The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-09-13 00:00:00

G. Minor
The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 1808.
[No. 39.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
WINDSOR FOR RENT. —Will be rented on the 22d day of the present month to the highest bidder, on the premises, two thirds of that valuable farm near this city, called Windsor, for the term of one year, to commence on the first day of January next. The Tenant will be permitted to sow wheat this fall, if he wishes to do so.
SAML. GREENHOW, Agent for Wm. Langborne Executor of Wm. Dandridge deceased. Richmond, 1st September 1808. (12w3w)
WILLIAMSBURG, Aug. 22, 1808. —For reasons operating on the parties, Be it known , that the Mercantile Firm of Greenhow & Cole is this day dissolved.
The Subscriber offers for sale at Prime cost and charges, the whole of his well assorted STOCK IN TRADE, which has been purchased on the best terms with ready money, at the following credits, viz. one 8th part of their amount with legal interest on the whole to be paid at the end of the first year, and so on regularly one 8th part at the end of each successive year, with the interest on what remains unpaid, until the payments are completed; the purchaser giving bonds, with approved security for the payment of the different installments, as they become due—or he will receive in payment good paper, Houses & lots, in Richmond, Norfolk or Petersburg, whose situations may be approved of at a fair valuation.
The subscriber advanced in years, and in quest of that repose, which the evening of life requires, intends, if the contemplated disposition of his goods, is not effected by the first day of October, next [life and health permitting], to retail them at very reduced prices for cash only.
Adopting this as his rule of conduct, from which, he means not to depart; he hopes, that none of his much respected customers, who have favored him with their orders, and whose punctuality entitles them to be dealt with as heretofore, will be offended.
That they may have no cause to be so; and that he may be freed from that load of business, ever attendant on Credit sales: it is, that he thus addresses them.
RO. GREENHOW. [ep10w4]
August 26.
VALUABLE MEDICINE FOR SALE by Moses Davis, at his store, a short distance above the court-house in Richmond.
Moses Davis begs leave to inform his friends & the Public generally, that he has purchased at an advanced price from the Patente, Dr. LOZARUS'S PATENT ANTIPHLOGISTIC STOMACH CORIAL, justly estimated as one of the most valuable medicines in the whole materia medica. The heretofore great and rapid Sale, with the increasing demand for this invaluable cordial, the high esteem it is in through every part of Virginia, and some other of the United States; together with its singular and uncommon virtues in restoring weak and decayed constitutions, with those complaints so very common in the Spring and Fall, such as Autumnal and bilious fevers, dysentery, &c. & proclaim too loudly its intrinsic worth, to admit even of doubt.
It will be sold at the reduced price of one dollar per bottle, & a lengthy dissertation on its peculiar properties furnished gratis. And when taken, to be well shaken. Richmond, August 23. (ep1m&law1m)
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY. —At a meeting of the directors of the said company at the Swan Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on Monday evening the 15th of August 1808.
Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share of the Stockholders in the company be paid to the Treasurer on or before the 20th of next month.
Resolved, That all shares of delinquent Stockholders in the Company be sold at the Swan Tavern, in this City, on the 20th of next month, at 4 o'clock in the evening.
A Copy, N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. August 19. [1208]
UNITED STATES' STOCK LOST!!! —Notice is hereby given, That the following certificates of the United States' Stock, in the name of John Baird, bearing date 16 March 1791, have been lost or mislaid, and due application will be made at the Loan Office of the U. States for their renewal.
Six per Cents No. 210 $711 33 Deferred 210 $335 67 Three per Cents 135 $211 03
WILLIAM BAIRD, Exor Of John Baird. July 19th. ep3m
BOARDING, LODGING, AND ENTERTAINMENT. —The subscriber will commence keeping a boarding house on the 1st day of September next, in the commodious and conveniently situated house at present occupied by Major James Gibson, on the main-street opposite to Harris's brick building, where she will accommodate Ladies and Gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter, or year, with genteel board, lodging and entertainment. No exertions shall be wanting on her part to give satisfaction to those who will favour her with their company. ANNA BYRD. Richmond, August 16th. (ep1f)
CASH SALES. —By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us on the thirteenth day of July, 1805, by David Ross, Esq. for the purpose of securing to Benj. Mosby, the sum of fourteen thousand dollars, with interest on seven thousand dollars, a part thereof, from the said thirteenth day of July, 1805, till paid, and all other charges attending the execution of the said trust deed, (which was recorded in the district court of Richmond, Virginia, at the September term, 1805, and in the court of appeals of the state of Kentucky, at Frankfort, on the 11th day of April, 1807.) We will sell to the highest bidder, for ready money at the front door of the Eagle-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, Virginia, on Saturday the first day of October next, all that ES- TATE in the county of ... in the state of Kentucky, called and well known by the name of the BIG BONE LICK, containing about two thousand acres on the Big Bone Creek, and four thousand acres on the Ohio—the whole located and surveyed under old military warrants, embracing the whole of the said David's estate in that part of Kentucky, and containing in the whole six thousand acres, be the same more or less. E. W. ROOTES, } Trustees. WILSON ALLYN, } Richmond, Va. August 16, 1808. [1208]
CHARLES MUNNS (late assistant teacher at Mr. Oswald's) will open SCHOOL at the dwelling of Mr. Shields adjoining the Bank, THIS DAY, for the education of youth of both sexes. Terms of Tuition.—Instruction in the French Language, Geography, English Grammar, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, 10 dollars a quarter, the one half payable in advance. If any scholar does not learn French, he pays only 8 dollars per quarter; if any, also, will not learn English Grammar and Geography, 6 dollars payable as before. No charge on the scholars entering: no charge for fuel, and separate rooms for the pupils of both sexes. An Evening School for the Tuition of French will be kept from 5 to 7 for the accommodation of young gentlemen who may find it more convenient to attend at those hours.—Terms 8 dollars per quarter. August 9. [1w1m]
PROKERA AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. —The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. C. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [4w4h]
I DO hereby forewarn all persons from trading for a Bond of mine executed to James Hickman for twenty-five pounds, dated 12th April last, as I do not conceive I owe him any part thereof. ROBERT MENDUM. Sept. 2. [2w1]
AT a Meeting of the Trustees of the Richmond Academy at the Capitol, August 9, 1808.
Ordered , That the following resolution be published for the information of those concerned: "From the difficulty which it is expected will be experienced in the further sale of tickets in the 3d Class of the Richmond Academy Lottery, owing to the present situation of the country, it is Resolved, That notice be given to the holders of tickets in the said 3d Class, that they return the said tickets to those of whom they were purchased for the purpose of having the purchase money returned."
Extract from the proceedings, Attest, SAMUEL COLEMAN, Sec'y. August 16. [1f]
NEW STORE IN AN OLD STAND. —Alexander de Plainville having removed to the store lately occupied by Mr. James Fisher, offers for sale, in addition to his well assorted stock of CONFECTIONARY, a general assortment in the GROCERY LINE, which he will always keep supplied from the best sources, and sell at a very moderate advance for Cash, Country produce or City acceptances at a short date.
N. B. A constant supply of the very first quality Havana Segars by the box or smaller quantity.
Also, A constant supply of fresh Rocketts' Mills flour for private families. August 23. [6t]
BANK NOTES , as below described, were put into the post office at this place on 27th May last, enclosed in a letter addressed to Messrs John Warder and Sons, Philadelphia, and which letter has never been received; it is therefore apprehended that the BANK NOTES may have fallen into improper hands; and should such appear in circulation, we earnestly request that they may be stopped. Any satisfactory information regarding them will be thankfully received, and if required, liberally rewarded. BUCHANAN & POLLOK. Petersburg, July 5. (1f)
Bank of Virginia payable at their Office of Discount and Deposit Petersburg, to Robert Birch President thereof or Bearer,
  B No. 332 9th February 1805, $ 100   866 6th July, 100   C 153 7th February, 100   324 9th — 100   700 6th May, 100   753 7th — 100   788 — 100   $ 700 
CASH SALE. —To be sold for ready money at the front door of the Eagle-Tavern in the City of Richmond, on Thursday the fifteenth day of September next (1808) in pursuance of a deed of trust from David Ross, Esq. bearing date on the 26th day of May, 1807, and recorded in the General Court, all that Estate and tract of Land in the county of Fluvanna at the confluence of the South and North rivers, containing by estimation five thousand seven hundred and nine acres, be the same more or less, and bounded by the ancient meets and boundaries thereof, being the same Land, and the whole thereof formerly the property of Walter King, granted to the said David Ross by letters patent, signed and sealed by the Governor of Virginia, as will more fully and satisfactorily appear by referring to the records of the Land Office, or so much thereof as will pay the following sums of money, with the expenses attending the execution of said trust, viz:
  To Mrs. Frances Tabb payable on the 26th of May 1808, with interest on £ 790 : 5 : 4, a part thereof from the 26th May 1807, till paid, $16075 : 39   To the same payable on the 25th of May 1808, 1432 : 04   To the same as guardian to her infant daughter Seigniora Tabb, payable on the same day, with interest on £ 559 : 10 : 9 a part thereof from the 26th of May 1807, till paid, 2653 : 33   To the same as guardian to her infant daughter Marianna Tabb, payable on the same day, with interest on £ 505, a part thereof from the 25th May, 1807, 2335 : 90   To Randolph Harrison, payable on the same day, 12,800 : —   To J. & E. Cunningham payable on the same day, 8960 : —   ALM'S B. VENABLE, } Trustee. BENJ'S HATCHER, } JOHN G. SMITH, } (ep158) 
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. —Strayed or stolen from Caleb Bolan's residence in the County of Caroline about four or five miles below the Bowling-Green and near the stage road, a blood bay GELDING, about four feet ten inches or five feet high, nine or ten years old, shod all round, his tail which had been braided has grown long and his mane hangs on the right side; if there be any white about him, it is not recollected, though there may be a little on one or both of his hinder feet-hocks; there are knots on one or both shoulders caused by being galled with the collar, his withers are high and have been chafed by the saddle; he has been used as a plough-horse for the last three years, on a plantation on James river in the lower end of the County of Powhatan and may endeavor to get there again.—Any person who will deliver the said horse to Mr. John Guy at the Eagle-Tavern in the City of Richmond, shall receive the above reward. August 12. (1m.)
CHARLES MUNNS (late assistant teacher at Mr. Oswald's) will open SCHOOL at the dwelling of Mr. Shields adjoining the Bank, THIS DAY, for the education of youth of both sexes. Terms of Tuition.—Instruction in the French Language, Geography, English Grammar, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, 10 dollars a quarter, the one half payable in advance. If any scholar does not learn French, he pays only 8 dollars per quarter; if any, also, will not learn English Grammar and Geography, 6 dollars payable as before. No charge on the scholars entering: no charge for fuel, and separate rooms for the pupils of both sexes. An Evening School for the Tuition of French will be kept from 5 to 7 for the accommodation of young gentlemen who may find it more convenient to attend at those hours.—Terms 8 dollars per quarter. August 9. [1w1m]
PROKERA AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. —The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. C. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [4w4h]
I DO hereby forewarn all persons from trading for a Bond of mine executed to James Hickman for twenty-five pounds, dated 12th April last, as I do not conceive I owe him any part thereof. ROBERT MENDUM. Sept. 2. [2w1]
BELLES LETTRES SCHOOL. —JOHN DAVIS, translator from the French of Monsieur's Campaigns, respectfully acquaints the inhabitants of Richmond, that he will open a school Monday the 12th Instant, in a pleasant house on Elliot's lot, lately occupied as a seminary by Miss Frances Hughes; where he proposes to teach the English, Latin and French languages, Greek grammar and Testament, together with Writing, Arithmetic, History, Geography, English grammar and Epistolary Composition. Terms.—English, 8 dollars per quarter—English and Latin 10.—English and French 10.—English, Latin and French 12.
TESTIMONIALS. —Th: Jefferson thanks Mr. Davis for the Latin pamphlet he has been so kind as to send him. The intimacy it shews with the beauties of that language is not the less valuable because it is rare. It is to those models we are indebted for the superiority of our taste over the nations of Asia and Africa. He salutes Mr. Davis with respect. Monticello, Sept. 8, '07.
