The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1802-11-17 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING. SUBSCRIPTION TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 1802.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
TO SUBSCRIBERS.
THE subscribers to "The Recorder," are desired to recollect, that the payments for this paper should be regular and prompt. We shall not, at any future period of our editorial progress, be telling the public, in terms of deprecation, that our subscribers are indebted to us in four, six, or ten thousand dollars. We pay a strict attention to our subscription list; and as soon as we can convince ourselves that a subscriber is disposed to fall behind in his payments,* off he goes , without delay. Do you think that the editors of this paper are going to be such simpletons as to have a parcel of twelve, or fifteen hundred ragged, beggarly subscription accounts, dispersed all over the state, of two, four, eight, or twelve dollars a head? Do you think that we know so little of common business, and of common sense, as to be giving credit for two or three years at a stretch, or even two months, to republican citizens, that remember to forget to pay the postage of their letters, wherein they solicit us to put down their names? Indeed, gentlemen, as the mayor of Coventry said to queen Elizabeth! They have got the wrong pig by the ear . You may depend upon it that no person exists upon the surface of this commonwealth, who shall ever be five dollars in debt to the Recorder, unless by the most peculiar and fatal combination of incidents. Does any man of business fancy that we are going to send money before hand to Philadelphia, to pay for paper, to wait three months for its arrival; to pay every body in the house in advance, for working it off, and then, to be giving three years credit, with a law-suit at the end of it, to some worthy republican who resides five hundred miles to the westward of the Blue-Ridge? That is not the way, in which we design to do business. We shall have no advertisements ascertaining the simplicity of our having accounts dispersed all over the state, to the amount of six, or eight, or twelve thousand dollars. Whenever a subscriber to The Recorder, knows himself to be behind hand, he must not differ with the post-master of the county; he must not think that he feels an apoplexy of surprise, if the paper does not come next week ; for, he may rest assured, that we shall pay the strictest attention to the state of payments and of defalcation; and, as we are obliged to pay for every thing in advance, our subscribers may rest assured, that nobody shall be in our debt, if we can help it .
* We are satisfied that this will very seldom be the case. We have not more than one subscriber in forty, but what pays in advance, and assures us that he will continue to do so.
JUST ARRIVED, And for Sale by the Subscriber, A fresh assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS. JOSEPH DARMSDAT. Richmond, Nov. 30th. 1802. (46.)
THE HIGH BRED ENGLISH STALLION, HAMILTON, IMPORTED from London in 1787, will stand the ensuing season at the Gore of Speed, Wilson & Co. on Din River in the lower end of Halifax County. Terms will be announced in due time. JOHN WILSON. Halifax County, Nov. 18. 1802. (47)
WANTED TO HIRE, BY THE YEAR, AN ACTIVE NEGRO-MAN, Who will be taught the Printing Business, at Press. Enquire at this Office. Richmond, Nov. 3d. 1802.
WANTED, AS AN APPRENTICE To the Printing Business, A Young Lad, from the Age of Thirteen to Fifteen Years. Enquire at this Office. Nov. 17th. 1802.
100 DOLLARS REWARD. SCHOONER, TRYAL of Norfolk, was freighted from Richmond for Baltimore with bran, on the 25th of July last; John Dudley master. She is about Twenty-Five Tons Burden, Pilot Boat built, with a Red Trunk Commission. There is a suspicion that the master of the Schooner has run away with her, as he or she has never since been heard of. Probably, Dudley may have taken her to Charleston, S. C. I will give an hundred dollars to any person who shall stop said Vessel, providing that Dudley has run away with her, and who will put it in my power to get her again. Address to JOHN TAYLOR, Norfolk. P. S. The Printers of the Times, at Charleston, are requested to republish this three times. JOHN TAYLOR. October 20th. 1802. (48.)
NOTICE. WILL be sold to the highest bidder, at Dunkirk in King and Queen County, on Monday the 31st of January, 1803. A TRACT OF LAND On the main road to King and Queen Court House, adjoining Col. Larkin Smith's Mill Pond, containing Nineteen Three Acres and a quarter. Also, thirty nine Acres of Marsh Land, running out from Mr. Carter Braxton's high land to Mattaponi river. The above land will be sold on a credit of six months, the purchaser giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date if not punctually discharged. Also at the same time and place, will be sold for cash, to the highest bidder, fourteen or fifteen likely Negroes, consisting of Men, Women and Children. King and Queen, Oct. 23d. 1802. (49.) R. B. CARTER.
50 DOLLARS REWARD. RUN away from the Subscriber in this city, in May last, a Negro man, named BAILOIR. A Black complexion, about Twenty-Six or Seven Years old, about Five Feet Seven or Eight. Formerly belonged to the estate of HOOPER and TOLSON, has worked at the Blacksmith's trade. Was purchased at Public Sale, last Spring. Whoever secures the said Negro, and lodges him in Jail in this City, shall have the above reward by applying to William Fulcher. THOMAS MOORE. October 25th. 1802. (50.)
FALL GOODS. SAMUEL P. BRADDICK. HAS just received by the Octavia, from London, a very handsome assortment, which he will sell low, for Cash or Produce. Richmond, Oct. 12th. 1802. (2m.)
BY THE LATE ARRIVALS WM. MACKENZIE, & Co. HAVE RECEIVED THEIR FALL GOODS Richmond, Sept. 30th. 1802. (81.)
Fish. A QUANTITY OF HERRINGS and SHAD, for Sale, By FRANCIS HYLAND. Richmond, Nov. 2d. 1802. (82.)
PORT WINE. A FEW pipes and quarter casks of genuine old port wine at this day landed, and will be sold on moderate terms by ROBERT GAMBLE. Richmond, Nov. 2d. 1802.
THE Subscriber has lately removed to the Brick House, opposite to Crouch's Tavern, and near to Proffer and Moncure's Vendue Store. He proposes to practise the Law in the High Court of Chancery, and District Courts, and in the County and City Courts, which are held in this city. HENRY BANKS Richmond, August 23, 1802. (83.)
"A saving of time, is a saving of money, for time is even more precious than money." FRANKLIN.
