The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-07-11 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM. (PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 19.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 11, 1806.
[VOLUME 3.]
JAMES RIVER COMPANY.
At a meeting of the President and Directors of the James River Company, on the second day of July, 1806,
RESOLVED, that a dividend of three and a half per Cent. be made to the share-holders on their respective shares, for the six months ending the 30th of June last.
Entered from the Minutes,
ROBERT POLLARD, Clk.
July 4.
ALL Persons having claims against the estate of Robert Biscoe, dec'd. late of Powhatan county, are requested to bring forward the same properly authenticated, and receive payment—and those indebted to the estate, are desired to make immediate payment to
HENRY L. BISCOE,
Administrator.
July 1.
THE Subscriber has removed his Broker's Office to the middle tenement, in Doctor Terrian's new building, the first door above Messrs. Pickett, Pollard and Johnson, and the second below the Post-Office; where he will attend particularly to all business confided to him.
THOMAS NORVELL.
For sale, 10 SHARES in the JAMES RIVER COMPANY.
June 6.
STAUNTON STAGE.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the public, that his STAGES will regularly, during the season at the Springs, leave the Bell-Tavern, in this city, on Tuesday at 5 o'clock in the evening; & on each Saturday at the hour of 10 o'clock in the morning, and will arrive at Capt. Edmondson's Tavern in the Town of Staunton; where passengers, going on to the Springs, may be furnished, at all times, with Hackney Coaches, and other private conveyances, from thence. Much pains and expense has been taken by the proprietor in the selection of good horses, carriages and careful drivers—and confidently assures the public, he is in possession of as good as any in this state.
RICHARD TERRELL.
May 27.
THOMAS RUTHERFORD & Co.
A Few Boxes 4-4 and 7-8 Irish Linens, 30 Crates Queens Ware, and a quantity of Liverpool Salt loose and in sacks, just received on consignment by the ship Herald from Dublin and Liverpool. May 27.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling-Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement. And those indebted must make immediate payment to
Jan. 29.
JUST RECEIVED, FROM BORDEAUX:
A Large assortment of Claret Wine, of different qualities; Champagne, Manxess, White Saturn, Vin de Grave, Bourdeaux, Lafitte, Mouton, Fronton, old Medoc, of different qualities, fresh Anchois, fresh Olives, Capers, and Superior Sweet Oil.—For sale on reasonable terms by
June 27.
REWARD.
RANAWAY, from the subscriber, on Thursday night the 1st inst. a negro man named LEWIS, he is about five feet nine or ten inches high, stout and well made, has a scar on one of his hands (I believe his right) occasioned by a burn when small; he wore away a home-spun shirt and pantaloon dyed of a light olive colour, took with him a black broad cloth coat and vest, but I expect he will change his name and clothing, and attempt passing as a free man, and will attempt to make his escape to Norfolk by water. Masters of vessels and all others are forewarned from harbouring, employing, or taking him away at their peril. The above reward will be paid on delivering him to Joseph Traylor, jr. in Blandford, or the subscriber.
Chesterfield, May 27.
ARCHER TRAYLOR, sen. N. B. I have understood that he was seen in the city of Richmond during the Broad Rock Races, dressed in black. I think it is probable he is still lurking about there. He has a pert walk, good countenance, very active and fond of waiting on gentlemen. A. T.
TO BE RENTED—The Tenement where I now reside, and possession given in time.
April 11.
DURR MILL STONES, OF ALL SIZES; and D PLAISTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality FOR SALE, AS USUAL.
Dec. 4.
VALUABLE LOTS AT ROCKETS, FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber intending shortly for Europe is desirous to sell the whole of his Property in this City and neighborhood, for the greatest part of which a long credit will be given. The property at Rockets joins the upper wharf of Messrs. Pickett, Pollard and Johnson, extending in a straight line upon the river, more than 400 feet, until bounded by the Marion's line; thence running northerly upwards of 700 feet till it meets the Main-Street just above the ware-house, where it narrows to a front of near 70 feet. It has also a front on water-front of 230 feet. On these lots are two DWELLING HOUSES, and on the Main-Street a Store, with a Smoke-House and Stable.
June 24.
BRANDY & CLARET.
A Fresh supply of best 4th proof COGNAC BRANDY, and a few cases MEDOCK CLARET, of the Vintage of 1800—just received, and for sale by—
June 20.
Printing.
IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
STRAYED from the Common near York-Town on the 21st of June, a large Bay HORSE, upwards of fifteen hands high; he has a small white spot in his forehead, his colour is a deep or blood bay, he has a switch-tail. When the horse strayed away, he had a pair of shoes on his fore feet, but no shoes on his hind feet. Whoever will secure the horse, so that he can be got by being sent for, shall receive the above-mentioned reward.
ROBERT NELSON, junr.
York-Town, July 4.
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY.
SALE OF SHARES.
NOTICE is hereby given, that all shares upon which the tenth requisition shall remain unpaid, will be offered for sale at Mr. Brooke's tavern, on Saturday the 19th of July next. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock in the forenoon.
GENERAL MEETING.
As a sufficient number of members, to constitute a meeting, did not attend on Saturday the 14th current, I am therefore authorised to give notice that a meeting of the company will be held at Mr. Brooke's tavern, on Saturday the 19th of July next, when it is expected, members will be expected, members will be punctual in their attendance, which business of importance to the interest of the company particularly requires.
JAMES BRANDER, Clk.
Manchester, June 23, 1806.
CHINA AND GLASS.
THE Subscriber has lately received from Philadelphia, a handsome assortment of China and Glass, viz. full sets of dining china, and china glazed Liverpool ware; complete and broken sets tea china, well assorted, amongst which are some uncommonly handsome, china bowls, &c. English and German glass, cut and plain, consisting of fruit baskets and flasks, sugar dishes, jelly glasses and salts, handsome cut decanters, aquinas, tumblers, goblets and cans; cut and plain, and a handsome assortment of chimney ornaments. He also keeps, as usual, a full assortment of Liverpool and glass, and has at present, part wine and cider, in the hhd. box, or doz. Dozen and single distilled volleys, cut beverings, flasks and tarr by the barrel, porter and ale as usual.
DANIEL TRIPLETT.
June 24.
LANDS IN CUMBERLAND FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the 11th April, 1801, recorded in Cumberland Court-Office, to me executed by James Deane, Francis B. Deane, and Thomas M. Deane, to secure a certain sum of money, due by them to Joseph Traylor, I will offer for sale, to the highest bidder, on the 26th day of May next, at Cumberland Court, TWO TRACTS OF LAND, being part of the property, thereby conveyed, viz.
One Tract containing one hundred and thirty-seven acres, more or less, situate in the county of Cumberland, six miles above the Court House, being a tract purchased by the said Deane, from Parlon Clapton, as will appear by reference to the deed of sale on record, in the said County Court.
One Tract containing two hundred and five acres, more or less, situate in Cumberland, on the fourth mile of the road, leading to the Court House, one mile distant below the same, bounded by lands of William Beverly Langhorne, and by lands of John Ford.
The first of the above Tracts, is said to contain prime tobacco land, and valuable timber; the other nearly half cleared.
N. B. By the consent of all parties interested, the sale will take place on the 26th day of May next, as above stated, and the terms of payment will be one and two years credit, the purchasers to give bonds bearing interest and approved security.
M. B. POITIAUX.
April 15.
N. B. The sale of the above property is postponed to the 28th day of July next. M. B. P.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, a Negro LAD about 22 years of age, about 5 feet ten inches high, with very thick lips, and very black; had on a checked Virginia cloth short coat and waistcoat, his pantaloon of plain purple, the same manufacture.
Any person who will deliver the said lad to me in Powhatan, shall receive the above reward.
ISHAM RANDOLPH.
His name is AMPEY; he is accustomed to horses and serving in the house. April 11.
JOHN ALCOCK,
INFORMS the Citizens of Richmond, and the public, he has just received at his Cabinet Manufactory near the Fire Insurance Office; a large assortment of Windsor Chairs and Settees, made in the newest fashion and by the best workmen in the state; any gentleman willing to buy, will please send their orders or call at his Cabinet Manufactory, where they may get good warranted work, and on low terms, either in the Cabinet line or Windsor Chairs. June 6.
TO BE RENTED,
THE large THREE STORY HOUSE on the Main-Street east of the Market, formerly occupied by Cohen and Isaac and lately by Capt. John S. Pleasants; it is a good stand for business and suitable for the accommodation of a large family.
Also, the HOUSE (formerly known by the sign of the Hand) at the corner of the street leading to church hill; to both of these tenements gardens are attached. The terms will be moderate, and well known on application to James Whitelaw, foreman of the City, or to
JACOB COHEN.
February 25.
From the National Intelligencer.
CASE OF COMMODORE TRUXTUN,
(Concluded.)
Com. Truxtun has stated, that, by his letter of March 3d, 1802, however the language of it may be, he, in fact, did not intend to quit the service. To this point then as to his intention the remarks of this paper will be principally confined. And it will, I trust, thence be manifest, that he not only did in express language tender his resignation, but that such also was actually his real intention.
From his printed vindication, it appears, that he has been invariably and immovably fixed in the opinion that the present Secretary of the navy was from the beginning determined upon displacing him, in order thereby to force him to quit the service. And for this opinion, as professed as it is liberal, he has gravely assigned this very specious reason, viz. that he Thomas Truxtun, had gained such prodigious renown in fighting the French! However this kind of reasoning may appear to other understandings, the idea had so fastened itself upon his imagination, that it had beguiled him into the persuasion that all the steps taken by the Secretary of the Navy in relation to his command of the Mediterranean squadron were with a view to disgrace him, and thus to force him to quit the service. May it not then be fairly presumed, that, to avoid this disgrace, which at the time of writing his letter of March 3d, 1802, he imagined was accumulating, he had resolved to resign; and that under the impulse of such resolution he had written that letter, and that therefore his real intention then was, as is therein expressed, a resignation.
Com. Truxtun, in his letter of March 3, 1802, declared to the government—"If this cannot be done (meaning the letting him have, as Dale had, a captain's rank) quit the service." "To quit the service" is a technical appropriate phrase, and of the same import as to resign a commission. It is not only the accustomed language of Navy officers; but it is perfectly familiar to all persons whatever. It is indeed admitted in this sense by the commodore himself in his defence. For from a consciousness of the true meaning of the language of his letter, he has, as his only refuge, hazarded the assertion, that the word "Mediterranean" before the word "service" had from some oversight been omitted by him.
By inferring then the word, thus alleged to have been omitted, commodore Truxtun would appear to have declared to the government, that he must quit the Mediterranean service—that is—that he must refuse to perform the particular service to which he had been specially ordered—that he must in other words, disobey a military order of his government. Without stopping to inquire whether this magical word Mediterra-nean, which in military language will go with me in the statement, that no point of discipline is better settled than that when an officer has received from his government an order to perform any particular service such order must be obeyed. And although the officer should conceive that his rank or any other essential right had not been duly respected, yet his only alternative, even in such case, is an obedience of the order, or a tender of his resignation. From the general service of his country, by resigning his commission, an officer of the Navy may under special circumstances withdraw; but from a particular service to which he had been ordered by his government he cannot at his option withdraw, and at the same time hold his commission. This distinction is well known to all military gentlemen of correct habits, it is obvious to common sense and it is confirmed by universal experience. Who then can imagine that commodore Truxtun in writing his letter of March 3, 1802, had not adverted to this palpable distinction? And without imagining such an absurdity, how are we to believe that by that letter he did not actually intend, according to its expressions, a resignation?
