The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-03-11 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
I wish to sell the following very valuable Property: A MANUFACTURING MILL, now in complete order...
My HOUSES and LOTS, in this place, which I now occupy, forming a complete square...
My STORE HOUSES and LOTS, on the river bank, one of brick, two stories high...
Two UNIMPROVED LOTS, separated by one street only from my stable...
A valuable LOT in the Federal City, on which are a three story brick dwelling house...
A TRACT OF LAND in the county of Westmoreland, three miles from the court-house...
A small TRACT containing about ninety acres (including 20 acres fine marsh) within a mile from this place...
Also, another Tract adjoining my manufacturing mill containing three hundred acres...
The property in this place is, perhaps, as well calculated to suit a person who wishes to engage largely in the mercantile business...
Should I not sell the Mill in three months, I should then prefer taking a partner in the Milling Business.
LAURENCE MUSE. Tappahannock, Feb. 9.
TO RENT (FOR TWO YEARS.)
That Valuable TAN-YARD of the late Mr. Jacob Bockus and now occupied by the subscriber...
FRENCH EXPENCES.
By a decree of the French Government the sum of 729,000,000 of francs were appropriated for the expenses of the year 1807.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Francs. Rows include Interest on debt, Civil list, For service of Grand Judge, Foreign Relations, etc.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, March 1.
The Speaker laid before the House a communication from the Secretary of the Treasury...
TREASURY DEPARTMENT.
February 27th, 1808.
SIR, I have the honor to transmit herewith a statement of goods, wares and merchandise...
The goods, wares and merchandise of domestic growth, or manufacture, included in this statement are estimated at $48,699,592...
And those of foreign growth or manufacture, at $108,343,150.
The foreign goods may be divided into 3 classes, viz.
Table with 2 columns: Class, Amount. Rows include 1st. Articles on the importation of which no duty had been collected, 2d. Articles liable to duty, 3d. Articles liable to duty, but which were not, on re-exportation.
The duties collected on the importation of the articles of the third class, and which not being paid by consumers within the U. States, are derived directly from the carrying trade...
The articles of domestic growth or manufacture, exported during the period aforesaid, may be arranged under the following heads, viz.
Table with 2 columns: Produce, Amount. Rows include Produce of the sea, Forest, Agriculture, Manufactures, Uncertain.
I have the honor to be, With great respect, Sir, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN.
The honorable The Speaker of the House of Representatives.
The report and documents were ordered to be printed.
Mr. Van Rensselaer reported a bill to continue in force an act to extend jurisdiction in certain cases to judges of state courts...
Mr. Dawson reported a bill authorizing the sale of public arms; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Van Horn laid upon the table the following resolution, which had been rendered necessary in his view from the debate which had taken place on the contract bill:
Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring therein, that the following amendment to the constitution of the United States, be proposed to the Legislatures of the several states, which when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the said states, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of the said constitution.
No person shall be eligible as Senator or Representative in Congress who shall hold any office under or be bound by any contract entered into with the government of the United States, or any department or officer or agent thereof at the time the election shall take place.
Nor shall any senator or Representative in Congress, if he shall qualify as such, hold any civil office or appointment under the government of the United States or make any contract with any department or officer thereof during the time for which he shall be elected.
Mr. Basset moved for the order of the day on the bill concerning public contracts—motion negatived, 47 to 39.
Mr. Talmadge from the committee to whom was referred the President's message of the 26th ult. reported a bill authorising a detachment of the militia—Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill authorising the President of the United States to raise an additional military force—Mr. Basset in the chair.
The bill is reported in conformity to the letter of the Secretary of War on this subject, with a few variations in detail.
The bill contemplates the appointment of two major generals, contrary to the recommendation of the Secretary of War.
On motion of Mr. Talmadge, all that part relating to major-generals, was struck out, Ayes 74.
Several amendments were made to the details of the various sections not affecting the general object of the bill.
Mr. Blount wished every person entering into the service of the United States to know on what conditions they entered.
To save a repetition of the trouble occasioned by former applications on the same subject, he moved to add the following amendment to the end of the 7th section:
"No commissioned officer, non-commissioned officer, musician or private shall, after being discharged, be allowed to set up any claim for half pay, commutation or pension, except he shall have been disabled by known wounds received in actual service."
This amendment was supported by Mr. Blount and opposed by Messrs. Dawson, Gardner, Rhea, Talmadge, Durell, Smilie and Taylor. The principal objection to this
was that the 8th section of the bill goes to the same object. It was negatived by a large majority.
Mr. Helms offered an additional section, fixing the price of undrawn rations, at 25 cents each.
After a representation from Mr. Dawson, that this object was already before a committee, and that though favourable to the object, he must vote against it here.
Mr. Helms withdrew his amendment.
Mr. Blount said if there should be war, it would be necessary to draw out so many militia as that a major-general of militia might be included in the militia who would take command of the regular forces in preference to regular brigadier-generals.
To avert this evil, he moved a new section, authorising the President when actual war with any nation shall exist, to appoint two major-generals. Negatived, Ayes 22.
Mr. Rhea moved to strike out the limitation to pay of the army for any longer time than while in actual service. Negatived, Ayes 4.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, the committee rose, and reported the bill as amended.
Mr. D. stated that he did not intend at this time to call up the report, and it lies on the table of course.
The House went into a committee of the whole, 48 to 34, on the bill concerning public contracts—Mr. CUTTS in the chair.
Mr. Quincy's motion for striking out the proviso at the end of the first section, was carried, 40 to 37.
Mr. Kelly proposed an amendment for the limiting the law so as to comport with that part of the constitution which says that no person shall hold an office in the creation of which he had a vote—which after a lengthy discussion was negatived by a large majority.
The committee then rose and obtained leave to sit again, 55 to 34.
A communication was received from the Secretary of State inclosing documents respecting American seamen which was referred to a committee appointed to consider the measures necessary for the security and protection of American seamen.
WEDNESDAY, March 2.
Mr. Randolph, who has been detained from his seat in the House for several weeks, by the effects of an accidental fall, this day took his seat.
On motion of Mr. Chittenden, the House went into committee of the whole on the bill further to amend the judicial system of the United States. [To alter times of holding certain courts.] The bill being gone thro', Mr. Basset reported it to the House, when it was ordered to a third reading.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. PITKIN in the chair, on the bill concerning public contracts, 51 to 24.
Mr. Blackledge moved a section to direct the Secretaries of the Treasury, War and Navy, and the post-master-general to make annual reports of every contract made by them the year preceding, and every particular respecting them.
This amendment was supported by Messrs. Blackledge, Taylor and Stanford, on the ground that this would furnish the House with evidence, without the pain of calling for information from the departments respecting any particular member; that it would besides exhibit particulars which ought to appear; it would be a means of information to the people of the price of contracts, and might produce a reduction in the price of articles purchased for the United States; that many articles which now cost the United States 20 dollars a barrel, may, if it were known to the people, be had for 12 or 15; that this had been evinced by the publication respecting contracts for carrying the mail, by which the service had been done at a much lower rate.
The amendment was opposed by Messrs. Burwell and Holland on the ground that it would be an useless expense to provide for the publication of the annual account, of these officers, forming a volume of documents of documents of no importance or interest to the nation; that there would be no difficulty on application in obtaining information in relation to any particular members suspected of being a contractor.
The amendment was adopted, Ayes 55.
The committee then rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. TRIGG in the chair, on the bill authorising the sale of certain arms.
The committee having gone through the bill and reported it to the House,
Mr. Bacon moved to add a new section to the bill, requiring the purchase money for arms to be paid into the treasury of the U.S. before delivery—Carried 42 to 35.
Mr. Bibb said as there was a thin House, he hoped gentlemen would not take advantage of the circumstance, and push the bill on to a third reading in its present shape. Had there been a full House, he was convinced the amendment would not have passed. He therefore moved that the bill lie on the table. Agreed 39 to 35.
There being considerable difficulty in transacting business, and in retaining a quorum within the bar.
On motion of Mr. Stanford the House adjourned at two o'clock, 37 to 32.
THURSDAY, March 3.
Mr. Morrow offered the following resolution which was adopted:
Resolved, That the committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of extending to the revenue districts of Lake Erie and within the state of Ohio, the provisions of an act "extending jurisdiction in certain cases to state courts and state judges," and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
On motion of Mr. Morrow, the bill for continuing in force the bill for extending jurisdiction, &c. referred to above, was re-committed to the committee of commerce and manufactures, for the purpose of incorporating the above, if deemed proper.
The engrossed bill concerning contracts being read for the third time; and after a debate in which Messrs. Holland, Sloan and Cook opposed the bill, it was PASSED by Yeas and Nays, 65 to 44.
Mr. M. Clay called up the report of the committee of the whole on the bill for the classification of the militia; but after some representations of Messrs. Davenport & Southard, that a number of gentlemen known to be opposed to the bill were absent, Mr. M. C. consented to withdraw his motion.
On motion of Mr. Montgomery, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 50 to 43, Mr. STORER in the Chair, on the bill concerning courts martial and courts of enquiry.
After a debate of upwards of two hours, in which Mr. J. Clay made a motion to strike out the first section, which motion was supported by Messrs. Rowan and Lloyd, & opposed by Messrs. Taylor and Rhea, (T.) the committee rose and obtained leave to sit again—Adjourned.