MATO'S TOLL BRIDGE THE Public is respectfully informed, is now completely and permanently finished, is furnished with good, strong, and substantial Hand-Rails; and will, very shortly, be supplied with Lamps, from one end to the other, so that passengers may pass it by Day, or by Night, with the utmost safety, and most unbounded confidence. When the vast magnitude of this undertaking by a single individual; the chimerical light in which it was originally viewed by the whole community; the immense sum which it has cost; the great length of time (a period of no less than 17 years) which it has taken to bring it to its present state of perfection; but above all, the importance of it to those who travel north or south, and particularly to the whole country south of James River, in bringing their produce to market, and coming to the seat of government, are considered, a confident hope and belief is entertained that it will meet with, and always receive, universal patronage and support; exclusive of these considerations, ECONOMY itself points out this to be the CHEAPEST, (and surely it is the most AGREEABLE) mode of crossing the river; for the very small difference in the expense of going by any other conveyance, bears no proportion to the certainty, safety, and expedition, which this excellent and useful bridge affords. SAMUEL JONES. Richmond, Virginia, Sept. 4th. 1802.
VIRGINIA; In the High Court of Chancery for the Richmond District. Between Henry Banks And Nathaniel Anderson, Robert Pollard, George Winston and Thomas Stewart. ON the motion of the plaintiff, the court, this second day of October in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and two, with the consent of the defendant Nathaniel Anderson, by counsel, doth refer the accounts between the plaintiff and that defendant, to one of its commissioners, to be by him examined, stated, settled, and to the court reported with any matters specially stated though pertinent by himself, or required by the parties to be so stated, and ordereth, with the consent of the parties, the cause to be finally heard at the next term, if that officer, in the mean time, shall state and examine them, or, upon examination of the papers, a final decree can be made without the report. A copy, teste, Peter Tinsley, c. c. Commissioner's Office, Richmond, October 20, 1802. The parties concerned, are desired to take notice, that I have appointed Monday the twentieth day of December next, for carrying into effect the within decretal order, upon which day, their attendance is required at my office, with copies of the court papers and their accounts ready for examination. William Hay, m. c.
JUST PUBLISHED AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND THREE-PENCE THE CONDUCT OF MERIWETHER JONES, IN A SERIES OF LETTERS, ADDRESSED TO THE PUBLIC, By JAMES T. CALLENDER.
MANY gentlemen, when subscribing to this paper, have enquired for complete sets of the Recorder. These are not to be had. But this little publication will, in some measure, supply the want of them. Besides the seven letters to Jones, the last of which has run through every state, and every second newspaper in the union, the collection contains many other articles. Among these are, Defence of Aaron Burr—Mr. Samuel Coleman, No. 1.—Defence of Timothy Pickering—A little more about republican economy —with a variety of small pieces.
THE PUBLIC PRINTER.
THE MEMBERS OF THE NEXT GENERAL ASSEMBLY, or at least such of them as wish to prevent the waste of public money, are requested to give an early attendance in the approaching session. One of the first questions that are to come before them will be upon the choice of a public printer . The second will be whether it is proper to pay two thousand seven hundred dollars per annum, for a piece of business, that can be got equally as well done for one thousand . It is very possible that Mr. Jones may endeavour to get an election smuggled through the house, on the first or second day of the session. This paragraph is wrote, therefore, to warn those members who are anxious to serve their constituents, that they ought to come to town in time at the first opening of business, in order to prevent an attempt of that nature; if indeed any delegate could be supposed to countenance it.
A memorial will be presented to the assembly on the first day of their meeting, stating the common printing price for which the duties of a public printer can be performed. The memorialist will offer to perform the whole for a given sum, of about nine, or perhaps eleven hundred dollars. In the Recorder of October 20th, we made some remarks on this subject. They are not entirely correct. It is said that Jones, for his salary, printed two thousand eight hundred copies of the laws of last session. Further information assures us that Jones printed only two thousand for his salary. He printed eight hundred and seventy copies additional ; and for these he received eight hundred and seventy dollars. These additional copies, containing each of them fifty six folio pages, would require twenty-eight reams of paper. The highest price which the paper cost him could not be more than three dollars and an half per ream; or, in whole, ninety-eight dollars.
  Dolls.   Paper 68   Presswork 30   Stitching 24   Total expense of Jones 152   Paid by the executive 870   Balance in favor of Jones 718 
Thus Jones received a fraction more than five dollars and seventy-two cents, instead of one dollar, just as if you had paid five shillings and eight-pence half-penny for a loaf of bread, which was worth only one shilling.
This, to be sure, is a very promising sample of your executive council. They cost two thousand pounds a year for salaries; and governor Montrois is not entrusted with a vote among these venerable figures. No part of the blame can, therefore, be attached to the preserver of the life of Thomas Paine. He achieved this act of justice and humanity at the notorious risk of offending those who sent him to Paris; at the risk of being recalled from his embassy. Jones was no doubt laughing within himself at this omission upon our part, of these eight hundred and seventy dollars. For its extent there is not, and there cannot be a viler job, in the whole annals of corruption. You cannot that your eyes, against fools like these! Samuel Coleman, the sub-clerk of this council, thinks it a terrible crime to tell such secrets; and such explanations form, with John Guerrant, one reason for affirming that Callender is a traitor. A dollar for a meagre folio pamphlet of fifty-six pages! —The very sound of the words is an outrage upon common sense. The wretched stammering answers that Jones gives upon this subject demonstrate his consciousness that the ground upon which he stands is breaking down under him.
Senators and delegates of the assembly of Virginia! We have been assured by several of your members that there is not one man of you who will set his face in defence of those things. They say that the longer endurance of such enormities is not possible. They affirm that the story requires but to be proved in order to command reformation. You have only to peruse the public accounts, as they will be laid before you, and all doubt is at once extinguished in a burst of conviction. Get a public printer, if you please. But, in God's name, let him be paid at the rate by which other printers are paid. If one is ready to do the business for nine hundred dollars, for whom you are at present giving twenty-seven

hundred dollars to another, who, by the way, never set a type in his life, can you be simple enough to call away eighteen hundred dollars? It cannot be.
We have formerly stated that the public printer receives large sums besides his salary. Such were these eight hundred and seventy dollars. The whole saving by a reform cannot be less than THREE THOUSAND DOLLARS per annum.
KENTUCKY LANDS FOR SALE.
To be sold at public auction, on Thursdays the 30th of December next, at 12 o'clock at the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond.
5320 ACRES OF LAND.
In the State of Kentucky, belonging to the estate of the late Andrew Ronald, deceased—viz. 2480 acres, lying on Big Barren River; 1000 acres on Green River, on the mouth of the Big Barren; 1840 acres on the head branches of the South East fork of Skeggs Beaver Creek.
