leave to inform the citizens of Richmond and public in general, that he continues to carry on the TRUNK making business, as usual, and flatters herself by her attention to merit the patronage of a generous public. At present he has on hand a quantity of Trunks, Portmanteaus, and Band-Boxes, which she will dispose of at low prices.
MARY M'BRIDE.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD.
N. B. The deduction for Storage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
NOTICE.
THE subscribers hereby give notice, that they are desirous to purchase Wheat, Corn, Flour Barrels and Staves, and that they are now ready to contract to furnish Meal, Hominy, Ship Stuff, and Bran, at certain prices for the year, and that for the present quarter ending the last of March, the prices will be for 50 lbs. of Meal, 3s 6d. and for 50 lbs. Hominy, 3s. 3d.
They hereby solicit all those indebted to them, to make payment as fast as possible, as their situation does not enable them to grant such indulgence as heretofore.
They have also still on hand a large assortment of IRISH LINENS, which they are anxious to dispose of.
THOS. RUTHERFOORD, & Co. January 1, 1803. (t. if. a)
NOTICE,
In the matter of JOSEPH ANTHONY, BANKRUPT.
THE subscriber being duly appointed assignee of the estate and effects of Joseph Anthony, bankrupt.
All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any of his effects, are not to pay or deliver the same to any person or persons than the subscriber, or to such as shall be duly authorized by him.
RICHARD DENNY, assignee.
Richmond, Jan. 10th, 1802.
WANTED,
TO hire, for the present year, a NEGRO MAN, who understands PLANTATION BUSINESS. Likewise, a BOY of 14 or 15 years old, or a woman who has been used to out-door business. Enquire at this office.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers.
The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required.
WILLIAM DAVIDSON.
Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (tf.) N. B. For sale, PLASTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
CITY OF RICHMOND,
In Common Hall, Jan. 17th 1803.
WHEREAS the present funds of the corporation are not adequate to the expense of erecting a WORKHOUSE for the city, which would combine within itself all the conveniencies which a well regulated institution of this kind would require; having a regard to the future population of this city, yet it is well and expedient that the funds now destined for this useful institution should be laid out in such a manner as to answer the present purposes of the corporation, and to admit such future additions as the increasing population may require. Your Committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend it to the consideration of the Common Hall, to call in the aid of those who have experience of such institutions, and to offer a premium for the best plan of a Workhouse, which will be so contrived as to admit of being erected in parts, as the funds of the corporation will from time to time afford.
Resolved, therefore, that the committee appointed to prepare a plan of a Workhouse be discharged from further proceeding therein. And that the Mayor be requested to give notice in the newspapers, or otherwise, that the sum of thirty dollars will be given by the corporation, as a premium to the person who shall produce to the Hall, on the third Monday in February next, the best plan of a Workhouse, constructed as above mentioned, and to be approved of by the Hall, estimating the cost at four thousand dollars.
Copy Teste ADAM CRAIG, C. C. H.
JUST PUBLISHED
AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE
PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND THREE-PENCE
THE CONDUCT
OF
MERIWETHER JONES,
IN
A SERIES OF LETTERS,
ADDRESSED
TO THE PUBLIC,
By JAMES T. CALLENDER.
MANY gentlemen, when subscribing to this paper, have enquired for complete sets of the Recorder. These are not to be had. But this little publication will, in some measure, supply the want of them. Besides the seven letters to Jones, the last of which has run through every state, and every second newspaper in the union, the collection contains many other articles. Among these are, Defence of Aaron Burr—Mr. Samuel Coleman, No. 1—Defence of Timothy Pickering—A little more about republican economy—with a variety of small pieces.
WILLIAM MOFFET,
HOUSE CARPENTER, JOINER, &c. from LONDON, and the CITY OF WASHINGTON, offers his service to the public. Please enquire at Mr. Lassiter's Carpenter Shop, near Brat's Ware-house.
N. B. Also for sale, at the above shop, a large number of DOORS, SASHES, &c. Richmond, Jan. 19th, 1803.
WANTED, AS AN APPRENTICE
To the Printing Business, A Young Lad, from the Age of Eleven to Fifteen Years. Enquire at this Office.
Nov. 17th, 1802.
TO BE RENTED,
THAT large and convenient BRICK TENEMENT in this city, lately occupied by Mr. Robert Turner, as a Tavern and Boarding-House, situate on the corner of the Main-street, and that leading to Col. Mayo's Bridge. The central situation thereof cannot fail (if rented by a gentleman qualified for the purpose) to ensure a considerable number of respectable boarders; or it is an eligible residence for a genteel private family. The premises may be entered, on the 1st day of March next, or immediately, as circumstances may suit; for terms apply to
ROBERT GAMBLE
Who has for sale a handsome assortment of CARPETS, and CARPETING, and genuine PORTWINE, in pipes and quarter casks.
To MR. JOHN CLOPTON, Member of Congress.
No. X.
SIR,
IT has been often repeated that you have expressed heartfelt gratification at the prevalence of republican principles. You have not yet thought proper, exactly, to inform your constituents, what you mean, and what they are to understand by these principles. You have also assumed a great deal of credit for the political deportment of the prevailing party. You pretend to be a man of great consequence in it, and yet there is not a single abstract question which has been avowed, which entitles the party to preference or preeminence. Your whole merit consists in the dextrous management of words, to which you have asserted an exclusive claim; these words, with many others, having republicanism, liberty, equality, &c. at their head, are to be found in the prints, letters, speeches, and conversations of the party. The first of these has many definitions, and though it has been selected by you for talismanic incantations and electioneering deceptions, and though every means has been urged to allure or force you into the field of discussion, you have as yet observed a cautious and submissive silence.
Having already overwhelmed you with questions and allegations which are much more simple, I do not expect an explanation from you; but you will be fortunate, if silence will satisfy the majority of your constituents. I have urged, and they must believe, that in the exhibition of your character, which may be clearly comprehended by reading the foregoing letters, your republican principles have been very fully disclosed.