The answer of the Secretary of the Navy to Com. Truxtun's letter of March 3, 1802, clearly shewed to him, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the government had considered his letter as an intended resignation. With this understanding then of his intention by the government, thus conveyed to him, how are we to imagine it was not duly noticed by him? And being noticed, how are we to consider his answer of March 22, 1802, but as an acquiescence in such understanding of the government? To answer even in part these obvious questions, the genius of the commodore, as fertile as it is enterprising, has suggested to him the expediency of adventuring the assertion, that the Secretary of the Navy in his letter of March 13, 1802, had also some how or other omitted the word Mediterranean. So that to vamp up his marvellous tale as to his intention, we are to be transported to some fairy-land, and there we are to be wheedled into the fanciful supposition, that in a grave official correspondence upon a subject of moment, not only the commodore had forgotten and omitted an all-important word, but that the Secretary of the Navy in his answer had also some how or other forgotten and omitted the identical same word. Sucharrant nonsense merits not a serious remark. The answer of the government being an acceptance of a resignation, if Com. Truxtun had not intended his letter as a resignation, would he not at once have had an official explanation with the Secretary of the Navy? Would he not without delay have sent to the department a letter of explanation? Would he, instead of such a letter of explanation and conciliation, have sent, as he did, one full of indecorous defiance and the rudest insolence? If, as he now pretends, he did then consider himself, an officer of the navy, would he have been so unmindful of his duty, as to have used in so to have used in an official letter to the Navy Department such gross and reprehensible expressions of the President?
In confirmation, beyond a doubt, of the correctness of these observations, the attention of the public is specially called to the following extract of a letter from Com. Truxtun to the Navy Department, dated Norfolk, March 23, 1802.
"Sir, "I have the unpleasant task of enclosing you a letter from Lieutenant — on a sub-
* Perhaps, Commander, was not this fetch about the word Mediterranean an after thought? And was not the article suggested to you, by a certain dexterous correspondent?
ject truly disagreeable. Being out of service I can take no cognizance of its contents—therefore send it to you."
To this let there be superadded the following extract from Com. Truxtun's answer of March 22, 1802, to the Secretary's letter accepting his resignation.
"But I must remark that the cold reception of the President at Washington and the conduct I met there (unnecessary to mention here) was far from inducing me to believe that the appointment I held was congenial to the feelings of Mr. Jefferson."
And then let it be asked does Com. Truxtun again propose valourously to assert that here also he had some how or other in both these cases forgotten and omitted the word Mediterranean—before the word service in the one and before the word appointment in the other letter? Or what in the name of decency does he mean to do? After the shipwreck of all his assertions and all his principles, where is the plank upon which he expects to get into port? Alas! Miserable man! there is not one within his reach! Sinking as he is, he is catching at the straw—that by his letter of March 3, 1802, he meant a resignation, not in toto but only pro tanto.
Rijum teneatis, amici.
What are the reasons offered by Commodore Truxtun for having written his letter of resignation of March 3d, 1802? They are different at different times. In the letter itself, upon which alone by the by, the government had to act, he stated, that as commodore Dale had in his ship under him a captain of the navy, he, Thomas Truxtun, in justice to his high-famed renown and to the valued honor of his family, could not proceed without being placed in the same situation. Upon this lofty ground he made his first stand. And hence it was, that the Secretary of the Navy, perceiving this to be the only principle assumed in his letter, merely stated to him in his reply—"It is well known to you there is not at this time within the U. S. a captain of the navy that we could require to take a secondary station on board a ship."
The commodore has since found it expedient to shift his ground. He now says, if a captain of the navy could not have been sent to him, he expected government would have sent him a Master Commandant or a Lieutenant Commandant. If such had really been his expectation, one would imagine, that, in his letter tendering his resignation, he would naturally have asked for an officer of either of these grades in case a captain of the navy could not have been sent to him. But as such a request was not made, how could the government have presumed such an expectation against the expressed and pointed language of his letter. Besides, as at that time there was not in our navy any such officer as a Master Commandant or a Lieutenant Commandant, how, in the name of all that is wonderful, could the Secretary, who had been expecting what he must have known did not exist.
The plain truth is, that at the time of writing his letter of March 3d, 1802, commodore Truxtun could not but have known, that there was not in the United States a captain of the navy that could have been required to take a secondary station on board a frigate, and that there was not in our navy any such officer as either a Master Commandant or a Lieutenant Commandant.
But whence is it, that this infatuated man has so often and so roundly asserted, that a Lieutenant Commandant ought to have been attached to his frigate. Circumscribed as have been his opportunities of acquiring correct ideas in naval affairs, yet really ought to have known, that there cannot be attached to a frigate any such officer as a Lieutenant Commandant. This is well known to all navy officers of regular education. But for the information of others I would remark:
1st. There is not in either the American or the British navy any such officer as a commissioned Lieutenant Commandant. No such commission is issued in either country.
2d. Any lieutenant of the navy, who may, under orders, have the command of a public (small vessel) of war, becomes thereby a Lieutenant Commandant that is, a lieutenant commanding. It is the mere circumstance of a lieutenant commanding a vessel that creates the title of Lieutenant Commandant. So that any lieutenant whatever, old or young, without regard to the date of his commission, may become such an officer. And whenever he ceases to be the commander of such vessel, he thereby ceases to be a Lieutenant Commandant.
At the time commodore Truxtun had the command of the Chesapeake, lieutenant Sterrett was the commanding officer of the Schooner Enterprize, & as such was a Lieutenant Commandant. But if Mr. Sterrett had been, as proposed, transferred to the commodore's ship, he would thereby have ceased to be a Lieutenant Commandant, and further, if any one of the lieutenants attached to the Chesapeake had been transferred to the command of the Enterprize, he would thus have become a Lieutenant Commandant.
What (says commodore Truxtun in his printed sheets) could be more degrading than the consultation of the officers? In answering this question it is proper to enquire what officers were consulted? They were captains of the navy, who had richly merited and had deservedly acquired the highest honors of their country; who had moreover been for years assiduously availing themselves of all the advantages of improvement, which the Mediterranean had afforded them, and who had returned to the U. S. with a vast accession of professional knowledge.
Was it then, let it be asked, degrading to commodore Truxtun, that government should have taken measures to ascertain whether such officers would willingly acquiesce in his being re-inflated in the navy; and especially as he had been out of it upwards of three years and a half? Would it not, on the contrary, have been both degrading and unjust to these meritorious and very valuable officers, if government had put over them, without their acquiescence, a man, who had quit the service, rather than take the very held in which they had been covering themselves with honors, and in returning from which their country have proudly received them with open arms.
But it is shrewdly remarked by the commodore—
* There is one instance in this country of such a commission, from an oversight, having been issued, but the error was immediately rectified.
dore, as discriminating as he is modest, that the consultation of the captains was intended by the Secretary of the navy as a shelter—yes, truly—as a shelter against the tremendous effects of his displeasure! "Ring the bells backwards!" The head of a department is in danger—in imminent danger of being thrown out of existence by the mighty, the wondrous Thomas Truxtun.
"A husband great in arms, whose warlike sword Streams with the yellow blood of slaughtered giants, Whose name in terra incognita is known, Whose valor, wisdom, virtue make a noise, Great as the kettle drums of twenty armies."
P. S. As commodore Truxtun's pretensions to a station and to a rank in our navy are built, not upon the records of the Navy Department, nor upon any letter to him, official or private, from the Secretary of the Navy, but ludicrous as it may seem, upon a certain letter written by himself to Mr. Biddle, and upon two other letters received by himself from a friend, the Quidd Nunc has an ardent desire to see at full length, and duly attested, true copies of those extraordinary productions. This being an honest curiosity of these harmless folks, it is humbly hoped, the commodore will vouchsafe to indulge them. And especially as, by some means they have got it into their heads, that these letters have been put upon the rack; and have been tortured to say what they never meant. They remark too, and it is believed with some colour of truth, that in a court of justice a man having in his pocket a letter, is not allowed to state in evidence its contents, but must produce the letter, and let it speak for itself.
Foreign Intelligence.
GREAT-BRITAIN.
PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS.
It appears from an account laid before the house of commons, that the total estimate of the duties under the head of excise, charged and outstanding on the 5th of January, 1805, amounted to 4,215,861. 1s. 6d. 1/2. & on the 5th of Jan. 1806, to 3,901,249. 17s. 4d.
That the net produce of the war duties, on goods and merchandise, by acts 43 and 44, Geo. III. from the commencement of each to the 9th Jan. 1805, respectively, were, war duty commencing 5th July, 1803, 749,051. 12s. 7 1/2-d. ditto 1804, 1,636,621. 21s. 3 1/2-d. ditto 1805, 1,605,521. 6s. 8 1/2-d. ditto commencing 12th June, 1804, 509,711. 19s. 7 1/2-d. ditto 1805, 731,619. 5s. 3d.
That the quantity of tobacco imported and warehoused, averaged for the last six years, amounted to 31,187,916 lb. a year. Ditto exported in a raw state, 20,637,620 lb. Ditto, delivered out for home manufacture, 13,122,895 lb. Ditto exported in a manufactured state, 1,122,895 lb.
That the quantity of British plantation sugar imported for three years, ending the 5th of January, 1805, averaged in each year, 2,947,530 cwt. 2 qrs. 21 lb. Average exportations of the same, for same period, 1,128,946 cwt. 2 qrs. 9 lb. Ditto retained, 1,688,586 cwt. 1 qr. 19 lb. That the sums remaining in the exchequer, on the 1st January 1806, on account of the grant for services performed by the office of ordnance for the year 1805, and not provided for by Parliament, in the said year, amounted to 304,000. and the balance in the hands of the treasurer of the ordnance, and unappropriated on the 1st January, 1806, to 19,062. 13s. 9d.
That the number of vessels, with the amount of their tonnage, annually built and registered in the several ports of the British empire as shown to the year
   Vessels. Tonnage.     1793 800 75,085   1794 714 65,041   1795 718 73,241   1796 823 93,972   1797 727 84,195   1798 233 49,319   1799 858 93,044   1800 1041 134,193   1801 1065 12 122,593   1802 1221 137,508   1803 1507 135,699   1804 901 95,979  
That the total number of vessels, with the amount of their tonnage registered in his majesty's dominions on the 30th of September, in the year 1803, including British built, for foreign European trade, and prizes made free, amounted to, ships 2,893, tonnage 2,167,865, do. including do. on 30th of September, 1804, ships 21,774, tonnage 2,269,570.
That the quantity of British unmanufactured iron exported, averaged for the last 6 years, ending 5th January, 1806, bar iron, 91,797 cwt. 2 qrs. 16 lb. value 82,617. 15s. 9d. each year. Do. pig iron, for same period, 401,86 cwt. 2 qrs. 1 lb. value 16,074. 12.

but the whole of the space prepared for the House of Commons was not occupied, the gallery behind the manager's box being not above one fourth full.
About eleven o'clock the Lords moved from their own chamber of Parliament, the clerks of Parliament first, the Masters of Chancery following them, next the serjeants, then the judges; after them a herald, and then the eldest sons of peers, and peers minor; then after the others, the barons, two and two, Marquisses, Bishops, Dukes, Viscounts, Archbishops, and Lord Barons, and the Chancellor.