SIGN OF THE TIMES!!
HORTENSIUS, the writer of the following article, is understood to be Mr. HAY, United States District Attorney, and the gentleman who with Mr. Wirt so ably conducted the prosecution against Burr.
Under the same signature Mr. Hay wrote with great ability against the constitutionality of the Alien and Sedition Acts, passed during the reign of federal terror.
His brief remarks on the situation of Europe—the subjugation of the continent—the possible downfall of England, and the probable consequences which may ensue to the United States, are comprehensive, enlightened, and correct.
Against the nomination of a President by Congress, or the members of Congress not in legislative capacity and form, which is in fact the same thing, the argument of Mr. Hay is irrefragable.
What is our state about? Will it abandon the Vice-President? at once the hero and the ornament of the state of New-York.
Have we no feeling—no sense of right—no regard for justice—no gratitude? Can we sit still and without the discomfort of a single muscle or a twinge of conscience, see the second officer of the state unceremoniously if not contemptuously rejected from the first, by a dangerous caucus, convened by intrigue and inflated with expectation?
Why not nominate GEORGE CLINTON for President, and JAMES MONROE for Vice-President? The members of our legislature are competent to the task; and I anxiously hope they will consider with me that there would be much more glory in a magnanimous but unsuccessful support of that nomination by this state, than in a tame, pusillanimous—shall I not say unfeeling and dishonorable abandonment of our VETERAN FRIEND.
Cheetham's A. Citizen.
Unprincipled arrogance retorted. "What is our state about?" is insolently asked by the brazen-faced Citizen. The republicans of this state are adhering to sound principles—attached to measures not men—watching traitors and apostates under whatever garb they may assume—preserving the character of the state from becoming a factious one in the Union—and ready to denounce those who attempt to make it so.
The Pub. Adv. a republican print of N. York.
An Extract of a letter from Washington, published in the Philadelphia Gazette, states that the Vice-President's eyes being old and dim, he did not perceive the word "confidential," marked on the papers accompanying the President's private message and that he had read the whole communication to the Senate.
The papers from Mr. Pinckney at London announced that he had made reconnoissances to Canning—the late British minister, and had received answers of an equivocal and unsatisfactory nature.
Mr. Pinckney speaks of the British administration in very reproachful terms; states that he had discovered that the mission of Mr. Rose was a piece of diplomatic deception, and only intended to deceive and procrastinate, and that the government was merely waiting for a favorable opportunity to injure us deeply; and determined on giving no satisfaction for outrages committed, nor to relax her decrees.
This was intended for the secret ear of the Senate; but you may readily conceive the sensation produced by this premature disclosure. To attempt to prevent its spreading was vain. The French minister, and two or three of Mr. Rose's suite were present.
PETERSBURG. March 5.
REPUBLICAN FEAST.
FROM THE REPUBLICAN.
Yesterday the republicans celebrated the anniversary of the triumph of principle, and the restoration of correct notions of government.
Nev. did we witness a more enthusiastic, a more harmonious spectacle. Every bosom glowed with feelings of patriotism—every tongue echoed the sentiment of the orator—"ETERNAL BE THE REPUBLIC."
The morning was ushered in, by the firing of cannon; which was repeated at noon.
About twelve o'clock, a numerous collection of citizens assembled at the new church, where Mr. Burke delivered a most animated and impressive discourse.
We shall not attempt to sketch an outline of this performance. It shall appear entire on Wednesday.
At 4 o'clock, a number of choice spirits, (not according to Burr's acceptance of the term) convened at Powell's tavern, and partook of an excellent and sumptuous dinner.
Dr. Gilham presided, assisted by General Pegram, Dr. Walker, and Robert Birchett. It was indeed a republican feast. It was a "family picture," where brethren of the same sentiment, animated by one soul, forgot every local or partial feeling, and on the altar of liberty, swore fidelity to the republic.
It was a spectacle worthy the occasion—worthy the character and liberality of freemen.
The following toasts were drank, accompanied by the firing of cannon, and other demonstrations of joy:
1st. The 4th March, 1801—Glorious for the principles it has restored. Each revolution will exhibit it in unobscured and undiminished brightness. Marseilles Hymn.
2d. The People of the United States—Their voice is sometimes like the thunder, sometimes the music of the spheres. La Reveil du peuple.
3d. Thomas Jefferson—The champion of liberty; the hero of humanity—The Agis of his virtues, is alike proof against the shafts of calumny, and the poison of faction. Jefferson's March.
4th. The state of Virginia—True to her glorious principles which distinguished her founders—As she was the first to unite, she will be the last to divide the American people.
will be the last to divide the American people.
Petersburg Republican L. I. Quick Step.
5th. Our sister States—Primary planets, co-ordinate and co-eternal—They will revolve with us for ever, under the influence of moral attraction, round the common centres of union and happiness. Hail Columbia.
6th. The republican Minority in Congress—They have been weighed in the balance, and are found wanting. The Rose Tree.
7th. Our next President—His predecessor will have left him a track of glory in which to move. If by blindness or madness, he should lose his way, the American people will set him right. Hail Liberty.
8th. James Madison—The light of the sun is not obscured by the atoms that pass over its surface. Madison and Liberty.
9th. James Monroe—His name is a salient spring of ever-living water. Let no one injudiciously attempt to dam the generous stream that should delight and fertilize our fields. The Soldier's Return.
10th. The Aurora—It has been indeed a glorious morning—bright, consistent, resplendent. Its meridian has fulfilled the promise of its ascension. The Sun from the East.
11th. General Washington—His example will guide; His venerable shade will be with us in the battle. Washington's Dirge.
12th. The Republicans—Union, not a coalition "resulting from a dereliction of principle."
Stick close to your text, said the Vicar.
13th. Domestic Manufactures—Our industry, stimulated by our patriotic Embargo, will prove to our enemies that we will be independent. The Spinning Wheel.
14th. The Ocean—Free to the industry of the world. The elements are in arms against the violators of its sovereignty. The decrees of George III. and the arrests of Napoleon, will furnish paper for the cartridges of our warriors. America, Commerce and Freedom.
15th. The Congress of the U. States—Their predecessors of '76, have left them no difficulty in deciding how to act in a great national crisis. Ere around the Huge Oak.
16th. The Militia—In peace, citizens—in war, soldiers. Yankee Doodle.
17th. The American Fair—Simplex munditiis—Native simplicity and home-spun elegance. Drink to me, &c.
ORATION.
DELIVERED AT THE NEW BRICK CHURCH, IN PETERSBURG, ON FRIDAY THE FOURTH MARCH, 1808—
BY JOHN D. BURK.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
FIVE years have elapsed, since, honored by your appointment, and obedient to your wishes, I attempted to celebrate the anniversary of this auspicious day, which restored sound principles and correct notions of government to the Republic.
I then faintly described (who indeed could adequately represent its brightness,) the new star, which appeared in the American Heavens, on that glorious morning.
More than seven years have elapsed since its appearance; yet it still preserves all its original magnitude and splendor, unobscured and undiminished; and if it be allowed us to indulge a rational inference, and to venture a prediction, ages will roll on without impairing its duration or its glory.
Obedient to the same wishes, I again venture to wing my flight (would to God it were the flight of an eagle) against the blaze of its brightness; or that I could rationally calculate on finding my effort crowned with the wreath of a single muse—but these are only the dreams of fancy; and if they could be realized, they would feebly illustrate the glory of its ascension, or the blessings it has produced.
Abandoning then forever the dangerous & giddy heights to which I might be elevated by enthusiasm, I will timely descend to my natural region, the earth; and speak of things with which my sober senses and the senses of my audience are conversant.
It would be impertinent to enter into an historical detail of our colonial governments; of the revolution which established our independence; of the confederation, which kept us from separation, and of our present federative compact which secured, and does still secure to us our union, our prosperity & glory.
With these we are all of us familiar. What language indeed could render more vivid the contrast between our past and present condition?
It will be sufficient then for those, who are not wholly ignorant of the nature of our institutions, and the different administrations of our government, to state that at the era of the French Revolution, those parties in our population, however they might, heretofore have differed; however been denominated as anti-federalists or federalists; ranged themselves under the distinct and appropriate banners of Republicanism or Royalty.
Under the one, were marshalled the adherents of ancient abuse and ancient error—Under the other, the advocates of rational change and progressive improvement.
But to the honor of the republic it should be told that the former were so few in number, and possessed so little weight, either of character or talents, that there could scarcely be said to exist any division; the majority itself being overborne and hurried violently, though reluctantly, along, in the torrent of enthusiasm excited by that event.
No wonder that the revolution of France was to us, was to all men an object of wonder and curiosity. Seen by a spectator, removed to a proper distance from its surface, nothing could be more august or glorious than its aspect.
Never did human eye look upon a phenomenon more splendid or eccentric—Reason rising in the majesty of her might; the majesty of kings giving place to the majesty of the laws; the star, the crown, the mitre; with all the other gilded emblems of ancient error, trampled under foot; the faculties of man set free from the stupid veneration of precedents, and soaring to the heights of ancient eloquence; the courage of her

children spreading the fame of the Republic to the remotest regions, and the whole world looking on in speechless admiration at her sudden and miraculous elevation—These were some amongst the exhibitions of this revolution.
