The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-03-01 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 4.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, MARCH 1, 1808.
[No. 94.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
FOR RENT , very low, two Brick TENEMENTS opposite the Market place, adjoining the one occupied by Mr. Moses A. Myers: Also, two very excellent TENEMENTS on the Hill, opposite to Mrs. Braxton's; all of them designed for stores—Apply to GEO: GREENHOW. (ep2w)
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS —The subscriber begs leave to inform the Citizens of Richmond, and the public in general, he has established himself in the above line. Any business intrusted to his care will be done on the most liberal terms. D. DORRINGTON. Richmond, Feb. 28. [lawtf.]
COUNCIL CHAMBER —Proposals will be received by the Executive for the purchase of the condemned Slaves now in the Penitentiary DANL. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council Feb. 25, 1808. [3w.]
MANCHESTER ACADEMY —J. Wood informs the public, that having engaged an assistant, he is enabled to receive an additional number of students, and as these probably will come from the country, he has prepared accommodation for their residence in the house where the Academy is kept, in order that they may be entirely under his own inspection. Board may be obtained at Mr. Brooke's for young gentlemen under the age of sixteen for thirty pounds per annum, and for forty pounds to those of more advanced years—Mrs. B. of Manchester receives Boarders on similar terms. In other private houses of respectability, board including washing, may be had on the very moderate terms of eighty dollars per annum.
The branches of Education taught at the Manchester Academy are the English Grammar, English composition and writing—The Latin, Greek and French Languages—The several mathematical sciences including Navigation, Surveying, Military Fortification, Gunnery, &c. Natural and Moral Philosophy, as likewise the Art of Design.
J. Wood will give particular attention to those young gentlemen who may chuse to reside with him for instruction in these sciences, and it will afford him the highest pleasure to promote their progress and assist their studies.
In the period of eighteen months a complete mathematical course from the elements of Euclid to the higher part of Fluxions may be accomplished.
The fees of Tuition are, twelve dollars and fifty cents per quarter, paid in advance. Richmond, Feb. 26, 1808. (3w.)
FOR RENT —The House and Lot at present occupied by Mr. Hezekiah Mosby, pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family—Possession may be had on the 3d of March next, when Mr. Mosby's time will expire. THO. ELLIOTT. [law3w.]
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR —Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings.
All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. [epitf.]
WILL BE SOLD , on the second day of March next, at the late residence of Obadiah Smith, dec'd, in the county of Chesterfield, about seven miles from the town of Manchester, a great variety of Household & Kitchen FURNITURE, Plantation Utensils, two or three hundred barrels of Corn, a large quantity of excellent qualified Oats and Fodder, stock of Sheep, Horses, Cows, Hogs, &c.—upon a credit of six months, the purchaser giving bond with approved security, to satisfy interest from the date if not punctually paid. Will be sold, at the same time and place, a few likely NEGROES, for cash, by PETER F. SMITH, Adm'rs. JOHN HOWLETT, Adm'rs.
N. B. All persons having claims against the estate of Obadiah Smith, dec'd, are requested to make them known properly authenticated, as arrangements may be made for their discharge, and those indebted, are requested to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Feb. 23. [epitf.]
TO BE DISPOSED of a small assortment of best London composition CANDLE MOULDS, with five suitable Frames: Also, Cotton in bails, and a quantity of ready made wicks, (which were destined for a manufactory, but the owner has since declined) at first cost. The purchaser shall be taught gratis, the best method of making candles both winter and summer, also to dress their wick, bleaching their tallow, and making the candles of a beautiful gloss and whiteness—Apply at the Office of the ENQUIRER. Feb. 23. (cp3w.)
TO THE PUBLIC —The subscribers having commenced the SHOE & BOOT making Business in the house lately occupied by Mr. John Southgate, nearly opposite the post-office and next door below Messrs. Robert and Allan Pollock— solicit a share of patronage in their line of business, and assure those who may please to favour them with their custom that their work shall be of the best quality both as to materials and workmanship.
This they are enabled to do from the understanding which has taken place between the journeymen and their late employers, in consequence of which, most of the best workmen have left town, except those that engaged with the subscribers: They have further to assure the public that they have not joined the association lately formed (not to mend boots or shoes of other than Richmond manufacture,) but permit the public to purchase where they may be best pleased, and yet mend such work as may require it. Orders from the country particularly attended to. LYON & BERRY. Feb. 23. (tf.)
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY —At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday the 16th February, 1808. Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share be made on the Stock holders in the said company, and that they pay the same to their Treasurer on or before the fifteenth of April next.
A copy. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk.
The stock holders must not expect me to call on them for the money, as the law does not require it, nor does the duty which I have undertaken to perform for the company, impose it on me. N. SHEPPARD. February 19. [tf.]
MOLASSES in hogsheads and tierces, and FRENCH BRANDY, FOR SALE BY SAMUEL MYERS. No. 19. (Fvss.)
TO RENT —Four Commodious TENEMENTS, near the Armory—FOR HIRE, Two Sawyers. Jan. 2. E. J. HARVIE. [epitf.]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD —Runaway about the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his elopement, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jan. 29. [epitf.]
FOR SALE , 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. (tf.)
FRESH TEAS —The subscriber has still on hand a few chests and boxes fresh: Imperial and Young Hyson TEAS: Also, a few pieces best Company Nankeen, with an assortment of Satins, Silks, Gauzes and sewing Silks. Having laid in the above articles himself, in Canton, he can vouch for the quality and can sell them very cheap. ROBT. N. PAGE. (T. & T. tf.)
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP —The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All persons having claims against the concern will apply for settlement to James Brown, Jun. who is authorised to receive all monies due thereto. THOMAS TAYLOR, JAMES BROWN, JR. Richmond, Jan. 5, 1808.
THE AUCTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the tenement heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, both for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROCERIES: Amongst which are, 15 months old ANTIGUA RUM, New, Brown and loaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson Teas, Coffee, Cogniac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Salt in sacks, 9 years old Brazil Wine in hds. First quality Madeira in pipes, hds. & qr. casks, Sherry Wine, &c. &c. &c. And a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season. JAMES BROWN, JR. Jan. 5. (tf.)
MORE CHEAP GOODS —JOHN KING again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle-Tavern: where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City. November 6. [epitf.]
WILLIAM TEMPLE , has received by the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 10. [tf.]
THE subscriber has accommodations for six or eight Boarders by the year, on moderate terms. Feb. 16. ALEXA. QUARRIER. (epitf.)
NOTICE —All persons to whom the estate of the late Major Wm. Dudley, dec'd, of Warwick county, is indebted, are desired on or before the first day of June next, to bring forward their claims properly authenticated, that provision may be made for payment; and to all claims exhibited after that period, this advertisement will be plead in bar. SAML. SHIELD, Adm'rs. of Wm. Dudley, deceased. York County, Feb. 16, 1808. (law3w.)
LANDS FOR SALE —The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which, to persons making early application, he will give great bargains: One tract of 1300 acres lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufacturing Mill, and five from New-Canton. This Land is very valuable, having on it 900 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good tobacco Land: there are also very good improvements, such as are well calculated for the accommodation of a family, and a sufficiency of cleared land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advantageously. This tract will be shown to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land—One tract of Randolph creek, of 400 acres, the greater part of which is fresh and will produce good wheat and corn: it joins the lands of Col. Wilson, and Mr. Gilley Lewis—One other tract, in the neighborhood of New-Canton, of 212 acres, being a moiety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langhorne—Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibraltar. These Lands will be offered for sale at very reduced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next. WADE MOSBY. Powhatan, Dec. 4. (Fif.)
JUST PUBLISHED , and may be had at Jacob Johnson's Book Store, near the Market Bridge, Part 2 of Vol. 1 of HENNING & MYRFORD'S REPORTS. Feb. 16. [law3w.]
I GIVE this public Notice, that a certificate ascertaining my right to thirty-two shares in the Bank of Virginia, has been lost by me. In consequence of which, I shall make application to the Bank for a new one. I request that any person who shall get possession of it will place it in the hands of Mr. Thomas Norvell, Broker, living in the city of Richmond. HUGH C. BRIGGS. Spottsylvania (Va.) Feb. 19. (tf.)
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS —The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. C. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [lawtf.]
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY —Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
  CASH PRIZES.    1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars 10,000  2 do. of 5,000 10,000  5 do. of 1,000 5,000  10 do. of 500 5,000  10 do. of 200 2,000  40 do. of 100 4,000  100 do. of 50 5,000  200 do. of 20 4,000  500 do. of 10 5,000  1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening off-cast worsted & open wrought woollen clothing into wool, valued at one hundred dolls. each (Patent right included) 100,000  1,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each 50,000  $ 200,000    Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows:
First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each $ 200 Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days, each 500 Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days, each 1,000 Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days, each 5,000 Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing 10,000 This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time. Tickets at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitzwhylson and Potter. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. (epitf.)
MESSRS. Nathaniel, Benjamin, and John Shepherd, and John S. Moore—Take Notice , that I shall on Thursday the 10th day of March, 1808, between the hours of eleven in the forenoon and five in the afternoon, at the Bell Tavern, in the city of Richmond, proceed to take the depositions of sundry witnesses to be read in evidence in the injunction pending in the county court of King William, wherein I am plaintiff and they are defendants; and also, that on the 21st day of March, 1808, at the Tavern at King William court-house, between the same hours, I shall take the depositions of sundry witnesses to be read in evidence in the same injunction. GEORGE R. LEIPER, Exor. of Bernard Moore, dec'd. Feb. 18. (law3w.)
NOTICE —Simpson Morris, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public, that he is selling off the following GOODS under cost and charges, as he positively intends to quit the above business on or before April next. The remainder of the stock consists of the following articles suitable for the present and approaching season, viz: Broad Cloth, Cassimeres, Bennet Patent Cord, Corduroy, Thicksetta, Velveteen, Black Florentine Silk, Toilets, Flannels and Blazes of various colors, Wildboar, linen and cotton Chequees, fine 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen and Kenting, Dowas: a large assortment of fine Linen Cambric, ladies and gentlemen's silk & cotton Hose, white and black Brussels Laces, ladies silk and camel hair Shawls, silk and cotton Gloves, fine corded and cambric Dimity: a large assortment of fashionable India and British Muslins, Cotton Cambric of various colors, fashionable printed Calicoes, Nankeen, white and colored Mouselines and Jane, Cotton Cassimere, India Cotton and Table Cloths, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. Feb. 6. (law3w.)
IN CHANCERY —Middlesex County Court, December, 1807. Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiller and Mary his wife, Complainants—Against John Cosby, David Cosby, Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife—Andree and Polly his wife, and Meriwether and Barbary Minor his wife, Defendants. It appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court: On motion of the complainants by their counsel, It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court next and answer the complaints, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another postscript from the door of the court-house of this county. A Copy, T. MUSE, c. s. o. Jan. 14. [law3w.]
PUBLIC VENDUE —By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Hall to the subscribers, of sundry property, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due William Shanks (as will more fully appear by referring to said deed, dated 3th Dec. 1806, and recorded at the hustings court of Petersburg, 6th April, 1807) Will be sold without reserve for ready money, on Thursday, 3d March, the sloop ALEXANDER burthen between 30 and 40 tons, with all her tackle and apparel, as she now lays at Rocketts. SAMUEL TURNER, DANIEL EPES, } Trustees. Feb. 9. [tds.]
FOR SALE , fifteen thousand acres of Land, consisting of sundry Tracts, lying on the waters of Moccasin and Copper creeks and Clinch river, in the county of Russell, and on big Fox creek and other branches of New river, in the county of Grayson, and on 12 Pole and Gun-dot rivers, in the county of Wythe. For terms of sale, apply to the editor, or the subscriber Wm. F. BRAXTON. Feb. 12. [tf.]