In about five minutes after the speaker had taken his seat, the procession from the House of Lords began to enter the Hall. First came Messrs. Cooper and Rose, clerks of the Lords; next the masters of chancery, then the judges. The heralds at arms next appeared, who were followed by the bishops, barons and viscounts. After an interval of a quarter of an hour, the Peers of the decree of Earl came in, followed by the chancellor. At this time lord Melville entered the court, from the bottom of the hall, and proceeding round the counsellors' box, took his place inside the bar, immediately behind the barons bench.
His lordship was in a court dress, bottle green, with cut steel buttons; he was unrobed. He sat with his face towards the box of the managers of the impeachment. He looked extremely well, and had in his countenance all his characteristic firmness, without any unbecoming boldness. He seemed perfectly sensible of the situation in which he stood; but showed a spirit unbroken, and capable of bearing up against all the difficulties he has to contend with.
In the box allotted to lord Melville's counsel, Mr. Robert Dundas, lord Melville's son, sat, exhibiting a very dignified and interesting union of sensibility and firmness. His conduct in the House of Commons, in the most trying difficulties relative to lord Melville's conduct, had previously established a general feeling of respect for his character, which he sustained very well by his becoming deportment yesterday. He was inquired after with eagerness by every person who had not seen him before, and pointed out with admiration by every one who knew him.
After the earls, the marquisses, dukes, the archbishop of York, the Primate, and the Lord Chancellor, entered in order, the Princes of the blood royal being last in the procession, which was closed by his royal highness the prince of Wales. All the Peers bowed to the Speaker of the house of commons as they passed by, and advancing in front of the throne each Peers made obeisance and proceeded to his place. All the Peers were habited in the full robes of their respective ranks. As soon as they were seated, silence was proclaimed, under pain of imprisonment, by a gentleman of the bar, who held the mace for the occasion, and who bears an office appropriate, the title of which we have not learned—He wore a silver collar with a large gold medal. This gentleman made the following proclamation:
"Oyez, Oyez, Oyez! Whereas charges of high crimes and misdemeanors have been exhibited by the honorable the house of commons, in the name of themselves and of all the commons of Great Britain, against Henry Lord Viscount Melville; all persons concerned are to take notice, that he now stands upon his trial; and those who have any thing to offer against him may come forth, in order to make good the said charges."
Mr. Whitbread then stated, that the had, in the bill, which he was now ready to make good the same. The lord chancellor having then put the question whether the charges should be read, Mr. Rose proceeded to read the articles of impeachment, which occupied forty minutes. Lord Melville's answer was next read. The tenth, or additional charge, was read in like manner, as well as lord Melville's answer to that particular charge, and his protest against it. These took up about seven minutes more.
The Lord chancellor now addressed himself to lord Melville, and the managers, and informed them, that they were to address whatever they had to offer to the peers, and not to the chancellor. His lordship then retired from the woolfack, and took his seat in a chair at the clerk's table. His lordship's seat on the woolfack was then occupied by the Prince of Wales, who had hitherto sat beside him. On the left hand of his royal highness, were the dukes of Clarence and Kent; on the right the duke of York. The dukes of Sussex, Cumberland and Cambridge, stood the greater part of the time; the seats for the peers not being sufficient to accommodate more than three fourths of the members who attended. The bishops and barons who had entered first, occupied almost the whole of the benches. The greater part of the earls, marquisses, dukes, and princes of the blood, were obliged to stand.
As soon as the Chancellor was seated at the table a pause of a few minutes took place, during which the whole of the numerous and splendid assemblage present were filled with anxious expectation. Mr. Whitbread then stood up and addressed the Peers, in one of the most eloquent, nervous and at the same time liberal speeches the world has ever heard, in support of the charges. He spoke for three hours and three quarters, and during every moment of that long time, he was heard with unwearied attention by every one present. Our respect for the order of the House of Lords will not permit us to indulge our readers at present, with more than a description of the form and ceremonial of the proceedings. We lament that we cannot gratify them with a report of Mr. Whitbread's speech, which contained many passages as remarkable for all that is sublime in eloquence, as we have ever witnessed; at the conclusion of the trial, when the publication will be no longer improper, we shall do our utmost to gratify expectations, which cannot go beyond the grand display of talents made by Mr. Whitbread, however they may exceed our efforts to do justice to them. Mr. Whitbread began his speech at a quarter past twelve. He concluded a few minutes, before four, amidst a general buzz of admiration. The Lord Chancellor returned immediately to the woolfack, and adjourned the Court till to-morrow.
NEW-YORK. In the British House of Commons, May 1st, the Attorney General moved the third reading of the bill, prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the United States and neutral islands in British vessels. Mr. Rose, Sir R. Peale, Gen. Greville, Sir Charles Price & General Tarleton spoke against the bill; and Mr. Bagwell, Sir Wm. Young, and Mr. Fox in its favour. The following summary of the remarks which fell from Mr. Fox, exhibit the sentiments of the present administration respecting the Slave Trade in general:
Mr. Fox would trouble the House but very shortly. He thanked the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Rose) for the communication
on which he made to him, but, from the light in which he had always regarded the subject, that Hon. Gentleman could not expect that his arguments would carry conviction. But he would go farther, and say, that, even in the Right Hon. Gentleman's own view of the subject, his reasoning was not found or satisfactory. With regard to this, what the Baronet behind him, (Sir W. Young) had stated was very material. The number of slaves exported from the West-India Islands, it appeared, was very trifling. Now, as to the present state of the country, he was very ready to allow that this was not a time when restrictions ought to be multiplied. But still the government of the country was not to be swayed, in such cases as this, by such circumstances, when they existed in any degree, however trifling. He remembered that during the late war, when the stagnation of trade was very alarming, the Administration of that day had adopted a system of policy similar to that which was now proposed. Now, as to the convention with the colonies, he was surprised to hear that argument stated seriously. They were to be placed in the same situation as when before in the power of the English—that is, the king in council, had the right to make and alter their regulations in the same manner as he had, with respect to British subjects in general. The bill was intended merely to give force to the Proclamation of the Crown, because, though the right was in the Crown, the remedy might be in Parliament. Now, one word as to the general subject. An Honorable Gentleman over the way said that he wished that the bill had not been partial. If the Honorable Gentleman meant that he wished that the abolition should be general, he joined him in that wish. It was said that this bill would, in effect, abolish the trade. He could not believe that; if he could, he would be much more enamoured of this bill than he was. We are told of the excellent regulations that we had established in the trade, and it was contended that we ought therefore to keep it in our own hands instead of turning it over to others who had no such regulations. But when these regulations were passed, they opposed them, and said that the trade was at an end, and that there was no further occasion for a direct abolition bill. He listened to them with great satisfaction, but without any conviction, and unfortunately, the slave trade had been very much increased. In a year or two hence, he expected to see them coming to the house and opposing the abolition, by saying that the worst part of the trade had been wilfully done away by this bill (hear! hear!). He had not altered his opinion respecting the abolition, nor had any one of the present administration who had formerly agreed with him, done so, either in this or the other house. Whatever misfortune might attend the administration in the difficult circumstances in which they were placed, if they could carry the abolition, that one point would be a compensation, not only by the satisfaction which they must feel in having so materially promoted the interests of humanity, but by the real and solid glory which would accrue to them from this measure, in a degree far beyond any glory that could result from measures of any other species whatever.
General Tarleton observed, that this measure would prove highly injurious to our commerce and manufactures, and was peculiarly impolitic at this time. He deprecated this hasty proceeding, and hoped that the House would at least take time for consideration. He was sorry to observe, that the Ministers were much more active in injuring the trade of the country, than in providing for its defence. The House then divided on the question whether the bill should be now read a third time. Adjourned.
Domestic Intelligence.
Loss of the sloop Martha, Samuel Driggs, of Middletown, master and owner.—Extract from capt. Driggs's letter, dated New-Providence, June 6, 1806.
On my passage from Long Island to Nassau the weather squally, at 8 in the evening took in sail and hove the vessel too, between 12 and 1 o'clock at night she struck on a sunken rock about six feet under water, which instantly went through her bottom—in ten minutes she filled, and in about 30 her keel was along side and her bottom out, the sea breaking over the hull into deep water, the ocean water very near, we got the boat forward and remained on the bow the remainder of the night; at day light saw no land, but discovered a rock about eight miles distant, the ebb tide running from 4 to 5 knots; as soon as it slackened we got the boat over the bow—at this time the vessel was near parting, her sides coming off and her bottom entirely gone, we bowsprit and let ourselves down into the boat, the mate Mr. Jones and one seaman preferred staying by the wreck, as the wind was high and a heavy sea, the boat shipping much water, one hand continued bailing, we arrive safe to the rock, found at half tide that the water broke over, so that we could not long preserve our boat.—From this rock we saw some larger ones and set off in hopes to find a safer place, and fresh water, as we did not save a drop after the vessel struck. After running all day without refreshment, except a few biscuit we had in our pockets, and those soaked in salt water, we arrived at anchor rock, went under the lee, hauled our boat on; at sunset the weather cleared and we saw the wreck. During the night the water rose and beat over the rock, so that we had much to do to save the boat—in the morning could see nothing of the wreck; the weather being more moderate we went in pursuit of the wreck and men—saw nothing of the wreck—as we were bearing away for the land, saw a man standing on the water to appearance, which proved to be the mate and sailor on a beam, much bruised and almost exhausted—we took them in and ran before the wind—at sunset we saw the land which proved to be the island of Eluthera; in the middle of the night we found wind blowing on and a heavy sea, we found a small cove, one hand swam on shore, and found a secure landing place for our boat.—We then went in pursuit of water and a house, through prickly pears and sharp rocks, barefoot, found neither—returned to our boat, at day-light saw a house about a mile distance, went and got water and refreshment, found ourselves about 50 miles from Quay settlement and 10 from Cove Harbor, set off for the Cove; found a small schooner which took us in, and we arrived here the 21st of May.—Since which I have been very ill, owing to fatigue, bruises, &c. I had no dry clothes from the time the vessel struck, until we arrived at Eluthera nor a drop of fresh water to drink from the time we hove too. Suppose the vessel must have drifted 20 miles before she struck.
This rock has not been known by any person that I have seen. N. T. Merc. Adv.
We are happy in having it in our power to state that the representations, contained in a
letter from a gentleman from Detroit, inserted in our last, of hostilities being mediated by the Indians in that quarter against the U. S. are altogether unfounded. Rumors to this effect have been circulated, but are probably, in a great measure, to be ascribed to the arts of land-jobbers. Nat. Int.
PHILADELPHIA, July 2.
Extra of a letter from a Gentleman in St. Louis, to his friend in Louiville, (Ken.) dated May 27.
"The people of this place are much alarmed at the hostile proceedings of the Indians since the troops left this: the following is a specimen of some of their late conduct. A few days since some Ki-kapoo Indians came here and drank rather too much whiskey; one of them went through the town and threatened to kill several women and children, and at length attacked Judge Mergs & struck at his head with a tomahawk, which was turned off by his hat. Mergs seized the Indian by the hand and drew his knife half out of the scabbard.—At this moment a young man by the name of Hammond, drew a pistol and shot the Indian thro' the back; but he did not appear to mind it much, and was apparently more resolute and ambitious to kill Col. Mergs. Hammond saw this and drew his dirk and stabbed the Indian twice; he run about two hundred yards and fell dead. This circumstance has caused great disturbance among the Indians.—Mr. Hammond will have to stand his trial; but the general opinion is, that he was very justifiable in killing the Indian. Four or five Indian Prisoners are in jail for killing white people."
FROM THE AURORA.