Mr. Davis is the author of several Opusculas in Latin, French and English, which evince a knowledge of those languages equally extensive and accurate. To him a long, and I might say, an enthusiastic study, has rendered the British Classics perfectly familiar. To these qualifications Mr. Davis joins a spirit of indefatigable industry. This character I have heard confirmed on him by several enlightened and respectable persons, who have had occasion to estimate the result of his exertions. L. H. GIRARDIN. Richmond, August 6. (3t)
THE Broad Rock Fair JOCKEY CLUB RACES, will commence on Monday the 26th day of September: the first day the Jockey Club purse of $ 400.—four mile heats the second day the Proprietor's purse of $ 200, three mile heats; the third day a Handy Cup purse of $ 100, two mile heats, entrance $ 15. For this purse any person may run a nag agreeable to the rules of handycapping, whether they be a member of the Jockey Club or not. Wm. BALL, Proprietor of the ground. Sept. 9. (ep15w5)
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD. —Ran away from the subscriber, living in Albemarle county at Carr's Ford, on the 25th day of August, a likely negro man named SAM, about 5 feet 8 inches high, very stout made; he has a small scar over his right eye, he is about 33 years of age and tolerable black fellow; he is an excellent black smith—I think it needlessly to mention his clothes as he took different kinds with him; he has a remarkable short and bluff way of answering when spoken to. Any person who will deliver the fellow to me, or secure him any jail so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges paid. It is probable he has provided himself with a free pass. EDWARD FENNEYHOUGH. September 9. (1f)
STRAYED from the Belvidera farm on Saturday last, a very fine young RAM of the mixed Barbary breed, of a yellowish color and very long fleece. He is marked with an under-keel in the left and a swallowfork in the right ear. I will reward any one liberally who will deliver the said Ram to the overseer Mr. Thomas Smith. EDWIN JAMES HARVIE. September 9. (2t)
DOMESTIC.
BALTIMORE, September 5. THE PARADE. CART ORATORY, &c.
It is unfortunate for us that we are wise too late; or rather that we find by late experience, the want of the most useful arts. Had I been a stenographer, I could report for the edification of our readers, the speeches delivered by the different gentlemen on the field near Caton's mills on Saturday last; instead of beginning with an apology for my own ignorance. Some there were, who disliked most of the harangues; but some folks are incapable of judging.
"Non cuicunque datum est habere nasum." That is, every man is not gifted with a critical and discerning head.—So let's have no illiberality.—One fellow roundly condemned all the speakers, divisim , or one by one thus:
"To strike, not please, his utmost force he bends, And all his sense is at his finger's end."
Testing aside, I think the temper displayed by the people of whom there was a great number, on the ground, gives us hopeful anticipations of a republican triumph in this district at the ensuing election.
Mr. Winder of this city, offered himself as a candidate, at the repeated solicitations, he said, of gentlemen of various political principles from the country and city. He spoke with much warmth and feeling against the embargo, which he considered as a very unwise and destructive measure; that an embargo of short duration, as preparatory to war, would have been proper; but an unlimited one was like committing political and commercial suicide. An argumentum ad crumenam , (of a peculiar kind) or appeal to avarice, he wielded vehemently: showed how it affected the farmer, whose produce was rotting on his hands, or must be sacrificed at half-price; for any price in fact, which the speculating merchants chose to give—that the reduction in the price of 499,000 bbls. of flour in Baltimore last year, might be estimated at 25 per bushel; that wheat was reduced to 10 cents per bushel; corn in proportion, &c. &c. The embargo it was said, saved such and such sums (one million and a half of dollars) it was untrue—the embargo saved not a cent's worth—but it destroyed commerce and pressed sorely upon the husbandman: that there was still a partial market, which would consume a little of our produce; of this narrow vent we ought to try to avail ourselves. The East-Indies were open to us; Sweden was open, and so was the African coast.
Mr. Winder observed, it was boasted that the merchants approved of the embargo;
Some of them might do so; as it gave them a chance of enriching themselves from the labours of the farmer, whose tobacco they bought at a trifling price, and stored it up, with the prospect of an immense profit at a future day—for tobacco was an article that would keep in good condition for many years. Thus was the farmer's interest sacrificed to the spirit of speculation. No wonder there fore, that such speculators approved of it.—Mr. W. described the wounds our honor received in the affair of the Chesapeake, and the additional insult offered by Rose in demanding the revocation of the President's proclamation; that we were still prostrate with disgraceful humiliation at the footstool of British insolence; for, the embargo effected nothing—and, raised it never would be, unless the people at their next election showed their aversion to it by choosing men who were opposed to such a policy. That at the dawn of the revolution, we resorted to arms, rather than submit to a petty tax of three pence per pound on tea, and a small duty on stamp paper; but now, when our population was trebled, we submitted to British and French interdiction in every case; when our interest and honour could only be promoted, by resenting insults and repelling wrongs (with promptness and energy) from whatsoever quarter they might come.—[Observe, reader, I do not pretend to give even a satisfactory sketch of the arguments of any of the gentlemen. I state from memory, and that a little leaky, what at present occurs to me.—If I remember rightly, Mr. W. told the people, that the Milan decree, had been issued near a year before the British orders of Council of November 11, 1807—whereas we all know, the Milan Decree is a retaliation of these orders, and bears date, thirty six days after they were issued.]
Mr. Little, observed, that having carefully examined the constitution of the United States and the laws of his native state, he found that he could not consistently with a right construction of them, be elected with Captain Moore; and that he would not hazard the unity of the republican party by endeavouring to be elected against him—he therefore declined a poll. He thanked the people for their past support, and trusted that on a strict review of his legislative and representative character, his conduct would be found correct throughout.
Mr. Pollock did not come there prepared (he said) to make a fine speech to the farmers about their carrots, their beans and their cabbage; but he came to tell them of the revolutionary merits of Oliver Pollock.—(Mr. P. speaks like Caesar, in the third person.) But he would not run into a dispute with the gentleman first up, on the subject of the embargo, which he hoped, would cease to exist long before that gentleman or himself, if elected, could have a vote upon it; but no matter about the embargo, he would stick to the constitution. He would ask the gentleman one question, one simple question.—If he were pleading a cause arising out of the embargo-law, would he not depend on that act as the statute law of the land?—He then adverted to his own pecuniary contributions; sufferings and sacrifices for the cause of freedom; which were well known (as well as himself) to the great, glorious and immortal Washington—to the great and immortal Robert Morris; that lastly, a history of them had been written and published with his own name signed to it. He denied any man to deny or disprove one word of that publication; and he challenged any of five candidates (who, he said were "all honorable men") to show that they had done as much for his country.
Captain Moore observed, that he would not enter into an elaborate defence of the embargo—not only because he was not accustomed to harrangue, but because the wisdom and necessity of the measure must be obvious to every man of reflection and knowledge. For his part, he thought his vote in favor of the embargo, one of the most patriotic he ever gave. He knew it affected the farmers; for he was a farmer himself—but there was no alternative between embargo or war. Members of Congress being equally affected by its operations with other citizens, could have no distinct interest, and of course, no improper motives for passing it. As a mean of keeping us independent, it would, he hoped, be cheerfully submitted to. [This sentiment was approved with shouts of applause.] An erroneous impression was made on some minds by a report that he meant to decline a re-election; that report was the effect of misconstruction. For repeated proofs of confidence—and the honors conferred by his constituents, he was grateful, and trusted he should always merit—by endeavoring to act with undeviating rectitude.
Mr. MKR briefly remarked, that having resided so long in Baltimore, he trusted he was not unknown to many of them; that he had ever cherished democratic principles—and ever would; he had supported Mr. Jefferson's administration, and would adhere to similar principles and measures.—Of the embargo he would not remark; but leave it to gentlemen of more extensive commercial information.
Col. BUCHANAN was repeatedly called on to address the meeting. He at length complied. Mr. Winder, said he, has portrayed our grievances, and the evils of the embargo; but he has pointed out no remedy. He said he would not follow the gentleman first up (Mr. Winder) through all his arguments, because he was not accustomed to public debate; but he would answer and correct the gentleman's mistakes on some commercial points. And being a merchant himself, he must be an egregious blockhead indeed, if he did not know something of the nature of commerce, and the effects which the orders and decrees, and the embargo had put upon it. He affirmed that instead of one million, &c. the embargo preserved from capture and condemnation, property to the amount of one hundred millions of dollars; and he appealed to any federal (mercantile) gentleman present to correct him, if he mistated a particle of fact. The gentleman had said, that he considered an embargo of short duration, and that duration limited; as proper only, when preparatory to war. An embargo, said Mr. B. in its very nature must be indefinite, as to duration, or it would be greatly absurd and utterly ineffectual.—What? should we proclaim to France or England, that we would endure an embargo for one month or two months, or until some given period, and no longer? If we did so, it would be saying to them—On such a day, you may prepare to pounce upon our property, which we must by that time launch upon the ocean, to provoke your hungry jaws. Let such an embargo be laid, and it would be completely absurd indeed. The present embargo law, was word for word the same with that imposed in 1794, under Washington's administration: if it lasted much longer, there was much greater cause for its continuance. The affairs of the world now, bore no parallel to those of former days. We must be guided by circumstances, and external circumstances, foreign and uncontrollable, we knew compelled us to lay an embargo. We were placed between two robbers, who strove which could excel the other, in depredating upon neutral commerce, under pretence of retaliating injuries upon each other. Unwilling to be longer a sacrifice for either, we had pursued the only wise policy that could be pursued; produce was low now, but a declaration of war would sink still lower the price of every thing. Occasional purchases we now made, in the expectation that commercial restrictions might ere long be removed, but, if war be declared, the probability is that it would last for three or four years, and few or none would be adventurous enough to lay out money for domestic products on the forlorn hope of exporting it to a foreign market. But the eloquent gentleman who spoke first, was resolved to brook no insult—he would, it seems, take both France and England by the beard. Why, sirs, if we go to war with England and France, at the same time, where shall we find a market for a single pound of flour, or a stem of tobacco.
Mr. B. made many judicious observations on the arrogance of the rival powers—and the dictatorial character of the British orders of Nov. 1807, which usurp the power of imposing tribute upon us; by these every cargo intended for the continent must be first taken into an English port, and licence obtained upon payment of a certain sum.—Of the article of tobacco, about 80,000 hds. used to be exported annually from the Southern States; of which about 12,000 only were consumed in England. If the remainder be exported to France, we must first pay a tax to Britain upon it, and if it is sent to the dependencies of France, the whole is seized, because the vessel came from a British port! But England must circumscribe us still more.—[Here Mr. B. stated, that he had yesterday learned the result of a report of a late Parliamentary committee, which recommended greater restrictions on our commerce, under specious pretexts.—It was the report of a committee appointed to report on the propriety of prohibiting grain in the distilleries in England.—In consequence of this, about one twentieth part of our flour, &c. might find a market in the British W. India Islands.*] But the gentleman has indulged himself in comparisons between revolutionary times and measures, and recent ones. I was not old enough then to be an actor in those scenes. As far however, as history unfolds the events of those times, and the policy of our forefathers, they correspond exactly with the measures of the present administration and members of Congress.—When England sought to fetter us then with arbitrary, unconstitutional impositions as taxes &c., the Americans had passed non-intercourse laws and resolves;—the very same we had recently done. England preyed upon our commerce and impressed our seamen, we passed a non-importation act. Both England and France attempted to make a common prey of our ships and cargoes—we presented both with an embargo law, which preserves both ships and cargoes, and gives us time and means of preparing more effectually for future emergencies; I say, it preserves our property, and what is more infinitely valuable, our independence. Mr. B. repelled the assertion of Mr. Winder, that the merchants were gainers by the embargo; on the contrary he was a great loser, as well as others. Mr. Stansbury spoke next; and he spoke the genuine sentiments of an independent republican American, with force and feeling. He was replied to by Mr. Winder—but I must depend on some gentleman, who was nearer them at the time than myself, for a sketch. Mr. S. I think, spoke more to the purpose than any man on the field, for he stated stubborn facts in strong language, which none could mistake or controvert.—The impertinent interruptions experienced both by Stansbury and Winder, did no credit to certain gentlemen present, too fond of throwing stumbling blocks in the way of a speaker.—Whig.
NEW-ORLEANS, August 5. Gen-Boat No. 16, lieut. Sprigg, arrived here on Friday last from a cruise; also No. 19, capt. Williamson, from lake Barataria, off which, capt. W. has been cruising for some time past. We understand he has goods on board to the amount of one hundred and twenty-thousand dollars, taken out of a number of boats which he made prizes off the lake for a violation of the embargo acts. We can announce with certainty to the public, that we shall shortly have it in our power to publish a full and accurate account of all gen. Wilkinson's commercial transactions with the Spanish government, accompanied with the original vouchers, signed by the general himself and his agents—by which the whole fabric of Tobacco speculation , on which the Court of Enquiry, at Washington, has grounded their opinion, must disappear like a baseless vision; and we are authorized to say, that the statement on that subject presented to the Court of Enquiry, in the shape of an account current, shall be fully developed. We offer the following testimony in corroboration of the honorable Daniel Clark's deposition, laid before Congress. * Being thrown off my attention, during these remarks of Mr. B. I do not undertake to relate them correctly. I have stated what I remember. But the report itself, to which he alluded, will be found in to-day's paper. (This Report appeared in the Enquirer of the 20th inst.)