5320 acres, issued in four patents to Charles Dabney, of Hanover County, the 2d Oct 1786, and purchased of him by the late Andrew Ronald—the whole recorded in the court of appeals, in the State of Kentucky, the 22d June, 1796, as by a certificate of Thomas Todd, esq. clerk of said court.
The terms of payment will be, one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in 6 months from the day of sale, one fourth payable in 12 months, one fourth in 18 months, and one fourth payable in two years with bond and approved security—the bonds to bear interest from the date.
WILLIAM WISEHAM,
Executor to the estate of Andrew Ronald. Richmond, Nov. 11. 1802.
The RECORDER. RICHMOND.
NOVEMBER 17th. 1803.
THE Virginia Gazette of last Wednesday, contains a paragraph concerning the new edition of "The Revised Code." The writer says, that he has seen one of the sheets; and that it by no means comes up to the proposed plan. Of course, he does not think himself obliged to take the copy for which he subscribed.
We shall set the gentleman's honest heart at ease upon this score; for, if he will only gratify us with the knowledge of his name, he shall have his copy for nothing. He does not tell us what fault he finds with this sheet. He might have known, that a single sheet is not always a fair specimen of a printed book. He proceeds to hint, that the type is too small to be pored over in a dark court-house. We never knew that court-houses were more likely to be dark than other places. If the gentleman will call at the book-store of S. Pleasants, we can let him see a large collection of English law books, not one of which is superior, either as to print, or paper, to the octavo edition of "The Revised Code;" and some of them are much inferior to it in both respects.
The writer says, that he did believe that he should have had a neat book, printed on a letter as large as the last edition of the Revised Code. No such thing was promised; nor could he, in common sense, have a title to expect it. When it is reflected that almost one third part of the volume consists of additional matter; when it is considered that the bottom notes require a considerable proportion of room; and that the index is to be enlarged, as well as wrote entirely over again; it cannot be supposed that all this could be comprehended in an octavo, and at the same time, in the large letter of the folio edition. We promised to give the work in one large octavo volume. But if we had been to publish it on the same type with the former edition, it would have required two volumes instead of one; attended with such an enormous increase of expense in point of paper and press-work, that the volumes could not have been sold for less than twelve, or fourteen dollars.
This writer might have known, that upon the publication of Mr. Davis's edition, it was sold to non-subscribers, for ten dollars; that it immediately rose to twelve; and finally to three guineas; and that, even at this price, the book was not to be had for upwards of two years before the publication of our proposals. The octavo edition costs only six dollars to subscribers. It contains the last laws of seven succeeding sessions ; besides a number of other laws, which ought to have been inserted in the folio edition . The notes annexed to this impression form another essential advantage; and, as they were not promised in the proposals, we have, as the phrase is, been, in this instance, BETTER THAN OUR WORD . The gentlemen of the law were unanimous in affirming, that the index to Mr. Davis's edition was the most wretched thing of the sort they had ever seen. The present edition will be accompanied with a complete index down to the present time. This improvement will cost the editors a very considerable sum, as it is to be entirely wrote out from the beginning. The gentleman who compiles it, declares that he can derive no assistance whatever from the present blundering index.
We do not think it worth while to take
any further notice of this Magistrate , as the writer subscribes himself. The paper was the best that we could procure. The type is a good one. We done our utmost in the workmanship. The volume will contain, above one third part more both of pages, and of matter, than the folio edition, and it will be sold for thirty per cent less.
CORRESPONDENCE.
To MR. JOHN CLOPTON Member of Congress.
No. 1.
SIR,
ABOUT the close of the last session of Congress, you published printed letters to your constituents, which were circulated through the district. As soon as I received one of them, I discerned, either that you had intended to impose upon your constituents, and the community, or that you did not understand the subjects concerning which you had written. I did not permit myself to give too much countenance to either of these opinions; because, upon one hand, it would seem that your talents were not equal to your station. On the other, let your talents be ever so great, you were undeserving of public confidence. Either of these conclusions, would be severe, the first attacked your head; the other your heart.
From these considerations I was willing, that you should have the fullest opportunity, by undisturbed reflection, to reconsider and revise what you had published. I hoped, for the honor of your station, and for the character of man, that you would with candor and promptitude, dissolve the delusion which your letters had produced; and extricate your personal character from that dilemma into which it had fallen, and which I am determined to expose.
The circular letter to which I allude contains sentiments, which were intended, and calculated to create prejudices against one portion of society, for the evident purpose of strengthening the popularity of another, which either you designate by the term republican , and to which you have attached yourself, and at whose prevalence you expressly heartily satisfaction. This, Mr. Clopton, is not only selfish but impudent. I consider it a challenge to every person who possesses or professes principles opposite to yours. I have accepted the challenge. You must not expect that I shall content myself barely by acting on the defence.
One of the best attributes which belongs to the human character is charity . It is by this that I am influenced, when I allow myself to hope, that your letter was written, published and circulated, in the spirit of truth, and under the firm belief that it would convey nothing to the most credulous of most feeble mind, which ought not to be believed; and, if you please, it shall be so. But how then will your friends stand up, in the face of the district, and acquit you as a man fit for your place, for having imposed upon the inhabitants, or having suppressed and concealed important truths which did exist, and which are well known to other persons whose means of information, were inferior to yours, and which have since circulated far and wide?
There will be too much cruelty to force you into a defence upon this point. I will therefore admit your candor and integrity at the expense of your understanding and vanity; and, without further apology, will endeavour in the sequel, to convince your most infatuated admirers and zealous partizans that you do not possess the qualifications which should entitle you to the station into which you have obtruded yourself.
I am told that you have not only had the advantages of classical education, and have been "bred at the feet of Gamaliel," but also that your whole life has been devoted to those duties and employments, which are calculated to invigorate, to expand, and to store the mind with all the materials which are essential to give you a great advantage over me. Under these circumstances, so far from complaining, you or your supporters will, no doubt, rejoice that so fair an opportunity offers of displaying your superiority.
The task which I have imposed upon myself is unpleasant. It appears to me to be necessary. I shall therefore arraign you at the bar of public political justice, because this duty has not been performed by some other; because all that I shall say ought to be known by the public, and particularly by your constituents; because, from the length of time which has elapsed, it does not appear to me that there is a probability that it will be done by any other
FEDERALIST.