POLITICAL VIEWS.
THE COMMERCE OF THE MEDITERRANEAN.
The commerce of the Swedes in the Mediterranean profited by the war of the French revolution; but fluctuated considerably in the various changes to which the circumstances of its government exposed it. The Swedes have had a better understanding at Algiers, than the Danes whenever the English influence prevailed there, which was frequent; at Tripoli they were not so fortunate. The Danish affairs on the Barbary coast, and their commerce generally, is better managed than the Swedes; though their ships and mariners are in no respect inferior to any in the world. These two nations have kept ships of war in the Mediterranean lately, and gave reciprocal protection.
The commerce of the United States in the Mediterranean, commenced on a large scale in 1796, and has increased, under disadvantages to which no other nation has been in a proportionate degree exposed, to 300 sail.—With full security and the abrogation of the Barbary piracies, we might employ annually 1000 sail in those seas alone. As the particulars of our own trade with the Mediterranean is known from public documents, and does not so much relate to the topic which we have undertaken to illustrate, the effects of the war and the commerce of the Mediterranean on each other, and on the several nations of Europe, we shall now give, from the same authentic sources to which we are indebted for the commercial information of the preceding essays, a rapid view of the commerce and navigation of the Barbary powers, with such incidental particulars as occur in their progress.
The geographical position of the Barbary powers, their population and extent of territory may be learned from books which treat of that subject—our present views are confined to their maritime and commercial capacities.
Morocco has 150 sail, of which the crews are two-thirds Moorish subjects, and one third Italians, navigated principally by Genoese and other Italians, they sail with two sets of papers and Algerine passports; they have a vast number of small craft with latteren sails.
Tunis has 96 sail—many of them sail with commissi- ons, equivalent to letters of marque, and some of them owned by Moors, Jews, and christians resident in Tunis.
Tripoli has about 8 sail of small vessels engaged in commerce.
There are a few coasters and smaller craft belonging to these petty states, which are not taken into the account, because they are not actually engaged in the commerce of that sea. It may be useful, however, to give some idea of the commerce itself and how it is conducted by the Barbary powers.
The import and export trade of Algiers and Tripoli is, for the most part, carried on in vessels from Ragusa and Trieste, and Flume, and the ports of ancient Illyricum generally; Danish and Swedish bottoms are sometimes employed in this trade. But Morocco exports under its own flag, which is frequently seen in the ports of Lisbon, Cadiz and Malaga, to which it trades in cattle and grain; and supplies Gibraltar with provisions consigned to Moorish merchants who are protected there for the purpose. The Moroccans carry on a considerable trade to Constantinople, Smyrna, Alexandria, Venice, Genoa, Marseille, Leghorn and Barcelona—to these ports she sends annually, on an average, 250 cargoes, consisting of wheat, barley, bullocks, sheep, poultry, wool, hides, honey, beeswax, &c. &c. and dollars and gold dust to the ports of the Levant.
To Algiers, from the ports of Oran, Arzen, Zedele, Port Adoria, Brugia, and Bona, she supplies about 250 cargoes annually; of these 150 are wheat and barley only. The country round Algiers for 30 miles to the east and west, does not produce grain sufficient for the city. But the provinces beyond that distance are productive and send to Algiers, in large, small latteren sail coasters of 25 to 30 tons, who ply between March and the latter end of October; of these small craft there may be about 150 or 200 sail.
Of the exports of Algiers 90 cargoes annually may be composed of cattle, hides, wool, oil, &c. but their chief trade is in grain from the provinces, which they transport to Spain and Italy. They send considerable freights, under the Ragusan flag, to Alexandria, and Smyrna, to which they export dollars. When France and Spain are at war with Great Britain, the former nations carry on the commerce of the Algerines and Tunisians.
Besides her merchantmen, Tunis has from 70 to 90 sail of corsairs, of which about 60 are vessels of 30 to 70 tons burthen, and all rigged with three lattern sails each; some have sails square on the mast; and in fair weather and light winds they all use sweeps and bow chaces.
The commercial productions of Tunis, or exports furnish under all flags sufficient, annually, for about 300 sail; consisting of grain, hides, oil, wool, wax, blankets, shawls, Moorish red caps, of which to the value of 150,000 dollars annually, are manufactured, partly from Spanish and partly from Tunisian wool. Constantinople, a fertile internal province under the rule of Algiers, sends its productions to Tunis. The quantity of oil ship from Tunis is greater than from all the other states of Barbary.
Though the territory of Tripoli is immensely extensive, having 1100 miles of sea coast and 300 miles in depth, its commercial riches are infinitely below those of Morocco or Tunis, or even of Algiers—the articles are of the same kind as the others excepting provisions; but fine fena, saffron and honey are among its valuable articles of trade. This territory raises hardly sufficient for its own subsistence; their ignorance of culture and their indolence combined, therefore, is the cause of frequent scarcities, and on such occasions, instead of profiting by experience and resorting to agriculture, they go to sea and capture fons and islands indiscriminately. It is obvious that with such a power so situated, permanent security is not to be expected.
This is a general outline of the condition and commerce of the Barbary states (for it must be remembered that Fez no longer exists as an independent state, being now part of the empire of Morocco)—and it is easily to be perceived from their circumstances, that any one of the powerful nations of Europe, might have totally suppressed their depredations at any time, had they not been secretly upheld by some other.
The peace which Spain ignominiously concluded with these pirates, appears to have been submitted to with views that they have met their merited disappointment. It was contemplated by the ministers of Spain to exclude every other nation from the commerce of the coast of Africa, or Barbary, and to concentrate in Cadiz the whole of the commerce from the gulph of Cyrene well of Alexandria to Mogadore on the Atlantic. The treaty which was to accomplish this great monopoly was concluded by the count d'Espil-y; by which it was agreed to pay 7 millions of dollars, to alter the flag of Spain, and to release all Algerine prisoners in Spain without ransom. The negotiator only obeyed his instructions from court, for he had sagacity enough to discern and to say to an American gentleman there at the time, that Spain which intending to exclude the northern nations from that commerce, was only encouraging new depredations on herself and all the world.—And the observation was soon verified, for Algiers immediately made war on Sweden and obtained 200,000 dollars; on Venice; on the Dutch; on Denmark; and at length upon Spain herself; against France war was also commenced, quieted and renewed; France gave no quarter, and the demolition of the city, which had been before effected, was on the verge of being re-accomplished, when Algiers submitted and continued to respect the French flag until the events of the revolution exposed her flag to their rapacity once more; they took 17 sail of Austro-imperial ships, 20 Greeks, and 34 British passing between Gibraltar, Mahon, Corsica and Malta, but a squadron under admiral Nelson soon restored the English flag in those seas, tho' with the sacrifice of the ships that had been captured.
The disappointments of Spain only induced her to resort to the tributary policy, by which she has since maintained an influence prejudicial to other powers, and it is stated on very good authority that she, at a particular period, endeavored by her interference to prevent a settlement with the United States, tho' without success; and it has been hinted that what she failed to accomplish at Algiers she succeeded in at Tripoli. These views will afford some useful light on the general commerce of the Mediterranean and the Barbary states particularly. But the most important trade next to that of the Italian, Spanish and French coasts, is that of the interior Mediterranean or Levant, which originally meaning the east, or where the sun rises, is now understood to mean all that part of the Mediterranean within the island of Malta, comprehending the coasts of Syria, Egypt, Asiatic and European Turkey, and the ancient Greek Archipelago. Since the Porte became subject to the influence and fear of Russia, and France could not yield Turkey her former countenance, the free navigation of the channel leading to the Euxine opened in a manner a new America to Europe. In 1804 one thousand sail of vessels, Greek, Russian, Austrian and Ragusan, took in cargoes of wheat in the Euxine and transported them to Spain, Portugal and Italy. The wheat of Poland which formerly passed down the waters of the Bug to Thorn, Culm, Dantzick, Marienburg, and Koninsberg—down the Warta to Stettin—by Memel, Riga and Mitau, into the Baltic—as soon as Poland was occupied by Russia, the channels of export were changed to the Dneiper and the Bug, by which rivers they were conveyed to Odessakow and Perecop, and the new establishments at Cherson—the ports of the Taurida or Crim—while the colonization of the Kuban and the cultivation of the floures of the sea of Azoph, furnished resources for commerce, that had been heretofore buried in the barbarous prostration of national selfishness and jealousy. The failure of the crops in Barbary and Sicily at this critical period, gave a new spring to the commerce given to life by the opening of the Euxine. The present number we shall conclude with an estimate made in 1804 from the experience of several years of the cargoes that alternate in the Levant.
At Constantinople, 500—the Greek islands 3000—Gulph of Venice 3000—Naples 2500—Marseilles 1500—Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, 2000—Spain within the straits 2000—and the export trade of Barbary 750 to 800. This general estimate, the result of many years' experience, may afford some idea of the magnitude of the commerce of that quarter. In our next we shall go into a detail of the commerce of Greece.
NORFOLK, July 7.
JEROME BONAPARTE.—On Friday last arrived in 14 days from Martinique, the fch Patriot, capt Hudson, from whom we learn, that on the 10th ult. Jerome Bonaparte arrived in a ship of the line at Port Royal—that on the 16th, two other ships of the line arrived, the latter having been chased by admiral Cochrane in the Northumberland, with a frigate. Before capt. H. left Martinique, admiral Cochrane, with three ships of the line, and several frigates, were blockading the French ships.
It was reported, that three more ships of the line and two frigates were daily expected at Martinique. At present we can only conjecture as to the cause, which has occasioned the separation of the fleet, to which Jerome Bonaparte was attached; we may conclude that the separation has not been voluntary, nor shall we be surprised to learn that a battle has taken place, in which the French have been defeated. This fleet consisted of 7 sail of the line, and three frigates, arriving in this dispersed manner does not look well.
The intelligence respecting Jerome Bonaparte is confirmed by arrivals to the northward, and by the schooner Virginia, captain Blake, from Antigua. Ledger.
PETERSBURG, July 7.
XXXTH ANNIVERSARY.
THE 4TH of JULY was celebrated on Friday last, by the CITIZENS OF PETERSBURG, in a style of uncommon magnificence. The fun rose unclouded from the east, and gilded the scene by its bright and vivifying influence—the atmosphere was temperate, and gentle breezes calmed the sultry rays of Sol—Indeed every thing tended to animate and invigorate the energies of freemen.—At day-break, a salute from the Artillery, announced that the 30th ANNIVERSARY of AMERICAN LIBERTY was at hand, and reminded the citizens that it was incumbent on all to celebrate the auspicious day, in a manner becomimg the descendants of those men who gained for us the inestimable boon of independence.
At 11 o'clock, the Volunteer companies assembled on Centre Hill, and after going through various evolutions, a Federal Salute was fired by the Artillery, accompanied by discharges from the Light Infantry and Riflemen. By 1 o'clock, the line was formed, and the troops marched through the principal streets in town, to the place appointed for the festival.—An elegant band of music, attached to the Republican Light Infantry, (a numerous and highly respectable corps) added much to the splendor of the procession, and heightened the pleasure which beamed on the countenance of every American. Arrived at Archer's Hill, the firings again commenced, and were terminated by a feu de joye from the whole line.
A highly sumptuous entertainment had been prepared by Mr. Morris, at Bath Spring; and at 3 o'clock about 300 citizens sat down to this
delicious banquet.—ROBERT BIRCHETT, Esq. officiated as President, and ARCHIBALD THW-ATT, Esq. discharged the duties of Vice-President. After dinner, the following toasts were drank, accompanied by patriotic airs from the band, and appropriate songs from several of the company.