Are you afraid of opening the door of information to your constituents? are you afraid to explain to them your republican principles? Your silence fully proves the fact, and therefore I have thought it the more necessary, that the task should be executed by some other. In doing this, I have made my charges and drawn my conclusions from circumstances which are too notorious to admit either of denial or extenuation. It would be easy for me to swell the list of charges, and to place by your side many of your fellow labourers; many of those political luminaries who, by the means of other circular letters, have overwhelmed and drowned the good sense of the country with nonsense and noise. They are out of my way. They belong to other districts; and if their constituents are satisfied, if there is not a single voice, nor the echo of a voice among the 30,000 which each represents, to say that "I have been deceived" it would be in vain for an anonymous writer to expect to make the smallest impression; it would be in vain that he should treat other circular letters with the censorious severity which has been exercised towards you and yours; if however, any person who is embraced by this remark, may

think that I tread too closely upon his heels, may think his congressional dignity attacked or invaded, and will make a reply. I shall consider myself at full liberty to respond.
But let it be understood that I do not think any other man who belongs to the delegation, deserves similar remarks to those which I have imputed to you. I knew some of them who would disdain to sell their birthright for a mess of pottage. And though their deportment has tended to the political injury of the country, I cannot persuade myself that there is a man among them who would have made to Gideon Granger such an application as you did, or would have received wages as a member of council in Virginia, within three days of the setting of congress.
There is such a wide difference between the pitiful insignificance and imbecility of character which belongs to you as an individual, and the important concerns which grow out of your deportment and station as a public servant and member of congress, the first is all feebleness and excites pity and ridicule; the second is important, because you are the public conduit, through which the opinions and desires of your constituents are to pass, that I have at some times lamented, that in this arraignment, in the easy victory which I have obtained, there is nothing which can be deemed honorable, nothing to gratify my vanity, nothing of importance about you which could procure for me a small share of literary credit. Indeed there is nothing. You appear so helpless, so feeble, so indefensible, and so infantine, that you are obliged to bear exactly as much as I choose to inflict upon you. And whether you are scourged with scorpions, or gently reprimanded, you still exhibit the same unvarying helplessness and submission.
The only means by which you can be analyzed is your circular letter, and the prominent deeds which have been unfolded. The only means by which your political influence can be destroyed, is to show that your public character exhibits a tissue of weakness or wickedness, either, or both of which has disqualified you as a public servant, and ought to pronounce in terms far more irresistible than flow from my pen, that you are an improper person to represent the district. If your constituents neither adopt this opinion, nor believe what I have written, they would be equally incredulous, though one were to rise from the dead.
In fine, there are subjects which have a dignity and an importance about them, which expand and invigorate the mind as the writer proceeds. But your political character and conduct have presented nothing which could rouse or enlarge a single thought, the mind sinks and sickens with the subject as it advances. The writer of these numbers has felt at every step a reluctance, and strong incitements of humanity to desist, he feels a degradation to have employed his pen against such puny and insignificant.
It must not be understood that in these investigations, the writer has designed to weaken your popularity, or prevent your election because you adhere to the democratic party. No, Mr. Clopton, it is because you want candour; you want that independence of character and action which is necessary to make you respectable, and which ought to be possessed by a man who fills your station.
It is not expected that the delusive torrent with which you have contributed to overwhelm the public mind, can be so soon checked, or even if it could, that the tempers of your constituents could be brought to counteract their own recent determinations; but it is hoped, and with some reason that some other individual will be selected, who possesses sufficient independence to confess and promulgate the truth, and who will not, by his conduct put it in the power of an anonymous writer to strip him of his political honors without a struggle.
It will be in vain for you to shelter yourself under the high toned attitude of your congressional importance. It will be no less in vain to say that these writings do not deserve notice, that you will treat them with contempt, and thus pursue your deceptions and feeble career. My charges have been too direct. They have brought you and your conduct so immediately before your constituents, that none but the most ignorant or the most infatuated, will be found to say, "well done thou good and faithful servant," while thousands will proclaim in terms more strong than thunder a final GO HENCE.
But for a moment let it be supposed, that I am mistaken; that there should be a majority who will again disgrace themselves and the district by electing you; what says your conscience? Does not that urge some questions to you in a while, and with an effect far more impressive than I have done? Can you in the calmness of retirement, and in the coolness of investigation, say to yourself that I deserve, or have deserved the future confidence of the district? The invariable answer must be, No.
Wait not then in the fancied security of a false popularity, obtained by means which you dare not avow, and which cannot be justified until it shall be pronounced by the universal voice of your deluded and offended constituents, and shall be confirmed by the irrevocable decrees of a condemning world, that your honors have departed from you. Then it will be, that in the bitterness of disappoint-
ment, and in the agonizing remorse of a painful retrospection, you will not be able to find momentary consolation, in the calmness and serenity of a good conscience. Then it will be that truth, almighty truth shall break to pieces the fetters of deception, and universal justice shall feel the eternal sentence of your political doom.
FEDERALIST.
EUROPE.
THIS paper takes very little notice of the affairs of Europe. All that is worth hearing may be comprised in a few words. The conquest and partition of Turkey , we pronounced, from the beginning, to be a newspaper fabrication. We said that all the long extracts of letters about the march of Austrian armies to the frontiers of Hungary were mere trash; that Austria was not in a condition to make war with any nation, and that the first consul had full employment, without such a Crusade.
Accordingly, the whole romance is dead, and has given place to another succession of lies, which, in a few months, will make way for a third. This is what we call newspaper reading .