It was fondly hoped by the friends of liberty, that this splendid orb would fix itself permanently in our system, and that the galaxy of republicanism would be enriched with a new star, glorious as the star of the morning. Whilst it thus revolved majestically in our sight, a party was secretly forming in this country, and in the nations of Europe, more especially in Britain, to degra, the benefits contemplated from its appearance, and to depreciate its brightness.
It was by some bold, but invidiously declared to be a fire-ball, whose fatuous light was confined to our atmosphere, and which would vanish as suddenly and unexpectedly as it had appeared; leaving behind a noxious effluvia, as an evidence of the marshy and inflammable materials of which it was composed—Whilst others with pale and faulting horror, affirmed it to be a comet, which if permitted by the influence of gravity to approach too near our orbit, would shake from its horrid hair pestilence and war amongst the nation. The great majority, however, of the American people, in spite of these alarms or artifices, continued to regard its influence rather as salutary than malignant.
But it is not for the limited faculties of man to scan the ways of the Almighty, or to measure the scope of his providence. For purposes, to us inscrutable, he has shrouded the Republic with the mantle of his displeasure—But as if to afford an additional proof that he is bound by the laws of his own nature; that he is coerced in common with his creatures, by the adamantine chain of necessity—to enforce justice by the punishment of the wicked, he has put the scourge into the hands of that mysterious being, whose fortune has extinguished the republic; and those vain & short-sighted beings, who madly and impiously blasphemed against the most glorious phenomenon by which the moral horizon had ever been irradiated, find in its extinction new and more prolific sources of desolation, disaster and dismay.
The Republic of France is at an end;—but the avenging angel has started up from beneath the broken throne of the Bourbons and the ruins of the Republic, and upheaves his enormous members in aid of Napoleon—With his mace of iron, he crushes the wicked combination of kings; the ancient dynasties of Europe disappear at his frown; his breath calls into existence new powers, and prouder, and dominions—The gleam of his terrific spear consumes the ancient territorial divisions existing between nations, & with its fiery point he sketches out a new map of the earth. If the adverse parties complain of injustice, his awful sword and buckler are thrown into the scale, and they are haughtily told "that the only portion of the vanquished, is to suffer."
Of all that formidable conspiracy of despots, who leagued at Pilnitz for the destruction of liberty, Britain alone has escaped invasion or dismemberment; and to her insular situation and her maritime superiority, should it be wholly ascribed that she has hitherto survived the fate of so many dupes and victims of her avarice and profligacy.—Britain still survives; but she survives in daily peril and apprehension—Consistent with herself, although on the verge of destruction, she practises the usual trade of aggression and piracy—How indeed can she otherwise approach a slow rendered black and callous by the habitual perpetration of murders and tortures and house-burnings, in the forests of America, in the magnificent landscapes of India, and in the green fields of Ireland!—She yet survives; but the very height to which her crimes have elevated her, will only render her fall more dreadful and eventful. Her hour is approaching—Already the dreadful hand is outstretched to describe in characters of fire, on the walls of St. James's, the terrible sentence, "Thy days are numbered, Oh King!—Thou art weighed in the balance, and art found wanting!"—The iron sceptre of France is about to issue from the mouth of Napoleon—"The glory of the house of Guelph has passed away,—George the Third must descend from his throne!"
I sincerely hope, however, that the guardian genius of Britain may avert the dangers that impend over her, by a change in the form of her government, and the principles of her morality.
But it is necessary to return to the point from which I have digressed, and perhaps to go back somewhat farther, in order that I may preserve the connection of events.
During the progress of the French revolution, and indeed so early as the date of our convention, there had insensibly grown up in the several states, a political sect, which alike averse to simple monarchy and the representative system, impatiently longed for a government that would, they imagined, unite the good properties of either, and avoid their defects; a government of more show and distinctions, and where the chief or king would be clothed with greater power and authority than accorded with the simplicity of the democratic form. In a word, a government after the British model, became the first object of their wishes and exertions; and as the excesses of the French Revolution were supposed to be daily illustrating and confirming the truth of their dogma, they gained a daily accession of strength. Numbers of honest and well-meaning citizens, alarmed at the progress of that awful fire that burnt in the heart of Europe, became proselytes to a sect whose pretences were specious and plausible, and who affected to be the exclusive champions of order and morals, of religion and government.—Mistaken men! they should have known that the abuse of any valuable property or privilege, cannot fairly be urged as an argument against its use or adoption; that science cannot be justly arraigned on account of a single defective experiment.—The cannon of Nelson or Bonaparte may blow to atoms a particular figure, but the properties of a square or a circle must ever be the same.
John Adams, an able civilian, of unimpeached integrity, who had written three large octavo volumes in defence of the mixed or British form, where with considerable ingenuity and research he attempts to illustrate his theory by examples drawn from the ancient commonwealths and those of the middle ages, was chosen the head of this sect. A popular name was next to be thought of, which would serve as a watch word, and by which they would henceforth be distinguished; and as the irritation excited by the opposition to the federal constitution, had not yet subsided, they adroitly adopted that of Federalists , although some of the most strenuous and able defenders of that instrument were now the ardent asserters of the democratic form. It is unnecessary to state that the epithet of Anti-Federalist was ap-
plied to their opponents, accompanied by every term of reproach and contumely, which cunning or malignity could imagine or conceive.—
Every thing being now prepared, the curtain rises, and the drama opens. That great man who led the armies of America to victory, retires from office; and Mr. Adams, who had filled the office of Vice-President with credit and applause, is by a small majority elected his successor.—The new sect are now at the top of their wishes, and the mask is laid aside as no longer necessary.—A thousand cataracts of slander and abuse are at once discharged upon the people. The sacred names of Republic and Commonwealth , are mocked at and vilified by the pens and tongues of British hirelings and pensioners, at the very seat of our government. The venerable names of Adams, & Hancock, and Franklin, and the worthies of the revolution, are scoffed at and jeered by base and grinning jocularities. Methinks I see their venerable shades stalking by the hall of Congress, looking reproachfully on its members, and sorrowfully on those beloved scenes which living they had adorned by their virtues. The book of Mr. Adams meanwhile, as containing the tenets of the sect, is re-printed, and is advertised for sale by a well known pensioner of Britain, and an avowed royalist.
The plot now begins to unfold itself, and the interest thickens. By a small majority in Congress, a great naval and military establishment is projected, and war with France is resolved on as a necessary part of the system. To give effect to these projects, new taxes are decreed, and large sums are borrowed at an extravagant rate of interest; and in order to terrify the people into an approbation or submission to those extraordinary proceedings, the constitution, that sacred palladium, of which they had hypocritically declared themselves the exclusive defenders, is openly violated by the enactment of the Alien and Sedition laws.—Such as had the courage to speak or write against those outrages, fell under the grinding pressure of one or the other of these terrible statutes.—They are immured in dungeons, subjected to excessive fines, or rendered liable to be transported, at the pleasure of the grand inquisitor, to unknown, perhaps to savage, certainly to hostile regions, at a distance from the government of their choice, and the country of their adoption.
But the Genius of the Republic took his stand on the highest peak of the Alleghany, and shouted to the people. Roused by the sound, terrific as the blast of the angel trump, which on the last day will call upon the graves to yield up their dead, they awaken from their trance, and like a giant refreshed by sleep, their volume swells to preternatural size, and displays itself in wonderful exertion. Their chains, like flux touched by fire, are consumed and disappear. They look round them, and their lion hearts swell with the heaving of the storm-veiled ocean—they compare their strength with the weakness of their oppressors, and their rage subsides in emotions of pity or contempt—they demand in a tone that will not brook delay, that their prison doors be thrown open, and they are obeyed.—But, satisfied with victory, and devoted only to justice & the common weal, they permit not the base passion of revenge to contaminate their bosoms, and they magnanimously proffer to their late tyrants an equal share of the rights they had asserted, and the blessings they enjoy.
Then it was that the great and benificent being, whose advancement to office we celebrate, as connected with the prosperity of his country, was called from his retreat to retrieve the glory and restore the purity and vigor of our institutions. At his approach, factions for a moment disappear, and the waves of civil commotion subside—He is preceded by Philosophy, holding a torch dipped and kindled at the fountain of light, whose celestial blaze puts to flight the imps of tyranny and superstition. On one hand stands the genius of the republic with the national charter open in his hand; on the other, the mountain nymph, LIBERTY , crowned with oak leaves, armed with a spear made of the beech tree. She moves light & bound to the music of the shepherd's pipe upon the hills, and she is animated to glory by the tones of the vale rousing bugle; temperance, fortitude, economy and public spirit, with the train of hardy virtues, encircle the man of the people. The muses bring up the rear; the smile of hope, irradiated by genius, shining through the tears which tyranny had caused to flow.
But as if to exemplify the truth of Milton's observation, as applied to the arch-fiend, that "never can true reconciliation dwell where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep"—the rage of Federalism is smothered, not extinguished; they engender new plots against the majesty of the people, and meditate how by new devices and internal inventions, they may re-mount the sacred battlements from whence they had been hurled.