Major Isaac Guion's Deposition. MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY. Adams County, ss. Personally appeared before me, a justice of the peace, in and for the county aforesaid, Isaac Guion, late an officer in the United States' army, and (being sworn on the holy Evangelist of Almighty God) deposed and saith—That on the 22d day of October, in the year 1798, he joined the army at Head quarters, then at Loftus' Heights on the Mississippi river, encamped, commanded by General James Wilkinson—That the general then lived in his marquee, in the swamp or bottom on the right of the infantry—That, on the day of his arrival at head quarters, to the best of his recollection and full belief, he was then introduced to Mr. Daniel Clark, jr. who was there, on a visit from New Orleans, as he was informed: Mr. Clark remained in the camp two or three days after the arrival of this deponent, and then left it and went on an excursion of twelve or fifteen days towards the Natchez, and on his return visited the camp again, and was there on the 20th day of November in that year—but how long he remained, this deponent cannot now be certain, but to the best of his recollection, his visit was short, perhaps only one or two days—That, from the time this deponent joined the army (22d of Oct.) until after Mr. Clark's visit in Nov. the gen. lived in his marquee, having only changed its position from the right of the infantry, in the bottom, to the hill near the house (or boat) then sitting out for him, and afterwards occupied by him—That he is very certain the general did live in his marquee at the times when Mr. Clark made both those visits, for he well recollects having been in company with them in the general's tent; and his memory, as to dates, is assisted by papers and writings, now in his possession, which were written and dated by Mr. Clark in the general's tent, in the presence of this deponent. I. GUION. Sworn to & subscribed this 22d day of July, in the year 1808, before me SAMUEL BROOKS, J. P.
D. Michie's Deposition. Adams County, ss. Personally appeared before me, a justice of the peace, in and for the said county David Michie, of the city of Natchez, and (being first sworn) deposed and saith—That, in the autumn of the year 1798, he was at the encampment of the army of the United States, commanded by General James Wilkinson, at Loftus' Heights on the Mississippi river, and while there he did see Mr. Daniel Clark, jr. of the city of New Orleans, there in the tent or marquee of the general, then pitched in the swamp near the encampment of the troops—That, he well remembers that the general then lived in his marquee, and that Mr. Clark was there in it, in company with the general; and to the best of his recollection, it was in the month of October or November in that year. D. MICHIE. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 22d day of July, 1808. SAMUEL BROOKS, J. P.
A GOOD SPECK!!! From the Mercantile Advertiser. To all the loyal subjects of their Catholic and most faithful majesties Ferdinand 7th, the king of Spain, and the Prince Regent of Portugal, residing in the United States of America. The remotest nations have known and physically experienced the valor, the intrepidity, and boldness of the brave and unconquerable Spaniards and Portuguese, who ever distinguished themselves by their love of their country, their king and their religion. No one can deny the rapid progress of their arms in former times; no person can dispute that their conquests (almost too great for human power) have covered our nation with glory, perpetuated their fame, and crowned them with immortal laurels. Remember a Cortis, who with four hundred Spaniards conquered the vast and powerful kingdoms of New Spain, Peru, &c. Look back to the invincible Portuguese who extended their dominions over the rich & delightful kingdom of Brazil & the most flourishing parts of Africa & India. Who will dispute that the fruits of their labor have furnished to the known world, the richest now possesses? But the world knows, and alas! we ourselves must confess, that the treasures of both our nations have been the deplorable cause of the effemination and enervation of our natives, and the first cause of the envy of foreign nations. Thus beloved Spaniards and Portuguese, we have become the slaves of our riches, and by them acquired those friends who under the pretext of promoting our happiness, came to us like wolves in sheep's clothing, and anxiously sought to devour us. It was the brightness of our gold, and silver, our precious stones and our pearls which dazzled our eyes and prevented us from looking into their malicious, execrable, and perfidious intentions of these avaricious wretches; but the iniquity of their proceedings has awakened us at last from the profound lethargy into which our ignorance had plunged us, and has roused us to recover once more our ancient fame. Thanks to the brave and wise men, who in the council of Seville brought on our present reformation and called to our memory the lustre of our immortal Numantians; and thanks to the intrepid, the brave and loyal Gomez Freyre, and those other worthy Portuguese who dared to shake off the yoke of a foreign despot and usurper, and restore the glorious name of the famed Lusitans. Can there be one who calls himself a subject of either of the nations, however unhappy his situation may be, or however much he may have been injured by his country or government, who would not on the present occasion forget all and follow so glorious, so sublime an example, founded on reason, justice, religion, and rights divine and human? Surely not; and if I am permitted to judge from my own feelings, though I consider myself the least capable among my countrymen, I am convinced that the example of our compatriots, the love we bear our families, the wish to redeem them from infamous captivity, the fidelity to our august sovereigns, and the professions of our sacred religion, will raise us to deeds worthy a Hannibal, or an Alexander! How much then may be expected from so many gallant subjects of both nations now on the continent, who possess all the qualities of faithful patriots, and whose valor is heightened by the crimes of our oppressors, so as to bring to a speedy end the war, which the brave men are separated from their beloved country by the chance of war, which is the case with me; otherwise out of its reach of their families from the result of trifling offences,
mostly produced by ignorance; and the greatest number of them perhaps detained here for want of an opportunity or the necessary means to return to the dominions of their respective sovereigns. And it is much to be lamented (particularly under the present circumstances, where every individual may be usefully employed, either in the land or sea service) that no agents are appointed for the relief of those distressed persons in a foreign country. Yes, beloved Spaniards and Portuguese, some of the circumstances here stated occur in me; but remembering the various motives which attach me with fidelity to both nations, of whom I have been and still am a grateful subject, surmounting all the obstacles that present themselves to my view, animated by a natural enthusiasm, and wholly trusting to Providence, I solicit, call upon, and entreat, with all the eagerness of my faithful heart, all, and every Spaniard and Portuguese now residing in the U. States of America, of whatever class, condition or colour he may be, not exceeding the age of fifty years, and feeling the glow of true patriotism, to support, even at the sacrifice of life, his country, king, and religion, by uniting with the forces of our loved compatriots to avenge the cause of so many innocent victims, in whose number perhaps most of us have a father, a brother, or some other dear relative. Let us hasten to avenge those that have fallen, and endeavor to prevent others from being immolated by the cruel hand of that tyrant who has trampled on humanity, and inundated all Europe with human blood.
Those who feel inclined to follow this their country's call, will be pleased to favor me with their names, situation, and place of residence, postage paid, and within the precise time of one month from this date, addressing their letters to the undersigned, who, although not possessed of the pecuniary means to transport so many individuals to their native country as may anxiously wish to embark in so glorious a cause, which is the sole purpose of this address, yet he hopes to be enabled with the assistance he may receive from the wealthier part of our countrymen resident in these states, who by their commercial and other affairs are prevented from joining us personally, or if necessary, an application will be made to the ministers and agents of his Britannic majesty, our great and faithful ally to facilitate our union with our brave countrymen in that cause which he so generously has embraced as his own. Therefore, in the present situation of our country, as good and faithful subjects of their majesties, it behooves us, by every tie that endears us to our friends, to come forward and cooperate with our brethren in the glorious struggle of rescuing from the iron grasp of a foreign despot, that country which has till lately been the admiration and wonder of surrounding nations. DR. F. A. PEREDO. White Hall Street, No. 26.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, FRIDAY, April 3, 1808. The report of the select committee in the case of Mr. SMITH of Ohio, being under consideration— Mr. FRANKLIN moved, that the Senate do now proceed to consider the resolution, with which the report concludes, and which is in the following words:— "Resolved, That JOHN SMITH, a Senator from the state of Ohio, by his participation in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr, against the Peace, Union and Liberty of the people of the United States, has been guilty of conduct incompatible with his duty and station as a Senator of the United States, and that he be, therefore, and hereby is expelled from the Senate of the United States."
This motion having been agreed to, Mr. ADAMS spoke in substance as follows:— Mr. PRESIDENT—The question now under consideration appears in strict propriety to import, only a discussion on the point of fact, and its determination can decide only whether Mr. Smith has or has not been a participant in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr, so far to be no longer worthy of a seat upon this floor. But as the learned and ingenious counsel of Mr. Smith have wrested a part of his defence upon objections against the principles recommended in the report, and upon which the Senate have hitherto proceeded in this case, I shall be permitted, in the course of the remarks I am now about to submit to the Senate, to make some observations upon the principles contended for by those gentlemen, as have occurred to me, as well as upon the view of the evidence now in our possession, and by which my vote upon the resolution will be governed. And I cannot but express my satisfaction, that the principles of the report have been brought to so severe an ordeal, & have been called to encounter the whole argument and eloquence of two such powerful adversaries. Far is it from my wish, sir, that those principles should receive the countenance and sanction of this body, unless upon the severest scrutiny they shall be found to stand upon the foundations of reason, of the constitution, and of precedent. If the principles proposed by Mr. Smith and his counsel are more sound, they ought unquestionably to prevail, and in order to try their respective validity, my task will be to examine the objections which the learned counsel have urged against the principles of the report, and to advert upon those which they have proposed to substitute in their stead.
The first objection is to the jurisdiction of the Senate. It is said that we had no right to try this case at all; or at least that if we were authorised to enter upon it for purpose of enquiry, we had no right to pursue it for purpose of decision. And although this enquiry was originally solicited with earnestness by Mr. Smith himself, I am not desirous of depriving him of the benefit which he can now derive from a denial of our jurisdiction. His counsel now solemnly protests in his name and their own against our indulgence in granting him his request. If indeed they are right, if we have no authority to try, the consequence would lead further than the gentlemen themselves would be willing to allow. Their argument denies the right of the Senate to take this question at all. A vote of rejection would affirm the jurisdiction of the Senate, as much as a vote of adoption. Acquittal implies the jurisdiction of the tribunal, as much as conviction. This is obvious from the practice of the common law courts, where the plea of the jurisdiction must always be decided before the general issue can be tried. Mr. Smith, however, ought not to be denied the advantage of both his grounds. If there are members of the Senate, who though convinced that the facts are sufficient for his expulsion, have been convinced by the arguments of his counsel that they ought to have been tried here, they will vote against the resolution. If there are others who believe the course we have taken to be correct, but that the evidence is not sufficient to warrant ex-
pulsion, they also will vote against the resolution. The result of every doubt, whether of right or of fact, will operate in favor of Mr. Smith. I do not incline, therefore, to their separation.
Let us then examine the reasons upon which the jurisdiction of the Senate has been contested. The two gentlemen, who so ably conducted the defence of Mr. Smith, did not in all respects take the same grounds; but I shall notice the arguments adduced by each of them, which appear to me material without always discriminating by which of them they were urged. It was said by the gentleman whom we had last the pleasure of hearing upon this subject, (Mr. Harper) that if this question were new, he should contend that the power of expulsion given by the constitution to each of the two Houses of Congress, was restricted to a mere regulation of police, for the preservation of order, and that they could institute no enquiry into the conduct of their members, except for offences committed in presence of the House. But this ground was taken only to be abandoned; for the gentleman admitted that the authority of precedent was against him, and to that authority he was willing for himself and his client to submit. I can subscribe neither to the doctrine, nor to the reason for this abandonment. It is a question of constitutional power; and is such, if the precedents had been ever so much multiplied, they could not avail against the constitution. In the conflict between two such unequal authorities, that of precedent ought always to yield. Besides there is but one precedent, which could in this case call for submission. I have sometimes heard it said that two precedents were equivalent to a principle; but I never before understood that one precedent could be admitted as of force to silence contradiction. No, sir, there is a better reason than submission to precedent, for rejecting this limitation upon the authority of the Senate. There is no such limitation in the letter of the constitution; there is none such in its spirit; and to introduce such a limitation, would involve us in the absurdity—to my mind the monstrous absurdity, that man might be convicted of the most infamous crimes that can disgrace the human character, and unless their punishment be capital, would be entitled perhaps for years to hold his seat in the supreme councils of the nation. This is inevitable; or his constituents cannot recall him; and it has been determined, upon the fullest determination, and by a solemn decision, that a member of the Senate is not liable to the process of impeachment. There is then no reason for expulsion; for the idea that a man thus blasted in character, & thus debased in conduct, should be permitted to remain a member of the legislature, is so disgraceful to the reputation of this body, and so perilous to the interest of the whole nation, that it cannot for a moment be admitted. I will only add the remark, that if in this objection there were any substance, it ought to be presented to us in a different form. If any member thinks it has weight, he should offer a resolution to arrest all further proceedings. Its argument is not that this resolution should be rejected, but that the question ought not to be taken. It is in the nature of what we call the previous question.