The first consul, unquestionably the greatest man of his age, has not, however, been idle. Like an expert bruiser, he follows up a successful blow, and allows his enemy no time to breathe. Having got the upper hand of England in the treaty of peace, he has made such an exorbitant use of his advantages, that the English are preparing for a second war. It is very unlikely, however, that Bonaparte will push matters to this length. He has much to do at home, before he can be ready for a fresh rupture. In the mean time, he has played a successful game in Switzerland. The Swiss quarreled, as might have been expected, about their form of government. They shed blood for some years; and, as the first Consul tells them, without knowing what they were fighting for. In an address of inimitable spirit and good sense, he describes their situation; and his description bears every internal mark of being true. To make himself completely intelligible, he subjoined, as a postscript to this epistle, an army of forty thousand men. Divided among themselves, the revolution mongers perceived the absurdity of attempting resistance. Peace will be restored; and we may be sure that the preponderance of France in the Helvetic councils will be thoroughly confirmed. On the side of Italy, the consul is gradually annexing one province after another to the territories of France. These objects are of such immense importance, and acquired with so much facility, that Bonaparte cannot, in the midst of them, be disposed for a new war with England. The British rail at the perfidy of Bonaparte, because he is doing in Europe what they, upon a scale ten thousand times less defensible, are, at this moment, acting in the East-Indies. So much for Europe.
CONGRESS
Have been setting for nine or ten weeks, at an expence to the country of about seventeen or eighteen hundred dollars a day, more or less. This includes molasses, to mix with the water, which they occasionally drink. This item cost, in one former session, seventy dollars. We apprehend that the constitution gives Congress an equal title to a dish of tea, with a slice of bread and butter. And surely such a repast would look more like gentlemen than this Yankee beverage. Newspapers form a second article in the account. In one year, these newspapers cost the country twelve hundred dollars. We should be glad to learn in what part of the constitution Congress found themselves authorized to make this charge upon their constituents; and why they do not also provide themselves with clean linen, with Madeira, and with ***** at the public expence? Upon this affair of newspapers, we have something particular to say. A few weeks ago, a letter was received at this office from Mr. Samuel Otis, clerk to the senate of Congress. He desired us to send forward a certain number of Recorders to the Senate. He observed that this letter was a triplicate ; and he wished to
have the papers back from the beginning of the session. With this request it was impossible to comply. But the material part of the story is that the two first letters from Mr. Otis must have been intentionally stopt at the post office . They have been stopt under the reign of a president, who, when only vice president, was extremely fond of complaining about stoppages at the post office . We have had two different letters from Mr. Jefferson, and one of them has been printed, wherein he complains of the post-office near Monticello. This is handsome treatment, to be sure for the quondam Connecticut petitfogger to give to the Clerk and senate of Congress. We have reason to suspect that John Beckley was desired to send for six Recorders , at a time when he refused to write for any more than one. Mr. B. cannot surely mistake this for a federal paper? But perhaps he conceived that the recent augmentation of his salary, which was before large enough in all conscience, imposed a sufficient burden of expence upon the people without such a swarm of newspapers.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
FEBRUARY 30th, 1805.
MARRIED.
On Tuesday the 13th. inst. MR. WILLIAM THOMPSON, Attorney at Law, of Manchester, to the amiable and much accomplished Miss ELIZABETH HOLT, of Petersburg.
CORRESPONDENCE.
No. I.
WE have received a letter from Peck's coffee-house, Fell's Point, Baltimore, postage seventeen cents. We are therein requested to send forward a paper. We have repeatedly informed such customers that we will have nothing to do with them. Our common rule is either to let the postmaster open, and keep such letters, or if, by chance, we open them ourselves, to put them under cover, and send them back again to the writer, with double postage.
In the present case, the Recorder is sent to Peck's coffee-house, merely because it is a coffee-house, and hence more likely to make the paper known. We have found, as yet, no agent in Baltimore to collect our money. But our subscribers there have contrived to associate in small parties, and send forward five or ten dollar notes. We shall transmit the paper for a few weeks, till we see if Mr. Peck can hit upon such an expedient. If we had his two dollars on the table, the clear profit arising from them would not repay the seventeen cents. Mr. Peck must know that we are not of the disposition of some printers, who give credit for a twelve month in advance, and then send out mendicant addresses to their patrons, (precious patrons, to be sure!) complaining that they will not discharge their accounts. There is not a more simple, a more careless, a more injured set of men in America than newsprinters. But as for the Recorder, we must pay ready money, and we will have ready money. Frequent examinations are made of our list. Every delinquent, under suspicious circumstances, is struck out; and frequently such money comes, after such notice, within a post or two; after having, in one or two instances, stuck in the fingers of a country post-master for three or six months. These are plain truths. It is proper that our subscribers and we should understand each other. But this cannot be done, if we dare not tell what we think. Whenever that cannot be done, we shall shut up shop.
The master of Peck's coffee-house will have too much good sense to think that these remarks are pointed at him. They are wrote (we are latin scholars, you know, and we wish to keep the world in mind of it) they are wrote merely ad captandum vulgus , to prevent all such expensive applications in future. When we can discover that there is a bank note in the inside of a letter, it is sure of being opened, although the writer may have forgot to pay the postage. But since public notice was given that no such correspondence would succeed with us, since we published the names of two or three would be takers in , almost every letter has the postage paid. If all our brethren would act with the same promptitude and firmness, they would be sure to meet with the same success.
Shakspeare says of the fair sex, that what they have in their hearts, they will break their hearts, but they will accomplish . And the Recorder begs leave to say that there is not a man in America, who has it in his heart to wish for a newspaper, who cannot find ways and means to pay for it in advance.
Several editors have advertised that as their subscribers did not pay up their money, their papers should be sent on, till they did
pay. This, with all due deference to their superior judgment, appears to be a very strange mode of conducting business. But the case that half a dozen good for nothings go into Peck's coffee-house. They eat and drink, and then tell our worthy friend and subscriber that they cannot pay their bill . "Gentlemen," says he, "you must just sit till" "and eat and drink, till you can pay." "No! He would very likely send for a constable. But some of our simple pigeoned fraternity continue to give credit, merely because the debt begins to seem desperate. We should be much wiser than we are, if we could comprehend the reasons for such conduct."