THE subscribers having formed a connection on the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, jr's.—A general assortment of GROCERIES—among which are Antigua Rum, Holland Gin, Imperial, 4th pf. Cogniac Brandy, Raspberry ditto, London particular Madeira Wine, Port, Sherry & Tenerife ditto, Best green Coffee, Brown & Loaf Sugar, Best Chocolate, Gun-powder, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Souchong, Soap, Candles, Rice, Spanish Indigo, Northern Cheese, Best Spanish Segars, Hibbert's Porter and Brown Stout, English, Swedish and Country Iron, Nail and spike Rod, Pickled Salmon, F. F. Gun-powder in kegs, Raisins, Almonds, Pepper, Ginger, Peppery-Ware, &c. &c. &c. Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctual customers. JAMES BRIDGES, Wm. ROBERTSON. Richmond, Dec. 4. (tf.)
WASHINGTON, Feb. 22.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Lear to Mr. Gavino, dated Algiers, November 2.
"On the 18th of October, a frigate of this place, sailed on a cruise, having as usual the certificates of myself and the other consuls, which had been renewed the day previous to her sailing. On the 28th ult. arrived here a brig, the Violet of Boston, James Merrick master, from Oporto, bound to Leghorn, which had been captured by the aforesaid frigate off Minorca, on the 25th ult. and sent in here. The captain, mate and two of the crew came in the brig, with 9 Algerines, and three of the crew were detained on board the frigate."
"Upon enquiring into the cause of this capture, I was informed, that orders had been given to the frigate on her sailing, to take Swedish, Danish and American vessels, on account of the annuities which were due from those nations to the Regency, and to take also Imperials and Russians as enemies."
"I claimed the brig, as I had before offered to pay the one annuity due from us in cash, and had received no notice of their intention to make captures (and the other consuls were also totally ignorant of it) but was told that she could not be given up, until the one annuity should arrive in stores according to treaty. She remains in the port in charge of the captain and his crew. The captain, says, he was treated very well, and no pillage or violence offered to his people or vessel."
"Capt. Merrick informs me, that a sch. belonging to New-York was captured at the same time, and that he parted with her, only the day before he came in here; the bad weather since has prevented her arrival. She was from Belle Isle with a cargo of fish, bound to Leghorn."
"I have done every thing in this business which is proper on my part, with firmness and decision; and I have reason to suppose that they regret their conduct very much. I shall wait the arrival of the schooner before I take any further steps. In the mean time, I have assured the government here, that this will be considered by us as an act of hostility, and as such, will be retaliated on their vessels by any of our ships of war, which may meet with them, when it shall be known."
"Upon this, they repeated the assurances that this was not done as an act of hostility, and requested that nothing more might take place until the matter could be adjusted. I shall, as I said before, let it rest until the arrival of the schooner; and in the mean time have seized this occasion to give you this notice to warn our vessels from coming into this sea until further advice; and to request you to forward a copy of this to the Secretary of State, (to whom, I have not time to write the details at present) and to such other quarters as may be necessary, to warn our vessels against the evil."
"There are now at sea from this place three frigates, two large ships of 36 and 22 guns, and two small corsairs of 2 guns each. The war with Tunis is not yet finished. But seems to be suspended by the return of the troops to this place. They talk however of renewing it after Ramadan, which has commenced this day."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Lear to Mr. Gavino, dated Algiers, December 16.
them, have received no molestation here, nor the vessels or cargoes the least damage. Of the schooner we have yet heard nothing, three seamen belonging to her who were brought here in the frigate have gone on board the Eagle, Capt. Shaler."
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, February 11.
DEBATE.
On the bill for the punishment of Treason, and of other crimes and offences against the U. S.
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. GILES then rose and delivered a speech substantially as follows: He said that on a subject of so much delicacy, difficulty and importance, as the one now under consideration, it was natural to expect that the committee who reported the bill, would be called upon to present to the Senate the reasons, which had induced them to introduce the principle, upon which that bill was predicated. That as he considered, each individual gentleman of that committee better qualified than himself to state the general motives operating on himself and the committee, and certainly to state his own individual impressions upon the subject; Mr. G. would confine himself to stating some of the leading motives of his own conduct in introducing the principle reported in the bill.
Mr. G. begged to be indulged with a few preliminary observations, which although not directly in point upon the constitutional question presented for discussion, would ultimately be found to be, not without some bearing upon it.
Mr. G. proceeded to observe, that one great object of every government was the protection of the rights of individuals; and however diversified the forms of different governments may have been at different times, they have all, at all times, concurred at least in this one point: that one of the most effectual means of protecting rights, is the punishment of wrongs. In the execution of this delicate power, so peculiarly interesting to the governed, different governments have been variously organised as to the manner of executing it. In governments founded on force, the power of punishing has generally been left solely to the will and pleasure of the Executive. In governments founded on consent, the modifications of this power have been various; according to the degree of confidence or jealousy entertained by the people towards their rulers. Modern writers have extended their political speculations, very far in multiplying barriers for the protection of innocence against possible or presumed oppression on the part of the government; and it is even now questionable whether they have not extended them so far as practically to have converted them into shields for the protection of guilt; an effect that never could have been intended by the most speculative philanthropists. Indeed it has been seen, that in a nation celebrated for its political intelligence, as well as for its military prowess, the visionary idea was once conceived, of placing the protection of all rights upon the sole basis of the perfectability of man; but if this political vision was ever attempted to be reduced to practice, it was soon abandoned; because it was found not suited to the meridian of even that gallant nation, who had the credit of the invention. Hence I conclude that the power of punishing wrongs, is an essential ingredient in the formation of all governments; and that it ought not to be so limited and restrained, as to destroy its practical energy. The constitution of the United States displays much of this spirit of jealousy against arbitrary rulers, and the amendments to it still more, of course they impose many limitations and restraints upon the government in the execution of the power of punishing. This may be accounted for by the circumstances which preceded and gave rise to the constitution, and its amendments. The American revolution was produced by the oppressions of a distant government; and in the formation of all the state constitutions, which preceded that of the United States, the whole of which was founded upon the fair consent of the people, this natural effect was produced; that in the formation of their own governments, the people transferred a great portion of the jealousies they felt against the rulers of a distant government to the rulers they were about to establish for their immediate government at home. The constitution of the United States although formed some time after the revolution, yet exhibits a great portion of the spirit of jealousy produced by it—and the amendments still more, probably from the passions called into action by the eloquent and animated discussions against the adoption of the constitution itself. The formation and adoption of the constitution of the United States are deemed to be amongst the most wonderful political events, ever presented to the contemplation of the human mind. Considering the caterpillar passions excited by the conflicting systems of policy observed by the different states in relation to each other, the strong jealousies existing in relation to real or supposed differences of interest amongst the different states, and highly excited by animated discussions upon great national objects just preceding the calling the convention, the differences of habits, manners and opinions amongst the people in different parts of the United States, &c. &c. &c. it is wonderful, that a constitution founded on a spirit of mutual concession should be formed so admirable calculated to confine and protect the interest of the whole; and at the same time, so peculiarly adapted to the peculiar character, genius and temper of the American people.
In addition to these and many more difficulties the convention were without a guide in its political problems, of existing and difficult state governments, all power of a general nature, and of leaving with them the exercise of all powers of a local nature; and these powers, as adapted to the 'high and jealous temper of the American people'. Notwithstanding all these difficulties, it will be found upon the most critical examination of the instrument, that whilst it contains no ancient energy completely to effect the object of its institution, it affords to innocence the most complete protection against the oppression of any political institution. In effect this great object, it was determined to distribute these general powers amongst three great departments, forming the government of the United States: The Legislative, Executive and Judiciary Departments. Mr. G. is in the adjustment which had been made with such consummate wisdom and skill, that whenever it had been in his duty to examine the arrangement, his reflections had always resulted in new and increased admiration of the excellency of its provisions. The theory of three distinct departments in government is perhaps not critically correct; and although it is obvious that the formers of our constitution proceeded upon this theory in its formation, yet in the practical adjustment of the departments to each other it was found impossible to carry this theory completely into effect. In the nature of things there can be but two great departments in go-

legislative, whose duty it is to prescribe rules of conduct, or in other words to make laws for the government of the people. The executive carries these laws into effect. But as from the imperfection of language, and the impossibility of making laws precisely definite and strictly applicable to every case growing out of the variety and complexity of human transactions, the meaning of the laws is not definitively understood; the judiciary department is introduced to explain the meaning of the laws prescribed by the legislature, to aid the executive in carrying those laws into effect. Hence it is obvious that the judiciary is a branch of the executive department, and accordingly, under the constitution, the President appoint all judicial officers, and except the judges, all other officers of the courts hold their offices during his pleasure.
Mr. G. observed it was not his intention to wish to legislate into the constitution one scintilla of power not intrinsically contained in the instrument itself; nor by a weak or timid exercise of the power it does intrinsically contain, to paralyse or destroy its energy, and thus to counteract the great objects of its institution—the common defence and general welfare. It will be observed, said Mr. G. that he did not use those terms as conferring on the government any power whatever; but merely as the ends for which the specified powers were conferred; nor did he propose to disturb the distribution of the powers amongst the several departments of the government. He had made these remarks to rescue the constitution from certain absurdities, which had been attributed to it, by the application of certain generic and technical phrases in the interpretation of it, instead of examining its own intrinsic organization. For instance, superficial observers take it for granted, that the three great departments of the government are coordinate and independent of each other. It is to be observed, that the words "coordinate," "independent," are not to be found in any part of the constitution. They are borrowed from the technical phraseology of another country; and do not apply to the constitution of the U. S.; at least not without great limitation. If by the word coordinate is meant that the judiciary department is equal in dignity, co-ord, it is admitted. It is meant in point of time, co-ord, it is not the fact. The legislative department pre-exists the judiciary department, for according to the constitution the establishment of the judiciary department was entrusted to the legislative department; and of course that department must necessarily pre-exist the department to be established by it; and the fact is well known to be so. With respect to the word "independent," as applied to the judiciary, it is not correct, nor justified by the constitution. This term is borrowed from G. Britain, and by some incorrect apprehensions of its meaning there, or from some other cause, is applied here to the department itself, instead of the officers of the department. In G. Britain the phrase is an independent judge, not an independent judicial department. According to the English constitution such a phraseology would be absolute nonsense. In this country the terms have been used as synonymous, whereas there is the most palpable difference both in the form and effect of their meaning. An independent department of a government is conceived to be a department furnished with powers to organise itself, and to execute the peculiar functions assigned to it, without the aid, or in other words, independent of any other department. A moment's attention to the constitution will serve to show that this is not the constitutional character of our judicial department. An independent judge may be defined to be a person who, in the exercise of judicial functions, is placed above temptation in the discharge of his judicial duties, or in other words, a judge who will neither gain nor lose any thing by deciding for or against the government, or for or against any individual or number of individuals; or a judge whose salary is fixed, and who does not hold his office at the pleasure of another person.
In England the king is the fountain of honor and justice, and formerly decided upon the meaning of the laws in his own person; afterwards, that branch of executive duties was confided to his commissioners, who were appointed by him, held their appointments during his pleasure, and were dependent upon him for their compensation, until by the statute of 13 of William 3d, it was declared, that the judges should hold their offices during good behavior; still however their offices were vacated upon the demise of the crown until the 1st of Anne, when it was declared that the offices of the judges should not be vacated until six months after the demise of the crown; and finally by a statute of 1st of George 2d, the salaries of the judges were fixed, and it was declared that their offices should not be vacated upon the demise of the crown. This statute completely established, what in England is called the independence of the judges. But to infer from this, that the judicial department there is independent of the parliament, would be an absolute misapplication of terms, and incompatible with every principle of the British constitution. From these observations it is not to be inferred, that our constitution is precisely analogous to the British in all these respects; but to show the meaning of the term "independent," in the country from which it was borrowed, and its misapplication to our constitution. It was his wish to discard these technical, generic terms, which rather embarrass than assist us in the correct interpretation of the constitution. It was his wish to examine the instrument, and to deduce our interpretation of it from its own context. For either every degree of independence is attached either to the judicial department or to the judges themselves according to the constitution, it was his wish should be fully enjoyed by the department or the judges without the smallest abatement; but the constitution as it is, should be the standard of interpretation, not what it is described to be by general, borrowed, misapplied phrases.