IN the Examiner of the 6th current, Mr. Jones has one original article, and one only. It is composed in the truly chaste and classical style for which his print has, for some time, been so eminently distinguished. The subject of Mr. Jones is general Marshall, whom he attacks without the remotest regard to reason, prudence, or common sense. We say prudence ; because while Mr. Jones is galloping down hill, with such uncommon velocity,
while he cannot get his Examiner to press till almost a whole day after other papers, for want of money to buy a ream of paper, we say that in such a deplorable state of finance , it is not prudent either to make new enemies, or to widen the rupture with old ones.
The whole article proceeds upon misrepresentation. From reading this paper, one would suppose that the Recorder had been calling judge Marshall nicknames . While, at the same time, the quotation is made in such a slovenly ambiguous style, that, Jones if pressed, can deny the charge of misquoting.
Jones introduces black Sally; and as he says not one word in defence or exculpation of Mr. Jefferson, we presume that he has given up the point. The propriety of this introduction is a depth of mystery not fathomable by the common plummet of human reason.
It would be degrading judge Marshall, it would be degrading Cowley, the door keeper at the Capitol, to say any thing in answer to a personal attack from Jones. He has the exclusive merit of discovering that the present mayor of Richmond is a Scotchman . The mayor himself never knew this before.
If Jones himself had not been the most ungrateful of mankind, he would never have mentioned the name of judge Marshall, but with respect. No difference of political opinion, if Jones can be said to have one, could have justified his attack. Merry? who was it that got you into the executive council, and by consequence, into the public printer's shop? when you were almost at the end of your tether. Come forward, miscreant! and deny that Mr. Marshall was the principal agent in the business! And if you DARE, you shall hear a little more about it.
Jones is always turning the muzzle of his piece against himself. He has now, and we thank him for the service, once more informed his readers that judge Marshall approves of the Recorder. We always note that this is not, neither do we with it be an indiscriminate approbation. We close with once more observing that the judge was never in this office in his life; that we have never spoke to him, nor corresponded with, nor have ever to our knowledge seen him. The encomium which he pronounced was to different gentlemen from whom we had it; and as more popular than any thing, perhaps, which we could say in our defence, we took the freedom to publish it. We conjecture that the judge has lately desired Jones to stop his Examiner. This cannot be surprising; and it may account for the fretfulness of Jones.
N. B. Jones is as dumb as death about the affair of Mr. Walker's lady.
IT is said, but we do not believe a word of it, that some people affect to deny the truth of the story concerning a great personage and Mr. Walker's lady. Jones is silent; but the demos continue to prattle in conversation. They say that, if the matter had really happened, the injured friend was bound to have exposed the culprit to public execration. Once for all, let it be known that the injury was not passed over with impunity. Satisfaction was demanded; as much satisfaction was given as could be paid upon paper.
We hasten to correct an error in our former statement. Mr. W. was not at home, when the attempt was made upon his domestic peace. He did not learn the particulars till after the great personage had gone to France, as an ambassador. He then wrote a letter to this inestimable representative of the new world. The answer has been read by dozens. We should be very well satisfied, if Jones would deny the existence of it; for this would afford us a handsome apology for publishing our old friend's letter to Mr. Walker. In that letter, the great personage confessed that his fault was such that it was impossible for the injured husband ever to forgive him. He said that he felt the justice of Mr. Walker's resentment. He completely acknowledged his own baseness. He has, ever since, shunned an interview. We dare the Examiner to deny that there is such a letter. We received, this very morning, a letter from a gentleman of responsibility, who has read the original, and who gives us authority to communicate his name to any person that asks it, in a serious and respectful way.
If the reader happens to be married it is needless to ask him what he would think, or say, or do, if his Boston friend attempted to dishonor him. He would declare that he did not know whether such a wretch was fittest for being hanged, or drowned. He would say that such a person was not very proper for being the chief magistrate of a Republic. The letter to Mr. Walker will be published in a few weeks, and, in the mean time,
we treat the great personage to recollect the message that was lent him in May, 1800, by his private secretary. While the agonies of Erebus agitate his bosom, he will recollect what was told him. He will be able, perhaps, to recollect also what he wrote to his favorite nephew Mr. — wherein he advises him to question the existence of a supreme being ! Do not fancy that we are in jest. The particulars will appear in our next paper.
We feel a reluctance in meddling with a subject that is of so much delicacy upon the one side, and so much ignominy upon the other. The transaction was introduced into the Jefferson newspapers (for we really begin to be at a loss in giving a discriminative appellation to the prints upon that side of the water) by our enemies. This we offer as an apology for having taken notice of such small family affairs. But, we feel ourselves in a labyrinth of surprise concerning the great personage. We had stated that he put an amorous billet into the hand of a lady. We since find that the billet was wrote, and that it was really put into the hand of a married female, but not into the hand of Mrs. Walker. We shall not have done with these fine stories for six months to come; and the most wretched of all wretched circumstances is, that gentlemen are sending us packets, with an injunction, that, if their names are called for, they may be printed. What between the accounts of the expenditure of public money by the executive council; and all that we have to say about Albemarle's amours; and all that we have to say about that other lady, into whose hands the card was put; and all the rest about the mulatto plantation, and about Sally's previous husbands; and all about Mr. Gabriel Jones, of Rockingham, you cannot imagine what a grand harvest the Recorder of this winter will offer to the curiosity of the quid nunc! What signify two dollars per annum, compared with the transcendent enjoyment of hearing, as how, a French ambassador borrowed five hundred pounds currency of a gentleman during the war; and how he proposed to repay, when your admirable revolutionary certificates were at eight hundred and fifty for one; and how the gentleman would not accept of such payment, and how—but you shall die of curiosity, before I tell you one word more about the story. For, you shall not know one word more till the week that Congress and the Assembly of this state sit down; and then you shall have it through thick and thin.
We all know, as the most certain of all truths, that until the existence of this extraordinary attempt, there never occurred in the ancient dominion a single instance of a person attempting to cheat his neighbour out of five hundred pounds. There is not one of us, who can recollect during the revolution even one solitary case where a republican attempted to repay good hard Peruvian silver with rotten republican revolutionary paste-board dollars. No such thing was ever heard of in this new world. Nobody never heard of Robert Morris's bills upon John Nicholson, or of John Nicholson's bills upon Robert Morris, being sold at the city tavern of Philadelphia for three cents per dollar; at least if such things were ever heard of there, we defy all mankind to affirm that such things are ever heard of in Europe.