It is humbly believed that the Recorder has a phalanx of as honest and honorable subscribers as ever supported an American newspaper. In every long list there must be a few exceptions; but, upon the whole, we have not much reason to complain. Not one gentleman in twenty comes without the money in his pocket. This is very astonishing. For the greater part, although not the whole of them, are federalists and aristocrats. And we true democrats and republicans know that they are sad fellows, that they are not to be trusted, &c. &c. and that you may be acquainted with our real and established sentiments upon this wonderful republican superiority of purity, and virtue, and especially as to the payment of money, we ask leave to mention a small anecdote, which puts the principles of the two parties upon a comparison.
After having waited two or three months in Richmond, for the remission of his sedition fine of two hundred dollars, the writer of this article made an expensive and painful journey of an hundred and fifty miles to Washington in search of the performance of Jefferson's promise. The money was refused with a cold disdain, which is quite as provoking as direct violence. Little Madison fancied that his victorious troops were invincible; that he was upon the summit of a rock as inaccessible as that of Gibraltar. In three successive evenings of solicitation, he seemed to think that he had become a sort of semi-divinity, and that poor Callender was not worthy to be his foot-stool. A more unexpected, a more flocking, a more rotten explanation of the human heart, Callender never received than from this person, whom he had so cordially served and trusted. Madison was hard pressed, and exerted a great deal of eloquence to show that it would be improper to repay the money at Washington. If he had said that Callender should have it repaid him whenever he came back to Richmond, that would have been quite as acceptable. But this he did not say. It was easy for Callender to see that he was in the presence of a hypocrite and an enemy. He was, besides, in the man's own house; and all this made it proper to be guarded and cool. Here follows a part of his answer to the secretary.
"I am not going to set myself up in argument against you; but there is something superior to argument; and that is the feelings and voice of mankind. What will be said of Mr. Jefferson's promises, when, after travelling an hundred and fifty miles, and back again, I return to Richmond without my money? The world will not wait to examine arguments. They will look only to the fact." [Black Sally was fluttering at my tongue's end; but with difficulty, I kept her down.] "To show you, Mr. Madison, the difference in the characters of the two parties, I shall tell you what occurred lately at Richmond. John Robbins, letter carrier, fell sick. He is a man much respected, and a violent federalist; but certainly not of the smallest consequence to the party. Without putting his delicacy or his pride to the pain of a moment's solicitation, the federal party made a collection of money; and a bag was sent him, containing TWO HUNDRED AND TEN DOLLARS. This was acting like gentlemen. These are people worth serving. And pray, Sir, did Robbins deserve better of the federalists, than I have done of the republicans? Or, in what sort of light must the conduct of Mr. Jefferson appear, when contrasted with that of the Richmond federalists to this man?"
Mr. Madison did not understand or feel a word of all this. The power of thinking resides in the head. But, in many cases, it must call in the assistance of the heart; or fail of performing its office. When a man happens, therefore, to be born without a heart, or with a very little one, you might as well address the seven stars, as harangue him, upon generosity, humanity, or gratitude. He understands nothing of the matter. He is like the blind man, who, when he was asked what he thought scarlet resembled? said that it was like the sound of a trumpet!
These remarks are made to remove any unfavorable impression that might have been left upon the reader's mind concerning Mr. Madison. He cannot exert those sensibilities, of which nature has denied him the endowment, any more than he can make himself five feet four inches high. But a man, who does not possess honourable and generous feelings, may still be very conscious that he wants them. In this case, he very naturally shrinks from the hatred and contempt of mankind behind the hedge of hypocrisy, like the rat in his hole, the snail in her shell, and the

bull-frog in the bottom of the ditch. So much for our secretary of State.
No. II.
THE Lady at Monmouth, in Jersey, must not lose her temper. No offence was intended. Her Recorder shall be carefully sent.
No. III.
Extract of a letter from Princess Ann, dated Dec. 8.
The Recorder has been very irregularly received at the post-office of this county, for some time past. So much so, that the connection of several useful and valuable publications has been entirely broken by the non-arrival of intervening papers, in which they were continued.
No. IV.
Fredericksburg, Dec. 10th. 1802.
Sir,
For three weeks past, not having received a single number of the Recorder, I have taken this method of inquiring of you the cause of suppression; as I am solicitous to peruse your paper, if you will be good enough to inform me, (if you can) why it does not come regularly to hand, you will oblige, &c.
No. V.
Extract of a letter from the editor of the York Recorder. (Pennsylvania.)
Thursday last, two of your papers dated, the 22d. and 29th. instant, (viz. of December) came to hand. The 15th. has never come to hand. The subscribers here are very anxious to see it. Would thank you, if you can spare them, to forward them. If you cannot, send one to me, and oblige your's, &c.
R. M'LELLAN.
Jan. 10th, 1803.
IT was not in our power to supply Mr. M'Callan with a single paper. We have had complaints of the same kind from him before, when it was equally beyond our power to give relief. To apply for redress to the post-master general would be a mere waste of time. Granger is nothing better than the president's broomstick; and Thomas himself would rather see this office burnt, and the editors hanged than walk one step to protect the circulation of this paper. Such men were his predecessors; and such will be those that turn out and succeed him. It is much to be feared that American liberty will issue in the alternate victories of two implacable, unprincipled, and desperate factions, whose great object and ambition it is to deceive, and irritate, and plunder the body of the people.
No. VI.
WE had wrote to Boston complaining that the Weekly Magazine did not come on. The answer of Messrs. Gilbert and Dean, is in these words: "We declare saucily that our Magazine has been sent regularly. "Only one of your's has been received for a month." Thus, as the proverb says, we got a Rowland for our Oliver.
No. VII.
Petersburg, Jan. 17th, 1803.