With this general exposition of the constitution, he would now proceed to examine the precise question under consideration. The question is, can Congress declare by law, what acts amount to treason against the United States under the constitution? He said that from the best reflections he had been able to bestow upon the subject, under a strong sense of the duty imposed upon him, he had no doubt but Congress can and ought to do so. And since his reflections he had wondered that he ever had doubted the legislative right. The first clause in the constitution upon which this question arises, is in the following words:
"Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid or comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court."
Mr. G. said that the only reason, which could be deduced from this clause, for excluding Congress from passing all laws, which might be deemed necessary and proper, for carrying into effect the power therein contained, was, that in the distribution of powers, this particular power was classified amongst the judicial powers. But it will be observed that it is not directed exclusively to the judiciary, nor legislative department, and it will also be observed, that some of the powers classified under the judicial department, are particularly directed to the legislative department. Hence it may be fairly concluded, that the mere classification of this power with the judicial powers, is not of itself sufficient to exclude the necessary legislative power for carrying it into effect.
A reason however may be assigned, perhaps satisfactory to all, for this classification of powers. It is derived from the last part of the clause, which seems to be a limitation to the judicial, as well as legislative department. This part of the clause requires two witnesses, at
least, to the same overt act of treason, as indispensable to a conviction; whereas in other criminal cases, conviction may be had according to the ordinary rules of evidence in courts, upon the testimony of one witness. This limitation upon the ordinary rules of evidence in the courts, would of itself have justified the classification of this power according to the constitutional arrangement. Hence it appears irresistibly conclusive, that according to this particular clause of the constitution, the power of declaring what act shall amount to the treason of levying war, and of adhering to the enemies of the United States, is conferred on the government generally, and not on any department exclusively.
This clause must evidently be considered, both as conferring power and limiting its exercise. The word "consist" is the word conferring power, the word "only" is the word limiting its exercise. The word "consist" is directory to the government generally and not to any department exclusively. The word "only" excludes from the whole government the power of introducing all constructive or imaginary treasons, and limits its power only to the two species of treason included within that term—to wit, the treason of "levying war" and "of adhering to the enemies of the United States." The word "only" therefore in this clause relates only to the species of treasons embraced by it; and not any particular acts, which may amount to treason under either of these species. Hence the clear and obvious language of the constitution is this; the government of the United States may declare what acts amount to the treason of "levying war," and adhering to the enemies of the United States; but it shall not declare any other act whatever treasonable. The reason of this arrangement will be the more obvious, by reference to the doctrine of treason in the country from which these terms are borrowed. In England exclusive of the two species of treason recognized by our constitution, there are various other treasons, and many of them constructive; such as imagining the King's death, &c. shewing too much civility to the Queen or Princesses, &c. counterfeiting the King's coin, &c. &c. The great object therefore of the constitution was to exclude from the government of the United States this whole family of treasons; and the terms used are extremely proper for this exclusion and for the inclusion of the two species only recognised by the constitution.
But it is said treason is already defined by the constitution. Is the fact so? Let the enquiry be made; and also the extent to which the definition goes. "The treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, and in adhering to their enemies giving them aid and comfort." Two species of treason are here defined; but no act amounting to either species of treason is defined. Ask the question, what is treason against the United States? The constitution answers, "levying war against them, or adhering to their enemies." Reverse the question, what is levying war against the United States or adhering to their enemies? The answer is, treason. No act which will amount to either of these offences, is defined. This definition although extremely useful as a guide to the government, is of no practical use to the citizen, because it gives him no information of any act, which will be guilty of treason, and which will subject him to the highest punishment known to our laws. This knowledge of the nature and tendency of acts is the only knowledge, that can be useful and necessary to the citizen.
It appeared to him wonderfully strange, that offences the most complicated in their nature, the most dangerous in their effects to society, and the most fatal to the individual committing them, should not be explained to the people, should be locked up in the breast of the judge, and that an attempt to explain them to the people should be thought to be an alarming invasion of their rights, if not criminal in itself. But if the terms levying war, &c. be already sufficiently definitive of the offence it is presumed that some gentleman in his place will tell us, what specific acts will constitute the offence: for his part he had paid great attention to the subject, and in the present state of things, he acknowledged himself perfectly incompetent to it. Nor would the difficulties be lessened by a recurrence to all the judicial opinions yet given upon the subject. These attempts had demonstrated not only the incorrectness of the supposition, that these treasonable acts were defined; but the indispensable necessity of some legislative definition; for it is believed that no two judges have yet delivered the same opinions upon some of the most essential characters of many of these acts, and if judges themselves should not be able to comprehend, and precisely to fix this constitutional definition, how can it be expected that the people at large can do so? He had always been taught to believe, that one essential characteristic difference of a free from a despotic government consisted in giving full information to the citizen of every penal act, & the punishment consequent upon its commission, and is there nothing in the constitution which recognises this principle, and almost make it injunctive upon the government? In the 6th article of the amendments to the constitution, most of which may be considered as a bill of rights, I find these words. "In all criminal prosecutions for a capital offence the right to a speedy trial, &c. and be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, if when he is informed of both, he is unable to ascertain by examining the law, whether he has been guilty of any offence or not? And is it not of infinite importance to the citizen to know the nature and consequences of any particular act he is about to commit, than to be informed of the nature and cause of his accusation, when after he shall have been thus informed, he is unable to ascertain by any law, whether the nature and cause of the accusation against him be criminal or not? Indeed without the knowledge of the criminality of the charge, a knowledge of the charge itself would be of very little advantage to him. Again, suppose a citizen should be indicted upon the identical words of the constitution, 'of levying war,' without the specification of any particular overt act amounting to that offence; would such definition be sufficient for conviction? Certainly not. More definition is therefore required than can be found in the constitution."
(Mr. Giles's speech to be continued.)
EUROPE.
NEWPORT, Feb. 13. LATE FROM SPAIN—By the arrival of the schooner Vesalia, Tripp, 28 days from Ferrol, we received a Madrid Gazette of the 1st January, 1808, (the only paper bro't) —an obliging friend has favored us with the following Translations, being the only articles of any consequence contained in it:
RUSSIA.
RIGA, Nov. 13. This morning was put in execution the order which had come from Petersburg, for arresting all English navigation and merchandise. There were but 2 ships of that nation in the harbor, for the rest had luckily availed themselves of a favorable wind, and made sail. But it is very probable that many of them will fall into the hands of the Danes in passing the sound.
PETERSBURGH, Nov. 18. Lord Gower, the English Ambassador, departed the day before yesterday from this capital, for Sweden. The Secretary of Legation remains here sick.
Foreign goods have risen very much, in consequence of the declaration against England. The day before its publication, 20
English ships left the port of Cronstadt. News, very interesting to Naturalists, has been received here from Irkutsk, in Siberia. Mr. Adams, who went out as a companion to the Russian Ambassador to China, has seen and examined the carcass of an enormous animal, near the mouth of the Lena, whose marks all manifested it to be a Mammoth. The carcass was, as yet, covered with its hide; which retained the whole of its hair, and it had lost but little of its flesh. From these appearances, it is very probable, that the race of the Mammoth, which was believed to be extinct, still exists.
SWEDEN.
STOCKHOLM, Nov. 13. The king has ordered, that the prayers which had been put up in all our churches for the prosperity of our arms, should be suspended. If his majesty abandons, as all appearances indicate, the cause of the English, and prohibits them an entrance into his ports, the scarcity of money, which had already made its appearance in Sweden, will, without doubt, be augmented, because the greater part of our products, as iron, copper, ship timber, &c. went to England. At the same time we have on the ocean a great number of merchant ships, which may fall into the hands of the English. Notwithstanding this, such is the situation of the continent, that no choice is left us to doubt about the matter; it is necessary to resolve to lose something, that we may not lose all—with respect to which, if our friendship with England should continue, it is very probable that the armies of Russia will attack us on one side, and the combined forces of France and Denmark on the other.
AUSTRIA.
VIENNA, Dec. 17. It is ascertained that our court will shortly publish a declaration similar to that of Russia by virtue of which all communication with England will cease and the Austrian ports be shut.
It is, already, some time since a number of batteries have been raised at Trieste to protect that port, and immediately a grand train of artillery from the capital and other parts of Austria is going on destined to the same object. All the sea coast will be equally protected with batteries, to repel any attack to which the measure adopted by our court, for settling bounds to British despotism, may give occasion.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, February 19.
A message in writing was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Graham in the absence of his secretary; on the subject of the Ohio road, (see last Enquirer,) and referred to Messrs. J. Montgomery, Jer. Morrow, Lewis, S. Smith, and Stanford.
Mr. Van Dyke presented a memorial concerning lands granted to the persons who served in the war with France and Great Britain, by the British king by proclamation in 1763, for which deeds had never been made out; which was referred to the committee of Public Lands.
Mr. Van Dyke called for the order of the day on the unfinished business of yesterday (the resolution calling for information relative to foreign affairs) and on the motion to rescind the consideration, there were ayes 27, nays 70.
Mr. Bassett called for the order of the day on the bill concerning public contracts; and called for the yeas and nays on the question to go into committee of the whole on that subject; which being taken, there were for 50, against 61.
Mr. Gardner, (quarter past 12 o'clock,) as the House seemed indisposed to do business, moved an adjournment—negatived ayes 13.
On motion of Mr. Newson, the House went into a committee of the whole by a large majority, on the bill supplementary to the embargo act; Mr. Bassett in the chair.
[The first section of this bill provides that no ship, vessel or boat of any description whatever of the United States which is neither registered, licenced, or possessed of a sea letter, nor any foreign vessel, shall be allowed to depart any port of the U. States until bond shall be given, in double the value of vessel and cargo, that the vessel shall not proceed to any foreign port or place and that the cargo shall be re-landed in some port of the U. States. Provided, that vessels whose employment has been uniformly confined to rivers, bays and sounds within the jurisdiction of the U. States shall be excepted by giving bond to the amount of 500 dollars for each ton of said vessel, with condition that such vessel shall not be employed in any foreign trade during the time limited in the bond.]
[The second section provides that boats not masted, or masted, not decked, whose employment has been and shall be confined to rivers, bays and sounds, within the United States, and lying within the districts not adjacent to territories, colonies, or provinces of a foreign nation, may be exempted, whether licenced or not, by giving bond in 50 dollars for each ton, of said boat, with condition that it shall not be employed in foreign trade during the embargo.]
[The third section provides that in all cases where bonds have been given under the embargo laws, the party or parties to such bond shall within four months from its date produce to the collector of the port from which the vessel had been cleared, &c. a certificate of the re-landing of the same, from the collector of the proper port, on failure whereof the bond shall be put in suit, &c.]
[The fourth section provides against exportation in any manner whatever of goods the exportation of which by sea is prohibited by the embargo laws; and if any such be exported from the United States, either by land or water, the vessel, boat, raft, cart, wagon, sleigh, or other carriage in which the same shall have been exported, together with the tackle, apparel and horses forfeited, and the owners of such vessel, boat, &c. as well as the owner of such goods, knowingly concerned in such prohibited exportation, shall each forfeit and pay a sum not exceeding $1000 or less than $100 for every such offence.]
[The fifth section provides that on the return of any fishing vessel which shall have sailed subsequent to the embargo law, it shall be the duty of the master and mate to take oath that the whole of the fishing fare has been brought into the United States and that no part thereof has been sold on the voyage.]
[The sixth and last section provides that penalties incurred by this act shall be sued
for, recovered, distributed and accounted for, mitigated or remitted as penalties incurred by the embargo law.]