But in justice to the federalists, it should be admitted that these machinations can with propriety be ascribed only to a small number of restless, ambitious, disappointed men, scattered over the union, who affect to be the leaders and to speak the voice of the federal party—alas! where is the use—where the policy of these distinctions?—what good can result from them? To use the impressive language of the great man whose life and government furnish the theme of our festival—"We are all federalists; all republicans." With few exceptions, all these puerile distinctions are merged into one luminous mass "the people"—The residuum is only such as may be expected to result from every human experiment.
Let us then on this auspicious day erect in this place, a grand altar of covenant, and solemnly invite the American people to lay their hands on it; let us consecrate on this day to freedom, a bond of national union. Menaced by dangers from without, let us at least be true to ourselves—insulted by the decrees of George and the decrees of Bonaparte, let us again pledge to each other, "our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor."
Great God! can the outrage on the Chesapeake be so soon forgotten?—shall the generous, the unanimous expression of indignation; the noble display of mind, be considered only as an hectic passing rapidly across the cheek, instead of the strong working of a noble, national, indignant spirit? Is it necessary again to recall that melancholy; that horrible event?
The Chesapeake, an American national ship, leaves the port, where she was constructed for a distant service—youth sat at her prow, and pleasure laughed at the helm—She sails in careless security on the marble bosom of the magnificent bay, whose name she bears, gathering the winds of heaven in her bosoming canvas. A portion of the American
can youth is on board, animated by the spirit of generous adventure. The examples of Decatur, of Somers, of Israel and Wadsworth, are before them, and their young hearts swell with anticipations of noble-daring and heroic achievement. As she leaves her moorings, she is cheered by the acclamations of thousands, who crowd to the beach and stuns the winds with good wishes for her safe and successful return.—The American mothers put up prayers to heaven, that their sons may be protected, not against the warfare of civilized nations; (for we were at peace with them all,) but against the fury of tempests, and the perfidy of barbarians. A few hours, alas! demonstrated how vain was this security; how fruitless these expectations. Whilst the Chesapeake thus held on her way, in the full security arising from a profound peace, a squadron of ships belonging to that power, whose arts have embroiled the human family on the lands and on the waters; whose insatiable lust of gold and dominion, has lighted up the flames of war in every region of the globe, rides at anchor in our harbor! A signal is thrown out by the commander—and the Leopard , one of the squadron of superior force, weighs anchor and directs her course towards our frigate, whose captain, supposing that the British commander wished him to be the bearer of dispatches, politely laid to in order to expedite as much as possible, the supposed intentions of a neutral and friendly power.
Fatal to him, dishonorable to his country, was this security! He is astonished by a demand, that four of his crew, native born American citizens, and who, whatever was their country, thought themselves secure under that flag, the symbol of American honor and American independence, should be delivered up; and as if in contempt of our resentment, and in order to show that this was the measure not of an individual, but of the whole English government, the instructions of the English Admiral on the American station are produced to capt. Barron, which left him no alternative but a tame and disgraceful surrender of the national flag, or a contest in his unprepared condition with an enemy steeled to the perpetration of violence and complete preparation to give effect to its injustice.
The American captain with becoming propriety resisted the insolent claim: but alas! the defenceless condition of his ship, arising from the fullness of his security, left him without means, and consequently without hope of sustaining his own credit, or that of his country, by the proper arguments the cannon and the boarding pike.
The attack commences on the part of the British attended by every circumstance of cold blooded cruelty—Repeated broadsides are fired against our ship, unprepared and unresisting—the sea is calm; every ball takes effect with fatal precision. The wretched Barron, as if abandoned to despair, stands on the gang way, calling out to them to desist, and remonstrating in vain against their conduct, reckless of his own safety. They heed him not. The cannonade continues with unabated fury. The sides of the ship are torn; the masts and rigging are shattered.
Shall I pause here, or shall I go on? Whilst I think on it, my bosom swells with rage. I feel the flush of shame upon my cheek. The wretched Barron, abandoned by his better angel, ordered the American colors to be struck. The proud stripes, the symbol of our national confederacy, that e'erwhile wantoned on the breeze, ignominiously lowered from their majestic height, drooped at the foot of the mast, as if mourning in their own fate, the dishonor of their country.
At that fatal moment, the sun of American glory suffered a portentous eclipse. Shorn of its beams, henceforth it yields only a disastrous twilight, and in order to attain its original brightness, it must wade through a sea of blood. But the cad of humiliation is not yet full; there is yet a farther aggravation of insult and murder—the crew are mustered by a British lieutenant on the American deck, and four of our citizens are borne off, wretched victims to satiate the rage of the British Moloch.
What a picture does Livy give of the grief, the mourning, the indignation, the shame that prevailed throughout the Roman camp, after their army had been hemmed in by the Samnites and made to pass under the yoke? But had he a theme like this, what might not be expected from his genius? His characters would burn; his pencil would catch the hues of the rainbow; his canvas would glow into life; his rage would rise into inspiration. He would compare the gallant plight of the Chesapeake in the morning, when breaking from her moorings, she rode majestically on her own waters; which as if proud of their burden, undulated and sported around her; in sight of her native forests, which gently agitated by the breeze nodded approbation as she passed; her sails filled by prayers, and acclamations, and blessings—He would describe the minds of her crew impotent of duty, animated with hope and impressed with images of glory—Great God! how dreadful would be his contrast! He would describe her insulted, attacked, torn and shattered, & the national glory extinguished or eclipsed—He would tell how she was circumvented by cowardice and treachery, and subdued without even the credit of resistance. Instead of the busy hum of active exertion and cheering gaiety, a death-like silence reigns throughout her decks on her return, interrupted only by the groans of the wounded and the dying. The ship comes to an anchor once more, in sight of her native port—The dreadful story at length reaches the shore, and the beach is surrounded with a countless multitude, agitated by undefinable sensations—Parents are agonized for the fate of their children, wives for that of their husbands, and all for the fate and honor of their country.
The popular impatience will no longer brook delay—The ship is visited in crowds—God in Heaven, what a sight is there presented! The decks are sprinkled with blood and brains—their ears are saluted with the groans of the wounded and the dying; the wretched captain shut out from all eyes, wounded and abandoned to despair, shuts out the light of the sun. The crew motionless and silent, their eyes are fixed upon the deck; the paleness of death upon their cheeks, and the tear of shame and indignation starting in their eyes.
If Livy or Tacitus had a theme like this, they would give tongues to the dead; and they would shout Revenge in such a sound as would startle the very dead within their graves; the thunder of national indignation would pierce to our remotest forests; and the echoes of a thousand hills would rally to the sound, innumerable swords would fly like flashes of lightning from their scabbards, and the children of their country, rushing like a thousand torrents from a thousand hills, would thunder into the plains and fill it with their congregated waters. But I will not despond—It fortunately does not require any extraordinary elevation of genius to make
this theme interesting—it is itself eloquence.
Si mensura abest facit indignatio verum.
It is trumpet tongued; and Pity, like a naked new born babe, Striding the blast, or Heaven's cherubim, hors'd Upon the sightless couriers of the air, Will blow the horrid deed in every eye Till tears will drown the wind. We have no cause to despond. The destinies of the republic are in the hands of a stage whose comprehensive mind intuitively discerns the true interests of the republic. He has called the nation "to arms" and the nation listens with rapture to his voice. He has demanded reparation for the insult offered to our flag and the outrage committed against her independence. If it be withheld or even delayed, the people are in the attitude to strike, and the stroke will be like the thunder of Heaven.—As a provisional measure an embargo is adopted, and the decrees of Britain and Napoleon are by the foresight of our government, deprived of their effect. During the temporary suspension of commerce, the national industry & genius will be directed to internal improvement; the raw materials with which our country abounds & which fed and animated the manufacturers of Europe, will find a ready consumption at home. The mechanic arts will rise like a phoenix from the ashes of foreign monopolies, and we shall become by the blessings of Providence, in every sense of the word, a world within ourselves. Praise be to the beneficent being, to whose wisdom, under Heaven, we are indebted for these blessings. Let us then repeat the language of a former occasion—JEFFERSON & UNION—JEFFERSON & LIBERTY—unfading be the principles which triumphed on this day; eternal be the republic!
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U STATES. FELLOW-CITIZENS.
In the course of the events which have marked the conduct and characters of those to whom you have, at different periods, intrusted by your suffrages the power of making laws for your government, few measures have occurred, since the adoption of the present constitution, more extraordinary, than the meeting lately held for the purpose of nominating a President and Vice-President of the U. S.
Our alarm is equally excited, whether we advert to the mode in which the meeting was summoned, or to the proceedings after it was convened. The Senator who assumed the power of calling together the members of Congress, did it under the pretext of that power being vested in him, by a former convention; this pretext, whether it be true or not, implies an assertion of a right in the Congress of 1804, to direct their successors in the mode of choosing the chief magistrate; an assertion which no man has ever before had the hardihood to advance. The notices were private; not general to all the members of the two Houses; nor confined to the republican party: a delegate from one of the territories was invited and attended, a man who in elections has no suffrage, and in legislation no vote. The persons, who met in pursuance of this unprecedented summons, proceeded without discussion or debate, to determine by ballot the candidates for the highest offices in the union. The characters of different men, and their pretensions to the public favor, were not suffered to be canvassed, and all responsibility was avoided by the mode of selection. The determination of this conclave has been published as the act of the republican party; and with as much exultation as the result of a solemn election by the nation. Attempts are making to impress upon the public mind, that those proceedings ought to be binding upon all the republicans, and those who refused to attend, or disapproved of the meeting are denounced as enemies of liberty, and as apostates from the cause of the people. In this state of things, we think it our duty to address you, and we deem ourselves called upon to enter our most solemn protest against these proceedings.