GENTLEMEN,
AT the request of a number of your subscribers in this town, I am directed to ask if you will be kind enough to inform them what is the reason your paper does not come on as usual, since your dispute with George Hay? What makes it the more extraordinary is, that the papers are duly entered in the way bill at Richmond directed to Petersburg. Your looking into this affair will oblige many of your subscribers here, as well as the writer.
I am
Your humble servant, One of your Subscribers.
Messrs. Pace and Callender, Richmond.
WE cannot so exactly answer for this person's intelligence, as he has not entrusted us with his name. We pass over other letters, and numerous personal complaints. We do not remember to have heard in the old country of the miscarriage of a single newspaper by the post-office. As this country cannot hit upon a proper system, might it not be advisable to send over to the general post-office at London for a person properly qualified to superintend the establishment? It was never suspected that Lord North, or Mr. Pitt broke up Fox or Sheridan's letters. This species of infamy is peculiar to the federal government. In England, a person detected in stealing from the post-office would infallibly swing, and if it was addressed to a secretary of state, the crime would be considered as a national concern. Philip of Macedon, in his famous and admirable letter to the people of Athens, mentions, as a crime of the deepest and most unpardonable die, that they had intercepted and broke up his letters. But in this country, these things are considered as a joke.
WE have been asked, at least a hundred times, why the Recorder is not published twice a week. Various reasons have hitherto concurred to prevent it. The commencement
of every newspaper is nothing better than a lottery. It may succeed, or it may fail. This paper has, as yet, only been published once a week; because the editors were unwilling to involve themselves in an additional expence before they had made an experiment upon the public feelings. A newspaper, of the peculiar complexion of the Recorder, a newspaper, with equal promptitude, arraigns the characters and principles of both parties, had never been started in Virginia, in America, nor perhaps in the whole world before. We did not, then, know, what we have since learned, that there is in the country a fund of candour, of independence, and of good sense, which is capable to discern, and despise the errors, and the faults of both parties. It was upon this the same basis that it proceeds. To the great honor of Virginia, and in defiance of calculations and probabilities, the experiment has proved successful. The editors have now as numerous a subscription as they can reasonably desire; and this, after striking out a multitude of sham patrons, who wanted the paper upon credit. To their infinite satisfaction, the editors have discovered, what was not known before. They find, that Virginia swarms with plain honest citizens, who are only anxious to hear both sides of the truth. And, indeed, what interest can any man of common sense think that he has in believing falsehood? Does any man wish to be bubbled, or duped out of his money? Or what is government in any country, or even in a republic, but a system of robbery, and of swindling? Government takes care to keep in its pay a number of newsprinters. They are to defend every thing that it has done, and every thing that it can do. Men of Virginia! can you expect independence, or truth from such wretched vehicles of faction and of untruth? Sometime ago, an honest republican printer published an advertisement, that he was designing to keep his paper clear of the two factions. These were not his words, but this was the meaning of them. There is not perhaps a citizen in America that has a more pure and perfect idea of the merits of the two factions, than the gentleman to whom we refer. We know the independence of his sentiments, and the acuteness of his judgement. But what was the consequence of his honest declaration? A swarm of factious hornets instantly buzzed about his ears. They protested that, if he was not to publish a faction paper, they would go as far as they could go to extinguish his subscription list. It was unavoidable for him to comply with their demand; and his newspaper after having resided for one day in the parlour of independence, went back again to the cellar of a party. This affords a complete specimen of what American newspapers are, and must be. If you do not either invent, or republish all the calumnies upon one party, you are a bad man. You are a trimmer, a defector, an apostate; and, very likely you are, likewise an atheist. The other party, for it is not worth while to make any material distinction between them, proceed exactly in the same direction. The real interest, the authentic information that should be explained to the country, is extinguished in a vortex of selfish passions; of faction, or stupidity, of corruption. Citizens! we have asked you before, and we have asked you again, to exert only such a degree of understanding as is necessary, for the raising of your cows, for the felling of your pigs. And then you suppose that an hundred and fifty people in Congress and in the federal executive do not contain one puppy, or one bad man. We employ the guarded expression of bad man because general Samuel Smith has arrested a Baltimore editor. With the nature of the offence, we are not acquainted; but we never knew before that the general possessed any moral qualities that amounted exactly to the value of eight thousand dollars. It is not nine years ago, since he told the writer of this article, face to face, in the city tavern of Philadelphia, that he had wrote to Mr. Andrew Brown, editor of the Philadelphia Gazette, a most confounded lie at Callender's expence . General Smith would as soon take a lion by the beard, as attempt to contradict this memorable postulation of truth.  Within a few weeks perhaps, within three, the Recorder will be published twice a week. Such of our friends, as wish to have it so often, will take this opportunity of announcing post paid that they are desirous to have the paper twice per week. In next Recorder, we shall more fully explain the terms of subscription.
FROM THE PROVIDENCE UNITED STATES CHRONICLE.
A wise democrat, in the county of Bristol, not long since, being about to make a purchase to the amount of an Almanack, called Wheeler's North-American Callender (more or less,) the seller observed, that as Callender's name was prefixed to it, perhaps the democrats would not like it, since Callender wrote against them without mercy, fear, favor, or reward. The democrat, after closely inspecting the Almanack, replied,
"Why, as to Callender , I once esteemed him 'tis true, and he was the nutmeg of my affections; but since the rascal has come about, and told every body what we agreed to keep a secret, and thereby dishonored and disgraced our party; I despise him from the bottom of my soul; so you may keep your Callender Almanack , for I do not like it at all, and will not have it."
[FROM ROLF'S PHILADELPHIA GAZETTE.]