Another objection, however, was taken, & insisted on with some earnestness by both the counsel. They took a distinction between indictable offences, and offences not indictable. And they contended that the jurisdiction (as they term it) of the Senate is confined to the latter; that for all indictable crimes, if complaint be made to the Senate, against one of its members, the Senate might indeed institute an enquiry, but that for trial they must pass a resolution directing the proper law officer to commence a prosecution, and until his issue sequestrates the member from his seat. I well remember, and it will be recollected by many other members of this House, that on the impeachment of Judge Chase, this same distinction between indictable and non-indictable offences was made. But the argument resulting from it, was directly the reverse of that which is now advanced. It was then insisted, with great plausibility, though I confess not entirely to my conviction, that no offence could be impeachable, unless it were also indictable. And the counsel dwelt with great force upon the dangerous tendency of the principle that a public officer might be removed, "for paltry errors and indiscretions too insignificant to have a name in the penal code." There is so much weight in this reasoning, that before hearing the counsel of Mr. Smith, I did expect it would be applied to this case—that it would be asserted that he had done nothing indictable, and that for no other kind of defence, could he be liable to expulsion. The counsel however have preferred to try the other side of this two-edged sword, and to insist that offences not liable to indictment, are the only kinds of misconduct for which the Senate can remove a member on an investigation of the facts, by themselves.
They say by the 6th article amendatory to the constitution, the trial by jury is secured to every citizen, in all criminal prosecutions. We had occasion yesterday on the court martial bill, to remark that this article must be understood to have reference to the trials in courts of common law. The soldier, under your rules and articles of war, if criminally prosecuted, must be tried not by a jury, but by a court martial. The trial by jury, is secured for the decision of questions arising, from what the elementary writers on government call civil rights—The rights which in republican governments are enjoyed alike by every citizen, as subject to the laws. These are altogether different from political rights; or rights which we enjoy as partakers of the public power; as members of the sovereignty. Among these are the rights of electing and being elected; and the rights of office enjoyed by all public functionaries—such is the right possessed by each of us to his seat upon this floor. One of the greatest writers upon the nature of laws, the ingenious and profound Montesquieu, pointedly cautions his readers and all students in the laws, not to confound the rules and principles belonging to these distinct classes of rights. The trial by jury meant by this article of the constitution, is reserved for the decision of questions affecting the civil, and not the political rights of the citizen. The sentence is to operate upon his individual person, or property, but not upon his political franchises. To decide upon those other courses of proceeding are provided—courts martial for military men—impeachment for civil officers—and for members of the legislative body, the process which we are now pursuing.
But it is said that if the senate try and decide upon offences committed by their members; they will still remain liable to indictment, and the weight of such a decision by the Senate, would have an oppressive influence to dictate the verdict of the jury.
This argument pays a very poor compliment to the juries of our country. It rests upon a position which I trust is altogether unfounded, that they will be governed by a bias in direct violation of their oaths. Our juries, sir, are always sworn to give their verdicts according to the evidence, & certainly no vote of expulsion could be offered in evidence, to a jury upon a criminal prosecution. So far as I have any experience of juries, I have always seen them sufficiently guarded against any bias of external circumstances, especially such as might operate unfavorably to the person upon trial. It is the natural character of our countrymen, and it may be safely relied on. No jury would ever be warped from the line of their duty, to condemn a person accused upon a resolution of this body, which could not be adduced to them in evidence. (To be continued.)
Remarks of the Nat. Intelligencer, upon a part of Mr. Canning's Speech.
This part of Mr. Canning's remarks requires the more distinct notice, as it is made the foundation of a charge against our government, of evincing criminal indifference to the restoration of harmony with England by withholding all remonstrance to her government on the Orders in Council; while it is more than insinuated that repeated remonstrances have been made to the French government: We pronounce this charge a gross and palpable falsehood, and aver that the measure, either of remonstrance or of action, has been equally and impartially dealt out to both governments. The fact is, that no important aggression on neutral rights has been perpetrated by either France or England without immediate and strenuous remonstrance on the part of our government. The fact is, that with respect to every such aggression, an uniform sentiment has been felt, and an invariable course pursued. When injured, no matter by which nation, redress has been demanded for the wrong, and security against its repetition. The documents published prove this to have been the case down to a late period, & those, which in all probability will be submitted to congress at their next session, will equally prove it down to the present moment.
To substantiate our allegations beyond the reach of controversy, we shall proceed to specify some of the grounds on which they are made. If they bear hard upon the honor, the veracity, the delicacy of Mr. Canning, it will not be our fault; but that either of himself or his reporter. We shall be perfectly satisfied with understanding that the facts assented to by him, or the impression which the artful structure of the terms in which they are couched is fitted to make, are surreptitious. We shall, in the mean time, demonstrate either the falsehood of the facts or of the impression evidently intended to be produced.
The celebrated British orders bear date the 11th, but were not promulgated until the 17th November last. For some days, however, previous to their publication in the Gazette, a general rumour prevailed that some such measure was on the eve of adoption, and the American merchants, consequently, took the alarm. So strong was this rumour that Mr. Pinkney, our minister at London, deemed it his duty to wait on Mr. Canning, and he accordingly did wait on him on the 11th November, the very day on which the orders were signed, to enquire with regard to the correctness of the rumour, and to remonstrate, in such case, against the contemplated measure. Mr. Pinkney did not succeed in seeing Mr. Canning, but he saw the under secretary Hammond, to whom he communicated the leading considerations that offered themselves to his mind against the orders. Mr. Hammond neither admitted nor denied that a measure was either taken or contemplated; but he studiously concealing from Mr. Pinkney the fact, as if with the expressed and deliberate purpose of preventing remonstrance against it, until remonstrance should be too late. But Mr. Pinkney did, notwithstanding, remonstrate against it, not merely with a view to protest against a measure actually taken, but to prevent its being taken. But the die was already cast, and he found to his surprise, a few days after, that the fatal act had been consummated, that the Rubicon had been passed, on the very day of his interview, without the least notice or opportunity for explanation or remonstrance.
On the 17th of November the orders appeared in the Gazette in form. Such a marked indignity had been offered to his country by this gigantic outrage on her rights without the least notice or explanation, that Mr. Pinkney might justly have showed himself in a proud silence. He might have disdained remonstrance to a government that thus levelled a deadly blow at the prosperity of a nation he called her friend, without apology or notice. But feeling profoundly the deep responsibility of his station as the representative of a pacific nation, he determined to control his feelings, and by making a manly appeal to the justice and magnanimity of the British government, attempt to awaken them to a sense of their interest and a respect for our rights.
This appeal, this remonstrance, was made without delay to Mr. Canning on the 21st of November in an interview with him. While Mr. Pinkney was preparing his remonstrance, Mr. Canning asked an interview, when Mr. Canning said he had requested to see him, not with the intention of discussing the general propriety of the orders, for they being now adopted, discussion could answer no valuable purpose, but with the view of explaining such of their provisions as might be supposed to be liable to misconstruction. Thus was the door forcibly closed by Mr. Canning upon all explanation, or remonstrance by the unqualified declaration that discussion could answer no valuable purpose. But Mr. Pinkney, confident of his power to expose the injustice of the orders, and entertaining, it would appear, some hope of the good effects of sound argument, inasmuch as to a conversation upon the whole subject, in which he exposed the injustice of the orders, their unreasonableness and iniquity, and their destructive operation as well upon themselves as neutral nations, as well upon Great Britain herself as upon the United States. But his remonstrance was unavailing. It was received with a silence that proved that the administration had unequivocally decided on their new system, which had no doubt, been long meditated in secret. All that could be got from Mr. Canning, on the enquiry of Mr. Pinkney whether Mr. Rose was authorised to advise the American government of the orders, was, that his mission had a special object, and that it was not meant that his functions should interfere with those of Mr. Erskine, to whom a communication of the orders would be made, as soon as they should be freed from ambiguities and defects by the judgment of practical men being exercised upon them. So far it appears that every avenue to remonstrance in England was closed by the British government, and that its future course, if to be found any where, was located in this country. Accordingly on the 23d of February, the orders, three months and a half after their date, were formally communicated by Mr. Erskine to the Secretary of State, accompanied by a letter, communicated to Congress at their last session, specifying the ground on which they were issued. In this letter the Secretary of State replied in a strong and comprehensive remonstrance. A copy of his reply was sent to Mr. Pinkney by the April packet, the receipt of which Mr. Pinkney acknowledges on the 30th of May, by which conveyance Mr. Erskine inexpressibly likewise sent a copy of it, which must have been received by his government at the same time, and at
least twenty-four days previous to the delivery of the speech ascribed to Mr. Canning. However, then Mr. Canning may equivocate, and say "since the return of Mr. Rose (who reached England about the end of April) or since his departure from this country (about the first of April) no communication has been made by the American government in the form of complaint or remonstrance," the fact is, that such a communication, made at a period anterior to both those events, has been RECEIVED, and to this day remains unanswered. The fact is, that the American government, through its minister at London, strenuously endeavored to prevent the Orders altogether by remonstrating against them anterior, as he supposed, to their existence; that he afterwards, as soon as he was apprised of their existence, more fully and pointedly remonstrated against them to Mr. Canning, who informed him that remonstrance could answer no valuable purpose; that Mr. Canning closed the door against all further remonstrance in England by making Mr. Erskine the organ of communicating and explaining the orders to our government here; that Mr. Erskine accordingly communicated and justified them in his letter to the Secretary of state of the 23d of February last; and that finally the Secretary of State returned a full reply or remonstrance, which remains unanswered. If there be an American, who, after this explanation, would have his government humiliate itself by further remonstrance, which could only serve to court still higher indignity, while too the outrage on the Chesapeake remains unatoned, he is unworthy of the name. It is only necessary, to prevent all cavil, further to say, that the letter of Mr. Pinkney, to which we have alluded, was among the documents presented to Congress at their last session, and was read in the Senate with open doors, and that for the dates of the other papers we applied to the proper sources of authority.
BURLINGTON, August 5, 1808. Murder of Ormsby, Drake and Marsh.
MINUTES OF THE COURT OF ENQUIRY.
The grand inquest having examined the witnesses, pronounced their verdict, that the deceased were wilfully murdered. The court of Enquiry proceeded to the examination of testimony in the behalf of government against the prisoners—(nine in number,) but we have not received all their names.
Sergeant David B. Johnson, sworn,—says that on Monday, August 1, 1808, Lieutenant Farrington, with ten men, of whom he was one, were detached from Windmill Point, in search of a smuggling boat called the Black Snake. They were on board a revenue boat, and having gotten information, they proceeded up Onondaga river on Wednesday, Aug. 3d instant. When they got to the smoke, they found one Mudget on shore, with a gun in his hand: he was the commander. Mudget threatened to kill the first man who should land. Lt. Farrington told him the Snake had been long engaged in the smuggling business, and was forfeited to the government, and he was authorised to take her. There appeared to be a number of men skulking about in the bushes, with arms, and Mudget tried in vain to bring them forward. The Lieut. then took the revenue boat & myself with four men, took the Snake, and proceeded down the river, and fired from the bushes and killed Drake, on board the revenue boat. We then all landed, and the Lieut. ordered us not to fire—not to kill, unless it was absolutely necessary. On our rising the bank of the river, Mr. Ormsby stepped to us; he had been at work near us. As he was speaking to the Lieut. a wall-piece was fired by Samuel I. Mott, & killed Ormsby and Marsh; Ormsby groaned and struggled, and Marsh exclaimed "O Lord" and died instantly. I was about to fire, when the Lieutenant stopped me and said, "don't fire: I am wounded." I went immediately after a surgeon.
On my return we took Mudget, Day, Dean and three others. I heard Mott swear he would kill the Lieutenant.
James H. Hays, sworn,—Says the same as Sergeant Johnson, & adds, that the crew of the Snake were about 12 in number, 9 of whom had guns. He says Mott fired the wall piece, and he saw Ormsby and Marsh fall.