It is true that at former periods, when the election of a President and Vice President approached, it was customary to hold meetings of the members of Congress, for the purpose of recommending candidates to the public. But these meetings, if not justified, were palliated by the necessity of union. The federalists presented a formidable phalanx; and either to succeed at all, or to prevent them from placing the candidate for the Vice Presidency in the Presidential chair, it was necessary to exert the combined efforts of the whole republican party. But it is equally true that in those instances, the nominations for the Presidency were mere matters of course. In the first and second elections under the constitution, the eyes of all were turned upon General Washington, and since the expiration of the two periods, during which he filled the supreme executive office, there has not until now been any difference of opinion, among the republicans, as to the candidate for the first magistracy.—The real object of all former meetings, was to produce such a co-operation as would secure the election of a republican Vice-President.
The circumstances, which might be urged in extenuation of such a measure heretofore, do not now exist. The federalists are comparatively few in number, and form but a feeble party; they cannot give to any one candidate, more than sixteen or seventeen votes out of one hundred and seventy six; no federalist can therefore be elected by the electors; and should no person have a majority of all the electoral votes, the choice of the President will devolve on the members of the present House of Representatives, in which the federalists have the votes of only two states, Connecticut and Delaware. The alteration of the constitution prevents the danger of any intrigue, by which the intended Vice-President might be elected President. No good reason can therefore now be assigned, why an union of the republicans in favor of any particular person, should be attempted by a measure in itself so exceptional, as a nomination by the Senators and Representatives in Congress.
We do not say that a consultation among the members of Congress, respecting the persons to be recommended as candidates for the two highest offices of the nation; may not in some extraordinary crisis, be proper. But the propriety must arise from absolute necessity. Even then, we doubt whether it can be completely justified. The people ought to exercise their right of election without any undue bias; and it is not the evident intention of such consultations, to produce a bias. Besides, in the event of there being no election by the electors, the choice of the President devolves on the House of Repre-
sentatives, and that of the Vice-President on the Senate: Should the House of Representatives not succeed in electing the President, the Vice-President will become the chief magistrate; hence the impropriety of nominations by the members of Congress, is more glaring, as it may become the political interest of the representatives to prevent an election by the electors, and of the Senators to frustrate any choice by either. Nor is this all; a danger of more than ordinary magnitude arises from the influence which may be used by the President, over meetings of individuals at the seat of the general government. The hope, or the promise of office may be employed to induce a nomination either of himself, or of a favorite successor, and it requires but little sagacity to foresee the consequences of such corruption.
Sensible were the members who attended the late meeting, of the weight of objections which might be urged against their proceedings, that they have thought it proper to publish an explanatory resolution, proposed by Mr. Giles, of Virginia, and unanimously adopted. They have declared, that in "making their nominations, they have acted only in their individual character as citizens;" this is very true, because they could act in no other, without a breach of the constitution. But was it not intended that those nominations should be enforced by the sanction of congressional names?—They proceed to assert "that they have been induced to adopt this measure from the necessity of the case, from a deep conviction of the importance of union to the States, in the present crisis of both our external and internal affairs." We trust we have shown that no such necessity exists, in favor of any individual, among the republicans, in favor of any individual, is not important. We acknowledge that the aspect of our foreign affairs is unpropitious. We are perhaps on the eve of a war with one of the great powers of Europe; we are therefore strongly impressed with the difficulties of our situation. In such a crisis, if unanimity in the choice of President is necessary; that choice should be directed to a man, eminently calculated by his tried energy and talents, to conduct the nation with firmness and wisdom, through the perils which surround it; to a man who had not in the hour of terror and persecution, deserted his post, and sought in obscurity and retirement, a shelter from the political tempest; to a man not suspected of undue partiality or enmity to either of the present belligerent powers; to a man who had not forfeited his claim to public confidence, by recommending a shameful bargain with the unprincipled speculators of the Yazoo companies, a dishonorable compact with fraud and corruption. Is James Madison such a man? We ask for energy, and we are told of his moderation; we ask for talents, and the reply is his unassuming merit; we ask what were his services in the cause of public liberty, and we are directed to the pages of the Federalist , written in conjunction with Alexander Hamilton and John Jay, in which the most extravagant of their doctrines are maintained and propagated. We ask for consistency as a republican, standing forth to stem the torrent of oppression, which once threatened to overwhelm the liberties of the country; we ask for that high and honorable sense of duty, which would at all times turn with loathing, and abhorrence from any compromise with fraud and speculation; we ask in vain.
But rather than one of the reasons, assigned by Mr. Jefferson for declining to stand again as a candidate for the chair of the chief magistrate, is the propriety of a rotation in that office. The great advantage of this principle of rotation is, that by appointing as a successor to the present officer, a man not immediately connected with him, the acts of the administration may be impartially reviewed; those measures which tend to promote the public good will be adopted, and those of a contrary tendency, which from the fallibility of human nature may have been pursued, will be abandoned, and if necessary exposed. All other rotation is a mockery.
We do therefore in the most solemn manner protest against the proceedings of the meeting held in the Senate Chamber on the twenty-third day of January last, because we consider them—As being in direct hostility to the principles of the constitution.
As a gross assumption of power not delegated by the people, and not justified or extenuated by any actual necessity.
As an attempt to produce an undue bias in the ensuing election of President and Vice-President, and virtually to transfer the appointment of those officers from the people, to a majority of the two Houses of Congress.
And we do in the same manner protest against the nomination of James Madison, as we believe him to be unfit to fill the office of President in the present juncture of our affairs.
  Joseph Clay,  W. Hoge,    Abraham Trigg,  Samuel Smith,    John Russell,  Danl. Montgomery,    Joshua Masters,  John Harris,    George Clinton, Jr.,  Saml. Maclay,    Gordon S. Mumford,  David R. Williams,    John Thompson,  James M. Garnett,    Peter Searcy,  John Randolph,    Edwin Gray,     City of Washington,     February 27th, 1808.   
TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND HOUSE-KEEPERS of the CITY OF RICHMOND authorized to vote for common councilmen, take notice that the election will take place on Wednesday the first day of April next, the poll will be opened at ten o'clock at the following places: in Jeffersonward at the Court House, in Madisonward at the Eagle-Tavern, in Monroeward at Mr. Thomas White's new Brick House.
JOHN F. PRICE, Sergeant of the City of Richmond. [CPTLW.A.]
SALES AT AUCTION.
ON Saturday the 19th Inst. will be sold without reserve for the benefit of the underwriters; at the Lumber House of Mr. GABRIEL HALSTON, the following articles which were saved from the burning of Mr. Benjamin James Hams's tobacco Factory, viz:
  A large quantity of damaged Manufactured Tobacco.     A small ditto  Leaf ditto.    Screws wrought and Cast Iron,     Gates and old Brass, &c. &c.    Terms of sale—Cash for all sums under $20, and 60 days credit for all sums over $20, for approved endorsed negotiable notes at the Bank of Virginia. PROSSER & MONCURE, Auctioners. N. B. Wanted immediately, 30 Virginia Bank Shares, for which cash will be given. P. & M. March 11. [24]
FOR SALE—The TENEMENT now occupied by Abraham B. Venable, Esq. pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill, and contiguous to the Capitol Square. That part of the Lot on which the dwelling-house stands has a front upon the street leading to the Capitol of 41 feet, and extends back 70 feet; and the other part which is now used as a garden, has about 66 front and upwards of 145 in depth. The purchaser will be entitled to the rents to the first of October, when Mr. Venable's time expires. One third of the purchase money is to be paid on concluding the bargain; another third in three and the residue in six months. Negotiable notes with approved endorsers will be required for the two last payments, and the title will be retained by me until all the payments shall be made. JOHN BROWN. Richmond, March 11. [25]

FELLOW CITIZENS.
IN the course pursued by the friends of Mr. Monroe, it is impossible not to discover that the first step of his administration, is to be an oblivion to those political differences which every republican must deplore the necessity of supporting, until the federal party abandon principles hostile to the essential interests of the country.
When those gentlemen profess an attachment to the administration of Mr. Jefferson, I cannot but question their sincerity. If they are attached to his administration, how will they discriminate so far as to deprive Mr. Madison of the conspicuous part he has borne in it?
The friends of Mr. Monroe are governed by the same principles or by different ones. When, however, we see men united for the same end, it is but a fair conclusion that they are governed by the same motives.
The interest of a republic consists in domestic harmony and in peace with foreign powers. That suspicion is a necessary trait in the character of a republican, is a truth to be admitted, with much caution.
But it is necessary to prove the fact and the motive, before that opposition is raised. The man who indulges in invective, may easily discover the grounds of censure.
members of Congress should feel a deference and respect for the opinions of Mr. Jefferson, is nothing more than his talents and his patriotism merit.
I take it the intrinsic value of the measures proposed, is neither lessened nor increased by the source from whence they originated.