TOASTS.
1. The Day we celebrate; The revolution of time shall not be more durable than its glory, nor more certain than our exultation—Three guns.
2. The People of the United States; They will'd to be free; they are free—Three guns.
3. The Congress of 1776; The brightest constellation of virtue and wisdom that ever shone upon the sons of men—3 guns.
4. Gen. George Washington, and the Heroes of the Revolution; Their examples are beacons hung out by history, to direct and illumine the course of future patriots—Three guns.
5. Thomas Jefferson; Scrutiny only exhibits and endears still more his virtues to the people; The shock of calumny only serves to polish and to brighten the pillar of his fame—Three guns.
6. James Monroe; The day of adversity to republicanism was the day of persecution to him, and his glory was advanced, with the happiness of his country—Two guns.
7. James Madison; We recognize in his late able defence of the neutral rights, the same talents, of love of country, which conceived the spirited resolution in Congress, in 1798, and the eloquent report of the committee of the Virginia legislature in 1799—Two guns.
8. Public Functionaries; Their only sure road to honor will be found in the purity of their principles, the correctness of their conduct, and the confidence of the people—One gun.
9. Thomas Paine; The continual sense of the blessings we enjoy from the assertion of the rights of man, keeps alive our veneration of their able and intrepid defender during the times that tried men's souls—One gun.
10. The Election of Governor Strong; Let the federalists exult: we have a stronger reason to exult: it affords another honorable monument of republican justice and purity—One gun.
11. The Liberty of the Press; The present administration have solved the problem: the liberty of the Press cannot be destroyed by its licentiousness—One gun.
12. Great-Britain; Her contempt of the Rights of Man has impaired her strength and tarnished her glory; her outrage of the Rights of Nations, if persisted in, will accelerate her fall and consummate her infamy—No gun.
13. France; Peace with her, if peace she sincerely desires, but let her not think that the glitter of her arms have dazzled our eyes or struck terror to our hearts—No gun.
14. Spain; She will do well to think less of her former glory, and more of her present weaknesses. The court of Cortez, of Soto, and of Pizarro, are well known, and our warriors are on fire to tread in it—No gun.
15. The other nations of Europe; One tyrant sways the iron sceptre of the land: another the iron sceptre of the ocean: Man, alas! has no sway any where—No gun.
16. Nature makes man, not freehold, the qualification of an elector; we find nothing in the doctrine of expedience to defeat the decision—1 gun.
VOLUNTEERS.
By Robert Birchett; To our fellow-citizens at the Poplar Spring; Pleasure equal to the occasion; joy worthy of their patriotism. By Archibald Thwait; General Moreau: A free people will always afford an asylum to the virtuous and brave.
The citizens who crowded to celebrate this day, being so numerous, two festivals were provided; one at the Bath Spring and the other at the Poplar Spring.
Miscellaneous.
FROM THE LYNCHBURG STAR.
WORMS.—(COMMUNICATED)
Six.—The striped worm or caterpillar, which lately made its appearance in divers parts of the country and threatened destruction to our grain-crops and artificial grasses, have suddenly disappeared. Their progress and transmutation have been watched and noticed, and I apprehend, we shall have no great cause to be further alarmed on their account. Their enemies are numerous, and some of them powerful.—While in their caterpillar state they are persecuted by an ichneumon insect about an inch and an half long, with forces resembling the blowing beetle, vulgarly called the black beetle—it is an active, fierce insect, and can move quickly thro' the ground like a mole. I put one of them into a glass tumbler with some mould for it to hide in, and put ten or twelve of the caterpillars at a time in with him, the whole of which he would devour in the course of the day. Numbers were destroyed by hogs and birds, and not a few by the ants—but their greatest enemy is a greyish fly, somewhat larger than the common house fly, which it much resembles. This fly deposits eggs on the back of the caterpillar a little below the head where it hatches, and makes its way into the body of the caterpillar, which it destroys, and continues there during its maggot state, and when ripe for a change, eats its way thro' the skin of the purrid carcass, rolls itself in the dust, and presently becomes an aurelia for a fly again.
I had three glasses—in the first I put the Ichneumon, and fed him with ten or twelve worms a day, as long as they could be procured—he then perished for want of food. In the second glass I put several caterpillars which had no eggs on their backs, and fed them with grass till they shed their coats and became aurelias, in which state they remained about eight days when they assumed the butterfly form, similar to those so troublesome about our candles in the summer evenings, if not of the very same family.
In a third glass I put some which had eggs on their backs—(It was observed by many people that most of the caterpillars had from one to four or five small eggs on their backs) these were also fed with blades of grass, until they flickened and died, one after another, and became purrid, and would have been thrown away, had they not been found to contain something hard and lumpy within—and one day while viewing them, as one seemed to have an uncommon appearance, it was taken out and laid upon a piece of paper, and in a few minutes two maggots made their way from different parts—they appeared to be very uneasy, and strove hard to get from the paper as fast as they could, they were therefore dropped into the glass with mould at the bottom, and immediately upon falling into the dust, rolled themselves up and began to assume the aurelia state, and in five or six days more became the fly abovementioned.—It will be remembered by every one that where the caterpillar was most abundant, that the fly herein described abounded also. Several people have observed to me, that their numbers were such, as to create a noise like that of bees when swarming, and though that they were the parents of the caterpillar, instead of the destroyer.—Let infidels reflect, and revere the ways of superintending providence!! June 25, 1806.
MUNGO PARK.
WE are sorry to communicate to our readers, the death of this enterprising and indefatigable traveller, whose researches in Africa have been read with so

such avidity and have afforded so much instruction. He had been supplied by the British government with every thing necessary to render his second tour through the interior of that country, of the highest benefit to mankind. He arrived at Goree in a British ship of war in the month of March, 1805; from which he ascended the river Gambia, with about forty attendants, provided with portable canoes, and every thing necessary to render their travels easy and speedy. They had penetrated about 1500 miles into the interior, to a place called Sego, where Mr. PARK has described in his former Book of Travels. The number of his attendants had been reduced by sickness and death to three, exclusive of himself;—the King of this place, after carrying him into every part of the city which was walled in and considered the largest in Africa, and showing him every curiosity which it afforded, had cruelly and brutally murdered him, together with his attendants. This intelligence is furnished us by a gentleman recently from the Rio Pongos, who received the information from traders from the interior country, and on whom reliance might be placed. (Charleston Courier.)
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 11th JULY.
SHOULD MR. MADISON ATTEND THE TRIAL OF OGDEN?
The prosecution of Mr. Ogden is instituted by the government itself, for the general good of the country. But the absence of Mr. Madison from the seat of government, may produce still greater injury to the country than even the complete failure of that prosecution. He is the great responsible agent of the executive. Into his hands the most material interests of the union are confided. Would it not, therefore, be better to encounter the risk of seeing a prosecution dismissed by the judge on account of the non-attendance of witnesses, whom he might even deem essential to the defence of the accused, than that the Secretary of State should be absent, and the wheels of the government itself possibly arrested?
But the evil does not terminate here. The precedent set in this instance by the Secretary of State, may be considered as obligatory upon his successors. But what will be the consequence? A Secretary of State may be continually flying from one part of the continent to another, to attend his judicial mandates. Subpoena after subpoena may summon him; and a return from Georgia may be but a prelude to a tour through Maine. But when an opposition is in this manner created between the judicial and executive duties of an individual; when a prosecution before a court or the department of state must one of them cease, who can hesitate for a moment in his choice?
Can it however be conceded, that Mr. Madison is really a material witness in this case? Mr. Ogden is charged with assisting to fit out a military expedition in our ports, against a nation with whom we are at peace. L. U. S. April 24, 1800. Does Mr. Ogden pretend to say, that Mr. Madison will clear him from this accusation? No. All that he can hope for is, that by proving the government was concerned in the expedition, it may serve to lessen his fine and imprisonment.
It is no doubt to be desired, that Mr. Madison could attend the court to refute the unfounded suspicions that have been levelled against our administration, on account of the Miranda affair. But we must waive the pleasure and advantages of this event, in consideration of the superior interests of the state.
It is no doubt too a desirable thing that no man should be accused under our government, who has not the fullest means that can be legally obtained for proving his innocence. Nay, the constitution itself declares, that "the accused shall have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour." But is it not obvious that even this constitutional provision has its limits? Would a judge compel every man to appear before him, whom the accused may wish to subpoena? Would he compel every inhabitant of the union to be forth-coming, if this summoning spirit should take such a wide range? Such a doctrine as this cannot be supported. A judge may send his compulsory process to every witness, whom he may believe necessary to the defence of the accused; but how then is Mr. Madison to be deemed essential to Mr. Ogden's defence? Nay: let a judge even grant his subpoena, is it not still the right of Mr. Madison to refuse obedience? He may incur the penalties, which are attached to his disobedience; but is it not a duty, which he owes to the government, to incur them?
It is argued, that Mr. Pitt the then Premier of England, was subpoenaed on the Trial of Horne Tooke in the year 1794. The Apollon Premier even appeared on that trial. Shall the republican Mr. Madison then, it is vainly asked, aspire to an exemption from the law, which Mr. Pitt himself never assumed? But there is a marked difference between these two cases. The trial of Horne Tooke was held in the old Bailey at London; in the very metropolis of the British Court. It was a very light inconvenience to Mr. Pitt to pass from his bureau to the public tribunal; before whom his testimony was to be given. In two or three hours, the whole business might be despatched, and in the mean time, the affairs of the Executive department might proceed without the smallest interruption. But Mr. Madison is summoned to attend the District Court of New-York two or three hundred miles from the department of state. Should he obey the subpoena of the court, what might be the consequence? His presence might be necessary at Washington; dispatches of the highest importance might arrive from France or England, which required his immediate superintendence. Were the court held in the District of Columbia; there is no doubt that Mr. Madison would obey the judicial process with as much readiness, as leaf as Mr. Pitt. But, say the federalists, how is it possible to reconcile the doctrine here maintained with the reproaches which were so profusely cast upon the federal judiciary and federal executive, in the case of Thomas Cooper? There, the criminal was put out of all the benefits which might be derived from the testimony of Mr. Adams; and yet here the very same privilege is claimed for Mr. Madison. But is it not plain, that these two cases are no less different from each other, than the cases of Horne Tooke and Ogden? that the very circumstances that suffered Mr. Pitt to attend at the Old Bailey, & which should have held the federal judges to demand the attendance of Mr. Adams, should exempt Mr. Madison? The seat of government was at that time established in Philadelphia; in the same city it was held the Circuit Court of the United States. With how little embarrassment then might the President have repaired from his levee-room to the public court, from the company of the sycophantic and the vain, to a public tribunal, to give testimony in favour of an innocent man? The court, however, even refused to summon him. Mr. Adams would not even deign to reply to Mr. Cooper's application to him, for authentic copies of certain addresses to and from him, as President of the United States. Even the private secretary of the President refused to compare a printed series of these papers, with the original manuscripts, to determine their correctness. But the situation of Mr. Madison is at this time completely different. Removed as he is from the seat of government, it is impossible that he can obey its mandates, without subjecting himself to the risk of interrupting the operations of the executive.
But if the testimony of Mr. Madison cannot be obtained by personal attendance, may it not be had by deposition?