A motion was made by Mr. Goldsborough to strike out the second section, intended to exempt market vessels, &c. from the restriction imposed on boats in the ba. &c. adjacent to foreign territories and which have heretofore evaded the law by crossing the bay, &c.
This motion was supported on the ground that there is a constitutional prohibition to passing such a provision, as the constitution says that "no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another."
This motion was opposed on the ground of expediency; and that the constitution in contemplating this did expressly warrant the provision, moved to be struck out, inasmuch as the inhabitants of those states adjacent to foreign states now do enjoy an advantage over those which are otherwise situated, by trading with a foreign power in these boats with impunity; and it was to equalize commercial regulations that this section was to be passed.
Motion negatived by a large majority. Some discussion arising on the sums with which the blanks in the fourth section of the bill should be filled, on motion of Mr. J. Montgomery that part fixing the minimum was struck out, and "not less than 10,000 dollars at the discretion of the court," inserted, ayes 56.
A motion was made by Mr. Rowan that the fine should be at the discretion of the jury instead of the court, and negatived 51 to 36.
Mr. Van Horne moved to strike out of the first section, the words "no ship, vessel, or boat of any description whatever." Sinsent "no ship or vessel" with a view there to strike out the second section. Agreed.
The committee then rose, reported progress and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Lipes. It has just been announced to me by a friend that JOHN DICKENSON, a venerable patriot of our revolution is no more. His attachment to liberty and his exertions in our struggle for independence are recorded on the page of history. His talents, his private virtues, and above all his public services entitle him to those marks of respect which have heretofore been extended to other patriots of the revolution who no longer exist but in the remembrance of a grateful country.
Mr. L. then moved the following resolution which was adopted.
Resolved unanimously, That this House is penetrated with a full sense of the eminent services rendered to his country in the most arduous times by the late John Dickenson deceased; and that the members thereof wear crape on the left arm for one month, in testimony of the national gratitude and reverence towards the memory of that illustrious patriot.
SATURDAY, February 20.
Mr. J. Montgomery presented a memorial of the officers of the navy of the United States praying that the value of rations may be fixed at the former price of 28 cents; that officers when unemployed, may receive their rations in addition to half pay; that a provision may be made for widows and orphans similar to that now made for those of the officers of the army; that compensation to masters commandant and midshipmen, be increased—referred to a select committee.
Mr. Bassett called for the order of the day on the bill concerning public contracts—Negatived, ayes 27.
Mr. Cook—same motion on the bill for extinguishing debts due from the U. States—Ayes 32.
On motion of Mr. Newson the House took up for consideration the report of the committee of the whole on the bill supplementary to the embargo law.
The question having been put on an amendment to the 2d section as follows: but nothing contained in this section shall compel the Secretary of the Treasury to require a bond for bays under five tons, if in his opinion there exist no urgent necessity for taking the same.
It was amended on motion of Mr. Faxon by striking out the words in italics, and inserting the following: Provided, however, that the Secretary of the Treasury be and he is hereby authorised to dispense with the requirement of any such bond.
A motion was made by Mr. Goldsborough to strike out the word live in the amendment, and insert ten—Negatived, ayes 23.
Mr. D. R. Williams in some observations to show the hardship of the obligation negative required by this amendment, that all boats under five tons should give bond or not, at the discretion of the Secretary of the Treasury, remarked, that although he was not here when the embargo law passed, if he had been, he should have voted against it, conceiving it a premature measure; but now it was imposed, now the nation had lifted its hand, he thought it proper to support it. He said this much, lest it should be supposed that he had a disposition to loosen the grip of the embargo; he would hold on it till death, or till it should be ascertained whether or not it would answer the intended purpose. There could not be a man in the House but who was determined to hold on to the embargo as a national measure, but it could not be expected that the nation would submit to it if they imposed such extreme and harassing regulations as to prevent any boat from sailing from a plantation to market, &c. without giving bond. Mr. W. then made some forcible remarks to show the peculiar situation of the South-Carolina planters, some of whose boats carried 600 bales of cotton, and could not sail to Charleston with produce, though only a few miles, without giving bond.
Mr. Taylor replied to the gentleman, his colleague, just sat down. In the course of his observations he remarked that in South-Carolina, in a single hour he could, by making a contract with planters, deliver to a vessel in waters deep enough to receive a freight. Their canal or bay boats might be manned and loaded altogether by black people, and conveyed down the bay to a vessel lying far out of the reach of custom-house officers, with at the knowledge of any person who could be introduced as evidence in a court of justice; thus, in a very short time could 10 or 15,000 bags of cotton be exported. As to the provision itself Mr. T. believed that their constituents would not murmur at the provisions intended to render the embargo more effectual; they would not strain at the nat when they had swallowed the camel.
Mr. J. Clay read an amendment which would be found to do away all objection and answer the ideas of all gentlemen, which he would propose if the present amendment were rejected.
Mr. D. R. Williams avowed his concur-
rence with the amendment which the gentleman had read, as it would remove his objections.
Mr. Troup, in some remarks in favor of a restriction, observed that he had always thought the measure of the embargo was the best for our situation that could have been devised, and had no doubt that if that measure had been followed up by a pertinent system of defence, it would have produced an honorable peace even by this time. For the same reason he wished the embargo to be rendered effectual. If the bill were passed without some restriction of the kind, Savannah would be made the depot of the Eastern and middle states, and thence produce would be conveyed in boats to St. Augustine.
Mr. Newson, in the course of some observations on the amendment, observed as to the general measure of embargo, he had always considered that it would be of advantage to the U. S. in which opinion he had been further confirmed by the late British and French decrees. Mr. N. also acquiesced in the amendment read by Mr. J. Clay.
The amendment was negatived by a considerable majority; and Mr. Clay's agreed without a division.
Several other amendments of minor importance were then made.
Several amendments were offered to the fifth section for the purpose of lessening the burthen of the oath required of the fishermen, and negatived by large majorities.
Mr. Faxon moved that the bill be referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. A. ton said when the bill was on its third reading, it might be re-committed if good reason could then be shown.
Mr. Quincy protested against this mode of legislation without intelligence; he had listened with attention and could not precisely comprehend the whole extent of the operations of the bill.
Mr. Aston in reply observed that the gentleman had so often protested against this mode of legislation, and he had seen it had so little effect on the nation or the House that he was surprised he should persist in it.
Mr. Gardner in a speech of some length, deprecated this measure as well as the original embargo law, among many other objections stating that the House, led by an invisible hand, was taking part with the Gallic conqueror.
Mr. Bacon immediately withdrew his motion, lest he should be considered as co-responding in sentiment with the gentleman who had just spoken.
Mr. D. R. Williams renewed the motion; and gave reasons in favor of it as also did Mr. Dana.
Mr. Ah a moved that the House adjourn. Negatived 55 to 25.
Mr. Livermore advocated the re-commitment.
Mr. J. Montgomery, after stating that a serious charge against the character of the House, heretofore rung through the newspapers, had been again repeated by the gentleman from N. York (Mr. Gardner) respecting a pointed resolution; and after observing that he gentleman should be permitted to substantiate his assertion, in the event of failing to do which some other course might be taken with him, moved to adjourn. Carried, 53 to 23. [A sketch of the debate on Mr. Bacon's motion for recommitment hereafter.]
MONDAY, Feb. 22.
Mr. J. Montgomery observed, that to captains Lewis and Larse who had explored the western country, a compensation had been made; he held in his hand a similar resolution for remunerating Capt. Pike for the important services he had rendered on an almost similar expedition, which he proposed as follows:
Resolved That a committee be appointed to enquire what compensation ought to be made to captain Pike and his companions for their services in exploring the Missouri river, and in their late expedition to the sources of the Osage, Arkansas, and La Plata rivers, together with their route through New Spain; and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Martin objected to the phraseology of the resolution as assuming a general principle to which he was not prepared to assent. The resolution did not go to enquire compensation but what compensation should be given; this took the form of a grant, that some resolution should be made. Mr. M. wished it to be so modified as to enquire what, and if any what compensation should be granted.
Mr. Montgomery acceded to this alteration, on the resolution was adopted.
Messrs J. Montgomery, L. Montgomery, Rowan, L. J. Aston, and Humphreys form the committee.
Mr. Boyle from the committee of Public Lands, reported a bill to direct the mode of surveying land in the Orleans territory, and for granting rights of pre-emption in certain cases; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
On motion of Mr. Newson, the House took up for consideration the unfinished business of Saturday last, on the bill amendatory to the embargo law.
The motion for recommitment under consideration.
A considerable and warm debate ensued, in the course of which, the chairman of the committee of Commerce and manufactures assented to the recommitment, and none opposed it. The debate consisted almost altogether in replies to Mr. Gardner's observations on Saturday last. After a discussion of two hours the bill was re-committed without a division.
[Debate as soon as possible.]
On motion of Mr. M. Cla, the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill for classing the militia of the U. States. The motion for striking out the first section being yet under consideration; Messrs. Rowan & Livermore supported, and Mr. Nicholas opposed the motion for striking out the first section—when the committee rose, reported progress and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Rowan said, he had been absent when a resolution was this morning adopted for enquiring if any, and what compensation should be rendered to capt. Pike for his services on an expedition into the western country. It was in his power to give some information on the subject. He had some time ago received a letter from Orleans that a Mr. Joseph Ballenger a friend of Burr, had returned from an expedition with capt. Pike, and was incensed at Wilkinson for blowing up the expedition, as he had engaged two or three nations of Indians to join Col. Burr. I have said Mr. R. since that, spoken to Col. Ballenger, a brother of this person, who informed me, that his brother had been sent by Wilkinson for the purpose of promoting the free

Col. Ballenger is a man of truth and entitled to credit. The Mr. Ballenger the brother to the gentleman just mentioned is in Kentucky, and his evidence could be had. It is this case, and Mr. Pike is privy to this conspiracy, he ought not to receive compensation. In obedience to my duty and from no other motive, I have given this information to the House, which the Speaker may communicate to the committee or take such other order as he pleases.
The Speaker said the gentleman might communicate to the committee appointed, if he thought proper or it could be reduced to writing and referred to the committee.
Mr. J. Montgomery said, that from his own knowledge, he could state that Capt. Pike's expedition was for a very different purpose. It was commenced, continued and concluded under the orders of the government, and the report of the expedition was made to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Rowan begged it to be understood that he knew Capt. Pike, respected him, & would not wish unnecessarily to wound his feelings. He was willing to discard any idea he might have formed upon proper information to refute it. He had no desire to appear before a committee as an informer or prosecutor.
Mr. W. Nelson said, it would be recollected, that he was chairman of the committee appointed to enquire what compensation should be made to captains Lewis and Clarke. On the investigation of this subject, he was told, it might be necessary to make a certain appropriation to explore certain waters, and was told, that Capt. Pike was then engaged in it under the orders of the government. The House now adjourned.
TUESDAY, February 23. Mr. Calhoun, a member from North-Carolina, appeared and took his seat. On motion of Mr. Van Rensselaer, Resolved, That a committee be appointed for the purpose of enquiring into the expediency of continuing the act for extending jurisdiction in certain cases to state courts; and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Dawson called up the resolution which he submitted a few days ago for the appointment of a joint committee to enquire into what business is necessary to be done previous to adjournment.
Mr. Rowan wished for some information on this subject; without which he thought the resolution at present improper. The great business for which they had been called together, had not yet engaged their attention in the way which was expected. He presumed that gentlemen expected that there would be some disclosures, which must occupy the attention of the nation, and he doubted whether it would be proper before these were made to intimate a desi. n short-ly to adjourn. He was unwilling that an impression should be made on our enemies, or the foreigners in this country, that the House even thought of an adjournment before these measures were discussed. The gentleman who proposed the resolution however might be possessed of information which would remove his scruples.
Mr. Livermore understood the object of the resolution to be to ascertain precisely what the gentleman from Kentucky was desirous to know—information on the state of affairs.