MUCH astonishment and indignation have been excited by the recent transaction at Richmond, where, in defiance of known principles of law, and the more solemn declaration of the state and Federal constitutions, a violent restraint has been laid on the liberty of the press. That a measure of this kind should have proceeded from that party who have hitherto been most clamorous in their declaration of regard and reverence for this palladium of liberty, would be matter of additional surprise, were we not accustomed to the view of their glaring inconsistencies and flagrant disregard of the most equitable principles. Indeed, we have various reasons to strengthen the belief, that these men, while shouting hofanna to this idol, are in their hearts intent to crucify it. Since their accession to power more violent attacks have been made on the liberty of the press, than during any former period. By the abuse of that freedom they gained the summit of authority; and now, when its wholesome uses begin to operate, they are leagued to destroy it.
The doctrine of binding over a printer, before he has been convicted of any breach of law or decorum, has not originated with Mr. Hay, or his democratic council. We can cite a law opinion in our own state of superior reputation. In 1801, in the case of the editors of this Gazette and Lawyer Dallas, the former being summoned to enter into recognizance to appear and answer the charge of a libel, attended with their sureties before Chief Justice Shippen. The plaintiff, it appeared, was not to be satisfied with this; and the suggestion was impudently thrown out that the editors ought to be bound over to keep the peace, ad interim. We conceive it due to the Chief Justice to say, that he repelled the idea with disdain, as incompatible with law and justice; and Mr. Dallas was thus foiled in a daring attempt to trammel the press.
FROM THE NEW YORK COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER.
[One of the principal batteries, by which the Democrats drove their adversaries out of office, was their invectives against the Sedition act. The following will shew that they are even worse tyrants than their predecessors. We have, in Jefferson's hand writing, evidence that he gave Callender fifty dollars for writing the Prospect , vol. 1. and it can be proved that he gave fifty for the second; and this scoundrel of an attorney general refuses the defendant permission to prove these facts! Such is democratical freedom of the press! What a farce!]
At the General Sessions of the Peace in Columbia last week, two indictments were found against Mr. Croswell---one for charging the president with having paid Callender fifty dollars for libelling Washington and Adams; (i. support of which we would say much, if the truth might be given in evidence. We are wary, however, for the scourge of persecution is brandished---the reign of terror has commenced.) The other is for charging the President with expending money upon the French corvette Berceau without authority. After Mr. Croswell had traversed these indictments, his counsel requested a postponement until next term; to which the
* On Friday last, we stated, according to the information we then had, that the Attorney General pressed hard to have the matter tried the second day in court, but as we are now informed, he opposed the motion for an adjournment, instead of moving for a trial.
Attorney-General most strenuously objected, on the ground that a postponement could not enable Mr. Croswell to gain the attendance of witnesses who might be of any service to him, because he could not be permitted to prove that the charges he had printed and for which he was indicted, were true! He wished further to lay Mr. Croswell under recognizance, so as to stop him from printing in future. A statement, more at large, we hope, will be made by Croswell. The above, however, is supposed to be substantially correct, and a pretty comment it is on democratic attachment to the Liberty of the press.
There was a time when Congress passed a law, punishing libels, which were false, the truth of which could not be proved by the culprit. Such men as Ambrose Spencer, exclaimed against it. No man ought to be punished for what he printed; the people would always discover the truth. Not even falsehood ought to be punished. Now behold the sad reverse. These very men, the Attorney-general of the state, even declares, that truth itself shall be no protection to the liberty of the press! These men were smooth and subtle, when they sought for power, yet in power they are;---but the truth cannot be given in evidence. Will the people calmly submit to such imposition? Or can it be right that one set of men should be dismissed for punishing liars, and another applauded for persecuting those who publish only the truth.
The act, generally called the Sedition law, although it mer unhappily the public aversion, was truly consonant with the principles of a republican government. The third section contains this provision,---"That if any person shall be prosecuted under this act, for the writing or publishing any libel as aforesaid, it shall be lawful for the defendant, upon the trial of the cause, to give in evidence in his defence, the truth of the matter contained in the publication charged as a libel."---What says Ambrose Spencer? The truth shall not be given in evidence to justify a defendant. And yet he and his party shrieked and trembled at the bare mention of the sedition act---and well they might! To punish almost every Jacobin printer, and if the truth should be a shield to a Federal printer, the bolt of vengeance might be arrested.
FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
Departed this life on Tuesday the 17th ultimo, at his father's seat in Pittsylvania county, Mr. JOHN CALLAND, in the 25th year of his age. His early death can never be forgotten by his relations or numerous acquaintance. In him were united the dutiful son, the loving brother, the sincere friend, and the benevolent heart. If there is truth in the premiss, that virtue shall hereafter receive its just reward, then may his friends console themselves under the happy reflection that his spirit has taken its flight to those happy and peaceful regions where none but those who possess such virtue as him, can ever hope to be received.
AGRICULTURAL.
Observations on the cultivation of Indian corn, communicated to the Burlington agricultural society, by Mr. John Shepherd, of Greenwich, Cumberland county, New-Jersey.
Having heard it suggested, that Indian corn might be improved by a careful attention to plant only the seed gathered from those stalks which produced two ears; in the fall of 1786, I collected a quantity of such ears, sufficient for my next crop. In the spring of 1787, I planted this seed; and was well pleased to find my crop encreased much beyond the quantity I had been accustomed to; and by following the same rule in saving my seed my crops have increased to sixty bushels per acre, and I have three or four ears upon a stalk.
Published by order of the society, WILLIAM COX, Jun. Sec'y.
Burlington, April, 20, 1790.

TO THAT PART OF THE SPEECH OF GEORGE HAY.
Which was inserted in last Wednesday's Recorder.
"Fret, till thy proud heart burst." SHAKESPEARE.
(Continued from our List.)