We return to the intermediate and proper business of this article. It never was our serious attention to have meddled with Mrs. Walker; but the president's sclo de se defenders insulted the public with a denial of the fact. This compelled us to knock them down with the hammer of truth. We have various corrections, and they are prodigiously entertaining and interesting to make in our account of the affair concerning Mr. Walker's lady. Then, we have something to say about Mr. Gabriel Jones; and then we have something to say (for you cannot imagine, for your lives, how many excellent things we are going to say, first and last) but you cannot imagine the many wonderful things we have to say about the lady, into whose hands the greatest man in America lipt an amorous epistle.

FROM THE PORT FOLIO. Some of our papers have hinted at the amount of a certain great personage, which are said to be of a dark complexion. In the language of poetry, there are "jetty loves" as well as "rosy loves," and Cupid sometimes pierces a black heart. If, according to the elegant proverb of Dr. Franklin, "a man may style his Coax," a truly a Philosopher may style his Coax. The following from an eastern paper, is witty and poetical.
FROM THE BOSTON GAZETTE. A SONG. Supposed to have been written by the SAGE OF MONTICELLO. OVID. Et Fama plures tingit ab aetate. Fama Yankey Doodle. OF all the damsels on the green, On mountain, or in valley, A lass so luscious ne'er was seen, As the Monticellian Sally. Yankey doodle, who's the noodle? What wife were half so handy? To breed a flock of slaves for flocks, A blackamoor's the dandy. Search every town and city through, Search market, street and alley; No dame at dusk shall meet your view, So yielding as my Sally. Yankey doodle, &c. When press'd by loads of state affairs, I seek to sport and dally, The sweetest solace of my cares Is in the lap of Sally. Yankey doodle, &c. Let Yankey parsons preach their worst— Let tory wittling's rally! You men of morals! and be cull, You would snap like thanks for Sally. Yankey doodle, &c. She's black, you tell me—grant she be— Must colour always tally? Black is love's proper hue for me— And white's the hue for Sally.* Yankey doodle, &c. What though she by the gland secrete; Must I stand still—I shall—I? Fuck'd up between a pair of sheets There's no perfume like Sally.† Yankey doodle &c. You call her slave—and pray were slaves Made only for the galley? Try for yourselves, ye witless knaves— Take each to bed your Sally. Yankey doodle, whose the noodle? Wine's vapid, tope me brandy— For still I find, to breed my kind, A negro wench the dandy!
NOTES. * It appears that neither of our lovers agree with Milton, who represents the angel Raphael, upon being asked the question whether the Heavenly Spirits love? answering "With a smile that glow'd Celestial rosy RSD, love's proper hue." But, de gustibus non disputandum.—The Monticellian lovers are not altogether angels. † They (the blacks) secrete less by the kidneys, and more by the glands of the skin, which gives them a very strong and disagreeable odour. Notes on Virginia, page 205.
FROM THE FREDERICK-TOWN HERALD. Saturday, October 30th. 1802. IN the Herald of the 16th of October, we gave to the public the much talked of letters from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Callender. The publication of these letters, was threatened by Callender for some time before he suffered them to make their appearance. As soon as they were mentioned in the "Recorder," the utmost consternation prevailed among the democrats; and "all the arts of an able editor" were used for the purpose of counteracting the effect, they were likely to produce. Callender seems, very mischievously, to have enjoyed the confusion which prevailed among his enemies; by first asserting that he had received money from Mr. Jefferson to assist him in publishing the "Prospect before Us," then giving the name of the person who paid him the money, then stating that he was in possession of letters from Mr. Jefferson on the subject, and at length publishing them, he has managed to involve the
Jeffersonians in so many inconsistencies, contradictions and absurdities, that they can never be able to extricate either themselves, or their leader, with any degree of reputation. At every step that Callender took, in this contest, he compelled his adversaries to change their ground. Sometimes he suffered them to exult in the hope of victory; but in the midst of their triumph, he would come unexpectedly upon them, storm their entrenchments and drive the whole army of democrats before him, until, by attacking them first in one quarter, and then in another, carrying first in one point, and then in another, he has forced the whole troop, harrailed and dispirited with repeated defeats, into bogs and quick-sands, where they are completely hemmed in, and entirely at his mercy. When Callender first stated, that he had received a certain sum of money from Mr. Jefferson to assist him in publishing the "Prospect before Us," the democrats rashly rested their defence upon a broad and bold denial of the fact. They pronounced Callender a monster of depravity; a wretch to whom no degree of credit could ever be attached, and in whom no confidence ever was placed, by Mr. Jefferson, or his party; that it would have been disgraceful to the president, to have held any intercourse with him, and much more so to have extended to him such "substantial marks of his favor;" and that therefore it was impossible that Mr. Jefferson should have given him money, because it was impossible that Mr. Jefferson should do a disgraceful action. This was the language of the democrats, both in their newspapers and their private conversation. But, unfortunately for them, by the time they began to think they had succeeded in repelling the attack, Callender disclosed the name of the person, through whose hands the money had been conveyed to him. And that person being Mr. George Jefferson, whose credibility it was not altogether convenient for the demos to dispute, they were obliged to make a hasty retreat from the position they had at first taken, and so resolutely defended. They then took a new stand. They admitted that Mr. Jefferson had given Callender the money: but in the very teeth of what they had before done, contended that he was justifiable in doing so. They now asserted, that it was not given on account of the "Prospect before Us;" it was given merely from charitable motives, to save a miserable wretch from starving. To prove that it was given out of benevolence of heart, and not to assist him in the publication of his book, they attacked the "Prospect before Us," with the utmost eagerness. They declared that the work had never been approved of by Mr. Jefferson or his friends, that they had always been ashamed of it. It was nothing but low blackguardism and Billingsgate abuse. It had ever been considered as injurious to the party. They even went so far as to remind the federalists, that a jury upon their oaths, had said, that the book contained false, scandalous and malicious matter. And from all these circumstances, they drew what they seemed to think an irresistible conclusion, that the mild philosopher of Monticello, the man of correct taste and upright heart, the public eulogist of Washington, Adams, and the constitution, could never have countenanced a work in which they were all three most grossly abused. While the democrats were exulting in the strength of this defence which they had formed for the "man of the people," Callender began to talk about letters from the president. He threatened to publish them. This unexpected blow threw his opponents into no small confusion. Some of them seemed to fear, that possibly they had been too hasty in abusing the "Prospect before Us." Perhaps in these letters Mr. Jefferson might have given it his approbation; they had been rash in attacking it with so much fury. However, the deed was done, and could not be undone. And, not knowing what other course to pursue, and goaded on by the recollection of their former affections