What has been the doctrine of the English judicature, on this subject, seems not to have been completely settled. On Judge Chafe's Impeachment, this question was raised in the course of the pleadings; but it was not very far hunted after, for a very obvious reason. He had refused to grant Callender the necessary time for obtaining the attendance of witnesses, although an affidavit had been offered of their being necessary to his defence; & the refusing of these reasonable applications, was one of the articles of Impeachment against him. But Judge Chafe was not impeached for refusing to issue commissions to take the depositions of witnesses; because no such application had been made by Callender's counsel. The question however was stated on the trial, whether the judge would have had the right to issue these commissions: but Mr. Rodney and Mr. Martin seem to be the only two who touched upon it at all.
Mr. Rodney stated that there was "a case in Cowper's Reports, where the person accused made an affidavit of the absence of a very material witness, who was out of the reach of the process of the court. And the court informed the prosecutor, that unless he would consent that the deposition of the witness should be taken and read in evidence, that they would postpone the case for ever. In England, courts of common law have no power to issue commissions to take the depositions of witnesses, unless by consent, and therefore Lord Mansfield declared, that although the court could not oblige the prosecutor to consent, yet they would postpone the trial for ever unless he did. But the statutes of the United States expressly authorise the courts to issue commissions, &c." Page 171 of the Report. In answer to this, Mr. Martin says: "A case has also been referred to in Cowper's Reports, where the defendant wanting the testimony of a witness who lived out of the jurisdiction of the court, and the court not having the power to issue a commission to obtain his testimony, the court declared that if the plaintiff would not consent to have the deposition of such witness taken to be read at the trial, they would continue the cause indefinitely. The honorable manager has further said, that though in England, the court cannot issue a commission to examine the witnesses, yet here the court has a power to issue a commission for that purpose. This honorable court will recollect that the case of Callender was a criminal prosecution. I doubt whether the court has any power in a criminal case to issue a commission to examine witnesses for or against the prosecution. I do not know of any law which gives them that power." Mr. Rodney was certainly mistaken in his assertion that the statutes of the U. States expressly authorise the courts to issue commissions in criminal cases; but the case which he cited from the English courts was perfectly correct. This doctrine as laid down by Lord Mansfield in the case of Moylan versus Fabrigas , quoted from Cowper's Reports, is in the following words: "If he wants the testimony of witnesses whom he cannot compel to attend, the court may do what the court did in the case of a criminal prosecution of a woman who had received a pension as an officer's widow; and it was charged in the indictment that she never was married at all. She alleged a marriage in Scotland, but that she could not compel her witnesses to come up, to give evidence. The court obliged the prosecutor to consent that the witnesses might be examined before any of the judges of the court of sessions or any of the barons of the court Exchequer in Scotland, and that the depositions so taken should be read at the trial."
Our conclusions then are: That the executive functions of a secretary of state are paramount to any judicial duties, which he may incur: That he ought not (at least in the present case) to give his personal attendance, where the seat of the court is so far removed from the seat of government: That a court has a right only to expect his attendance, when it is held within the very district where he resides: That our laws do not expressly provide for obtaining evidence by the way of a deposition in criminal cases: That the practice in England seems generally to have been, to refuse the benefits of this process, even with the consent of parties: But that one case at least had occurred prior to the Declaration of our Independence, where it had been granted with the consent of parties; but that this was in a case, where the court could not compel the attendance of the witness: In fine; that it is not the duty of Mr. Madison to attend at the trial of Mr. Ogden; but that it may possibly be the right of the judge to issue a commission for taking his deposition. A want of knowledge of the law prevents us from giving on this point a more positive opinion. But this we may venture to assert, that in a case so unsettled by precedents, but so interesting to the executive department, it becomes the duty of Congress to provide for taking the deposition of the departments of the government, in certain, perhaps in all, criminal prosecutions.
POLITICAL ANECDOTE. The Great Frederick of Prussia is said to have presented a sword to General Washington with this noble compliment; "from the oldest to the greatest general in the world."
Mr. Fox, the political luminary of England, is said to have paid Mr. Jefferson a not less flattering eulogium. On his late visit to Paris, he was asked by Bonaparte, "who" he thought, "was the greatest statesman in the world?" "I have no doubt, that Mr. Jefferson is," was Mr. Fox's reply. A finer compliment could not possibly have been paid to any man!
It is no compliment, to receive the approbation of men, who are not judges of excellence. It is the merit of the eulogist only which gives a value to his good opinion. When men praise us for qualities with which they have been long conversant and which they may be supposed capable of understanding, it is then only that their praise seems the language of truth. We seem then only to deserve admiration, when we receive it from such as are deservedly admired by the rest of the world. How infinitely more must have seemed to Leibnitz, the most flattering opinion of an ignorant rustic, when once Sir Isaac Newton had noticed his works.
But the compliment of Mr. Fox is not to be confined to the merits of Mr. Jefferson alone. It may be considered as a noble tribute paid to the principles of his administration, and even to that republican system of government, which he has done so much to establish. And by whom is this tribute paid? By one of the most enlightened statesmen in the free nation of Europe; by one whose delight is, to toast "the cause of liberty all over the world," but who has never ceased to regret the imperfect establishment of it in his own country; by a man, in fact, who can contrast together the evils of such a mixed constitution as exists in Great-Britain, of its king, its lords and its clergy, with the splendid benefits of our representative system. But when such a man as this prefers our constitution to his own, what shall we think of those native Americans who wish to assimilate it more to the British government, by infusing greater energy into our executive? When such a man as this commands Mr. Jefferson, "as the greatest statesman in the world," what shall we think of the virtue or candour of those Americans, who deny him every sort of merit?
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
Williamsburg, July 4th, 1806. The manner of celebrating the 4th of July at this place, is peculiarly pleasing. No tumult interrupts the reverse of the pit-pot who delights either to brood over the past, or to look with the ardent eye of hope on the future. Yet every where you see the excitement which is natural to the anniversary; you see the expression of that feeling which is deep, tender and silent. You perceive plainly, too, in almost every countenance, that something more than merely feeling is going forward within: it is not a je ne sais quoi , a monkey-trick of levity without thought, it is that cheerfulness which flows from reason and reflection: "Devotion mingles in the dance," and in every flash of joy that illumines the face, you read the grateful acknowledgement that it is the hand of God which has made us free and happy, and which keeps us so.
Under the impulse of these sentiments, the citizens assembled to-day, at church. The assembly was full: the bishop poured to heaven a devout prayer adapted to the occasion; and the solemnity and sensibility of the scene were added by the swelling peals of the organ. Then commenced the orations from six young gentlemen in succession, who did the highest honor to themselves and the institution of William & Mary, to which they belong, and who afforded us the happy preface that we may long celebrate, with delight, the anniversary of our independence, if genius, learning and virtue can secure this blessing to us. Mr. Anderson, of Kentucky, gave us an harangue on the day; and notwithstanding the triteness of the subject, had the address to render it new, interesting and instructive. Mr. Archer, of Amelia, (a young gentleman about 17 years of age, of whose future figure in this country very high expectations are formed, and we believe justly formed) had selected a curious subject, and it was feared could be made to quicken upon it, even by his talents; it was a regular defence of usury: Yet he displayed so much research, argument, ingenuity and fancy, that we were surprised and delighted by him. His style had nothing of that redundancy or tumidity which might have been pardoned to his age; it was clear, terse, elegant and the style of a veteran composer, while his thoughts themselves exhibited the firm texture of a mature mind. Mr. Banks, of Culpeper, dilated on the effects of the American revolution, took a bold and expanded survey of his subject, and delivered himself with great animation and force. Mr. May, of Dinwiddie, discussed the question, "what form of government is best for the promotion of the arts, sciences and morals?" We have seldom any where, heard an investigation more manly, extensive, profound and cogent: he left the beaten track; thought for himself; and thought with an originality and strength which would have done honor to any statesman. Mr. Blow, of Portsmouth, selected a subject apposite to his residence; contended for the freedom of commerce, and maintained with much ability the liberal principle, which has been supported even by a Hanoverian professor, under the patronage of the king of G. B. "that free bottoms should make free goods." We with him better succeeds than Martens had had, and congratulate Portsmouth on the possession of a young gentleman, who begins so early to consider her interests, and who has displayed an ability equal to his zeal for her prosperity. Mr. William Waller, of this place, closed the exhibition by an oration on the freedom of the press. The remark was a general one, that if his future exertions kept any pace with those which had led to this specimen of his talents, he would become one of the most eloquent pleaders that Virginia has ever seen. His view of his subject was not only novel, judicious, lively and strong, and his style rich and harmonious, but he had an expression of countenance, a grace and force of gesture, and a well-accented melody of voice, which promise a Tully's manner as well as a Tully's mind, and afford the highest preface of his future figure.
One thing was strikingly true of all the orations of this day, and was a subject of much observation, to wit: that they had departed very advantageously from the character of those of former anniversaries; for the sanguine temperament and high-toned passions of the young Virginian have been, heretofore, apt to betray him into that kind of eloquence which lies more in found than thought, and "fills the ear rather than the mind." In the orations of this day, however, the style was temperate and chaste to a very high degree. Sound gave way to sense. The periods were charged with thought, and the first object of the speaker seemed to be, to fill the mind and not the ear.
A Virginian cannot witness such an exhibition as this without being proud of the country which gave him birth. Virginian talents, formed by Virginian culture, rising into manly vigor and utility, at so early an age, and graced at the same time, with all the engaging modesty of youth, is a spectacle of which a Virginian need not blush to be proud.
The exhibition closed by the pleasing solemnity of conferring the degree of Bachelor of Arts on Messrs. Barrad and Pollard of Norfolk, Mr. Henley of James City, and Mr. Benjamin Harrison of Charles City. After which the company retired, with feelings which virtue and innocence, only, know how to appreciate.
COMMUNICATION—ON PUBLIC CREDIT.
"I must confess that when I see princes and states quarrelling and fighting amidst their debts, funds and public mortgages, it brings to my mind a match of cudgel-playing sought in a China Shop."
Hume's Essays, vol. 1, p. 382.
There is, perhaps, no political principle more generally received by every party or sect of politicians in this as well as in other countries, than the one, that the duration of a state, its power and respectability, depend materially or wholly upon its extent of credit. The power of obtaining frequent and large supplies of money, is regarded as the vital principle of the existence of a nation; as a barometer by which to measure the degree of its prosperity or the flag of its decline. Whether or not this is a correct opinion, a mere novice in the science of government may determine. I propose in this essay to give a condensed and consequently imperfect view of the system of public credit generally.
The admirers of this system, in the excesses of their corruption or in the blindness of their ignorance, have extended their admiration & support even to its abuses. Not content with holding up to view its most splendid features, they have even defended it in its worst & most odious tendencies, and maintained that "national debt is a national blessing." This maxim, which was the legitimate & darling offspring of corruption, sprang up under the auspices of despotism & was nursed by its step-mother, stock-jobbing idiosy. That date of unnatural and convulsive vigour, that state of ostentatious but tottering credit, which immediately precedes national bankruptcy, has been artfully held up to view as the infallible token of political health, and the full maturity of public credit. As well might the designing empirick attempt to persuade the disconsolate relatives of his consumptive patient, that the convulsive struggles of approaching dissolution, the last agonies of death itself, are the efforts of increasing strength, the unerring signs of a speedy recovery. The delusion must vanish sooner or later, and the hideous monster, public credit, will be seen in its native deformity. I do not intend in this place to examine the system of public credit as it exists in this or in that country, or as it is restrained by this or that modification. I will attend only to the general principles on which it rests; the abuses to which it is liable; its hostile aspect to freedom, and its natural tendency to national bankruptcy.