HAY once told us that the Bible was the vilest book he knew ; for such is the habitual style of his conversation. Our answer is that this speech is the vilest we ever knew. Such is the being who grumbles about loss of character, who has wounded the political reputation of Virginia, who has made her, what she is at this moment, a gazing stock to the whole continent! And does this being seek protection and vengeance for his delicate and tortured feelings? No! By all that is attainable by the game of Loo, by all the oaths that Harefield ever bubbled out of a plain country member of assembly, * The Recorder swears that his name, with that of McRae, shall soar on the Eagle wings of infamy, along the four winds of heaven, till room is not left for an additional stroke, till their whole characters shall become one common undistinguishable wound, till the agonies of rage and madness, as they sometimes have done, may possibly extinguish those sensibilities by which disgrace is felt!
Hay came to reside in Richmond, something more than two years ago. He was not then worth four thousand dollars. His practice as a lawyer, supported a genteel subsistence, and that was all. He is now building a house near the Capitol, which cannot cost him less than ten thousand dollars. One is tempted to ask where he got the money? He lives in a sumptuous style. He keeps a great deal of company. We wish to know if it is true that after dinner, or supper, cards are constantly proposed, as an amusement, that two separate parties are immediately formed; and that Hay presides at one of the tables. An hundred people in Richmond have reported such particulars. If the tale is false, these people make a very bad return for his good offices. It is further said that a person in Hay's confidence, and who is continually paying visits at his house, is always at one of these tables. We have already explained the nature of the game at Loo.
A young lady paid a visit, some time ago, at the house of a certain lawyer in this city. Cards were introduced, and she lost to the tune of twenty, or perhaps of forty dollars. She went home, and told her father, who is a man of wealth, and from whom the story comes to us. His answer was "it is only for me to give you so much more money; but you must not game at that house again." This is not a solitary instance of the very same kind. How any thing in the shape of a man could stoop to pocket such winnings, or how, after such a victory, the conqueror could sleep sound in his bed, we are not able to conjecture, and we trust that we never shall be. It is not every young woman, that would have the wisdom and fortitude to acquaint her father with so mortifying a secret; nor is it every father who could so readily replace twenty or forty dollars. When the story is concealed, the young lady does not buy those articles of dress, perhaps, or something else, that she was expected to purchase with her pocket money. She does not make that figure in the fashionable world, which her friends suppose that she ought to make. Doubts arise, and whispers circulate in the family. Suspicion freezes every source of love; for domestic confidence and domestic happiness always expire together. We know what numbers of virtuous women have gone to ruin
NOTE.
* Hay knows that we have treated him, upon this subject, with tenderness; and that we could tell more than we ever shall tell.
† He laid this in the house and presence of a gentleman, whose veracity Hay dares not dispute.
and perdition, in foreign countries, by contracting play debts, which they durst not acknowledge, and could not discharge. If this baneful weed of corruption shall not be transplanted from Europe to America, we cannot blame the negligence of George Hay.
We return to Hay's speech. He told the court that "Callender was the most unprincipled man in existence." [after inviting young ladies to a dish of tea, and suffering them to lose their little pocket money, a man ought not to make too much noise as to principle . Hay's character, and that of his house, have for sometime, begun to be understood; and before we shall have done with his speech, the business will be completed.] "that he was known to the court, known to the numerous audience there present, known not only to the city of Richmond but in every corner of the union, where party prevailed, to be an infamous and notorious libeller."
If any thing had been wanting to prove what Hay is, the above passage would serve the purpose. If Callender was really such as he is here described to be, what better were the republican party, who read and quoted his writings with so much approbation? If ever Callender wrote libels, a great part of them must have appeared in the Examiner. Not a word ever went to press, till Mr. Jones had read it. On this subject, it is as impossible to separate Mr. Jones and his assistant, as to separate the sun from day light. Yet sick and feeble as Mr. Jones now is, Hay durst not either before his face or behind his back, charge him as a libeller. When Hay heard that the marshal was in search of Callender, he said these words: "I am sure if they fail upon you and don't meddle with Jones, it will be the most cowardly shameful thing, that was ever heard of." When, before the trial, Hay looked into the Prospect, he said to the author, "what ever happens, you have this consolation. Your enemies cannot deny that you write like a gentleman." If Callender was so bad a writer, what does Hay make of Madison's decided approbation, and of those letters from Jefferson extolling the Prospect? All this is so very plain, that it must strike every body.
Before proceeding to the next quotation from Hay, we shall make a short and reluctant statement of some facts that every one remembers. In Summer, 1799, about a month after Callender came to Richmond, the federalists found the tone of the Examiner much altered. They found themselves attacked on so many weak sides, that a number of light headed young men, who fancied that they belonged to this party, resolved to drive Callender out of Richmond. There was not a man of common judgement in the city, who did not hold the scheme in perfect reprobation. As for the parties themselves, Callender had never seen one of their faces, nor heard of one of their names. He had meddled with no person in Richmond. No part of the blame of this conspiracy could be ascribed to him. The republicans were loud in describing the shameful treatment which a stranger had met with. George Hay hauls this hackneyed story into his speech; and casts the whole blame of the disturbance upon Callender. As the summit of inconsistency, and of impudence, Hay likewise refers to the sedition trial; and to The Prospect , as a most slanderous libel ! The whole passage is as follows.
"Three years had not elapsed since he was publicly convicted by a jury, of a most slanderous libel. It was fresh in the memories of most present, the disturbances and discontent that this same libeller had occasioned in Richmond. Callender had then very nearly brought upon the inhabitants of this town a disgrace that would have plunged into misery many an innocent citizen; he had in short excited the inhabitants to a civil war."
It was the eternal theme of the Republican party that Chase acted wrong upon the sedition trial, that the jury
were packed, and that The Prospect was not a libel. A great part of the book had been wrote at general Mason's, had been corrected under his eye, and was printed verbatim , as it was then wrote. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison had seen the greater part of it, before it was published. Mr. Jefferson assisted the author with materials. Unsolicited, and unexpected, he sent Callender fifty dollars, and assured him that such publications could not fail of doing good. Mr. Madison gave the author a Joe for fifteen copies. The Prospect very justly terms John Adams the murderer of Jonathan Robbins. Mr. Madison expressed particular satisfaction at the recital of the passage that contains this epithet. If either he, or the president had hinted a dislike to any part of the book, the leaf would have been cancelled before publication. George Hay himself has spoke of it, in the highest terms.