and contradictions, they determined to put every thing to hazard; boldly denied the existence of the letters, and challenged Callender to produce them. He has produced them. We will not say that Mr. Jefferson must sink. But we entertain a hope, that if any man should be convicted of lust, hypocrisy, defamation and ingratitude, the people of America, will not be induced to heap honors and offices upon him. The letters from Mr. Jefferson prove that he gave the money to Callender for and on account of the "Prospect before Us." "Mr. Jefferson (Mr. George Jefferson) happens to be here, and directs his agent to call on you with this, and pay you fifty dollars on account of the book you are about to publish." And after having perused the proof sheets, he gives that work his pointed approbation. "I thank you for the proof sheets you enclosed me. Such papers cannot fail to produce the best effect." What will the advocates of Mr. Jefferson now say? Involved, already, in so many contradictions, how will they defend him? Will they retrace their steps, and lavish praises on the book, they have but lately, so much abused. Jones, the editor of the "Examiner" at Richmond, (the same place where Callender's paper is printed) has indeed begun to do so. Finding that the letters are certainly genuine, and that it will be in vain to call them forgeries, since so many persons in the town where he resides have seen the originals, he admits that the letters are really Mr. Jefferson's, and now praises the "Prospect before Us," as a very "republican work!" But Jones has of late been roughly handled by Callender, and we consider this mode of defending Mr. Jefferson as nothing more or less than a symptom of mental derangement. Much as Mr. Jefferson's friends dare do, we scarcely think they will dare, generally, to adopt Jones's manner of justification. How can they, after what they have already said? after having grounded the defence of Mr. Jefferson, upon the impossibility of his doing an act, to which they admitted so much turpitude would be attached. The difficulties and ridiculous distresses, in which this affair has plunged the democrats, is a matter of amusement. But the different ways, in which Mr. Jefferson's friends have defended him at different times, ought to be a subject of serious consideration. It places in the strongest point of view, the spirit by which the party is actuated. Let him have done what he may, they are resolved to justify it. When he is charged with having paid money, to promote the publication of a book in which Washington, Adams and the constitution are all violently attacked, his friends deny the charge; and to prove that they disbelieve the accusation, they admit and explain the enormity of the act. But, when the charge is established by irresistible proof, and can no longer be denied, they immediately cover with praises, what they had before pronounced to be execrable. Such conduct ought at once to convince the people of the United States, that, right or wrong, truth or falsehood, is not the object of enquiry with the warm supporters of Mr. Jefferson. But they anxiously seek for the most plausible and effectual mode of defending his conduct, and concealing his offences from the eye of the public. They appear determined, come what will, to justify all the "doings" of the Monticellian president, and at all events to keep him in power, that they may enjoy lucrative offices, and riot in luxury, at the expence of the people.
FROM THE PETERSBURG REPUBLICAN. Callender says that general Marshall thinks the Recorder the ablest conducted paper on the continent. The worthy general, in one of those paroxysms of hypocrisy to which he is so subject, may have made this declaration. But it is impossible that a man of his information, could have done so with sincerity. For wherein does its ability consist? Not in the shewing the futility of any measure of the administration—for the editors are never even engaged in the attempt. Slander is their constant income. They are continually reviling
and calumniating the virtuous. But what will they do, since they found that this reviling and calumny is of no avail—that the popularity of Mr. Jefferson, so far from sinking beneath its influence, is daily increasing—that individuals are fast throwing off federal principles, and that states have entirely emerged from the gloom of federal delusion, by chasing republicans to represent them? Surely they will be silent, and lay aside that vanity which leads them to believe that they are "the letters up and putters down of governors for Virginia, and presidents for America."
ANSWER TO THE ABOVE. THE multitude of editors of all parties, who have declared war against this paper is so endless, that we find it in vain to attempt an answer to each of them. At the same time, the frequency and violence of their attacks evinces very clearly that our strokes are fully felt. To the list of combatants who have entered the field against us, Thursday Nov. 4, has added the Petersburg Republican. This was one of the quarters from which a proclamation of war would least have been expected. It is but a few weeks ago, since Mr. Field announced his resolution to publish a newspaper independent of either party. We were sorry to see, sometime after, by an advertisement from himself, that he had been compelled to alter his resolution. We are satisfied that similar motives of compulsion produced the admission into his paper of the above paragraph.
As for the charge of hypocrisy, against general Marshall, the friends of Mr. Jefferson, before they advance farther in that line of march, will do well to compare his inaugural speech with his two letters from Monticello, that were printed in this paper. We are next told that the Recorder is not employed "in shewing the futility of any measure of the administration." The writer of this piece might as well have affirmed that this paper is printed without the assistance of an alphabet. Every number of the Recorder contains his refutation. We appeal, upon this point, to our thirty-three subscribers in Petersburg; an extent of circulation which is not much exceeded by that of the Republican itself, in the same place.
We are next told that "the editors are never even engaged in the attempt" [to wit, of attacking the measures of the present administration.] Slander is their constant theme. When the writer of this piece consults his dictionary, he will find that the word implies falsehood, and he will find that this paper has very often wandered into even a trifling untruth. When this has happened, we are always the first to acknowledge, and correct our errors. On the other hand, we have exposed a swarm of the mistakes of our brethren, of which they never had the fortitude to confess the justice.
Slander! The citizens of Virginia, as well as of other states, must indeed be very much corrupted, if they can endure themselves to encourage a paper, whereof slander is the constant theme. But pray, Sir, is it slander to say that his excellency, the oracle of Amelia, is a perjured man, when evidence has been produced, and when, month after month, he pockets the charge in silence? Would Giles bear all this, if he could have made a better of it? And would it not have been the lowest abyss of infamy, if Virginia had accepted as her governor, a man loaded with the triple and unanswerable charge of cowardice, ingratitude and falsehood?
Again. Was it slander to inform the citizens of this state that their money has been egregiously wasted; that the penitentiary is one bubble, and that the armory is another? Does not the voice of the community resound our assertion? As for the penitentiary, would not the money have been much better expended in building a few well constructed county prisons, for the confinement of debtors and of criminals? Was there ever, upon the face of this earth, a set of buildings, so notoriously, so proverbially* incompetent to the fulfilment of the purposes for which they were built, as the prisons of Virginia? That of Petersburg, not to go farther, is a disgrace to the commonwealth. In Summer 1801, a boy died in it, who had been imprisoned for theft; and the current belief was that he died of the stench which impregnates this wretched hole. Where would have been the mighty harm, if the state had been without a penitentiary, and had continued to hang house breakers and horse stealers for twenty years longer?