The course pursued by Mr. Randolph, has not only destroyed national unanimity, but increased the strength of the federal party.
I have stated, that Mr. Randolph has prostrated our dignity on the shrine of his passions.
Mr. Randolph then, has prostrated the dignity of our nation by an indulgence in those passions which prudence and decorum called on him to restrain.
These points of difference are indeed all important to the people.
Fellow-Citizens, before you yield to the influence of great names; assure yourselves of the principles which govern this predilection.
The address of the council board of Virginia which seems to have been very well meant; as electioneering artifice, and which contains a chronological history of Mr. Monroe's life, has blazoned his reputation with all the eloquence which could be commanded by its authors.
sible for the unprejudiced mind to parallel them with those of Mr. Madison.
PUBLICOLA.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
The following letter having accidentally fallen into my hands, and not knowing by whom it was written or to whom it was addressed, I have thought I could not do better with it, than to send it to you for publication.
C. VOLPONIUS TO M. CALLIDUS.
Yes, my dear Callidus, I entirely agree with you, that the love of popularity in a republic, strictly corresponds with loyalty in a monarchy.
Before you exhibit yourself in public as a courtier, I would advise you to practice in your chamber, before a large looking glass.
Examine yourself well and see whether you are more fitted to storm the fort by a furious display of party zeal, or to undermine your way by address and ingenuity.
Get introduced to some man of influence, who is very fond of talking, of whom there are an abundance in every county.
Be very shy of giving your opinions at first, but grow bolder as you get better acquainted.
nest on a subject you can treat with levity and jocoseness—that you are not very hostile to them at heart, but will become a good friend whenever they have better times.
When a man of influence is engaged in a lawsuit or squabble of any sort, slyly advance such principles and opinions as will suit his case, without seeming to perceive their application.
When there are several candidates for a public office, as soon as you have ascertained who will be successful, take occasion to remark in all companies, that although most people expect Mr. Such-a-One will be elected, you cannot but think otherwise.
Sometimes very serious and bitter altercations take place between conflicting partisans.
Attend religious meeting occasionally.
When you are accidentally thrown into a circle of gamblers, join them with a hearty good will.
Become a free-mason as soon as you can, and get elected into all the jockey-clubs within fifty miles of you.
If you should at length succeed in getting elected to the Legislature, and you must profit very little by the foregoing rules to fail, you will then have a wide field for the exercise of your talents and address.
Get introduced to some man of influence, who is very fond of talking, of whom there are an abundance in every county.
Be very shy of giving your opinions at first, but grow bolder as you get better acquainted.
Mix much with the mountain members.
active part in favor of one or two great rival candidates.
I find, my dear Callidus, I was not fully aware of the extent of the task I undertook to perform.
VOLPONIUS.
TO THE FRIENDS OF COL. MONROE.
I was in hopes, that finding the vote of Virginia and most of the states in favour of Mr. Madison, and the other states not in favor of Mr. Monroe, but of Mr. Clinton, you would have magnanimously yielded to considerations of harmony and surrendered your attachment to your favorite candidate.
The perseverance of Col. Monroe's friends is calculated only to injure him.
George Clinton is certainly the man, who will be run in opposition to James Madison.
The Virginians entertain the most exalted respect for the services and patriotism of Mr. Clinton.
A short time since, with you, I should have preferred Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison.
In some respects, I owe it to my candour and my country explicitly to avow that my opinion respecting the men themselves has undergone a revolution.
On what ground can you hope for success?
DIED on the 6th instant, Mrs. SARAH FITZ-WILLSON wife of Mr. Wm. H. Fitz-WILLSON of this city.

EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 29.
The British packet Lord Hobart, which arrived at this port yesterday via Bermuda, left Falmouth on the 15th January, and brings us London papers later than the 5th, or Lloyd's Lists. The captain is unacquainted with any political event of importance having occurred between that date and the time of his sailing.
LONDON, Jan. 9.
The report of approaching negotiation for Peace continues to gain ground, and some of our contemporaries go farther on, and suggest that we think they are at present warranted, though as we first of all stated, there is certainly something on the carpet that may lead to ultimate negotiation. It was reported last night, but we do not know for its authenticity, that the proffered mediation of Austria had been rejected, but that Ministers had offered to treat directly with France for a peace on equal terms. To this proposal, Bonaparte, it is said, had acceded, and a blank passport had been transmitted to our government, to be filled up with the name of an Envoy, who is to proceed to Paris. Should this prove true, it will not be difficult to account for the return of Bonaparte to Paris.
The orders respecting American vessels, which we mentioned yesterday to have been forwarded to the different ports, were not of that peremptory nature we mentioned. They apply to vessels under particular circumstances. Clearances are granted as usual, to such neutrals as choose to proceed to their original destination, but licenses have been refused to vessels wishing to change their "original destination," until security be entered into for the payment of any duties which Parliament may impose upon the cargoes of such vessels.
Private letters from Holland still represent that unfortunate country to be in a state of very great distress. Talleyrand is said to have arrived, and King Louis was expected to set out for Paris in a few days. From the late rigid enforcement of the commercial decree, the merchants are in a state of the utmost consternation and despondency.
According to the latest accounts from Holland, a serious difference has arisen between the French and Russian Emperors respecting the partition of Turkey, & the conduct observed by the former towards Prussia. Alexander is said to have refused to evacuate Moldavia and Wallachia, until the French troops shall be entirely withdrawn from the Prussian territories. The Emperor of Austria is also said to have refused to shut the port of Trieste against the trade of Great Britain. These rumors are entitled to very little credit.
On Thursday morning several merchants and brokers waited on the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to request that he would prevail on the Admiralty to direct our cruisers, after having examined neutrals, not to write the word searched upon their papers, as, according to the French decrees, that act was sufficient evidence for their condemnation on arriving at any port under the control of France. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, we understand, observed that no such direction should be given by the Admiralty, as government had determined not to relax any of the measures adopted in retaliation of Bonaparte's decrees.
The following able and comprehensive statement of facts and arguments, applicable to the question of our contest with America, we submit to the serious examination of our countrymen, and strongly recommend to the peculiar attention of Ministers. If they are accessible to reasons deduced from considerations of justice or policy, they must be strongly impressed by this statement.
"The amount of British manufactures exported annually to the United States, is estimated to exceed ten millions sterling, and the demand has been for some time past rapidly increasing, to the great advantage of our manufacturers."
"This increasing demand proceeds from the following causes."
"The growing population and wealth of the U. States, creating a greatly increased consumption, which necessarily requires an adequate supply; and from the commercial enterprise of the people of that country, constantly discovering new and remote markets for our manufactures imported by them for exportation, and which thus find their way into distant channels for consumption, where they were before unknown, and into the colonies of the enemy, to which this country, as a belligerent, has not access."
"It is estimated, that a sum exceeding twelve millions sterling, is now owing from individuals in the United States, to the merchants and manufacturers of the United Kingdom, which property, there is too much reason to apprehend, would for an indefinite time, at least, be directed from its regular channels, by the obstructions which a state of hostility will naturally and inevitably present to its just appropriation, in the event of a hostile determination on the part of the American government. Such a result, it is to be feared, would be productive of extensive and general distress in this country, and greatly augment that already felt in the manufacturing districts in the North, owing to a suspension of the demand for the American market, following so closely the privation of the trade with the European Continent."
"Among the many important consequences of a rupture with the United States, are disadvantages which would accrue to the commercial interests at large, from being deprived of trading through the neutral medium now left them; and the general inconvenience and partial distress which must be experienced by his Majesty's subjects in the West-India Islands, in case of such a war taking place. The advantage should also be considered of preserving the American market open to our exports for timber and naval stores; and also the benefit which this country might in the present state of Europe, derive from America, as a granary, should a period of scarcity recur, and a good understanding be preserved. There is great reason to believe, that if the late Orders in Council are acted upon as they now stand, without any modification (as they refer to articles the growth of the U. S.) it will tend to produce in the minds of the government and of the people of the United States a feeling of determined hostility to this country; in as much as obliging American vessels, laden wholly with the produce of their soil, to enter into our ports and take out a clearance from thence will be received as a novel and vexatious interference in the innocent commerce of an independent and neutral nation; and in the event of the American government being induced at once to resort to acts of direct hostility (which is most to be apprehended) it may immediately adopt restrictive commercial regulations in retaliation, which will in effect be productive of a complete suspension of all mercantile intercourse between the two countries, and operate as an inconvenience little short of a state of actual warfare." Morning Chronicle.
"The masters of vessels which arrived yesterday from the coast of France state, that in all the small ports, particularly in Normandy, the French are most actively engaged in building and fitting out such boats as the flotilla at Boulogne was composed of. May we hope that Ministers have an eye to these preparations, and these boats shall not be allowed to collect at any particular depot for the purpose of annoying us with the same ease and security with which a horde of petty French privateers are now permitted to come out and capture our merchant vessels within gun-shot of their coast!"
A memorial to ministers, not for a revision of the late fatal Orders of Council, but on the general distressed state of the trade and manufactures of this country, as connected with the United
States of America, and on the calamities that a war with them will infallibly produce, was prepared, and would have been discussed, had not the motion for an adjournment been carried. So far from such a memorial being deemed inadmissible, some of those who voted for the adjournment, declared, their motive was only for a short delay, as within ten days depending events may make it the duty of the Committee to present such a memorial.