Stephen B. Lathrop, sworn,—Says, that August 2d inst. the crew of the Snake had heard that they were pursued by a revenue boat, and were preparing their arms and ammunition. They professed to be smugglers, and said they would kill all the government party they could. They loaded a small arm with five balls: the wall piece they loaded with 15 ounce balls. August 3d instant, he met one David Sheffield near the place from whence Drake was shot, and Sheffield said, "I have not fired but have drawn my charge."
James Mead, sworn,—Says, Sheffield said "By God I will kill the Lieutenant before he leaves the river."
Mr. Ledward, sworn,—Says, Sheffield said "By God, the Lieutenant shall be laid low before he leaves the ground,"—and turning to his comrades, said, "Blow them through, God damn 'em."
The court immediately ordered the prisoners to jail, without bail or mainprize, to await their trial, (which commences this day, August 23.)
Latest from the Havana.—By the schooner Republican, Newhall, from Havana, the Editor of the New-York Evening Post of Saturday last, has received several numbers of the Aurora of that city. The articles of intelligence which they contain, have been anticipated by the late arrivals from Gibraltar and England, but they also contain a number of official documents, among which is the Manifesto of the Supreme Council of Seville, in the highest degree interesting—Owing to its length, a translation could not be made in time, for this day's paper; the publication of it is therefore unavoidably delayed till Monday. In the mean time, we give the following LETTER TO MERAT: "MERAT! the loyal and valiant Spanish nation, armed en masse, not tumultuously, but well organized, has 300,000 combatants, prepared and ready to fall upon you and your army; in the mean time, respect the lives of their fellow-citizens, as well in the capital as in the other places, which by treacherous you are in possession of; that moderation alone can save you; like lions we will defend our Sovereign and our families. You have deceived yourself in supposing us barbarians, we shall be so only in the vengeance which we intend to take of you, if you pertinaciously shed the precious blood of those who have innocently suffered themselves to be disarmed. Think of our victories of Saint Quentin and Pavia; we are the same now that we were then: posterity will with honor commemorate our efforts: we shall recover our ancient splendor. The nation will break the unworthy chains which you had prepared for it: 14 millions of souls are not to be conquered by Proclamations: let us hasten to victory, Spain, we are already free."

The information which I have received from the eastward announces the termination of the elections in New Hampshire and Rhode Island in favor of the opposition. However unpleasant this event may be to the feelings of all real friends to the liberties and prosperity of the United States, it is a paramount consolation to reflect that there is still political virtue enough in the country to save it from ruin by foreign influence.
It has never been my practice to inspire false hopes; & the fore, when I say that there is still sufficient political virtue among the people to save the republic, I assert it under a full conviction of its truth. I firmly believe however much it ought to be regretted, that if all the elections to the eastward as far South as New Jersey, were to terminate unfavorably to the existing administration, that it would still preserve its position supported by a majority of the popular suffrages.
With regard to the election of Mr. Madison, there is in my mind not a doubt. Putting against him all the chances, he is still secure of success; And in defiance of the double treachery of his enemies he will inevitably triumph in the affections of the people. Let us, against all probability and knowledge of public opinion, yield to opposition all it can pretend to on that question, and then see how the estimate stands:
   For Mr. Mad. For any body else     New Hampshire, 00 7   Massachusetts 00 19   Rhode Island 00 4   Connecticut 00 9   Vermont 00 6   New-York 00 19   New-Jersey 8 00   Pennsylvania 20 00   Delaware 00 3   Maryland 6 5   Virginia 24 00   North-Carolina 10 4   South-Carolina 10 00   Georgia 6 00   Kentucky 8 00   Ohio 3 00   Tennessee 5 00   Total 100 76  
Thus, it is seen, that let the worst that can happen for the republican cause, Mr. Madison is sure of succeeding; and even were he to lose ten of the votes which I have given to him, he would still have a majority of the electoral voices.
It does not follow, as a thing of course, however, that because a change has taken place in the representatives to Congress, that the same change will operate against the republican candidate in the electoral elections. Mr. Madison may, notwithstanding the recent elections to the eastward, obtain the votes of Rhode Island & New-Hampshire.
If I may judge by appearances (which, to be sure, are often fallacious) there is solid reason to believe that the electoral vote of New-York will be given to Mr. Madison. If there be any force in a formal expression of the popular sentiment, they surely will.
With respect to any change which might embarrass the first operations of a new administration, it will be recollected that in the Senate, which will be decidedly republican, there will be found a check even if there should be an unfavorable majority in the house of representatives. But of this there is not much danger; the changes of New-Hampshire and Rhode Island only give federalists seven members, which will not essentially lessen the force of the great majority which at present exists.
In the estimate of votes for president, which I have submitted, I have placed to the account of the opposition several, which from my own knowledge, I am sure they will not get. In Maryland, for instance, I have given them five, which is three more than they can procure. In North-Carolina I have given them four, when (deciding by the late elections) it is well ascertained they will not get so many; and as to the six given them in Vermont, I believe they have no pretensions.
We have nothing to do, fellow republicans, but to keep cheery hearts, and pursue our course with a firm undeviating step, and we shall triumph over political artifice, fraud and foreign influence, bring the nation gloriously out of her difficulties, and finally receive the benedictions of the most of those men who now oppose us.
KENTUCKY. LOUISVILLE, Aug. 10. Arrived in this town on the 7th inst. Col. JAMES MONROE, late Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, to the court of London. Yesterday a sumptuous public dinner was given him at the Union-Tavern, by the gentlemen of this place, in testimony of their grateful sense of his patriotic services.
OFFICIAL. We have authority to state, from an authentic source, [consul Barclay] that Bonaparte having arranged for the division of Turkey in Europe, with Alexander the emperor of Russia, had marched an army into Dalmatia, said to be 50,000 men.
That the Turkish government drove every Frenchman out of Constantinople, declared war against France, and dispatched an ambassador to London. On the 14th June he was waiting for Lord Collingwood's sending a ship of war to convey him to London.
FOR SALE, for cash, to the highest bidder, at the court-house of Campbell county, on the second Monday in October next, being the 10th day of that month, several likely slaves: a male and female; for the purpose of raising a draught of the superior court of Chancery held at Richmond, in the case of Robert Gamble vs James and Francis Miller.
BY THE COMMISSIONERS. Sept. 13. [3w]
NOTICE.—All persons having claims against the Estate of Butcher Valentine, late of the City of Richmond, dec'd, are requested to bring them forward properly authenticated, as provision may be made for discharging them. Those who are indebted to the said Estate are desired to make immediate payment.
ANN VALENTINE, Administrator of B. Valentine, dec'd. September 13. [4w4w]
FEDERAL POLITICS.
The following observations in the Boston Repository—one of the ablest prints of the federal party—are calculated to display the temper, the views and the triumphs of that party, consequent upon the late seeming result of the elections in New-Hampshire and Rhode-Island. Nothing seems now too great for their ambition to grasp at. They even aspire to give a federal President and federal principles to the chair of government.—Under these circumstances, it is the duty of the real Republicans to rally around the standard of the Government and the rights of our country with enthusiasm and spirit—to rouse from that lethargy which flows from a sense of security; and to cultivate that union, which springs from a sense of common danger and a participation of common principles.
NEW HAMPSHIRE & RHODE ISLAND. ELECTIONS.
The success of these Elections may be regarded as the most important event which has occurred since the adoption of the Federal Constitution. It is not the probability that the election of a Federal President will be ensured, though this is highly probable, which furnishes such just reason for joy. (1.) Nor is it the belief that the reign of Democracy will never return. If the former administrations which were one uniform series of public prosperity, could not be maintained against the influence of falsehood and intrigue; there is too much reason to apprehend that a new administration doomed to struggle, with the embarrassments brought on by the madness of their predecessors would again become a victim to the same delusions.
(2.) In the present perilous state of the world and of our country, we must not reserve our joy for these events only which promise all the advantage which we desire. It is of immense consequence, in such a state, and with such an administration as ours to escape immediate ruin, to gain a short breathing spell, and to secure some chance for the final safety of our liberties and of the public prosperity.
In this view it ought to be matter of unfeigned and cordial congratulations—that the people of the Eastern States, including Vermont (which may with moral certainty be considered as going with them) have sensibly discerned and felt and determined to resist the policy of the Virginian Philosophers, which is bottomed upon the destruction of Commerce as the only means of securing the pecuniary influence of a Virginia junta in the affairs of the Union. (3.) This policy, though it is the favorite scheme of the Jeffersonian school, the foundation of their original hostility to the Constitution, & of their opposition to Washington & Adams; (4.) though it is avowed almost in terms in their writings & is in fact the only real source of party distinction in this Country; has not until now been perfectly understood in New-England by the great mass of the people.
It is not, before we are brought to the verge of ruin, that our eyes are opened.—It has at length given rise to the most flagrant, arbitrary, absurd and ruinous system, that ever was imposed upon a people, calling themselves free. (5.) Our ports are blockaded. Our navy is equipped to make reprisals upon our vessels.—Our batteries are planted and mounted to sink our own shallow and murder our own citizens.—Our Commerce is going, irretrievably going to enrich those whom our government wish to impoverish.
—We have taught Europe to despise us, and to the eternal joy and derision of our enemies in Great-Britain, we have solved the long disputed problem whether our commerce is essential to her prosperity and that of her colonies with a fatal certainty, which should have been ever unrevaled. It is a fact that our Embargo is never mentioned in England except for fun; and in France only as a proof of our loyalty. (6.) But notwithstanding this melancholy experience of every consequence predicted by the Federalists, though the puerile and rotten policy is scorned and ridiculed in Europe and abhorred in America, there is reason to believe that the addresses of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire had confirmed Mr. Jefferson in his design of persevering in this desperate experiment.
The occasion was too fair to be neglected. He could hardly have expected that New-England would have adjusted her chains with so much complacency. Mr. Blake, fresh from Washington, told us the measures of Government, were not so unpopular as they had expected. And while the President believed that his pensioners and sycophants had influence sufficient to support the system, he would show himself too good stuff to retract or mitigate it.—The Merchants, the men of property & of talents, all the sound and solid part of New-England might have remonstrated in vain.—He would have respected them no more than the writhings of mice in one of his exhausted receivers.
—Something more was necessary.—It was indispensable to demonstrate, that in New-England we have a national feeling, a vital sense of our interest in the success of Commerce; and that unless this interest be consulted, we shall feel no interest in the Union. (7.) And to make the Virginian party comprehend, that we will not be drawn into an Alliance with France, nor share the fate of her Spanish Allies. (8.) & that we prefer dividing with G. Britain the Commerce of the world, which a moderate share of good temper and address on the part of Administration might have secured to us; to a ruinous war with her; the effect of which would be to make us slaves to her enemies.
It was necessary, in a word, to show the decided conduct at Washington, that their leading friends in New-England are a few ordinary and insignificant individuals, who do not represent the feelings of the people, and that though by their perseverance in delusion, and the supineness of the Federalists, they may obtain temporary influence, yet the people, can be awakened in season to redress their wrongs when they become intolerable, and to shake off their oppressors when their views and characters are detected. (9.)
These happy results, we trust, will follow the exertions of our federal friends in New-Hampshire, & Rhode Island, but there must be no relaxation.—Much yet remains to be done, but not more than can be accomplished by unanimity and firmness among Federalists.—(10) Bos. Repor.
(1.) Not too much joy, gentlemen. If the friends of the country be awake, there is no danger of the election of a Federal President. Even if the great state of Massachusetts should for a time leave her moorings, and the rest of the New England states should go with her, there is yet virtue enough to the South to save the rights and honour of the republic.
(2.) These gentlemen took a long way before them.—They are already making an apology for the errors and ill success of the next Federal President.—This is too great a triumph, gentlemen, not only to have the next President to yourselves, but already to give him a carte blanche, for all his errors and transgressions.
(3.) This is the favorite hobby of the Federalists.—How lucky that it is so much easier to make assertions than it is to prove them! The nature of things was against the proposition that the policy of Virginia consists in the "destruction of commerce." What would become of our provisions and raw materials?—From what source do we obtain our manufactures?—Virginia has no large manufactures within herself to consume the productions of her soil, or supply her with manufactured fabrics. The very nature of our situation, therefore, befriends commerce. It is ridiculous then to suppose, that we are enemies to it.—Our fellow-citizens feel the pressure of the embargo; but they too seriously value the honor of their country and the permanent rights and interests of our commerce, to submit to the unparalleled encroachments of the European powers.—The facts themselves confirm these abstract views. No administration, that ever existed, has ever made more exertion, than the present, to support the great maritime rights of any nation. The documents published during the last winter disclose a volume of light on this subject. Besides, does the state of Virginia rule the union? What has become of the influence of Congress? The delegation of Virginia could not have executed any scheme without the approbation and concurrence of many of the other states.