Republican's! Attend to the consistency of this man! He arraigns the president, Madison, general Mason, and your whole body, as the patrons of a most slanderous libel ! In other words, he pronounces you, and your leaders to be altogether, worthless; for the patrons of a calumniator are always at least as bad as himself. This is the way in which Hay treats the Republican party; a party to which, he owes the petty, and declining consequence which he possesses in life. Behold the creature that prattles about overwhelming morality and virtue!
Hay proceeds to blame Callender as the author of the disturbances in Richmond, in 1799. This has already been explained as an absurdity. He excited the inhabitants to a civil war. This accusation was never advanced against Callender before. It was such as might be looked for from the effrontery of Hay's tongue, and the hopelessness of his cause.
Hay next pronounces that "the vengeance of the community would, sooner or later, overtake the editors of the Recorder." In other words, the citizens of Virginia are such turbulent ruffians, they are so much addicted to quarrels and murder, that an impartial printer cannot preserve his life among them. The writer of this paper has resided for two months, at one time, in Dublin. That city contains about fifty times as many white people as Richmond; and we have heard more about riots and mischief in this city in a single week, than in Dublin, in those two months. In Ireland, if a man commits a robbery, or murder, he runs the chance of being hanged for it. But in this free country, Hay well knew before hand, that if his bludgeon had committed murder, he did not run the smallest risk of the gallows. Either he could get the attorney general to desist from prosecution altogether, or when brought to trial, he could have produced the governor's previous pardon, or he would have got, what can easily be had, a packed republican jury, or he would have hired two physicians to declare that he was out of his wits; or finally, he could have broke jail. Such is the state of Virginian justice! in this focus of republican purity. At the same time, a poor fellow, after being confined a long time in prison, was last Spring, sent to the penitentiary for six months, for stealing a dollar. If any thing like penal equity existed in Virginia, Hay should, by this rule, have been sent to the penitentiary for thirty
NOTES.
† Before the end of the last session of assembly, people began to be afraid of an invitation to dine at a certain great man's house.
¶ This was the case as to the Richmond affair, where nothing could make Mr. Nicholas move. It is not easy to figure a more egregious breach of trust or duty in a public officer, than what was in this instance committed by the attorney general. His best friends, and we do not wish to give them offence, cannot offer the shadow of an excuse for his refusal to do his business. Yet Mr. Nicholas was prompt enough to post down to the low country to harraß Dr. Read, when he was sure that he was to be handsomely paid for it.
years. His crime was not merely sixty but it was six thousand times greater than that of the dollar thief. If you doubt of this, we should wish to hear for how many dollars, you are willing to get so many bruises, and to run such a hairbreadth risk of getting your skull beat into your brain pan.
We have in Richmond a small detachment of republican aristocrats. They are as insolent, as diabolical, as blood thirsty, as that pampered nobility, whom the French revolution hath so happily conducted to extinction. It is fortunate for the peace of this city, that some of these despots cannot, or will not pay their debts. If it was otherwise, the city would be habitable by nobody but themselves. Sawney McRae is requested to believe that he is not included in this description; although we could tell him something about a debt of ten dollars and an half, which it is not expected that he will ever pay. Mr. Jones has no other evidence for it, than McRae's promise, that "shadow of a shade." We do not wish to push the explanation too far. It would be barbarous to wound the English felicity of a democrat, when he has just buried an amiable, a despised, and a broken-hearted relation.
The argument maintained by Hay and this man against Callender is the strangest thing of the sort that was ever heard of. McRae, at the bar, highly commended the conduct of his friend for knocking down the monster of infamy. And when Callender smiled in his face, (it was a Sardinian smile,) the maniac lost all temper. He called on the court to maintain its dignity, to reach that man that monster! to behave properly. The mayor answered that no misbehaviour had been observed on Callender's part. But McRae has perhaps contracted habits of insolence and browbeating at Chesterfield court-house, and presumed upon this, that he was able to browbeat Callender. For this knock-him-down doctrine, which he and Hay so audaciously commended, they should both have been sent to jail, and have had their licences cancelled. If we may judge from the present mildness of his temper, McRae, when he was teaching children to spell Dilworth, must have consumed an uncommon quantity of birch. When Hay, last summer, was raving against Callender, at the market, and the post-office, what would Richmond have said, if the latter had come behind Hay and knocked him down? Every body knew that McRae was a fool. But Hay has betrayed, in this affair, a degree of absurdity, that would hardly have been suspected. When he wished the mayor not to bind him over, his Marplot argument was that the prosecutor had got what he deserved, that he deserved more than he had got; but that the court ought to take the word of an honest man. He would not beat the prosecutor again, unless the Recorder attacked him again. Such wild language was of itself, sufficient to make any magistrate upon earth bind him over.
George! George! Thou hadst better have taken a crocodile by the jaws, or a rattle-snake by the fangs, than have forced thyself into a quarrel with the Recorder. After such shocking explanations, wise men will despise, and good men will abhor thee. Men of property will not entrust its preservation to perjury and stupidity, so branded as thine. Thy female visitors, elegance and youth, and beauty, will desert thy tea table; and thy pigeons thy card table. Thy expiring accents will curse the exercise of thy bludgeon. Thy abrupt downfall will inform thy brother ruffians that the genuine and generous character of Virginia will protect a foreigner from thy revenge; that it abhors murder, and exterminates despotism. Thou shalt live; "in every face to meet a stranger's eye." Thou shalt live to envy the peaceful poor man in his log-house, and the humble negro, in his cabin. Thy name and detestation are, even already, synonymous. From this day, they will wander over the world, in "mournful company together."
To be continued.
NOTES.
* Dr. Johnson.
† A line from Ossian.