Mr. Smith would only ask before the question was taken on the appointment of a committee, what that committee could do. Is any man within this House, said he, possessed of the necessary information to enable him to say when we should adjourn? Our adjournment depends on contingent circumstances; for my own part I wish to know how things are; and till I do, I never shall consent that the resolution shall be adopted. If we do adjourn in the situation in which we now are, we cannot account to our constituents for our conduct. If a committee be appointed, except they procure information they can do nothing; and I think gentlemen concerned in diplomatic business will not disclose its progress till something with certainty be known.
Mr. Dawson was sorry that his object in offering the resolution was so little understood. Far, very far was it from him to wish Congress to adjourn till they had done that business which the public interest demanded and their duty required. This was not his intention. It was in order to bring these matters before the House that he now offered the resolution. It was painful to him to repeat that Congress had been in session between four and five months, during which time they had been discussing mere projects, removing some of the acts of government, and matters of a local and personal nature. It was now time that they should proceed to the adoption of those measures which the protection of the country required. He begged the House to cast their eyes for a moment to the occurrences on the other side of the water. Look at Copenhagen; examine the decrees of the British government; and the more recent one of the French government; and look at the hostile measures in the territories adjoining. It is time that the public attention should be called to public measures. There were several bills for that purpose before the House. It was his wish to bring these matters forward and not to waste the time of the House for days, weeks and months on local and personal matters. It was in order to attend to the state of the nation and to enquire what was necessary to be done that this resolution was proposed, and not from a wish to adjourn before the House had accomplished the purpose for which they had met.
After some further discussion, a motion having been made by Mr. Rhea (Tenn.) without effect, that it lie on the table, the question was taken on the resolution and negatived, 55 to 50.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the House went into committee of the whole, Mr. Patten in the chair, on the bill making appropriation for the support of the military establishment of the United States for the year 1808; which being gone through, the committee rose and reported the bill which was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
The bill amendatory of the non-importation law was returned from the Senate with two or three verbal amendments; which were concurred in.
A motion made by Mr. Cook to take up the bill for extinguishing debts due to the United States was negatived—44 to 40.
On motion of Mr. Newton the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill for the extension of credit on revenue bonds.
Mr. Newton having explained the object of the bill, and the bill being gone through without further debate, the committee rose and reported it; and it was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
After refusing to go into committee of the whole on the bill concerning contracts, the House adjourned.—Ayes 66.
The following proceedings of the MILITARY COURT OF ENQUIRY in the case of General Wilkinson have been communicated for insertion in the National Intelligencer.
The court being formed on the 16th inst. at the particular request of General Wilkinson, for the purpose of perpetuating testimony. He presented himself and addressed that body.
GENTLEMEN, I beg leave to premise a few remarks before I proceed to call a witness.
Nothing could be so acceptable to me as to be confronted by my accusers, who have artfully and wickedly hung me up to the world for offences, which cannot but affect the feelings of a man of honor nearer than life; and wherefore am I refused this rightful indulgence? Is it because my enemies, conscious of the fallacy of their accusations, content themselves "spargere in vulgum voces ambiguas," and prefer to trust the result to the machinations of a free people, excited by the machinations of the friends and partisans of that conspiracy which I have detected? Or is it because the eye of the injured man is insupportable to the sight of the base injurer?
Whatever may be the cause, it will not be denied, that the case is a hard one. It is indeed peculiarly so—and every person will admit, that to be criminated without an opportunity of defence, and to be condemned without a hearing, is a sad recompence for services acknowledged, and a poor encouragement to future sufferings and sacrifices in the public cause.
Thus circumstanced, and denied the opportunity to meet the testimony which may be opposed to me, I hope the peculiarity of my situation may be my excuse for defying my enemies, and during them to a candid investigation. If then Mr. Clark will come before this court and answer interrogatories, I will not only defend myself against his foul imputations, but if the testimony which has been recently offered to me, be not greatly deceptive, I will convict him of forgery, perjury, and a co-operation with Aaron Burr in his treasonable designs, and if his right worthy patron, the very gallant and honorable John Randolph will step from the floor of privilege, and utter what has been ascribed to him in the public prints, I will institute an action of slander, and will give him an opportunity in a court of civil jurisdiction, to verify his assertions, and satiate his vindictive spirit, or of being himself convicted of the most atrocious, wanton, and murderous calumnies which ever found place on record.
It is apparent from the mode of the attack, that my accusers had rested much on the audacity of the assault, and the hateful aspect of the charges alleged, supported by the mock solemnity of a voluntary ex-parte affidavit . They expected from the time—the place—the manner, and circumstances of the accusation, to excite a torrent of indignation, which might prostrate reason and justice before prejudice and passion, and in a moment of popular phrensy, sweep me from the lists of honor to the occlusion of all further enquiry. Then indeed Mr. Randolph might with malignant delight have exclaimed "my end is completely answered" by the destruction of the man who has dishonored me.
The attempt was worthy its authors—worthy the cause it was destined to abet. It deserves all the merit which is due to desperation, and will meet the ample reward of God-handed infamy. For I do still live—live in honor, and can assure you, gentlemen, I have fortunately saved from the casualties incident to an erratic life and the wreck of time, the means of my complete vindication, which shall be submitted to you, so soon as the testimony to support the accusation is brought forward.
In the mean time to invalidate, discredit and destroy the effect of whatever has been said, or sworn by Daniel Clark to my prejudice, I must pray that his exparte voluntary affidavit submitted to the House of Delegates may be received by this court at its full estimate, and that I may be permitted to rebut it with such testimony as may now be had, and which if not perpetuated at this time, may, by further delay, be lost to me forever.
I therefore request that Lt. Spence of the navy, and Lt. Murray of the army may be sworn. The court then proceeded to take the testimony of Lt. Spence of the navy, and Lt. Murray of the army, and Thomas H. Williams secretary of the Mississippi territory.
The rules of the court having prohibited the publication of the testimony as it occurs, we can barely state from a by-stander of good authority, that Lt. Spence acknowledged he had embarked at Philadelphia with Madame D'Auvergne, Bollman and Alexander, with the privy of Burr—that he bore a letter of recommendation from Burr to Daniel Clark, dined with Clark in company with Bollman—that he bore letters from Bollman and Madame D'Auvergne (alias Norah Haskell) to Burr, whom he expected to find at Nashville, Tennessee, but did not meet him until he got to Lexington, Kentucky—that Daniel Clark gave him a letter of introduction to gentlemen on his route, but that he did not deliver it.
Lt. Murray's testimony was, we learn, of great importance. He declared, that on being requested to attack Baton Rouge, he, after resisting the proposition made by Judge Wooldridge and Lewis Kerr, applied to his friend, Mr. Clark, then in New Orleans, who advised him to attack and take the place by all means, adding that he "was going to Congress, and would "do him (M.) all the good there he could"—that he would "inform the government it would require a large force to retake the place—and that before the government could send down troops for the purpose, he (Murray) would find himself in a situation to do as he pleased."
This happened in April, or May, 1806. Mr. Williams was called to prove that Daniel Clark and D. Wadsworth were appointed on the part of the American commissioners, Claiborne and Wilkinson, to receive the Spanish archives at the surrender of the Province of Louisiana—which Mr. Williams did most amply and satisfactorily, stating the reasons why Mr. Clark was appointed. The Military Court have adjourned to the 14th of March, subject to the call of the President in the mean time.
COMMUNICATION. Mr. Smith.
Col. Barr, to attack the Spanish provinces. I have only to reply that Bellenger enlisted with me at Belle Fontaine, a short time previous to my departure in July, 1806, that I gave him the birth of a sergeant, that by my orders he descended the Arkansas river under the command of Lieutenant Wilkinson, and that during the time he was with me, he never directly, insinuated his having any communication from General Wilkinson—and that I am conscious he had no opportunity, and did not make use of any intrigue, or in fact hold any conference with the Indians more than any other private individual of the party.
Z. M. PIKE, Capt. 1st. U. States Regt. Infantry.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, MARCH 1, 1808.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
TO THE PUBLIC.
UPON the Union of the states depends their political independence. Upon the preservation of the Constitution, depends the civil liberty of the people. The latter I conceive to be in danger. On the 12th inst. a bill was under discussion before the Senate of the U. S. which, if passed, as reported by the committee, will be a direct violation of the constitution, in one of its fundamental articles. I allude to the bill for the punishment of treason and other offences against the U. States.
That the advocates of this bill, do not suppose, that they are encroaching on ground within the pale of the constitution, I readily admit; but they are doing so, in fact, is a position of which the truth seems to be demonstrable. The proposal during the last session to suspend the privilege of the Habeas Corpus, loses all its importance when compared with this measure.
The constitution, which gave being to the Congress of the U. States, prescribed to the body thus created the limits within which it should move, and clearly described the powers which it might legitimately exercise. In speaking of crimes against the U. States, its language is explicit. The 8th sect. of the 1st art. authorises Congress to "define and punish piracies and felonies on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations." Under this section, therefore, Congress may say what acts shall constitute an offence within the meaning of this provision, and declare what the punishment shall be.
But in speaking of treason, the terms used by the constitution are essentially different. "Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason"—see art. 3, sect. 3. The power to define what treason shall be is not given. The reason is obvious. The definition is given by the constitution itself; "Treason against the U. States shall consist only in levying war against them or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort." Congress therefore cannot by a law do more than to declare the punishment of treason. If they undertake to say what shall constitute treason, they must either repeal the definition stated in the constitution, as they did in the act passed on the 30th April, 1790, for the punishment of certain crimes against the U. S. or they must give a different definition. The first would be merely superfluous: The last would be an usurpation of power not on its face given, but obviously intended to be withheld.
It is assumed as a clear and indisputable truth, that Congress cannot constitutionally declare that treason shall consist in anything but "levying war against the United States" or "in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort."
It is admitted that the bill under consideration, does not in express terms, pronounce a definition of treason, different from that adopted by the constitution; but it does so in substance—it undertakes to give, not a definition of treason, but a definition of that which constitutes treason. It undertakes to define what is a "levying of war." This is in effect the same thing; because treason and levying war are the same thing. If treason cannot be defined by law, that act which by the words of the constitution can alone be treason, is beyond the reach of legislative controul. If not, if the meaning of the term "levying war" may be pronounced by Congress, if their definition may be modified at their discretion, it may be enlarged to-day and restricted to-morrow, according to the policy or passions of those in power, the constitutional provision on this subject was idle and absurd. What is treason under one administration, may not be treason under another. Instead of being as fixed and immutables as the constitution itself, it becomes perfectly phantastic and elastic, and is expanded or contracted according to the limits which the variable discretion of the legislature may prescribe for the term "levying war." This was never intended by the founders of our government. If it had been, they would have said so in plain terms, and Congress would have been empowered not to declare the punishment of treason, as the constitution now stands; but to define and punish treason, as well as subordinate offences.
Upon principles of common sense therefore, I contend that a bill defining the term "levying war" is a bill defining treason, because treason can consist only in levying war.
A proposition more clear, cannot easily be conceived; yet my respect for the reporter of the bill, and the committee induces me to say a few words more.
The term "levying war" is the constitutional definition of treason. The bill proposes to define the term "levying war" in other words, it proposes to define a definition. This experiment would most unquestionably be deemed a novelty in law, and an absurdity in logic. What its reception may be in politics, remains yet to be decided. The advocates of this bill must either contend, that Congress have a right to alter the constitution, or they must say, that in defining the term "levying war," they do not define treason. To test the purity of this distinction, let it be engraved on the constitution, and read as forming a part of the original text. He says who framed the constitution, would then be made to speak this language. "It shall not be in the power of Congress to declare what treason is; we will ourselves define it, and fix its limits for ever. It shall consist only in levying war against the United States. But what levying war shall be, whether it shall consist of an actual exertion of military force, with a view to subvert the government, or of an assemblage of a few deluded individuals, who meet together with an intent forcibly to take possession of a public vessel," is a question, which is submitted to the discretion of Congress. Can it be believed, that such was the meaning of our convention?