(4.) These men seem to have forgotten the history of their own acts. What has become of the Alien and Sedition Acts, and that host of measures, which roused the just indignation of a virtuous people? It is idle to say, that all these measures were friendly to commerce. It is still more ridiculous to ascribe any man's opposition to the adoption of our constitution, to his opposition to commerce. A man must indeed be very hard run for an argument, before he would venture to foist such stuff upon the public.
(5.) These men even choose to forget the history of the few last months. Who imposed this "ruinous system" of the embargo upon the people of the United States?—Was it the administration, that originally produced it? A man, who was to read this composition alone, would never dream of such impositions as French Decrees or British Orders in Council. These are of so little importance, that they are not even mentioned by this brilliant patriot.—Yet it is to these, that a disinterested and liberal statesman would ascribe the continuance of the embargo. Though it has its evils; yet that is not the question.—Who could have pointed out a better system for our adoption?
(6.) These are evidently the colourings of an unfair and unfaithful pencil.—It is not a fact, that the embargo has been received in these lights by either of these European nations. But it is a fact, that the murmurs and opposition of the Federalists have produced an impression in England, which has directly contravened the natural operation of this measure.
(7.) Mark! Is this sentiment ominous?—Does this federalist mean, that his party will conspire the dissolution of the Union, unless the administration pursue these very steps, which the federalists may deem necessary to consult the interest of commerce?
(8.) Proofs are wanting.—It is false, that the people of Virginia have any disposition for an alliance with France. This ridiculous assertion has frequently been made; but not the shadow of a proof has been, or can be produced.
(9.) If these were truths, they would be the severest sarcasms, that could be produced, on the discernment or public spirit of the New-England states. That they, who formerly resisted the usurpations of Great-Britain, should now submit to the maritime impositions of the same power & of France; is almost incredible. The embargo may have changed the sentiments of some individuals; but it is sincerely to be hoped, that this number is inconsiderable. The republicans must have been supine in the states of Massachusetts, New-Hampshire and Rhode-Island; or some local divisions must have crept in upon them. It is difficult to believe that the Embargo could have raised such revolutions in the public sentiment, as to have conferred on the federalists a decided and permanent preponderance. Such a thing would be among the most painful events which have occurred since our revolutionary war.
(10.) The gentleman has given a timely caution to the Republicans. They must be on the alert, for the federalists are determined to spare no efforts, to carry their point.
A Federalist asserted yesterday in our presence, that our government had evinced no disposition to make arrangements with G. Britain respecting the impressment of our seamen; but that she was called upon to abandon this practice, without any stipulation on our part, that we would respect the claims which she urges to the services of her own seamen. For the benefit of gentlemen of that description, who may entertain the same opinion, we shall submit to them the following proposition, which Mr. Madison requests our ministers, in his letter of May 20th 1807, to submit to the British government.—As to the period designated in this proposition, certainly Great-Britain has no right to demand that we should act upon a different rule from that which she herself observes. "The period of two years has been chosen in allusion to the period established by G. Britain, as sufficiently incorporating alien, with British seamen. Her own example at least must have weight with her, and the implied appeal to it, may be of use in shielding the measure against public prejudices, to which the government may not wish to expose itself."
"It is agreed, that after the term of months, computed from the exchange of ratifications, and during a war in which either of the parties may be engaged, neither of them will permit any seaman, not being its own citizen or subject, and being a citizen or subject of the other party, who shall not have been for two years at least prior to that date, constantly, and voluntarily, in the service, or within the jurisdiction of the parties respectively, to enter, or be employed on board any of its vessels navigating the high seas; and proper regulations, enforced by adequate penalties, shall be mutually established, for distinguishing the seamen of the parties respectively, and for giving full effect to this stipulation."
Without entering into any arrangements however, the British government seem determined to subject us to new restrictions, in
time of peace; as will appear from the following information in the Norfolk Ledger:
"It is known that an act was passed at the last session of the British Parliament, putting the commerce of this country on the footing of the most favored nation.—We have not seen the act, but if it conforms to the resolution, the advantages which are held out may be lost without attention.—The resolution is in these words: "That all goods, wares, and merchandise, the growth and produce of America, imported to this country, either in British ships navigated according to law, or in ships built in America or captured from an enemy by the American arms, the masters and three fourths of the crews of which should be native Americans, should be admitted at the same rates of duty as were paid for the like articles coming from the most favored nation; and that all commodities brought from any other nation or captured from an enemy by the Americans, should be entered in British ports at the lowest duties paid by any other country."
"According to this resolution, the master of the ship, and three fourths of the crew must be natives of this country, otherwise the ship will not be treated as a vessel of the most favored nation."
The object of this resolution is a ridiculous piece of irony. Any politician will be puzzled to say, which is the "favored nation." Great-Britain is not in the habit of granting favors. On the contrary, what maritime right has she not violated? What neutral nation has she not attempted to oppress?
The Federalists have pretended to complain of the securility of the republican prints. We defy the whole posse to produce from the republican files, a single morsel that equals the following specimen taken from the last Washington Federalist.
In commenting upon a piece, signed Observer, relating to the appointment of Nathan Hale, as a Messenger—the Editor of the Federalist throws out these very liberal strictures:
"Observer is correct as to one point—the number of applicants for the appointment bestowed on Hale. We believe there were at least twenty. He is, however, mistaken in another. Mr. Jefferson did not find so much difficulty as O. supposes in making his selection, for Hale was the only scoundrel among them. The others, so far as we can learn, are respectable men, and Americans. Ed. FED."
Extract of a letter from Providence (Rhode Island) to a gentleman in this City, dated August 31, 1808.
"Spirit of New England.—A most singular instance of Yankee patriotism, strongly mingled with liberty!!! My employer at this place Mr. Samuel Ogden, was called to the State of Connecticut 3 or 4 days past. Whilst in that state, a number of gentlemen being acquainted with his great skill and perseverance in the art of cotton spinning, met and proposed to Mr. Ogden that he should erect a Cotton manufacture at a place proposed by them; and that they would give him the Site, water and land, which Mr. Ogden estimates at 3000 $.
The Case of F. Smith has excited considerable attention in this state. The proceedings before the Senate being too voluminous to be published entire, we shall restrict ourselves to the Speeches of Messrs. Giles and Adams.—One pro, the other con.
Last Evening's Mail.
From the Boston Chronicle of September 5.
By the Arcturus, captain Maine, arrived here on Saturday, in 48 days from St. Sebastian, we were favored with a Bayonne paper of July 11th.
It appears that his majesty Joseph I. left Bayonne on 9th of July, for his capital; that the emperor, his brother, had accompanied him as far as Bidart, with a most brilliant guard, in which town the two monarchs embraced each other with the greatest tenderness; that his catholic majesty slept that night at St. Sebastian, where he was received with the greatest demonstrations of joy and respect.
The new constitution, a copy of which we understand is received by this vessel, was definitively accepted the 30th of June, and sworn to by his cath. lie majesty and the deputies; the king having previously to his oath addressed the assembly, to which they returned a loyal answer. These documents we are in hopes to have translated for our next Chronicle.
The oath was administered by the archbishop of Burgos, dressed in his pontifical robes attended by other dignitaries of the clergy. The king having placed his hands upon the holy evangelist, pronounced the form of oath that follows agreeably to the constitution: "I swear upon the holy evangelist to respect & cause to be respected our religion, to observe and cause to be observed the constitution, to preserve the integrity and independence of Spain and her possessions, to respect and cause to be respected personal liberty and property, and to govern only with a view to the interests, felicity and glory of the Spanish nation."
The oath taken by the archbishop, and dignitaries of the church, his attendants, presidents, secretaries, officers of the palace, deputies, &c. &c. was as follows: "I swear fidelity to the king, to the constitution and laws."
The assembly of the deputies have ordered that several kinds of medals should be struck off to commemorate this event.
We understand further by the passengers that the king had safely arrived at Madrid; that 70,000 more French troops had entered Spain, to subdue the southern provinces; that dispatches have been brought from our charge d'affairs at Madrid, for our government. We have been particular in enquiring about any movements among the powers of the north, or south of Europe, but could not learn any thing material.
Among a great many respectable passengers that have arrived in this vessel, we have the satisfaction to announce the arrival of Madame Moreau; and of Messrs. Richard Sullivan, Joseph Dorr, T. Wells, doctor Bartlett, &c. &c. &c.
The opinion of an intelligent passenger is, that the malcontents in Spain, will not be long able to withstand the power and excellence of the new constitution, accompanied with the able and energetic character of the new monarch.
Paris, June 30, 1808. CAPTAIN BEAT and CHAPMAN. Gentlemen.—It gives me much pain to in-
from you, in answer to your letters of the 6th inst. that on recurring to the proceedings of the council of prizes, I find no vessels and cargoes have both been condemned. The one on the eighth and the other on the fifteenth inst. The reasons assigned for condemning the George, are, "because navigating been stopped by a British cruiser, and carried into Falmouth, from which place she sailed with a king's license!" For condemning the Vengeance, "because she has been visited by British cruisers."
It is the duty of the agent of prize causes to give you all necessary information on this subject. Permit me therefore to refer you to him. I am, gentlemen, your most humble servant.
(Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG
A letter received on Saturday, by an arrival from Halifax, contains the following important postscript: "A vessel arrived at Pictou on the 15th August, in 29 days from Glasgow, the captain of which informs, that Great Britain and Russia had made peace!" The date of this news must be several days later than our previous accounts from London, which gave some pre-ages of such an event."
Some days out from St. Sebastians, passed a convoy of 75 sail from Cork, with 10 000 troops on board, under gen. Wellesley—was boarded, and informed, they were bound to join the Spaniards and Portuguese against gen. Junot.
WILLIAMSBURG JOCKEY CLUB.—Resolved, that the Treasurer be authorised, and he is hereby empowered, to adopt legal measures, if necessary, to obtain payment of the balances due from the several delinquent members of the WILLIAMSBURG JOCKEY CLUB, this day reported by its secretary.
By order of the Club. RO: ANDERSON, Secretary, & Treasurer. Williamsburg, September 8th 1808. These gentlemen who have obtained subscriptions for the establishment of a new Jockey Club at Williamsburg, are requested to forward their lists to the subscriber.
RO: ANDERSON. September 13th 1808.
VIRGINIA.—A superior court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the City of Richmond, June 24, 1808.
Edwin Harvie, plaintiff.—Against John Hopkins, Henry Lee, Calvin Grillo, Samuel G. Adams and John Barks, surviving partners of the Virginia Company, and Thomas Rutherford, defendants.
The defendant John Hopkins, against whom the plaintiff appears to have proceeded regularly, still failing to appear & answer the plaintiff's bill, the court on motion of the plaintiff doth like his bill for confessed against him, and doth refer the accounts between the parties to one of the commissioners of the court, to be by him examined, stated and to the court reported, with such matters specially stated as he may think pertinent, or either of the parties may require; and the defendant John Hopkins is ordered to produce to the said commissioner such of his books and papers of the Virginia Company as may be necessary to enable him to take the account aforesaid.
A Copy. Teste, P. TINSLEY, c. c. Sept. 13.
COMMISSIONERS OFFICE.—Richmond, 10th of August, 1808.—The parties concerned are requested to attend at my office on Monday the 17th day of October next, at which time I shall proceed to carry the foregoing decree into order into effect; and the defendant Hopkins is desired to produce on that day to me in my office, all the books and papers of the Virginia Company.
PATR. HENDREN, M. Commissioner. (1-4w)
IN Pursuance of a decree in Chancery, by the Court of the U States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia at the November term, in the year 1803 we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place hereinafter mentioned: Two TRACTS of land in the county of Goochland, on the Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little Island, containing 10 acres, at Goodland court-house on the court day thereof, on Monday the 21st day of November, 1808. The dower of the widow of Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear there in and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal instalments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued.
WM BERKELEY, } Commissioners. JOSIAH ELLIS, } one. WM. MANN, } one.
September 13. [1w2w] The sale of the above property has reportedly been postponed but will positively take place on the day above mentioned.