Was it slander to say that the publisher is overpaid by three, four and five hundred per cent? Has not the man himself confessed as much? And do not the public accounts confirm what this paper, and this paper alone, dared to state upon that head? Is not the commonwealth infinitely obliged to editors who give such useful information in defiance of numerous, implacable and powerful enemies?
Once more, is it slander to say that the present secretary of state was the prime mover of the frantic donation of the north western territory?
NOTE. * See Mr. Hay's pamphlet on the Recovery of Debts, republished in this paper.

sory to Congress? It surely is not too much to say that this was the most absurd act, which a Virginian assembly ever committed; and that Mr. Madison, by this blow, did more lasting harm to the commonwealth than Tarleton and Cornwallis, and all their tobacco-burning banditti, ever did.
Dr. Walter Jones had himself most wantonly and brutally attacked, in the Examiner, one of the editors of this paper. Was it slander to remind this insolent puffed-up libeller that he wrote a letter in the Aurora, wherein he reproached John Adams with the want of his teeth? If Meriwether had denied the existence of this letter, we should have reprinted it. But, to be sure, he got a hint from the Doctor to let the matter drop.
Was it slander to shew the manner in which Dr. Read has been so severely and unjustly persecuted? And the strange manner in which public money had been squandered on this occasion? Was it slander to shew that Pickering is not a delinquent in public money to the extent of a shilling; and that the ignorant blundering Committee of Investigation did not know the difference between the navy yard where ships are built, and the dry dock where ships are to be laid up? Was all this slander? Or was it slander to say that James Bayard, of whom we are not the most sanguine admirers, was it slander to say that he might have pocketed eighteen thousand dollars of public money, and that he did not do it? And when Miss Smith attempted to attack us on this head, did we not beat her into silence, at the very first stroke?
This writer affirms that the "popularity of Mr. Jefferson is daily increasing." If every other line of this paragraph had not conveyed a notorious and rampant lie, this last assertion might have excited surprise. There hath seldom existed such a reverse of popularity, in so very short a time, as what that of the president has undergone, within the last six months. Every attempt at vindication makes him blacker and blacker. As for the last sentence, we never pretended to be the setters up, or putters down of governors, or presidents . This is one of the reveries of Jones. But, if the gentleman must have a bit of our mind, we make no scruple of acknowledging and asserting that we have done more harm to the political importance of Mr. Jefferson within the last five months than all the rest of his critics, collectively, had been able to accomplish in ten years. The circulation of a single paper could not, to be sure, have effected this. But our articles have been quoted by both parties. They have produced a mass of observation, and controversy. This plain weekly sheet of paper was, as it were, the trumpeter that sounded the charge to battle. That we have been most ably and inflexibly supported is true. We claim little more than the merit of making useful discoveries, which it was the interest of all parties equally to know. But even that amounts to a great deal. Thanks are due to those who first cut out the high road of truth; and leave to their successors only the task of smoothing it. Without injustice it may be said that, in the campaign about Jefferson's character, the Recorder selected the most vulnerable points of attack; and the body of assailants rushed in triumph through the breach.
SOME weeks ago, a gentleman in this city was bit above the knee by a spider. This was about day break, when he was in bed. He felt a slight puncture like that of a pin; but did not pay attention to it. In a few minutes, he observed a pain shooting upwards from the spot, which presently reached his spine, and gradually approached his heart. On turning up the bed clothes, he perceived the spider. Fortunately, he sent for a friend, who was acquainted with a cure for the poison. This was Plantain leaf . As an additional piece of good fortune, his friend knew where a quantity of it was growing. Some leaves were immediately got, and the juice bruised out of them. This was swallowed in mouthfuls. The progress of the poison was stopt; and finally a cure was effected. The gentleman laid that, but for this remedy, he did not think he could have survived an hour longer. Some oil was also poured down his throat, but Plantain leaf had the entire credit of his recovery. He was dreadfully weakened; and it seems almost inconceivable how much the whole mass of his blood had been corrupted by the bite of so small an insect. We had these particulars from the gentleman himself, who called at this office; on some business, a few days afterwards. Some years ago, a gentleman in this neighbourhood was also bit above the knee, by one of those venomous creatures; and was almost in danger of losing his leg. It ought to be a general rule to kill all such vermin, whenever they come within reach.
FROM THE BALANCE, A PAPER PRINTED AT HUDSON IN THE STATE OF NEW-YORK.
CORRESPONDENCE.
Between THOMAS JEFFERSON president of the United States, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, author of the "Prospect Before Us," present editor of "The Recorder." &c. &c.
THE public attention has of late been much excited by the disclosures which have been made by James T. Callender. To the trifling disagreement of two obscure persons, are the citizens of the United States indebted for the development of some of the most important secrets. These persons are J. T. Callender and M. Jones. They are both democrats, and were, not long since, in habits of intimacy. By some means, however, a quarrel sprung up between them, and they carried their dispute before the public. In the course of the controversy, Callender's abilities as a writer were called in question by Jones. Callender, in reply, declared that his writings had met with the approbation of Mr. Jefferson, who had rewarded him with an hundred dollars for writing "The Prospect Before Us." The letter containing this declaration was immediately published in a great number of the public papers. The story was rung from one end of the continent to the other. It is unnecessary to attempt to describe the sensations of the American people on hearing such a heavy charge against their chief magistrate. It was some time before they could believe, that the man who held the second office in the United States, could stoop to such a detestable action. Democratic printers, true to their master, and clinging to their cause, declared the story to be a calumny, and the author of it, a villain—a wretch—a vagabond—the vilest of human beings; a "civilized brute"—a creature in whom they had never placed any confidence, &c. &c. Since Callender has produced conclusive proof of his having received the money, the democrats have been exerting all their faculties to prove—First, that it was given in charity, and, secondly, that it was loaned, with an expectation of its being returned. That our readers may be enabled to judge for themselves on the subject, we present them with the following letters, written by Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Callender, and published in the Richmond Recorder of the 6th inst. Mr. Callender seems to have brought forward these letters with the utmost reluctance, and among other introductory remarks, observes as follows:
[Here succeed the letters, with an extract from the Recorder's introduction to them.]
FROM THE Olio.
PRINCE HENRY OF PRUSSIA.