It is worthy of remark that from the remotest ages of antiquity to the present time, from the first rudiments of civil society to the present advanced stage of civilization, the expedients of hoarding up treasures for political or civil purposes, and of borrowing large sums of money to supply the wants of government, have been adopted in some shape or other. Ancient history will inform us that every monarch, every petty republic, had its treasure to employ in the prosecution of foreign wars, and to carry on the affairs of government. The ancient republics of Gaul, &c. said to have had large sums of money at command. Philip and Perseus, ancient kings of Macedon had considerable treasures. Alexander is said by an ancient historian to have found 50,000 talents when he conquered Susa. The Roman emperors Augustus, Tiberius, Vespasian and Severus, took the same wise precaution of hoarding up a treasure. But modern princes and states, nave, as civilization and refinement advanced, invented a new mode of providing for the exigencies of government. The stock-jobbers and political empyricks of Europe, have stumbled upon the plan of borrowing large sums of money and providing for the payment of it by mortgaging the public revenue and bequeathing the public debt as a valuable legacy to posterity. This plan which so abundantly teems with iniquity, has been kept up in many countries by an unaccountable ignorance and delusion. Its pernicious consequences are so singularly conspicuous that it is indeed wonderful how they have escaped the blindness of ignorance itself. I will barely mention some of these obvious evils.
First: Objected to the system of public credit, because it is radically unjust and pernicious. In the common affairs of men as well as of nations, it would seem but reasonable that that man or that people who have borrowed large sums of money for the purpose of supplying their own wants, should refund this money when it becomes due. The system of credit, however, is bottomed on the idea that posterity are bound to discharge the debts of their ancestors; it is, says Mr. Paine, "a system of anticipation." The generation who borrowed an hundred years ago, anticipated the resources of those who were to come an hundred years after. 2dly: It is boundless in its operation; it places in the hands of government a dangerous weapon which it may wield without opposition. Had each generation to pay the price of its own prodigality and to refund the sums of money which it squanders in foreign wars and conquests, we should not probably now see all Europe one expanded theatre of war. Whilst the just, regular and equal mode of taxation is pursued to amass a revenue, the avarice, ambition and extortion of rulers cannot be gratified; they cannot indulge themselves in the wild and profitable schemes of foreign conquest; they must invent some new plan by which to deprive industry of its reward and supply their immediate necessities. There is no plan that can be devised which would sooner or more effectually lead to these ends, than the establishment of public credit.
3dly: A nation derives an unnatural and adventitious prosperity from the practice of continually en-creasing its debt. It receives a premature kind of vigor which must terminate in convulsions or in foreign war. The sums of money which are obtained in this manner frequently give rise to offensive wars by affording the means of prosecuting them. Such supplies are not necessary in any instance for the support of a just government or the defence of a free people. A nation of freemen, content and happy under their government, will defend it even in the most adverse vicissitudes; they will contribute the last portion of their property towards its support.
4thly: The system of public credit leads inevitably to bankruptcy. "The public, says Mr. Hume, is a debtor whom no man can oblige to pay." Hence the funded debt of every nation that supports itself on the usurer's wings of credit , goes on, perpetually progressing. Hence, generation after generation passes off the stage of existence, without paying the interest, much less the principal, of their debt. Hence it is, that the creditors of a government and the mass of a nation, are amused by the operation of a sys-
tem, which is progressive and endless in its evil. Mr. Hume, in his chapter on public credit, explains, in his usual style of perspicuity and elegance, the natural tendencies and final termination of public credit. It will in every instance, according to Hume, terminate in one of three ways: either "it will die of the doctor," it will "die a natural death," or it will die a "violent death."—It will either fall a victim to some rash and daring innovator, who, willing to relieve his country from the burthen which weighs it down, proposes and causes to be adopted some rash and violent expedient; or it will perish from the seeds of destruction which it carries in its own bosom; that is, it will increase to such an amount as to exceed the possible power of payment, and become so immense as to fall by its own weight, and bury in its ruins the whole fabric of government—or lastly, the system of credit will ultimately so reduce and impoverish a nation, as to subject it to the sword of foreign conquest. One or other of these consequences must inevitably follow the system of credit wherever it exists. Who is there, then, so stupid as to believe that this system can continue?
I will now dismiss the subject of Public Credit and close this essay, which will serve as an introduction to a subsequent number on the English System of Finance .
The following is a copy of a letter from Common Pleas to the Secretary of the Navy.
PORTLAND, June 17, 1806. Sir, By Lieutenant Jones, of the Navy, I had this day the honor to receive your letter of the 17th ult. accompanying a Gold Medal, struck in pursuance of a resolution of Congress of the 3d March, 1805, emblematical of the attacks on the town, batteries and naval forces of Tripoli, by the squadron under my command. You will be pleased to communicate to the President of the United States, that I accept with gratitude this honorable testimony of the approbation of my country. And I pray you to be assured that I am truly sensible of the very handsome and obliging manner in which it has been presented.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, Sir, Your most obedt Servt, EDWARD PREBLE. Hon. ROBERT SMITH.
An ERRATUM occurs in Col. Mayo's Toast as published in the last paper: It should have been thus:
"The Manchester and Richmond cavalry—may their brows be encompassed with the laurels, to which they are entitled."
The COMMUNICATION from the Editor of the National Intelligencer shall appear in the next paper.
Want of room prevents us from noticing the experiments, made in New-York, Philadelphia & Baltimore on the supposed poison of the worm of the Lombardy poplar . Such of our friends, as have made similar experiments in this city, may confer a benefit upon society, by making them known through the press.
LOST OR MISLAID. DRAFT No. 8807 on James Gibson, esq. for 27 dollars, granted by Thomas T. Tucker, Esq. Treasurer of the U. S. in favor of Thomas Ritchie. Any person who may have found it will oblige the Editor by leaving it at the Enquirer Book-Store. July 11.
BANK OF VIRGINIA. THE President and Directors of the bank of Virginia, have this day declared a dividend of 2 1/2 dollars, for the last six months, on each share in the Capital as joint stock of the said bank, which will be paid on application, after the 13th inst. JOHN BROCKENBROUGH, Cashr. July 7. (epsw.)
At a meeting of the Board of Directors of the Mutual Assurance Society against fire on buildings of the state of Virginia, held at the General Office, on the 30th of June, 1806,
FOR Sufficient reasons appearing to the Board, and in pursuance of the authority vested in the President and Directors by the act of Assembly, entitled, "an act supplementary to an act entitled an act concerning the Mutual Assurance Society against fire on buildings of the state of Virginia,"
Resolved, That the special agents of this society be allowed 'till the first day of October next, to complete the re-valuation of all buildings which have been insured prior to the 30th day of January, 1805, within the districts and towns for which they may have been severally appointed.
ALEX'R. M'RAE, President M. A. S. T. C. LEWIS M. RIVALAIN, CLK. B. B. July 4.
THE Subscriber, has a large quantity of very good BRICKS on hand, which he will sell on moderate terms:— Also—Six or seven thousand weight of manufactured TOBACCO, he will sell low for cash, or in exchange for goods. July 8. JOHN TINSLEY. (tdf.)
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber, living in Buckingham county, a mulatto boy named Jim, about 22 years old, 6 feet 7 or 8 inches high, had a short negro cotton coat, striped Virginia cloth trousers. Whoever will bring, or secure said boy, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward. LION ELCAN. (oawsr.)
AS All masters of vessels and others, are forewarned from harbouring or carrying the said slave out of the state at their peril. June 10.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Maj. John Price, for the purpose of securing the payment of a certain sum of money, in said deed mentioned, to John F. Price, and the expenses attending the execution of the trust: will be sold to the highest bidder, at Willis's Tavern, in the upper end of this county, on Saturday the 2nd day of August next—FIVE NEGROES, to wit: Angela and her four children, named Critty, Billy, Julia and Mingo. WILLIAM D. WREN, EDWARD C. DAVIS, Trustees. July 11. (tdf.)
NEGROES—FOR SALE. TO be Sold, at New-Canton, seven NEGROES the property of Col. Wm. Cannon; or so many thereof as will raise the sum of about one thousand one hundred dollars, to satisfy a debt due to Samuel Jones. The sale to take place at Anderson's Tavern on the fourth Saturday in this present month, July, 1806, by Wade Mobry, Trustee. July 11. Wm. CANNON, WADE MOBRY. (241)
JUST RECEIVED. A PARTI of Dr. Rees's NEW CYCLOPAEDIA, and for delivery to Subscribers at Jacob Johnson's Book-Store, a few doors below the Market Richmond; where subscribers are requested to call and receive the same.

WE recently laid before our readers some interesting notices of the plan of instruction pursued by Pestalozzi. We now offer a sketch of his life, drawn up from the work we have already quoted.
PESTALOZZI.
HENRI PESTALOZZI was born at Zurich, in 1746. He was between four and five years of age when he lost his father, and his early education was attended to by his mother, aided by a domestic governess.
He had little communication with any one out of the house, rarely saw children of his own age, and took no part in their diversions.
Thus he grew up with fewer favorable opportunities of improving himself by intercourse with men in different stations of life, or even of acquiring knowledge relative to domestic life. This mode of living must have naturally kept him ignorant of the manners of the world. Brought up in this respect without any constraint, he soon contracted the habit of neglecting his person, and what are called the usages of the world; a circumstance which often injured him in the opinion of those who judge only from the exterior.
From his earliest youth he gave himself up with success to the study of letters; in his more advanced life he had the advantage of studying under Bodmer, and other distinguished men, at the time when the liberty of thinking, when patriotism and the fine arts reigned in the most brilliant manner in Zurich; but the knowledge he then acquired was not of a nature to supply the deficiencies of his domestic education; he experienced besides a most decided inclination for a military life; he therefore abandoned his literary career, in his seventeenth year, and determined to devote himself to the war. The death of a friend, who was to have been his guide, and in whom he had unlimited confidence, induced him soon to renounce this project, and he engaged himself in agriculture.
He was indeed sensible that he had not received an education which fitted him for this new condition of life; but he believed it the best calculated for enabling him to realize those plans of beneficence which he had indulged himself in from his tender youth. It was in order to aid an unhappy & degraded people, that he now embraced agriculture, from the hope that by this means he would better learn their real situation and true wants.
In consequence he purchased a quantity of uncultivated ground, commonly with one of the first houses of Zurich. At the moment he was going to commence his operations this house withdrew itself from him, and abandoned him to his own means. He did not sink under this disappointment, but pushed on his enterprise, and added to it in 1775 an experiment for the education of poor children.
But this new plan did not succeed. Let us hear his own words, which we find in a letter to his friend Gessner.
"I lived," said he, "during some years in the midst of a circle of more than fifty children, whose parents were in the greatest wretchedness. In my poverty I divided my bread with them; and myself lived like a beggar, in order to reach beggars to live like men. The subjects in which I proposed to instruct them were agriculture, manufactures and commerce. I had the most perfect confidence in the plan I had formed; and I do not yet believe myself to have been deceived; but what is equally true is, that I am ignorant of that detailed knowledge of these three branches, and of a genius which can apply itself to the minutiae inseparable from them. Moreover, I was too poor and too friendless to supply what was wanting in myself. My plan fell through; but amidst the inexpressible efforts I have made, I have learned innumerable truths, and I was never more strongly convinced of the goodness of my project than when I found myself obliged to renounce it."