DOMESTIC.
From the National Intelligencer.
MR. SMITH.
Having noticed with some degree of displeasure a statement said to have emanated from a By-stander of parts of evidence given by me before the Military Court in the case of General Wilkinson, I should not only deem it repugnant to every principle of equity and honor to become the passive instrument of an impression to the prejudice of the honorable Daniel Clark, whom I wholly unacquainted with any forswearance in the slightest degree relative to the affair in issue between him & the General, or any incident calculated to establish the charge of co-operation with Col. Burr, or fact going to show a connexion between them in the evil designs ascribed to the latter gentleman; but I should conceive it offending against the impulse which actuates all my actions, were I not to notice what appears materially to concern myself. This denographer of mutilated testimony in his selection of expressions, seems to imply that I had heretofore been desirous of concealing an avowed and admitted fact, which can only receive an unfavorable hue from such a desire. It is a circumstance, I have ever openly declared when called upon, (but which I never acknowledged, for an act in itself innocent should not be reluctantly confessed as a sin,) that I embarked for New-Orleans in a vessel on board which was Dr. Bollman, a gentleman I had never spoken to prior to sailing from Philadelphia, Mr. Alexander, a barkeeper, known to me only as a man eminent and respectable in his profession, and a Lady, who at that time I had never seen, but who I afterwards I had the pleasure of knowing as Madame D'Avergne. Whether these persons sailed with the party of Col. Burr, or with views in coalescence with him, I could not at that time have taken upon myself to determine, for I never understood from either of them by the remotest intimation that designs were contemplated, such as subsequent accusations have charged them with—but that Col. Burr was acquainted with my intention to visit New-Orleans is manifest, from the subjoined transcript of a letter written by him to the honorable Daniel Clark, which till the day of delivery was open to my perusal.
"This will be handed you by my young friend, Lt. Spence of the navy—he was one of the brave corps who gave splendor to our naval character at the siege of Tripoli, and an officer of distinguished merit. I have to request that you will show him every civility, and I need not say how much your attentions will contribute to render his stay amongst you agreeable—introduce him to some of your friends of both sexes."
"A BURR."
This is the letter spoken of in my evidence which I stated to be a simple letter of introduction, the face of which supercedes the necessity of my saying, differs widely from a letter of recommendation. It insured to me the polite attentions of Mr. Clark, and whilst the hospitality of his table is still alive in my memory, I cannot silently permit its being interpreted to his prejudice, as I never have or shall without resentment suffer any man to offend my feelings or honor. I can safely affirm that neither Col. Burr or Dr. Bollman, at any period of my acquaintance with them, made to me a proposal incompatible with this unfraught principle of conduct.
There is a remark made by this By-stander respecting my having dined with Mr. Clark in company with Dr. Bollman, something too exclusive to accord with my testimony given before the honorable court. It would have worn more the complexion of candor, had he stated that I never (to the best of my recollection) had seen Dr. Bollman in the house of Mr. Clark but once at a dinner of which many participated. After nearly a month's residence in New-Orleans, motives I have never felt a reluctance in disclosing; views separate from and unconnected with Col. Burr, and such as I intend no man of spirit shall reflect upon with impunity, induced me to realise an excursion I had long contemplated, suggested by curiosity and the errantry of youth, a tour from collateral consequences pregnant with great uncertainties to me, but which I should have made, had Col. Burr been in London or its Antipodes! Dr. Bollman knew of my purpose to make this jaunt; for he had often heard me express this intention; and a few days before my departure requested me to take charge of a letter to Col. Burr who he said would be in the Western country and probably at Nashville, and I have an impression that Madame D'Avergne solicited the same favor.
I knew Col. Burr as the Ex-Vice-President of the United States. He had but just abdicated this dignified situation; he had never been accused of designs at variance with the interest of his country, nor had the breath of suspicion sullied the reputation which had exalted him to the post of honor! his esteem was no odium; nor was his acquaintance a censure. Under such circumstances I took charge of a letter—On a similar occasion where he who could so far deviate from politeness as to refuse? Mr. Clark on my leaving New-Orleans, had the kindness to furnish me with a letter of introduction which contained merely a repetition of what Col. Burr had written.
This, Mr. Smith, I wish you to insert as an annotation to the statement I noticed in your paper of the 20th ult. to explain and dissipate the fallacious expression, and to do justice to one who has the Honor to remain, Your obt. servant, ROBERT T. SPENCE. Washington, March 1, 1808.
LANDS FOR SALE.—The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which, to persons making early application, he will give great bargains: One tract of 1300 acres lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufacturing Mill, and five from New-Canton. This Land is very valuable, having on it 900 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good tobacco Land; there are also very good improvements, such as are well calculated for the accommodation of a family; and a sufficiency of cleared land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advantageously. This tract will be sold to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land—One tract on Randolph's creek, of 409 acres, the greater part of which is fresh and will produce good wheat and corn; it joins the lands of Col. Wilson and Mr. Gilley Lewis. One other tract, in the neighborhood of New-Canton, of 212 acres, being a moiety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langhorne. Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibraltar.
These Lands will be offered for sale at very reduced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next.
WADE MOSBY.
Powhatan, Dec. 4. (Ptf.)
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY—Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES.
Table listing cash prizes: 1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars, 2 do. of 5,000, 5 do. of 1,000, 10 do. of 500, 10 do. of 200, 40 do. of 100, 100 do. of 50, 200 do. of 20, 500 do. of 10, 1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening off-cast worsted & open wrought woollen clothing into wool, valued at one hundred dollars each. (Patent right included) 100,000. 1,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each 50,000.
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows:
Table listing drawing prizes: First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each $200. Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days, each 500. Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days, each 1,000. Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days, each 5,000. Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing 10,000. This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time.
Tickets at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitzwhylson and Potter.
The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note.—The purchaser of holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance for the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. (epf.)
THE subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, Jr., a general assortment of GROCERIES, among which are Antigua Rum, Holland Gin, 4th pf. Cogniac Brandy, Raspberry ditto, London particular Madeira Wine, Port, Sherry & Tener-iffé ditto, Best green Coffee, Brown & Loaf Sugar, Best Chocolate, Gun-powder, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Souchong, Soap, Candles, Rice, Spanish Indigo, Northern Cheese, Best Spanish Segars, Hibbert's Porter and Brown Stout, English, Swedish and Country Iron, Nail and spike Rod, Picked Salmon, F. F. Gun-powder in kegs, Raisins, Almonds, Pepper, Ginger, Queens-Ware, &c. &c. Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctilious customers. JAMES BRIDGES, WM. ROBERTSON. Richmond, Dec. 4. (tf.)
I GIVE this public Notice, that a certificate ascertaining my right to thirty-two shares in the Bank of Virginia, has been lost by me. In consequence of which, I shall make application to the Bank for a new one. I request that any person who shall get possession of it will place it in the hands of Mr. Thomas Norvell, Broker, living in the city of Richmond. HUGH C. BOO'S. Spottsylvania, (Va.) Feb. 19. (tf.)
TO THE PUBLIC.—The subscribers having commenced the SHOE & BOOT making Business in the house lately occupied by Mr. John Southgate, nearly opposite the post-office and next door below Messrs. Robert and Allan Pollok—solicit a share of patronage in their line of business, and assure those who may please to favor them with their custom that their work shall be of the best quality both as to materials and workmanship. Thus they are enabled to do from the misunderstanding which has taken place between the journey men and their late employers, in consequence of which, most of the best workmen have left town, except those that engaged with the subscribers: They have further to assure the public that they have not joined the association lately formed (not to mend boots or shoes of other than Richmond manufacture,) but permit the public to purchase where they may be best pleased, and yet mend such work as may require it. Orders from the country particularly attended to. LYON & BERRY. Feb. 23. (tf.)
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday the 16th February, 1808. Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share be made on the Stock holders in the said company, and that they pay the same to their Treasurer on or before the fifteenth of April next. A copy. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk.
The stock holders must not expect me to call on them for the money, as the law does not require it, nor does the duty which I have undertaken to perform for the company, impose it on me. N. SHEPPARD. February 19. (tf.)
REMOVAL.—Dowds & Co. have removed to Col. Mayo's Buildings, four doors below their former store. They have just received an elegant assortment of GOODS which they will sell extremely low. March 4. (epf.)
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.—Runaway about the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his elopement, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. It taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec. 29. (epf.)
COUNCIL CHAMBER.—Proposals will be received by the Executive for the purchase of the condemned Slaves now in the Penitentiary. DANL. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council Feb. 25, 1808. (3w.)
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000, in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000, in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000, in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To REST, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. Dec. 19. THOS. NORVELL. (tf.)
WHEREAS the subscriber in the life time of Capt. Chapman, deceased, to wit: In the month of January, eighteen hundred and five, did execute to him a bond for four hundred and fifty dollars, a promissory note for fifty dollars and another for a hogshead of Antigua Rum; and whereas I have an equitable defence against the payment of said bond and notes, I hereby forewarn all persons from taking a transfer or assignment of the same, as I shall certainly refuse to discharge them unless compelled by legal process. THOMAS CHAPMAN. Dumfries, Feb. 19. (tf.)