GERMAN GOODS.—The subscribers have for sale a general assortment of German Goods, consisting of
September 13. BOHN & HUBNER. [eplstn]
WILLIAMSBURG, September 1, 1808. The Subscribers have entered into partnership, under the firm of COLE & HENDERSON, and have supplied themselves with a general and well selected assortment of superfine Cloths; Woollens, Manchester stuffs, Cambrics, Hosiery, Hardware, Saddle, Stationery and Groceries; which they will sell low for cash, country produce, or on short credit to customers who are punctilious in their payments. ROSCOW COLE, JAS. HENDERSON.
N. B. For the accommodation of the Students and Scholars of William & Mary College, they will keep a constant supply of the Books used in that Seminary. C. & H. Sept. 13. [eplst]
APARTMENT FOR RENT.—WILLIAM WERT, being about to remove to the house now occupied by Doct. Brockenbrough adjoining the Bank of Virginia, the tenement in which he at present resides, the property of David Bullock, is for rent. It has a very convenient office for a Lawyer under the e. of the dwelling-house, a stable and other out-houses, with a very fine spring of water on the lot.—Possession will be delivered by the 20th inst. and the terms made known on application either to Wm. Witt or David Bullock. Sept. 13. [4f]
TAKEN up by George Jones, in Amelia county about 15th April last; five head CATTLE, three cows, one heifer and a Steer, marked with a crop and nick on the right and crop and slit in the left ears; four of them are red and one black, appraised by us at fourteen pounds eighteen shillings, given under our hands this 25th June, 1808. WM. PRICE, PORT VAUGHAN, JAMES VAUGHAN. September 13. [3w]

SPAIN ON THE DEFENSIVE.
As those who are the least capable of judging, are the most ready to start objections—and as it has been observed, that we have commenced our speculations on the boulevardement in Spain, by exhibiting a plan of operations for the French; we just think it convenient, to step out of the path we had chalked for our march—to observe, that it is a thousand to one the French have a better plan—and will not much regard ours—therefore those who were so uneasy may be quiet , our custom is to begin at the proper place, and not like the story of the fiddle, to break off in the middle: in the present instance we could not without imitating Cervantes, raise imaginary armies, and set the Spaniards in motion to fight windmills, before they had any suspicion that there was any enemy more formidable on their borders.
It appeared to us, to be the natural order of things, when a country is attacked, to show how it has been done, and how the plan appears to be conducted; and the probable course they may pursue, who conceive a design, which those who are assailed have not yet thought of; and that consequences now, as well as formerly, follow and do not precede causes.
Were the Spaniards previously apprized of the design, instead of arising in Asturias, and a grasping in Andalusia, at the two extremities of Spain; they should have instantly occupied, and in the five paces which form the only avenues through which access to Spain is practicable, have raised mounds of stone or iron, or the dead bodies of their enemies to resist the invaders. The tops of the Pyrenees should have bristled with spears, every tirailleurs line should have been furnished with masked batteries; and every tree, bush and ravine, should be furnished with a succession of tirailleurs —or marksmen—or if it is not offensive to those who are so very sensitive at the very name of a riflemen —they should scatter riflemen over the whole surface of the Pyrenees, and baffle all the machinery of manoeuvre, by opposing individual skill, resolution and intrepidity, where combined forces could not act; they should have given them such a war, as the British experienced at Bunker's Hill, at Saratoga and at Monmouth; they should have resisted the French in the manner, and by the same means that the armies of France, imitating the armies of America, have conquered all Europe.
It is by light troops the French armies have effected their greatest enterprises during the whole war—and it is only by light troops, by riflemen , that a country like Spain, or any country in which there is a necessity for defence, and much more where there is little or no discipline, must resist an invading foe.
This is what the Spaniards ought to have done—but have not done; and if we did not begin by forming a plan of operations for them before hand, it is because the French had the start of them, and placed the Spaniards on the defensive, as has been seen in the preceding views we have given—by their occupation of Barcelona and Pampeluna; by pushing a column under Money 400 miles from the Pyrenees, along the east side of Spain, and to within 120 miles of Cadiz.
We cannot account for such a march only in the extreme apathy or indifference of the Spaniards, or to some other cause, which is not now perceptible, nor so important to enquire into since the fact of the march of such a force is itself very extraordinary; and if the force were so small as it has been represented in the accounts already received, that it is from 6,000 to 10,000 men, the fact would be still more extraordinary. However, we cannot suppose though the advice are silent, that Money penetrated Spain with less than one of the French legions, or corps d'armee , which amount to 20 or 25,000 men. This fact we especially dwell upon, because it gives peculiar features to the whole campaign; and renders it in some measure difficult to conjecture what is the real state of the Spanish mind, or whether a national enthusiasm or religious fanaticism has been stirred up at all.
There are some other circumstances, which require to be taken into view—in forming an opinion on the mode of defence, which those who resist the French should pursue; among those are the very apparent diversity of sentiment that prevails in different sections of Spain.
It is obvious that a considerable part of those who are called the nobility , have taken sides opposite to each other; and although those who have called upon the British for aid, appear in great force on paper, and display in their proclamations an ardor that would seem to consume all that should oppose them; yet we find that even in the great junta at Seville, the most conspicuous members were two lieutenants in the army; and that it was another lieutenant in the army who achieved the rising said to have been effected in Oviedo.
The assemblage of nobles at Bayonne, may not, perhaps, be decisive evidence of a very general devotion to the French views in Spain; but from the general character of those who are called nobles in all countries, no class of persons possess less virtue, less talents, or less patriotism; nobility in fact is only another name for dependence and servitude; and its duties and privileges are the most obsequious obedience to one and the most universal tyranny over many. It is among this class that traitors are found in all countries, and where there are no nobles, those who are fit for traitors always aspire to titular supremacy—there is an accord between illustrious and nobility truly congenial, and men are never so much astonished, as when they find a man of that class virtuous —Those who wish to understand what nobles and kings are, should read the new work of Charles Fox on English history.
We infer from the general character, as well as from the multitude of nobles in Spain that there will be a division—for as nobles only look for the favor of a master ; those who have not been favored by the Bourbons will seek favor from Bonaparte. Like the federal leaders among us, the nobility of all countries look only to their own emolument or aggrandizement; posser and profit and laziness , are their three cardinal virtues.
But to return to Spain—in a subsequent paper we may take a view of the internal politics of Spain, which contributed to the catastrophe which is now in execution. The present consideration is how the Spaniards disposed to resist the Bonapartes, could or ought to act.
This naturally leads to an enquiry into the physical resources of Spain—men, arms, military stores, subsistence, talents—for in point of courage and fitness for military enterprise they have in former ages shown that they were not inferior to any men in Europe—indeed they held the same pre-eminence under Charles V. and Philip II. that the French do now in Europe.
The population of Spain may be estimated, without exaggeration, at ten millions —distributed unequally through 14 provinces, independent of the islands and colonies. Of these the provinces may be classed into those which appear to be under the controul of France—those which are partly so—those which are opposed and those which do not appear yet to have resisted.
  Navarre contains about 180,000 persons.   With France Old Castle 1,600,000   New Castle 1,250,000   Catalonia 900,000   Biscay 250,000   3,400,000   Leon (N. of the Douro) 1,200,000—500,000   Part occupied by France Arragon (N. of the Ebro) 600,000—300,000   Valencia (one half) 800,000—400,000   4,000,000 
  Astoria (the whole) 150,000   Opposed to France Galicia do. 1,000,000   Arragon (one half) 300,000   Valencia do. 400,000   1,850,000   Neutral or unknown Estremadura 450,000   Grenada 650,000   Murcia 400,000   Part of Valencia 400,000   Part of Leon 400,000   2,400,000 
This gives the gross estimate of the population—the numbers which that population is competent to supply for the military service, requires other estimates. Taking the females at half of the whole, the male population stands at 5,000,000; but from these is to be deducted those classes which are birthensome to society, and which are always a dead weight on every nation; who live only to feed upon their species, to oppress them, and who never contribute by their labor or their arms, to the public production or protection—the most numerous of these are—
  Privates according to Secular to Utariz. 47,000   (Monks and friars (Nearly an equal number of nuns.) 153,000   Grandees and other species of nobles 130,600   Gypsies 50,900   Other mendicants 79,000   Total of the useless or destructive classes 450,600 
Which taken from 5,000,000 leaves 4,550,000. Computing that every ninth person is competent to bear arms, there would be applicable to that service 500,000.
Deduct one half for agriculture, rural and mechanical pursuits, there would remain 250,000 men; from which deduct the troops in Germany; and the disposable force of the nation if brought into the field by this computation, would be 125,000; that is calculating the whole nation as united. But should the provinces that appear passive or detached remain so; or should any portion of them follow those nobles who adhere to the French; then the national force would be deplorably diminished—for it appears that the provinces actually occupied by France & contain nearly one half of the population was either in a state of neutrality, apathy, or indecision. The forces, resources and resistance would necessarily be affected by all these incidents; and we have no data from which we can draw any other inferences.
The usual regular peace establishment of Spain, has been from 50 to 80,000 men; of which several corps were composed of foreigners, Swiss, Walloons and Irish; on the war establishment the Spanish force amounted to 110,000; so that after drawing the 60,000 regulars into Pomerania, there remained 50,000 on the war establishment; which were distributed in the provinces, 10,000 only were at the camp of St. Roche, near Gibraltar, and were marched to Seville and Cadiz.
The annual revenues of Spain have been estimated at 24,000,000 dollars; principally derived from the Indies—a resource which must from the present disorder of things cease.
This conjectural picture of Spain is a very gloomy one; and if the character which travellers give of the inhabitants of the sea ports were added, it might appear much more deplorable, for even British travellers talk very harshly of the "worthless part of the community" in the maritime parts of Spain, which we omit lest it should be supposed that we want to say the British are never at a loss where to look for allies—wherever there are sea ports.
But as it would be cruel to surrender Spain to its hapless fortunes, without a struggle; we shall endeavor to form a plan of defence & resistance, suited to the case of the nation roused by that enthusiasm which abandoning reason, relies upon instinct or passion; or roused by the fanaticism of 200,000 priests, as when in 1492, they rose upon the Moors in Granada, and after a bloody conflict by whatever means exterminated them, after they had reigned in Spain for eight centuries. The main efforts of the Spaniards in resisting and repelling France should seem to be on the side of Asturias.
The whole force that could be collected in Galicia and Asturias, should rendezvous between Lugo and Arense in Galicia; whatever force the Portuguese are competent to assemble, should cross the Duero and occupy the province of Trastamara from Braganza to Lamego; and if the British should land 20,000 men in Portugal, they should form the right wing, & march directly upon Beira.
This force organized to 60 or 100,000 men, might advance into Leon; and concerning the Spaniards in the south and east might cause the southern Spanish force to rally in Andalusia, & advance into Estremadura, & New Castile; if they could succeed in raising a force of 50,000 men in the eastern provinces, the country from Malaga to Cartagena from its capacity for defence, would be a proper position to commence operations which should compel the French under Marshal Moncey to fall back upon Madrid, or to occupy the Sierra Piechero or mountainous district which separates Castile from Valencia, and the valleys between the Xucar and Gabriel rivers.
This part of Spain is peculiarly calculated for the discouraging war; and those whose habits are formed to the climate must possess advantages that strangers would feel most severely in an active and incessant disusive war—all rifle shooting —would speedily force any stranger army to concentrate its force and take a defensive position; if under proper discipline and no traitors among them , need never risk a pitched battle, but keep an enemy in a perpetual state of disquietude.
Operations of this kind on that side, and with a sufficient force on the east, would favour the main object; which ought to be the occupation of all the passes of the Pyrenees, between Spain and France; this should be the sole object of the troops called in Galicia, Asturias, and Portugal; and if the British were anxious of exhibiting, in opposition to their enemies, the opportunity would there be favorable.
Whatever force could be collected in Arragon, from the Gallego to the Leppe in Catalonia, should be light armed, mounted, and detached should they amount to 10,000 men, either thro' the Pyrenean valley d' Andorra, and take, by surprise, the French military depots at Tarascon and Foix; and return by Bagneres, and the Valley de Luzbort; or, should these positions be too strictly guarded, they might move rapidly along the valleys at the sources of the Cinca and Essera rivers, north-west to the sources of the Gave river, along whose banks they might descend to Barreges, Campion, & above all, the magazines at Tarbe on the Adour river.
The failure to destroy these magazines would not even render this diversion useless because if the impression were made with celerity, and in an imposing manner, the necessary effect would be to draw the attention of the French at Bayonne and Pampeluna, and in that way favor the impression which might be contemplated by the combined army in Leon.
In short, the plan of cutting off the communication between France and Spain, by the north-western defiles of the Pyrenees, is the only effectual mode by which the Spaniards can expect the least success.