THIS Prince was born in 1726, on the 18th of January, a day which has been solemnized during a century, as the anniversary of the Prussian kingdom. He made his first campaign in his sixteenth year, accompanying the royal army as a colonel, in 1742, into Moravia, and being soon after present at the victory of Chotuzitz. In the seven years war, where he commanded the second army, he distinguished himself in a manner which procured him the unqualified approbation of his great brother, the blessings of the Prussian dominions, and the admiration of all Europe. What is so universally known needs only to be hinted at. In the war concerning the Bavarian succession, he again commanded the second army, and penetrated from Saxony into Bohemia. In 1777, he travelled to Stockholm and thence to Petersburg, whence he returned to Berlin with the Great Duke (afterwards Emperor) Paul. In 1780, he went to Spa, where he had a conference with the emperor Joseph, and he afterwards visited France.
Wherever he went, he gained the love and admiration of all who had the happiness to know him; for his character was not only ennobled and exalted by warlike virtues and political pene-
tration, but refined by miscellaneous knowledge of every kind, by a taste for science and the fine arts; and the hero dreaded in the field, was admired in the society of genius and learning, as the most polished and cheerful companion. His brilliant court was an assemblage of noble and ingenious persons, both from abroad and at home. He was a great connoisseur in music, and had an admirable band of musicians for the chapel, and an excellent company of French comedians. He bestowed much taste and magnificence in embellishing Reinsburg, presented to him by his brother after the peace of Hubertburg. This romantic situation favored the happiest improvements, and the monuments he has erected in the gardens to the memory of many of his deserving contemporaries, are the fairest monuments of his own feeling heart. Frederick the Great said of him, that he had not committed a single fault throughout the whole seven years war. Prince Henry was married to her serene Highness the Princess Wilhelmina, daughter of Maximilian, Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, and the marriage was consummated at Charlottenburg, June 25, 1752. As an honor to his memory, the King has ordered that all officers shall wear a crape on their arm for a fortnight. The court is also gone into mourning for the same time.
FROM THE AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER.
MR. POULSON,
I have read in your paper of 25th current a piece re-published from the National Intelligencer by a special request, defending the executive transaction of remitting and restoring Callender's fine. On the subject of this, the best apology the administration has made for that affair, the following brief observations are submitted. I pass over the whole of the tedious and irrelevant introduction of the said piece, for the purpose of taking up two propositions; the first is the answer of the Attorney general, "That in his opinion, before a fine was paid into the treasury, a pardon remitted and restored it to the party and that he might therefore return the money to Mr. Callender;" which is directly saying that, if the money was paid into the treasury, the pardon would not restore it. Now I maintain that the money was paid into the treasury, and that the repayment of it was a palpable breach of the constitution. The treasury of the United States has no particular locality, but is the possession of every legally authorized agent of government to receive and give discharges for the revenues thereof; such an agent was the marshal of Virginia in this instance; and consequently all public monies paid into his possession were to every legal intent and purpose, paid into the treasury of the United States. If this simple statement should not be conclusive in the mind of the reader, it will be only necessary for him to consider that these two hundred dollars were as much at the command and disposal of the treasury department, as any other appropriated money in that treasury's possession, and an order or warrant drawn by the proper officer on Mr. Randolph for the amount, he dared not refuse paying; and indeed such instances have occurred so frequently at the treasury, as to be considered in the common course of business in the department; to suppose that all the monies of the government are actually thrown into the treasury chest, is truly ridiculous. The quotation from the act establishing the treasury department in the publication above mentioned relates only to the accountability of the treasurer, and has no sort of relation to the point in question.
The other proposition in the said piece, which claims attention, is calculated to excite alarm in the minds of those who believe that any thing remains secure, which depends upon the constitution, namely, the reason given for the remission of Mr. Callender's fine, "That the President considered "the sedition law as unconstitutional;" and this is the same defence of the ad-
ministration, as was set up in the Aurora, for they all speak the same language, as much as two Hottentots. Now it would be a curious kind of republican government, that had the power of determining what laws are unconstitutional, and ought not to be executed; this is indeed true democracy, always at variance with principle and profligacy.
NUMA.
October, 30, 1802
FROM THE PHILADELPHIA GAZETTE.
IF the censures of the English press have given offence to the court of Buonaparte, is it not natural to suppose, that the same effect will be produced, by the bold and unqualified abuse which teems in the American prints? Will not a similar effort be made in this country? And in what manner, will our administration meet the application? The democratic papers, those which are deemed the official organs of our government, have been foremost and loudest in their slanders of the first consul, and of his form of government. Is it to be expected, when Buonaparte descends to complain of the acts of unauthorised individuals in England, that he will tamely overlook the violences of those in America; who boast of " breathing the breath " of the executive?
FROM THE FREDERICK TOWN HERALD.
CALLENDER'S RECORDER.
Has for some time past, come very irregularly to this office. We will not say absolutely that the fault rests with any of Gideon Granger's post masters; but we have remarked that several times, when we have either not received the paper at all, or not by the right mail, it has turned out that something of extraordinary interest had appeared in it; such for instance as the letters from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Callender, &c. As the editor has never expressed his mind against continuing to exchange with us; and as persons elsewhere may have been disappointed in the same way, it is certainly right that he should be informed of the frequent miscarriage of his paper on the road, if he has been punctual in forwarding it. At any rate, the public good requires, particularly at this crisis, that every suspicious appearance about the post-office department should be carefully watched and noticed.
FROM THE FARMER'S MUSEUM.
THE letters of Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Callender, will be found in our inner columns. We think the brazen front of democracy, when presented with Mr. J.'s own signature, must crimson with unpleasant feelings. How many times has it been denied that any money ever was paid Mr. Callender? How many that Mr. J. never wrote to Mr. Callender but said the editor of the National Ægis "give us the evidence that Mr. Jefferson ever rewarded the rascal with a single cent, and our defence of Mr. Jefferson is at an end." Here then we have "confirmation strong, as proof from holy scriptures." "Out of thine own mouth will I condemn thee," may surely be applied with great propriety to this great man, this fallen chief. If the editor of the Ægis be not now convinced, the only resource left him is to aver that Mr. Jefferson's word to Callender is not to be depended on. The fact is, however, that no allegation of any nature whatever, though supported by incontestible proofs, will meet the belief of determined democratic obstinacy.
THE intimacy lately subsisting between our chief magistrate and Mr. Callender has been so close, that when any thing with respect to this duumvirate has been published, it was usually headed in the federal republican papers CALLENDER and JEFFERSON. The cloud compelling Jove , who conducts the Ægis , with a laudable spirit of editorial emulation, wishing not to be successfully rivalled in any thing by his federal brethren, headed his observations, in his paper of the 21st; CALLENDER and the DEVIL.