THE Subscriber intends to practice law in the Counties of Pittsylvania, Henry and Rockingham in North-Carolina—Letters addressed to him should be directed to Danville. GEORGE TUCKER. Pittsylvania, March 1. (tf.)
FOR SALE, on a credit of 4 months, for insured negotiable notes—Two very likely NEGO BOYS about ten years old—Enquire at the Office of the ENQUIRER. Feb. 26. [2w.]
IN CHANCERY.—Middlesex County Court, December 1807. Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin, and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiller and Mary his wife, Complainants—Against John Cosby, David Cosby, Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife—Andives and Polly his wife, and John Meriwether and Barbara Minor his wife, Defendants. It appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court: On motion of the complainants by their counsel, It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court next and answer the complaints bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. A Copy: TH; MUSK, c. m. c. Jan. 14. [2aw6w.]
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 10. [tf.]
THE COMMISSIONERS appointed under the act of the Congress of the United States, "Authorising the Erection of a BRIDGE over the River POTOMAC, within the District of Columbia," to receive subscriptions for erecting the same, hereby give notice that the Books of Subscription, will be opened at Stelle's Hotel in the City of Washington, on the 1st Monday in April next, between the hours of 12 at noon, and 3 P.M. Robert Brent, Daniel Carroll, Thomas Munroe, James D. Barry, Frederick May, Samuel H. Smith, Jonathan Swift, Thomas Vowell, Cuthbert Powell, Blisha Janney, Charles Alexander. The act of Congress authorises the subscription of Two Thousand Shares, and requires the payment of ten dollars on each share at the time of subscription. The residue to be paid in instalments of ten dollars at such times as the company shall fix. Form of Power required from those who make use of an agent.
I empower _____ to subscribe for me, in my name, for _____ shares of Potomac Bridge stock, under the "Act authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the District of Columbia." March 4. (ep4w.)
HALLERIAN ACADEMY.—G. L. HALLER is induced on account of his extensive concerns, but more particularly on account of his impaired health, to retire from his present sedentary employment, in consequence of which circumstance, he has given up to Mr. L. H. Girardin all the school concerns of this institution, reserving to himself the management of the economical department as far as those pupils of both sexes, who are to board and stay in the buildings of the said institution, may require. The merits of Mr. Girardin and of Mr. Doyle, (who will continue to devote his abilities to the instruction of youth at the Academy) induce a hope that Dr. Haller's favorite establishment will enjoy under their auspices, the flattering share of public patronage, with which it has so long been honored. March 4, 1808. (tf.)
THE subscriber has accommodations for six or eight Boarders by the year, on moderate terms. ALEX. QUARRIER. Feb. 16. (epf.)
THE SERJEANTS OFFICE is removed to a house on the street leading by the Governor's, opposite the Insurance office. Feb. 12. [oaw1m.]
NOTICE.—Simpson Morris, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public, that he is selling off the following GOODS under cost and charges, as he positively intends to quit the above business on or before April next. The remainder of the stock consists of the following articles suitable for the present and approaching season, viz: Broad Cloth, Cassimeres, Bernet's patent Cord, Corduroy, Thicketts, Velveteen, Black Florentine Silk, Toilettes, Flannels and Baizes of various colors, Wildboar, linen and cotton Chequers, fine 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen and Kenting, Dowhas; a large assortment of fine Linen Cambric, Ladies and gentlemen's silk & cotton Hose, white and black Britiss's Laces, ladies silk and camel hair Shawls, silk and cotton Gloves, fine corded and cambric Dimity; a large assortment of fashionable India and British Muslins, Cotton Cambric of various colors, fashionable printed Calico, Nankeen, white and colored Marseilles and Janes, Cotton Cassimere, India Cotton and Table Cloths, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. Feb. 6. (2aw8w.)
WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE.—At a meeting of the President and Professors, February 20th, 1808. Resolved, That John Evans be, and hereby is, forever expelled from this College, for disorderly conduct. At a meeting February 29th 1808. Resolved unanimously, That Andrew Holmes, John Goodall, John Ragland, William Taylor, William Buchanan, Joseph John Hill, Williamson Tomlin and Thomas Hayes be, and hereby are, forever expelled from this College, for riotous conduct. (Signed) J. MADISON, President. March 8. (3w.)
NOTICE, to the creditors of James and Alexander Dunlop.—That on Saturday the 30th day of April next, at 9 o'clock A.M. the subscribers will proceed at the Compting Room of Henry Hovey, in this city, to make a dividend of the funds in their hands, arising from a deed of trust executed to them by Alexander Dunlop, the surviving partner, and duly recorded in the General Court. The several creditors will be particular in lodging their claims with H. Hovey, duly established, before the day limited for payment—and where, from the remote residence of any of the creditors, it shall be inconvenient to give personal attendance, they will use the precaution to appoint an attorney in fact, for the purpose of subscribing to the terms of the said deed of trust, and also of receiving the dividend. For the information of those concerned, the following clause is extracted from the said deed. "But it is hereby declared and fully to be understood, that if any creditor or creditors of the said James and Alexander Dunlop shall refuse to accept the provisions of this deed of trust, and shall institute any suit or suits against the said Alexander Dunlop as surviving partner, that then, and in every such case, the person or persons so refusing, shall be barred of, and excluded all benefit arising from the provisions of this trust, and thereupon it shall and may be lawful for the said trustees to proceed to make a dividend of the money coming to their hands under this trust, between and amongst those only, who shall consent to rest their claims upon the provisions contained in this deed: the property and effects hereby conveyed, being all to which the said Alexander Dunlop is entitled, either as surviving partner or as an individual." WM. LONG, HENRY HOVEY, } Trustees. SAME M'CRAW. Richmond, March 8, 1808. [ep30A.]
THE Subscriber intends in future, to practice LAW in the county courts of Henrico, & King William, and in the Hastings and District Courts of the City of Richmond.—His attendance on these courts will be regular and uniform. EDWARD CARTER STANARD. Richmond, Feb. 8. (tf.)
REMOVAL.—We have removed our Counting House to the House immediately below and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Muscovado Sugar by the hhd. or bbl. Sherry Wine in quarter casks, and a few cases old Claret, of superior quality. ROBERT & ALLAN FOLLOK & Co. March 8. (epf.)
MOULASSES in hogsheads and tierces and FRENCH BRANDY, FOR SALE BY SAMUEL MYERS. Feb. 19. (14w.)
VIRGINIA TO WIT.—At a Chancery District court held in the city of Williamsburg the 24th day of November, 1807. William Moss and Thomas Moss infants by Sarah Moss their next friend, Plaintiffs—Against William Moss administrator of Benjamin Moss, deceased, and John, Benjamin and Mary Moss, Defendants. The defendant Benjamin Moss, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the pla intiff by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city. A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. g. Feb. 2. [1aw6w.]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. C. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [oawtf.]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber begs leave to inform the Citizens of Richmond, and the public in general, he has established himself in the above line. Any business entrusted to his care will be done on the most liberal terms. D. DORRINGTON. Richmond, Feb. 26. [1awtf.]
FOR SALE.—THE LINE OF STAGES from Richmond to Charlottesville, now in good order. A great bargain may be had by the purchaser, if application is made to the subscriber on or before the first day of April ensuing. It is unnecessary to speak of the advantages or profits accruing to the proprietor of this line as none will purchase without making the necessary enquiries. RICHARD TERRELL. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. [1awtf.]
NOTICE.—All persons to whom the estate of the late Major Wm. Dudley, dec'd of Warwick county, is indebted, are desired on or before the first day of June next, to bring forward their claims properly authenticated; that provision may be made for payment; and to all claims exhibited after that period, this advertisement will be plead in bar. SAML. SHIELD, Adm'r. of Wm. Dudley, deceased. York County, Feb. 16, 1808. (1aw4w.)
IN pursuance of a deed of trust to secure the payment of certain sums therein expressed, due from Thomas Randolph and his securities Randolph Harrison, Wm. Randolph and Wm. Skipwith, to Gaines Goode. The subscribers will sell for cash on the premises, the 22d day of February next it being Court day, a certain tract of LAND in the county of Amelia, containing fifty acres; it being that part of the tract called Mowat which was reserved by the said Thomas Randolph in his deed to George Nicholas Skipwith, which deed is recorded in the county court of Amelia. JOHN DANIEL, WILLIAM BRADLEY. [1awtf.]
January 23. The sale of the above Land, is postponed till Saturday the 12th of March. Feb. 6. [1awtf.]
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Richard Ligon of the county of Amelia, to secure the payment of a debt therein mentioned, to Donald McKenzie, will be offered for sale to the highest bidder, for cash, on the 5th day of April next, a tract of LAND lying in the said county, containing by estimation 420 acres, or so much thereof as will fulfil the purposes of the deed of trust. The sale will take place on the said land near Ligon town. The said deed is admitted to record in Amelia county court and contains a more particular description of the Land. NAT. HARRISON, JOSHUA CHAFFIN, } Trustees. JOHN LANE. March 4. (1aw2w.)
TO RENT.—Four Commodious TENEMENTS, near the Armoury—FOR HIRE. Two SAWYERS. E. J. HARVEY. Jan. 2. [epu.]