* See the bill.
This is a subject of infinite importance to the people of the United States, and merits a more full and detailed discussion; but believing that the progress of this bill, if not checked in the Senate, will be stopped immediately on its arrival before the House of Representatives, I content myself for the present, with this concise exposition of a measure, in the highest degree, dangerous in its principle, and alarming in its consequences.
A CITIZEN.
Ophecanough is the last writer, whose scurrilous attacks upon myself I shall condescend to publish. I hold my public character to be free to investigation, through my own paper, but the manner must be decent at least, if not respectful. If a man knows not how to attack my opinions but by miserable vulgarisms, he must seek some other channel for his elegant effusions—Ophecanough has proposed one or two questions to myself. To questions thus put I have but one answer to return—a contemptuous silence.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
A publication appeared in the Enquirer of the 23d ult. signed " Powhatan " which gave me much pleasure—not because there was any peculiar merit in the composition, but because the writer speaks his sentiments boldly, without favor, favor, or affection. Such writers will always be charged with prejudice, passion &c. even by those who are themselves conscious of the most generous personal malignity and envy. "It is an eternal truth," that "envy does merit as its shade pursue."
Powhatan has certainly studied the art of reasoning under Mr. Ritchie. That "unfortunate gentleman" was lately charged with some gross inconsistencies concerning Yazoo . He devoted one poor paragraph to his defence against the main charge; and wasted whole columns to discredit a co-adjutor of his case, which was promised as a matter of inducement, and which was by him very strictly true. Powhatan too has devoted his chief attention to points wholly trivial.
Powhatan is charged with gross inaccuracies, in that he uses the parol instead of the signum number, in speaking of the extracts of letters from Washington—When the Editor of the Enquirer says, "see him, we believe, we hear" so and so—who wonders at the plural phrase? Who charges him—but this is not an instance in point. Punters are in some sort despots, and are allowed to adopt this kingly plurality. Besides, this particular Editor in eve political view, is certainly a noun of multitude.
Powhatan obviously speaks of "the extracts of letters" from memory; for he quotes not their words; and probably had no files of the Enquirer and Argus to examine minutely. Indeed the trouble was unnecessary. The inaccuracy complained of, (if it exist) is of no consequence to the public. It is of no importance to the integrity of the argument. The question discussed by Powhatan is—whether Intriguers and falsehoods were employed by Mr. Madison's friends at all; supposing any, the least use of such means, unexcusable. Powhatan shifts the question, and takes it to be—In what degree and in what numbers these shameless tricks were resorted to?—As if it brought political lying, if used in moderation, perfectly justifiable.
But behold! To convict Powhatan even of this inaccuracy, the letters published subsequently to the caucusses are thrown entirely out of view. They, I presume, were intended not to produce any effect, not to terrify the weak, fix the wavering and confirm the strong? No—they were published without any design whatever!
As to the letter, which is supposed to imply that Mr. Monroe remained his pretensions in Mr. Madison's favor, I will quote the words—it is reported that Mr. Monroe, while in the city, declared that those who expected to detach him from his old friends were totally unacquainted with his character, and that he would not be placed in any situation, which could justify the idea, that he wished to detach, or that he countenanced those who calculated on such a separation. I leave it to the public to apply these words to existing circumstances, and make their own interpretation of the author's meaning; I think Powhatan's right—With respect to the criminal intrigues imputed to the friends of Mr. Monroe and Mr. Clinton, I know the story was contradicted by the Printers; and one of Powhatan's arguments is predicated on that fact. But mark—they were contradicted by the Printers only, in opposition to the authority of the authors of the report. Powhatan very naturally supposes, that the falsehood had already disseminated its active poison, and consumed its effect. Besides, one of the most used modes of propagating slander, is for the narrator of the tale to summon his disbeliever at it. This gives him an air of candor, which secures, at least, to his future stories, a credence that his character could not otherwise command. It is remarkable that the account published in the Argus is as of letters in the plural.
Powhatan hardly says a word about the truth of these articles, and the motives with which they were written and published; which however, was the sole object of enquiry. He knew he could say nothing. On that point, Powhatan's argument is conclusive.
As to the shower of letters "which rained forty days and forty nights," Powhatan surely did not mean that remark should be taken literally. I hope he will never withhold a metaphor from the fear of being charged with a want of veracity. Powhatan clearly did not in this remark allude to the letters which were published, only. He alluded to a multitude which were circulated in Richmond at the time, and which have never been put into the public papers. Let Mr. Ritchie publish all the letters, his correspondents on this subject, and I dare believe, Powhatan's veracity will no longer be doubted even by his opponents.
This writer's observations about the principle of caucussing deserve no answer. Beside, Powhatan is nothing to do with it.
A real defence of Mr. Madison's friends for holding the caucus at the time they did, is not what the author meant. I cannot think any man in his sound senses, would attempt to justify Mr. Madison's friends for issuing the tickets calling their caucus, by the mention of certain measures which their opponents were to have pursued the very day before the tickets were issued; which measures it was and is known, were not attempted. The eloquent Tullius entirely failed on this point, and very near it has shaken little Powhatan out of his wits.
There is one fact mentioned by Powhatan , as to the truth of which, I beg Powhatan , or if not Powhatan , Mr. Ritchie (if he can) will give me information. Did or did not Mr. Nicholson go to Congress to make Mr. Madison, (or rather to make the caucus which was to make him) President? I am sorry Powhatan's composition will not stand the test of criticism. Let me intercede for him. On that quarter spare him "for sweet mercy's sake," says mine; it is the only one in which he is vulnerable. Yet, considering his style is merely pretty , it seems to cut very deep, judging from an effect. And really, though I disclaim the polished diction, I would not have him exchange it for the dull, formal, priggish manly of Powhatan .
I hope as Powhatan's labors promise some little utility, he will proceed in them; regardless of flies that buzz, and even wasps that sting. I myself will keep a flapper to brush off these insects.
OPHECANOUGH.
Extract of a letter from Washington, dated February 24.
"We have nothing new here, and seem to be doing little—the representatives have been
pretty much occupied in personalities. We had a tempest the day before yesterday, which pelted Gardner, a boy from N. York, almost to death—but the Devil protects his own, and so the fellow by sneaking from his seat and hiding himself behind the Speaker's table (is more such than a chair) escaped with the—had impudence to the majority of the House. "The guidance of an invisible hand, which directed them to co-operate with the Gallie Emperor." He was actually stigmatized for "calumny, slander & falsehood," & "with the representation of as well as to Roman as himself"—not a Nsp was uttered to exonerate or vindicate him. He was not only abused, but in effect challenged by little Johnson from Kentucky, and a fight must ensue or the tory must up stakes for the Hudson .
It would seem that the scourge of war is suspended; and that same appeal or orders, or instructions, have been transmitted to our ministers at London and Paris. Yet not one word transpires from either party here."
Laurence Borne, Esq. declines serving on the Monroe Committee for the county of King-George.
A very rich mine of Zinc has lately been discovered near Philadelphia—Three parts of Copper & one of Zinc melted together from what is called Brass, and three parts of Zinc and one of Copper form Pinchbeck. The discovery of this mine, it is supposed, will be of the highest importance to the manufacturers of our country, particularly of those articles generally termed Brass Wares, as there is an abundance of Copper in the United States.
MARRIED—On the 24th Instant Mr. EDWIN HARVEY to Miss HANNAWAY of Amelia.
MARRIED—On Christmas Eve, 1807, Mr. HENRIETTA MOSLEY of Powhatan County to the amiable Miss ELIZABETH MERRIMAN the Youngest Daughter of Mr. Jesse Merrymann of Cumberland County.
Last Evening's Mail.
CHARLESTON, Feb. 20.
By the arrival yesterday, of the fast sailing ship John and Francis, Capt. Silliman, from Bordeaux, via Plymouth, (E.) we received English papers to the 9th ult. viz Gore's Liverpool Advertiser, Exeter Flying-Post, and the London Courier.
Letters received in England from France, state the arrival of the Austrian messenger in a flag of truce from England. After a conference with the Austrian ambassador at Paris, he proceeded to Venice, and received from Bonaparte an answer to his dispatches.
A great number of vessels are advertised in England for the Brazils; and the Board of Trade have been engaged in preparing instructions for the merchants, until a final adjustment of a regular commercial treaty. The have for their basis the liberty given to ship and export such articles as have been heretofore admitted into the ports of Portugal.
The expedition under the command of Sir Charles Cotton and gen. Spencer, has been dispersed in a gale. The convoy had reached the Bay of Biscay on the 27th of December, when the tempest became so violent that it was impossible for the ships any longer to continue together. Upwards of half of the ships have returned into England, with considerable damage.
Gen. Sir John Moore, with 6000 troops from Syracuse, arrived at Gibralter on the 24th November. They were conveyed by two line of battle ships and a frigate. The General proceeded in the frigate to the squadron of Sir Sidney Smith, off the Tagus, and after a conference with the admiral returned to England with the troops. It was supposed from these circumstances, that his destination was Lisbon. But the emigration of the Royal Family induced him to proceed to England.
The story of the death of the King of Great-Britain turns out to be a fabrication. Our papers do not even intimate that he had been indisposed.
The celebrated General MIRANDA has arrived in England, in the Alexandria frigate, from Barbadoes. It is said he intends to solicit the British government to forward his views on the Spanish Main.— Courier .
WHEREAS the subscriber in the life time of Capt Chapman deceased, to wit: In the month of January, eighteen hundred and five, did execute to him a bond for four hundred and fifty dollars, a promissory note for fifty dollars and another for a hundred of Antigua Rum; and whereas I have an equitable defence against the payment of said bond and notes, I hereby forewarn all persons from taking a transfer or assignment of the same, as I shall certainly refuse to discharge them unless compelled by legal process.
THOMAS CHAPMAN.
Dumfries, Feb. 19. CATHARINE JUS (widow of John Justice (who was married in the county of Westmoreland upwards of forty years ago) dying—she or any of her lawful heirs, by applying to the subscriber living in the county of Albemarle and State of Virginia, will hear of something for their interests. R. LINDSAY.
THE Subscriber intends to practice law in the Counties of Pittsylvania, Henry and Rockingham in North-Carolina. Letters addressed to him should be directed to Dumfries. GEORGE RUCKER.
Pittsylvania, March 1. FOR SALE, a tract of a hundred and fifty and agreeable notes. Two or three likely Negro Boys about ten years old—Enquire at the Office of the Enquirer. Feb. 26.
GREEN COFFEE, in Bales, just received and for sale by M. M. MYERS. Richmond, March 1.
LIFE OF WASHINGTON—JACOB JARVIS, near the Market Bridge in one handsome octavo volume, the life of Gen. George Washington. By Aaron Bannefield, A. A. S. Judge Marshall, in his life of this illustrious patriot, has embraced not only the settlement and general history of the New American colonies, but also the political history of the United States. His work is therefore necessarily too expensive to be obtained by all classes of American people. The writer of these memoirs apprehended, that by publishing the life of Washington in one volume, reasonable in its price, he should in the those of his fellow citizens, who are not in possession of Marshall's, to leave to their power a memorial of a man, who was so eminently distinguished as a soldier and statesman.
The author has made Judge Marshall his leading authority for facts, and has in some measure, followed him in the order of events.
The facts not before published, were received immediately from confidential friends of Gen. Washington, or from gentlemen who, in respectable official situations, were members of his family during his military command. Richmond, March 1.

DOMESTIC.
CIRCULAR.
NEW-YORK, February 11, 1808.
The Committee appointed by the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, of the city of New-York, to make arrangements respecting the internment of the relics of American seamen, soldiers and citizens who perished on board the JERSEY PRISON SHIP, during the revolutionary war, now lying on the shores of the Wallabout (Long Island) beg leave to submit the subject of their appointment to the consideration of the surviving relatives and friends of those unfortunate persons in every part of the United States, and of their enlightened and patriotic fellow-citizens at large.