It would draw the French from the interior to that extremity; an object of itself of the first consequence; it would give the Spaniards the important advantage of being the assailants and selecting their points of attack, and evading attacks upon them; it would open the resources of the interior to the Spaniards, and deprive the French proportionally of these resources, which would reduce them to the necessity of drawing their supplies from France; it would decide the wavering, and would unite the extremes of the country by directing all its force to that point, without which the French could not maintain their position in Spain: besides the attack from the Asturian side would leave behind them all the resources to be drawn from the sea, and from Portugal and Galicia.
Such appears to us to be the only possible resources left to Spain, to evade the power and success of the French arms.
But it is one of the penalties which despotism on one period or at another incurs, for subjecting a people to bondage, by disarming the people, they are disqualified for defence, until after a long discipline, not to be effected on the first and most important moment which it is called for; the Spaniards might in time, but could not immediately, be converted into riflemen.
On a view of the whole ground, with such imperfect and contradictory accounts as have been hitherto received, it is difficult to form a decided judgement upon the events of the war in Spain, it is very obvious, that the same reserve of publication; the same silence with regard to the armies and their march in France, which prevailed until the moment that it was determined to decide the fate of Prussia, has prevailed in France. The force sent into Spain, has been given at 60,000 men, a number greater than the Spanish military, were it all united. It cannot be presumed, that though there is silence, there has been no action, or that because there is no account of the French troops, that therefore there have been none; we conclude from the experience of former campaigns, that plans accomplished with so much success & celerity in the invasion of Austria and Prussia, would not have produced incapacity or disability in military enterprise.
We rather think that there is a want of science—a deficiency of that species of talent which arises from intercourse with other nations and society at large, is the hard fortune of Spain; and that the plans which have been so successful in occupying the capital and the frontiers fortresses, without firing a gun, could not be so defectively framed, as to make no provision for a change of circumstances or the very worst contingencies of war. Time must determine whether our opinions are well or ill founded.
THE partnership of PICKET, POLLARD AND JOHNSTON, will be dissolved on the first day of January next; all those indebted to them are requested to make immediate payment. If payment is not made by the first of January, suits will be brought indiscriminately. They offer for sale the following valuable property:
MILITARY LANDS IN THE STATE OF KENTUCKY.
One tract of 1000 acres lying on Muddy river, a branch of Green river, on which there is a valuable salt lick. One other tract of 1000 acres on the waters of Muddy river, on which there is also a salt lick. One other tract of 1000 acres on the same waters. One other tract of 1000 acres on Cypress creek, a branch of Muddy river, about 60 acres of which are cleared, and on it a Peach Orchard, producing the largest and perhaps the best fruit in that Country. One other tract of 1000 acres, on Muddy river. One other tract of 1000 acres on Cypress creek. One other tract of 1000 acres on Highland Creek.
The above eight tracts of Land, lie adjoining to each other. The soil is excellent for farming, and a person whom we employed to examine the quality, pronounces it the finest body of Oak Land he ever saw.
One other tract of 666 2-3 acres lying in the big bend of Green river, one third thereof, choice low grounds, the rest hilly but rich.
One other tract of 133 1/3 acres, near the Ohio, 16 about miles below the Red Banks, lying in a large bottom, called the Walnut bottom; every foot thereof, beautiful low grounds, and as rich as it is possible for Land to be.
One other tract of 102 acres, on the waters of Grave creek, a branch of Green river.
MILITARY LANDS IN THE STATE OF OHIO. One tract of 1000 acres, surveyed and patented to Robert Gibbons, Hurl & Co. lying on the waters of Caesar's creek, adjoining to Nathaniel Pendleton's survey.
One tract of 1500 acres, surveyed for Thomas Gaskins, and patented to Charles Johnston, lying on the waters of the little Miami, adjoining the survey of Archibald Johnston, and others, No. 2356, and Anderson's and Carrington's survey, No. 530.
One other tract of 1000 acres, surveyed for Wm. Talbot and others, heirs at law of Wm. Worsham, and patented to us; lying on the waters of the west fork of Sciota, about 2 miles from the river, adjoining Samuel Seldon's, Isaac Jefferies, and Peter Talbot's surveys.
One tract of 666 2-3 acres, surveyed and patented as above, lying on the same waters, adjoining John Phillips's survey.
One tract of 80 1/2 acres, surveyed for Doctor Wm. Carter, and patented to Joseph Jackson & Charles Spencer, lying on the upper side of Darby's creek.
PROPERTY IN THE CITY OF WASHINGTON.
Lot No. 5. in square No. 319; 59 feet front & 100 feet back. Lots No. 2, 3, 4 and 16, in square No. 345—same dimensions each. Lots 3, 4, 16 and 17, in square No. 378, about 61 feet front, and 187 feet back, each. The whole of these Lots lie in the neighborhood of the President's house, and some of them in a very thickly settled part of the city.
PROPERTY IN RICHMOND.
One Brick Dwelling-house on Shockoe-Hill, at present occupied by Mr. La Taste, nearly opposite to Mrs. Page's.
All their Property at Rocketts (in which Richard Young is one-fourth interested,) consisting of four wharfs, one house calculated for a retail shop, one lumber-house 20 feet by 50, one comfortable dwelling-house, together with a number of valuable water lots, on which wharfs may conveniently be erected.
PROPERTY IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF RICHMOND.
One tract of Land about five miles from town, containing 145 acres, lying on both sides the new turnpike road, adjoining Mrs. Price.
One other tract, containing 89 acres, about 7 miles from town, lying adjoining the three chop roads, on the north side.
Any of the above property may be had on an extensive credit. They also wish to dispose of the lease of the house on the main-street, at present occupied by them as a counting house, between 2 and 3 years of which is unexpired.
MERCHANDISE.  8 Chests fine fresh Hyson Tea,  1000 Pieces India Nankeens,  1000 Sacks Salt,  40 Casks well assorted Liverpool Ware,  8 Cases of fine Medock Clarret amongst the best ever imported into this state for sale.  5 Cases common Clarret, &c. &c. 
GEORGE PICKETT, ROBERT POLLARD, CHARLES JOHNSTON. September 6.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust now of record in the Richmond District Clerk's office, made by Philip PLEASANTS, on the 17th day of August 1807, for the purpose of securing the payment of £200 16 10, with interest from that day. Will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, below the door of Mr. Samuel Woodson's Tavern at Goodland Court House, on Saturday the first day of October next, at one o'clock P. M. All that tract or parcel of LAND in the county of Goodland, belonging to the said Philip PLEASANTS, bounded by the lands of Robert Redford, Richard Sampson, William Johnson, Peter Perro and Joseph Woodson, containing 108 1/2 acres, be the same more or less, or so much of said land as will be sufficient to pay and satisfy the debt aforesaid. By one or more of the TRUSTEES. September 6. [law]
NOTICE. —The copartnership of Archibald Bryce & Co. was on the first day of this month dissolved by mutual consent. All those indebted to Archibald Bryce senr. dec'd. or Archibald Bryce junr. & Archibald Bryce junr. trading under the firm of Archibald Bryce & Co. for dealing at the store in Goodland kept by Archibald Bryce from the first day of Sept. seventeen hundred and ninety one, to this present date, are to pay their respective balances to Archibald Bryce surviving copartner, who alone is authorized to receive the same and grant discharges—and those to whom the concern is indebted will apply to him for settlement. ARCHIBALD BRYCE, surviving Copartner, JOHN BRYCE, Administrator of ARCHIBALD BRYCE senr. It is hardly necessary to remind those whose accounts have been some time due, of the necessity of making speedy payment to enable me to close the concern of Archibald Bryce & Co. ARCHIBALD BRYCE, S. C. The business of the store will be continued and carried on by JOHN R. D. PAYNE & Co. (law2m) Goodland, September 6.
FOR RENT. —The HOUSE at present occupied by John Page, Esq. being pleasantly situated and suitable for a genteel family. Possession given 1st October next—For terms, enquire at W. Southgate's store. August 16. [law4w]
IN CHANCERY. —At a Court continued and held for Albemarle county, 1st day of August, 1808. Alexander Garrett, Complainant—Against William Cornelius and Joseph Bishop, Defendants. The defendant William Cornelius not having entered his appearance, & given security according to the act of Assembly, & the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state—On motion of the plaintiff by his council, it is ordered by the court, that the said defendant do appear here on or before the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond two months successively and posted at the front door of the court house of said county. A Copy. Teste, JOHN NICHOLAS, C. C. September 2. [law8w]
TO RENT. —The upper APARTMENTS in the House occupied by Messrs. Kirby, Drake & Taylor, possessing convenient accommodations for a family. Possession will be given immediately—apply to Kirby, Drake & Taylor, or to THOMAS NORVELL. June 13. [ff]
VIRGINIA. —At a superior court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the 22d day of June, 1808. John Barrett and James Miller, Plaintiffs—Against James Jones, executor of John Jones, Ann Johnson, widow of William Johnson, John Wiley and Jane his wife, Nicholas Johnson, Meriwether Johnson, John Johnson, Mary Johnson, Richard Hundley, Nelson Foster, John Foster, John Hunter, Michael Perkins and infant children of Francis Graves, deceased, by John McKim, specially assigned their guardian, John Poindexter, Henry Chiles and Henry Garrett, Cornelius Harris, William Pattman and Zachariah Foster, Defendants. The defendants Michael Perkins, Cornelius Harris, William Pattman and Zachariah Foster, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. July 29. [law8w]
ALL persons who are indebted to the subscriber by bond, note, or open account, are earnestly requested forthwith to pay their respective balances to Mr. Saml. McCraw of this city, who is possessed of the evidences of the debts, and who is fully authorized to receive payment and to grant discharges.—Those who fail to make payment within convenient time, will be sued indiscriminately to the ensuing courts of Henrico and Hustings. WM. BREEDEN. Richmond, August 30, 1808. [law3w]
CASH SALE. —By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Archibald C. Randolph, for the Benefit of William Bolling, which bears date the 13th day of December 1805, and is of record in the Office of Goodland County Court; will be exposed to sale to the highest bidder for ready money, at Goodland Court House, on the third Monday in September next, it being Goodland Court day, the following slaves, or as many of them as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of the said trust, to wit: Seneca, Billey, Pompey, Davy, Maria and a child of Maria's. J. B. FERGUSON, GEO: S. SMITH. Goodland, August 16. (law5wff)
JUST received and FOR SALE by the Subscribers, Imperial, Gun powder, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, Hyson Tea in lead caddies each 2 1/2 lb. Old Jamaica, Antigua, W. I. and New England Rum, 20 bbls. prime green Coffee, Muscovado Sugar in bbls. Half boxes double refined Havannah Sugar, 15 bbls Molasses, Fresh Rice in tierces, Best Spanish Segars whole sale and retail. A general assortment of Paints, Oil, Spirits Turpentine, Shoes, Hardware, &c. also daily expected by the Schooner Manchester, Storer, 10 bbls of Antigua Rum and sweet Oil in cases of 30 bottles each. BRYSON & PARKHILL. August 30, 1808. [1m]
FOR RENT. —The TENEMENT at present occupied by Mr. Archibald Foster, near the Market Bridge—Possession may be had on the 1st of October next. Also, FOR RENT or SALE, a two story HOUSE, &c. (now finishing off) on Shockoe Hill—Possession of which may be had about the 1st of November next. WM. MCKIM. Richmond, Sept. 2. [3w]
CASH given for WHEAT, by WHITE & SHELTON. July 22. [1m]
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN. —That the Deed of Trust on a negro man named Bill, advertised by Messrs. James H. Ferguson, and G. S. Smith, to be sold at Goodland Court House on the third Monday in September next, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to them by Capt. A. C. Randolph, to secure a debt due to Capt. Wm. Bolling. The said negro is not named in the trust deed, and is now my property. Wm. R. FLEMING. Goodland, August 23.
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST. —In the house adjoining Mr. Edmund Randolph's near the Capitol, is now practising in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the teeth to their natural elegance, by removing that corrosive substance called tartar, which adheres to them in the form of a black or yellow crust, which is the cause of many teeth decaying, an offensive breath, and the corroder of the gums and sockets. He sets artificial ones so as to stand firm, being useful as well as ornamental, plugs the decayed cavities of such as can be preserved, and extracts such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of BRUF's PATENT EXTRACTING INSTRUMENTS, which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use; for which operation his price is one dollar, when done at his own house.
He deems it unnecessary to say any thing concerning the advantage derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak.
He has DENTIFRICE prepared by himself of a superior quality for the preservation of the gums and teeth, void of corrosive substance.