Various attempts have been made to accomplish this important and interesting object. But individual exertions have hitherto proved incompetent; and the public sensibility, too much occupied by other considerations, has not as yet been sufficiently excited by the appeals that have been made to it.
This indifference, so prevalent to the memory of these our country's brave defenders, who fell victims to the unrelenting cruelty of her enemies, while it must fill every ingenuous mind with regret, is calculated to fix upon the American nation a charge, which, while they abhor, they at once provoke and justify by their conduct.
Perhaps, in the history of nations, there is no trait of human nature more strongly and clearly delineated, than the impassioned & devout regard which is entertained and exhibited for the survivor of glorious and warlike enterprises, towards the memory of their companions in arms, who, being engaged in the same conflicts, sharing the same dangers, animated by the same love of country, achieving the same victory, or sustaining the same defeat with themselves, have found an honorable grave. In some countries their bodies have been embalmed; in others, monuments have been erected in commemoration of their heroic constancy and valor, and their contempt of death; And in all, the memory of their deeds has been perpetuated, their names have been enrolled in the faithful volume of history, and handed down to posterity, and they still live in their virtuous examples, and the immortality of their fame.
Shall America furnish an exception to a custom so firmly established, so rational, so meritorious? Shall it be said—Americans have already forgotten their slaughtered countrymen; that, as they behold the earth still strewed with their bones, they can pass calmly and indifferently by, and refuse them the "tribute of a sigh," and the common rites of interment; and that, in the full enjoyment of independence, they can shew the most unfeeling neglect to the toil, the treasure, and the blood of which it is the purchase.
The society by which this committee is appointed, are encouraged to think that such will not be the case. But that their exertions to rescue from oblivion, and place on an imperishable basis, the memory of a large portion of those who perished in the revolutionary contest, will meet with suitable countenance and support.
They have long indulged the hope, that others to whom the task with equal if not greater propriety belonged, would undertake its execution. They have been anxious to avoid the appearance of an ostentatious display before the public, and would cheerfully have lent their humble aid to any measures which the general or their state government might have adopted on the occasion. Being disappointed in their wishes, and considering that the first and greatest object of their constitution is the promotion of the interests, the welfare and the honor of their country, they have at length resolved to originate measures on this subject.
They have accordingly appointed this committee and invested them with powers to form a plan for the internment of that portion of the remains of their countrymen now lying on the shores of Long Island. The committee have procured from JOHN JACKSON, Esq. on whose farm they were deposited, and where they now lie, a deed of a piece of ground, conspicuously and advantageously situated, being the head of the Navy Yard, and which will not be affected by any regulations that may hereafter take place. He has already planted some trees of an appropriate description on the spot selected, and has given the society permission to inter the bones in such manner and with such solemnities as they may think proper.
It is considered by the society that no further delay ought to take place. They have accordingly sanctioned the plan reported to them, which it is intended shall be carried into effect as soon as the season will admit.
In the mean time, the relatives and friends of those unfortunate persons, and also our fellow citizens at large, are requested to forward immediately, either to BENJAMIN ROMANE, Esq. Grand Sachem of Tammany Society, JOHN JACKSON, Esq. or the Chairman of this Committee, by mail or other safe conveyance, such information as may be in their possession, or knowledge of the names, places of birth, age, rank and families of those persons; together with such circumstances respecting each, as may be interesting, particularly such as relate to their situation and sufferings on board the said ship. This information is indispensably necessary, as it is contemplated to erect a monument, emblematical in its design and execution, and descriptive of the events about to be commemorated. It is also important in an historical point of view, and will be useful to the present generation and to posterity.
A procession will take place, composed of different societies, public bodies and the citizens at large, and military honors will be paid on the occasion. An eulogium will be delivered on the assembly by a suitable character, due notice of which will be given to the public.
As it is desirable that the monument contemplated to be erected, should exhibit a finished specimen of American taste and patriotism, and will consequently be expensive in its materials and workmanship, such persons as may be desirous of having the names of their relatives or friends who are intended to be commemorated, engraved upon it, and those who may have it in their power, and feel desirous to promote this undertaking are requested to forward their contributions to either of the three persons before mentioned, or to authorize some person in this city of New-York, to subscribe for the purpose in their behalf. The amount of this expense it
* The number of American prisoners who perished on board the Jersey Prison Ship, is supposed to be 11,600.
is estimated need not exceed ten thousand dollars.
The committee entertain a confidence that this invitation will meet with the approbation and compliance of every friend to the cause in which many fell a sacrifice, and many who still survive, suffered and bled.
By order of the Committee, JACOB VAN DEVOORT, Chairman.
ROBERT TOWNSEND, Secretary. N. B. It is requested that the letters of information may be forwarded without delay, post paid.
FROM THE BOSTON CHRONICLE.
"Bonaparte will hear no Neutrals!"
It must be really diverting, to the friends of the present enlightened impartial administration, to see the pitiful quibbles and false representations of the opposition party. But whatever ground they take, there are two points which they never lose sight of, viz.—the deep-rooted enmity of the president and his friends to Britain, and their blind and cowardly partiality to France. To the former of these principles, they have attributed all the opposition which our government has made, and is now making, to the arbitrary and unjustifiable measures of the British cabinet. Their blocking decree ought not, in the view of these gentlemen, to give us any offence. Should they take and condemn every American vessel going to any of the ports of France or her dependencies, it is all very well; for we have no business to go there. And so long as they will allow us to come direct to their markets, we have no cause to complain. Not a doubt is to be entertained, that all the articles we have for exportation would find a ready market and command the highest prices in their ports, when we shall be shut out from all the world besides.
The impressment and detention of two or three thousand of our seamen, on board of British ships of war, would never be considered as a subject of its complaint, according to their reasoning, if it were not for our avowed enmity to the English. On the other hand, they pretend to take as many hands, as she pleases, (or at least as many as she can) and not a word of just complaint is made on the subject.
France, it is said, claims the same right to take her seamen wherever she finds them: (this however wants proof) but has she ever been guilty of taking ours, instead of her own? Do, gentlemen, be so good as to tell how many Americans have been impressed into the service of Bonaparte. It will be but mere evasion to say, the French have it not in their power. If they have not the power to the same extent with Great Britain, yet they have it to a certain degree. Have they attempted to exercise this power in any instance? Let the enemies of Mr. Jefferson point it out if they can.
The opposition party, while they pretend to be the exclusive friends of our seamen, are doing all in their power to weaken the hands of the executive, and prevent any arrangement which is attempted for their future security. We can't think of but one apology for this glaring inconsistency; and that is, they tell us, "the English are fighting our battles for us; that their cause is the cause of mankind." If so, we undoubtedly ought to contribute something to support this good cause. We ought to think ourselves very well used, if only a few thousand seamen are demanded as our quota.
It is impossible, however, to conceal one fact, which clearly evinces the malignant features of this faction. In the whole of our dispute with Britain, they have studiously avoided every expression which seems to blame her conduct, and have placed the whole to the account of our national administration.
The president, they pretend, is wholly under French influence. Hence every measure which has a tendency to check the unfounded claims of Britain, is undoubtedly dictated by Bonaparte. If an embargo is laid it is to please Bonaparte, although it is declared by them, to operate more against France than England. If we go to war with Britain, it is to please Bonaparte; for they have declared that we have no just cause. But, say they, the emperor of France has said, "there shall be no neutrals." It hence seems to be taken for granted, that if Napoleon has said so, so it must be.
Let us even grant, what we have yet room to doubt, that the emperor of France has made the above declaration. Has he given it the form of a public decree? Has he charged his minister at the American court to insist upon our giving up our neutral position? This indeed is unknown; but it is possible this may be among the cabinet secrets, which are kept back from the people. We cannot positively say it is not, though we do not believe it—Should this, however turn out to be the case, is Bonaparte the first prince who ever made such an attempt? Did we not send agents to France, during our revolution, with a view to draw her from her neutral situation, and to engage her in the war, with us against Britain? Certainly we did. And has not the immaculate George the third done the same with other neutral powers? Look on the following, ye who are stigmatizing your own government, and then lay your hands on your mouths, and be silent; unless you choose to confess.
"The author (saith an English writer) with which the British minister embarked in the war against France, was presently manifested by perhaps the most extraordinary proceedings that ever appeared upon record; and this was, to force the neutral powers to unite in the combination to crush the French republic."
British Annual Register for 1793.
Our ambassador, at Copenhagen, (says Mr. Plowden) entered into a correspondence of argument, with count Bernstorff, the minister of the Danish Cabinet, upon the propriety and necessity of their entering into the armed confederacy against France. Hitherto, the prudent Dane had not been argued out of his neutrality; what other means may hereafter be attempted to induce or force him from it, time will disclose. Time has at length fully disclosed the affecting event.
"The republic of Genoa, having large property in France, was induced to observe the strictest neutrality, to depart from which, would be the ruin of the principal citizens of that state. The government itself is said to receive upon loans to France, the annual sum of 1,400,000 livres. Notwithstanding this, Mr. Drake, the British envoy to that state, peremptorily insisted upon an immediate and unqualified declaration of hostilities against France. No indemnification was, however, offered for the sure loss, in that case, of the property of the citizens or the state. This spirited, though small re-
public, was not to be bullied into destruction and ruin; and declared, that if she was to be forced from her neutrality, she could never take part with those who have threatened her with such unprovoked injustice."
"Our envoy at Florence, lord Hervey, (continues the same writer) undertook, not only to intimidate the grand duke of Tuscany out of his neutrality, by sending off the French ambassador, M. de la Flotte, in twenty-four hours, but to dictate to him the internal regulations concerning the French remaining within his territories, which the British cabinet insisted upon."
Let us next enquire whether the British were so partial to us as not to interfere with our neutral rights? The following decree shall answer the question:
L. S. "GEORGE R. Additional instructions to the commanders of all our ships of war and privateers, that have or may have letters of marque against France. Given at our court, at St. James, the 6th day of Nov. 1793, in the 34th year of our reign."
"That they shall stop and detain all ships laden with goods, the produce of any colony belonging to France, or carrying provision, or other supplies for the use of such colony, or shall bring the same, with their cargoes, to legal adjudication in our courts of Admiralty."
"By his majesty's command, HENRY DUNDAS."
If it be a crime for a belligerent to attempt to change the position of a neutral, then G. Britain has been guilty of the same crime which her friends in this country, are charging upon Bonaparte. She has led the way in this, as in almost every other violation of the rights of neutrals. Her crimes have found her out, and the measures she had been meeting out to others, is now measured back to her again. That Heaven may long preserve us from being entangled in her politics, is the fervent wish of AMERICANUS.
The embargo and non-importation act have given rise to a manufacturing spirit in this city, the exercise of which will, it is believed, effect supply the state of Maryland with cotton and woolen manufactures of home-spun make, which will eventually tend to exclude the consumption of those of foreign origin. We have no doubt that the enterprising citizen, who will vest a portion of his funds in the Union Manufacturing Company of Maryland, will find as full remuneration for the employment of that capital in the patriotic undertaking, as if it were hazarded on the boundless ocean of commercial uncertainty. The spirit of enterprise has, we are told, already manifested itself by a desire of a number of citizens to purchase shares in this manufactory even in its infant and unincorporated state.
The company's capital stock is to consist of one million of dollars divided into twenty thousand shares of 50 dollars each, one thousand of which shares are to be reserved to be subscribed for by the legislature as the property of the state. The company are to commence operations whenever 5000 shares shall be subscribed for. In order to discountenance a spirit of monopoly, there are allotments of shares for each county to be subscribed for on the same day in the several counties of the state.
The concerns of the company are entrusted to the care of a president and 12 directors chosen by the stockholders by ballot.
The president and directors are to use their endeavours to procure of the legislature an act of incorporation.
The articles of association are limited in duration to the year 1822 unless an act of incorporation shall be sooner obtained.
The internal regulations of the institution are unfolded in a plain of association comprising nineteen articles.
In consequence of the respectability of the characters in point of wealth, patriotism and commercial importance, we fondly cherish a lively hope that the company will speedily be enabled to commence their operations, and give a manufacturing character to this city which will add to its commercial importance. The praise worthy attempt will no doubt receive the fostering care of government.—Balt. paper.
(In addition to the above, it is proper to state, that "The Union Manufacturing Company of Maryland" is intended to establish and encourage "Manufactories of all the useful and necessary articles," and particularly "Manufactories of Cotton and Wool by means of the latest improved labour-saving machines to be put in motion by water." Its capital stock is to consist of 1,000,000 $, divided into 20,000 shares of 50 $ each. One twentieth, or $ 2 50 on each share, to be paid to the commissioners at the time of subscribing, as much in 60 days thereafter, the same in 120 days after the allotted time for subscribing, and the rest in such proportions and times as the commissioners may appoint; they always giving two months public notice beforehand.—These arrangements are excellent. They draw money out of the purses of the subscribers only as it is wanted for the opening of new sources of manufacture for its useful investment.—Am. Enquirer.)
TO RENT (FOR TWO YEARS)—That Valuable TAN-YARD of the late Mr. Jacob Bockus and now occupied by the subscriber; situated on the main-street of this city between the Capitol and the Basin of the canal. Its conveniences are superior to any other in this place. A large currying shop, cellar and drying loft, a spacious bark house, two bark mills and houses, a beam house and every other requisite for the tanning of from 2 to 3,000 hides a year, exclusive of skins. Also, on the same tenement, a convenient dwelling house, kitchen, smoke house, stable and garden. The renter may also be accommodated with some excellent Bed-Oak Bark, now in the bark house. Proposals for the above will be received by the subscriber on the 1st of April next, on that day it will be offered at public auction before Messrs. Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Office. Bond with approved security will be required, and possession given of the whole property for rent is the ill state of health of the subscriber to pay that attention the business requires. MARCUS ELCAN.
N. B. The said Tan-Yard may be rented for three years longer by applying to the executors of the estate of Mr. Jacob Bockus, dec'd. Richmond, Feb. 9. (lawtistA)
VIRGINIA to wit:—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April, 1806.
Benskin H. Hilliard, Plaintiff.—Against Armstead Hilliard and Reuben Jones, Defendants. The defendant Armstead Hilliard not having entered his appearance and given security according to the acts of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city.
A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. Dec. 31. (lawtistW.)
THE SERJEANTS OFFICE is removed to a house on the street leading by the Governor's, opposite the Insurance office. Feb. 12. (lawtistM)
LOAN OFFICE, State of Virginia, June 8, 1807.—Notice is hereby given—That in conformity with the provisions of the act supplementary to the act, entitled, "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," looks will be opened at the office of the commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia, on the 1st day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent deferred, six per cent, and three per cent, stocks, as may, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the said commissioner of loans.
Deferred stockholders, of the old six per cent, and deferred stockholders, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent, stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice; and the proprietors of the three per cent, stock, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof, a six per cent, stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent, surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent, above mentioned, but not reimbursed; however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent, (given in exchange for old six or deferred as above mentioned,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent, stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the property of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot.
The present stockholders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the U. States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par; in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day, on which the same would be payable in the United States, and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid.
JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans.
NOTE.
Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 649 02 of new six per cent. stock, if subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807, 644 37 — between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 619 03 — Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78 — if subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807, 853 62 — between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 831 42 — Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October, 1807, and 1st January, 1808, respectively. Proprietors of 100 dollars three per cent. stock will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six per cent. stock.
J. P. (Comr. Ln's. lawtistM.)
June 10.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.—
I wish to sell the following very valuable Property: A MANUFACTURING MILL, now in complete order and finished upon the newest plans, running two pair Burr and one pair Cologne Stones.—The situation is equal to any in Virginia, being immediately on navigable water, where vessels may load at the mill door, and in the heart of a wealthy country, where large crops of wheat are made—the stream was never known to fail till the summer (long to be remembered) 1806. At the Mill, which is on Hoskins's creek, and within two miles of the Port of Tappahannock, I have built a bridge over the creek, which affords great convenience to the different neighborhoods, consequently considerable advantages to the Mill. I am confident, with good management, a man well acquainted with the milling business, with the use of little money, may make from 5 to 8000 dollars per annum, clear of every expense. For country custom, it is equal to any in the state, and it is an excellent stand for a Grocery Store.
My HOUSES and Lots, in this place, which I now occupy, forming a complete square, in the most pleasant part of the town—the improvements are, a comfortable Brick House, with two rooms and a passage below and two rooms and a closet above, a Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, Stable and a Well of good water—all in good order.
My STORE HOUSES and Lots, on the river bank—one is of brick, two stories high, well finished, with good cellars; there are six fire places in this house, of course at little expense, it may be well fitted for a merchant with family. The other House is of wood, now used as a grocery store; both from situation have advantages over any other in the place for extensive business of any kind. A large three story Warehouse immediately on the water's edge, where vessels can load with great convenience and dispatch—the House is large enough to hold ten thousand bushels of grain.
My FERRY across the Rappahannock at this place, with a convenient water Lot; this ferry brings me about £100 per annum clear of all expenses.
Two UNIMPROVED LOTS, separated by one street only from my stable; they are very convenient for Clover Lots, &c. Also, two other unimproved Lots adjoining those on the river bank, which afford an extensive view of the river for several miles up and down and a beautiful site for building a valuable.
A valuable LOT in the Federal City, on which there is a three story brick dwelling house, brick smoke house, a good kitchen of wood, &c. all in tolerable repair—This property being near the river, must, in a few years, become very valuable.
A Tract of LAND in the county of Westmoreland, three miles from the court-house, containing one hundred and eighty acres; there are convenient buildings on this, but rather out of repair—the land is considered of good quality and has an excellent mill seat.
A small Tract containing about ninety acres (including 20 acres fine marsh) within a mile from this place, on which is good deal of fine wood—the land is rich. I have sown this fall twenty-five bushels Slaughter's famous bearded wheat.
Also, another Tract adjoining my manufacturing mill containing three hundred acres; this Land is nearly all heavily covered with the best pine, white-oak and hickory timber; near the mill there are two comfortable houses with brick chimneys to suit a family.
The property in this place is, perhaps, as well calculated to suit a person who wishes to engage largely in the mercantile business as any on Rappahannock river. I will sell a great bargain in the whole or any part of this property on good terms—for one half, great accommodations will be given either by long time or payment in good bonds; the other half must be in cash; any debts I owe will be considered as cash.
Should I not sell the Mill in three months, I should then prefer taking a partner in the Milling Business. LAURENCE MUSE. Tappahannock, Feb. 9.
VIRGINIA to wit:—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 26th day of November, 1807.
William Moss and Thomas Moss infants by Sarah Moss their next friend, Plaintiffs.—Against William Moss administrator of Benjamin Moss deceased, and John, Benjamin and Mary Moss, Defendants.
The defendant Benjamin Moss, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiffs; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city.
A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. Feb. 2. (lawtistW.)
FOR SALE, that large, valuable and well built Brick Lumber-House, lately the property of Messrs. Wm. McKenzie & Co. 30 feet front, 50 feet deep, and three stories high, situated on the dock street leading from the Basin, nearly opposite to the house lately occupied by Mr. John Henry.
The terms will be liberal and convenient to the purchaser. Apply to TAYLOR & BROWN. Nov. 20. (lawtistW.)
IN pursuance of a deed of trust to secure the payment of certain sums therein expressed, due from Thomas Randolph and his securities Randolph Harrison, Wm. Randolph and Wm. Skipwith, to Gaines Goode. The subscribers will sell for cash on the premises, the 22d day of February next it being Court day, a certain tract of Land in the county of Amelia, containing fifty acres; it being that part of the tract called Mowat, which was reserved by the said Thomas Randolph in his deed to George Nicholas Skipwith, which deed is recorded in the county court of Amelia.
JOHN DANIEL, WILLIAM BRADLEY. January 23. (lawtistW.)
The sale of the above Land, is postponed till Saturday the 12th of March. Feb. 6. (lawtistW.)
NOTICE to Theodoric Carter, late guardian for Anderson Stone, dec'd.—That on Saturday the 5th day of March next, the administrators of said Anderson Stone, will proceed to take the deposition of Richard Allen at the house of John Woodson, in Cumberland county, to be used as evidence in a suit in Cumberland Court, said adm'rs. against said Carter, and on Monday the 28th of the same month at Cumberland courthouse, being court day at that place, the deposition of John Gilliam will be taken to be used for the same purpose by BOOKER WOODSON & WIFE, Adm'rs. Jan. 28. (lawtistW.)
FOR SALE—THE LINE of STOCKS from Richmond to Charlottesville, now in good order. A great bargain may be had by the purchaser, if application is made to the subscriber on or before the first day of April ensuing. It is unnecessary to speak of the advantages or profits accruing to the proprietor of this Line as none will purchase without making the necessary enquiries. RICHARD TERRELL. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. (lawtistW.)
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:
822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river.
Also, 1000 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.
Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse.
Undisputed titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. Jan. 28. (lawtistW.)
TRAINING STABLE.—The subscriber takes this method of informing those gentlemen who have COLTS or other NACS, which they wish Trained, that he has rented the stables of Maj. Ball, at the Broad-Rock, for the purpose of taking NACS to train. He flatters himself from his long experience in the business and the particular attention which will be paid to Horses sent to him to Train, to give satisfaction to all those gentlemen who may be pleased to employ him. His terms for Training, are upon the most moderate charges and privileges. Gentlemen who send horses, have the privilege of sending every necessary forage, &c. if they think proper, for them; otherwise they will be furnished at the undermentioned rates. Those who send horses, will please to send a suitable boy with each, to take care of them and exercise them; when it is not convenient to send boys, the subscriber will endeavor to furnish them at the same price he gives himself for them. It will be necessary to send suitable clothing, curry-comb, brush, halter, saddle and bridle, with each horse; where it is not convenient for the owners to send all those necessaries, the subscriber will procure them on the best terms he can, at the request of the owner. The stables will be opened on the first of February upon the following RATES:
Grain & litter for each horse per week £0 12 Fodder for do. do. 0 6 Boy's board do. do. 0 12 My own attention for each horse per week 0 12 £ 2 2
Physical per dose when necessary 3s.
Shoeing and other necessary expenses to be paid by the owners of the horses. The subscriber also begs leave to inform the public, that he Mcks and Boxes horses in the most tastily style and upon reasonable charges. WM. TICEHURST. Feb. 2. (lawtistW.)
SITH MEAD.—Take Notice—As your departure from the state of Georgia prevented my giving you the notice I forwarded, and as the place of your residence is unknown to me, I take this method to inform you that on the following days between the hours of 10 o'clock in the morning and four in the evening, attendance will be given at the following places in the state of Georgia, to take the depositions of the persons herein named to be read as evidence in the suit depending in the county court of Caroline (Virginia,) wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendant.—On the 1st of next May, at James Mark's in Elbert; on the 3d of May, at Samuel Strong's in Oglethorpe, and on the 9th of May, at John Harbert's in Hancock; Also, at the house of John North, in Bedford (Virginia) on the 3d of March next, to take the depositions of Mr. Charles Clay, S. Robinson and M. Wright.
WILLIAM GUREY. Caroline County, Feb. 23. (21)
CHEAP SHOES.—SARAH POTTER intending to decline her present business, will, until the 14th of next month, sell at prime cost, the stock of Shoes on hand.
All persons having claims against her, will please bring them in for adjustment, and all those that are indebted, it is expected will make immediate payments. Feb. 19. (op3w)