Such was the fate of this first attempt. The check which the fortune of Pestalozzi thus received; the impossibility of cultivating his land to advantage, which was its natural consequence; these and many other circumstances concurred to plunge him, for a long course of years, into an extraordinary degree of misery. The indifference and indeed total neglect of many of his old acquaintances; the obscurity and contempt in which he saw himself plunged, had a great influence on his feelings and his views, and it is to these prolonged disappointments and vexations we must ascribe what he has done, as well as what he has not done; what he has attempted, and what he has neglected.
However, although his external circumstances sunk from day to day, an internal ardor inflamed him at every instant more and more, and led him back to the essential point of his old designs and favorite ideas. He desired, at any risk, to destroy if possible the source from whence flowed the misery of the people; it was with this intention that he successively published several works; the first of which was his Leonard and Gertrude . He afterwards printed an Helvetic paper, calculated for the country people. In 1783 he composed a treatise upon criminal legislation, particularly upon infanticide. In 1787 we had the first hint of his System of Education, under the title of "My researches into the progress of Nature in the development of Man."
Forced to contract the circle of his efforts, but never losing sight of the great end he had in view, he determined to become simply a school master. In 1798 he obtained through Le Grand, who had discovered his merit, some notice from the Helvetic government; and he was upon the point of being placed at the head of an establishment of education, when the war broke out in the Canton of Unterwald.
Le Grand then proposed to Pestalozzi to choose this unhappy country for the place of his abode, and the theatre of his labors. "I would have descended into the deepest abyss," says he to Gessner, in the letter already quoted, "to accomplish my end, and I have in truth succeeded; but conceive, if you can, my situation at that time. Alone, entirely deprived of all necessary means, I alone directed, cashiered, waiter, performing even the functions of a maid servant, in a house out of repair, and in the midst of distress of all kinds."
This school increased gradually to 80 scholars, all of different ages, and with a few exceptions, absolutely ignorant. "What a task! I dared however to undertake it, and very soon those who visited me were astonished at the effect produced; but to say the truth, this effect could be compared only to one of those meteors, which appear for a moment in the air and then vanish; no one understood its nature nor its cause; it was the result of a simple physiological idea, or rather sentiment within me for which I could give no reason. I knew not precisely what I would do, I only knew what I wished to do, or to accomplish my object. As I found it necessary to instruct my children, without having any assistance, I sought for some art by which I could teach a number at the same time. Seeing no other mode, but dictating aloud, and making them all at the same time repeat after me; the confusion this produced, showed me the necessity of a peculiar cadence, and I found that this cadence, strengthened the impression which my lessons made. My absolute ignorance as to the best mode of instruction, kept me a long while stationary; and this delay taught me by experience to what a high degree, the intellectual powers of children may be raised by detaining them on the elementary points, until they completely understand them. I felt more strongly than ever in every branch of science that a perfect knowledge of the whole, greatly depends on the elementary principles, and I saw even the great errors which negligence in this respect naturally produces."
Believed among my children rapidly developed a sense of their own powers, of which they had till then been ignorant. I saw likewise among them the sentiment of order, and order itself. They became conscious of their own capacity, and soon the difficulties and obstacles to common sense, vanishing like a magic like a sceptre."
The establishment at Stantz began to prosper. Pestalozzi every day more clearly understood his system; he every day made new trials in order to discover the best means of making the instruction of the poor subservient to their real wants and true interests. He saw in many parts of Switzerland where he had lived, that the population was far too great. He saw that this forced population depended on foreign establishments for the real resources of the country and the cultivation of the land; that its means of subsistence were in the hands of manufacturers, who furnished them with materials for spinning and weaving. The first unfavorable circumstance he fore saw, as arising from this kind of industry, was, that millions of individuals might on an emergency find themselves without employment or any means of getting such as they were capable of.
He wished then to create other resources; he wished to develop among them new germs of activity, and at the same time to point out the objects to which this activity might be most usefully directed. He sought, in a word, to make them sufficient for themselves, and to render them independent of events.
This was his most ardent desire, the object of his labors, the strongest motive for his zealous devotion. When the invasion of the Austrians into the letter Cantons of Switzerland, once more overthrew his work. Forced to abandon Stantz, overwhelmed with chagrin, exhausted by fatigue, he had the additional vexation of finding himself the object of the most pointed calumny. His renunciation of this establishment was attributed to inconsistency, and the impossibility of putting into practice the visions of a two excited imagination—whereas it was the necessary consequence of the most impetuous circumstances. In this extremity he found an asylum at the baths of Yverndon, some leagues from Berne. Some friends there still left him, who did him justice and tried to serve him. One amongst them persuaded him to go to Berthoud, a small town near Berne, where he might succeed in placing himself at the head of a small school designed for poor children. The government continued to take some interest in his fate and assigned him a pension of 400 louis.
At this period the Chateau of Berthoud had been assigned to Mr. Fischer, who intended to form a seminary for school masters. Mr. F. was a young man of great promise; he, however, died about this time, and his project died with him.
Meanwhile Pestalozzi's little school had excited the attention of the government who had not forgotten his success at Stantz. In consequence, it allotted to him the above-mentioned Chateau. Soon after Pestalozzi, who till then had had no assistant was so happy as to attach to him Kruff, Toaler, and Buss; with this assistance he was enabled to commence the realization of his plan—he opened a boarding school—he made trial of the seminary for school masters—he went still farther and took a certain number of poor children.
The government determined to favour him still farther. It raised his pension to 1000 louis, gave him the exclusive right of printing his elementary books, which was extended to ten years after his death, gave him the hope of introducing them into the primary schools, and allowed a salary of twenty-five louis to two of his assistants.
Strong in a protection thus avowed; Pestalozzi no longer regarded his establishment as an individual undertaking, and preferred not to hazard every thing in order to promptly to give it an extension, which might fulfil the views of government.
The events of the months of September and October, 1802, again arrested him in his new career. The deputies from the Cantons to the Diet, in 1803, had not received any instructions relative to the institute of Berthoud.
Pestalozzi in renouncing the advantages, which had been promised by the Helvetic government, and the hope of seeing his undertaking become a national one, is forced by circumstances to take new measures, better suited to his resources. Having with him many teachers of the first order worthy of his full confidence, he thought it best to divide an establishment much too large, and to transport part of it to the Canton de Vaud. So that the institute of Berthoud is divided into two branches, one at Duclée, a village near Berne—the other at Yverndon, a beautiful town in the Canton de Vaud.
Such are the principal facts I have judged proper to collect. I might have gone more into detail, and spoken of the obstacles Pestalozzi had to surmount, of the perfection he endured. I could have drawn the principal traits of the character of this extraordinary man; I could have shown him living, breathing only for the happiness of the human race—sacrificing every thing, forgetting his most urgent wants, to ensure the success of his labors. I could have shown him after the dissolution of the Helvetic government, in his institute at Berthoud, in the midst of one hundred and ten pupils, most of whom were orphans or children abandoned by their parents, whom he had collected, and of the rest who paid but little, all paying irregularly, struggling against misery, yet foreseeing every thing. But the time will come, when a pen more able than mine will make up for my omissions, and do justice to the genius and heart of Pestalozzi.
By Authority.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
Authorizing a detachment from the militia of the United States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized, at such time as he shall deem necessary, to require of the executives of the several States, to take such measures to organize, arm and equip, according to law, and hold in readiness towards at a moment's warning, their respective proportions of one hundred thousand militia, officers included; to be apportioned by the President of the United States, by the militia returns of the last year, in cases where such returns were made, and in cases where such returns were not made the last year, by such other data as he shall judge equitable.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President may, if he shall judge it expedient, authorize the executives of the several States, to accept as part of the said detachment, any corps of volunteers, who shall engage to continue in service six months after they arrive at the place of rendezvous.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the detachment of militia and volunteers aforesaid, shall be officered out of the present militia officers, or others at the option and direction of the constitutional authority in each State, respectively; the President of the United States apportioning the general officers among the respective States as he may deem proper.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the said detachments shall not be compelled to serve a longer time than six months, after they arrive at the place of rendezvous; and that during the time of their service, they shall be entitled to the same pay, rations and allowance for clothing, that are established by law, as the pay, rations and allowance for clothing of the army of the United States.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized to call into actual service any part, or the whole of the said detachment, when he shall judge the exigencies of the United States require it; if a part of the said detachment only shall be called into actual service, they shall be taken from such part thereof, as the President in his discretion shall deem proper.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That two millions of dollars be, and are hereby appropriated, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the pay and subsistence of such part of the said detachment as may be called into service.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That an act entitled "An act directing a detachment from the militia of the United States, and for erecting certain fortifications," approved the third of March, one thousand eight hundred and three, be, and the same is hereby repealed.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force, for the term of two years from the passing thereof, and no longer.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate Pro tempore.
April 18, 1806. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
For fortifying the ports and harbours of the United States, and for building gun-boats.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That a sum of money, not exceeding one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, in addition to the sums heretofore appropriated, shall be, and the same is hereby appropriated, to enable the President of the United States to cause the ports and harbours of the United States to be better fortified and protected.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That a sum of money not exceeding two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, in addition to the sums heretofore appropriated, shall be, and the same is hereby appropriated, to enable the President of the U. States to cause to be built and completed, a number of gun-boats, not exceeding fifty, for the protection of the harbours, coasts, and commerce of the United States; and the President is hereby authorized to officer, man and equip any part, or all of said gun-boats, when he shall judge the same expedient, for the purposes aforesaid; and a sum not exceeding twenty thousand dollars, is hereby appropriated, to defray any expense which may be incurred by officering, manning and equipping gun-boats, as aforesaid.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the President of the U. States may direct any of the armed vessels of the United States to be sold, whenever he shall be of opinion, that the said vessel is so much out of repair, that it will not be for the interest of the United States to repair the same.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the several sums of money hereby appropriated, shall be paid out of any money in the treasury of the U. States, not otherwise appropriated.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, Pro tempore.
April 21, 1806. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
SECOND CLASS.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, FOR THE BENEFIT OF WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE.
Table with 2 columns: Ticket description, Dollars. Includes: Tickets that drew blanks in the first class & may be renewed, 53,380; Tickets at fifteen dollars each, 70,275.
Table with 2 columns: Prize description, Dollars. Includes: 10,625 Drawn lots on 5000 tickets, that drew prizes of fifteen dollars each, in first class, and may be renewed in this, at 3-1-4 dollars each, 4,500.
Table with 2 columns: Prize description, Dollars. Includes: Stationary Prizes are, 1 ticket, first drawn after 1,000 tickets are out of the wheel, 500.
Table with 2 columns: Prize description, Dollars. Includes: 1 do do do 2,000, 500; 1 do do do 3,000, 500; 1 do do do 4,000, 500.
Table with 2 columns: Prize description, Dollars. Includes: 1 do do do 5,000, 500; 1 do do do 6,000, 500; 1 do do do 7,000, 500.
The superiority of this scheme, to the one first proposed, is so obvious, that little need be said in recommendation of it. Those inclined to adventure, will see, that their chance for obtaining prizes, is greatly increased; that pending the drawing, their obtaining of final prizes, may by renewal, instantly give them several chances for a prize of considerable magnitude.
To those who have drawn PRIZES of fifteen dollars, in the First Class, as well as to those who drew BLANKS, INFORMATION IS NOW GIVEN, that the PRIZES, may, at their option, be renewed, by tickets in this class, and their BLANKS, at ten dollars each; Provided such PRIZES and BLANKS with the CASH, is remitted, FREE OF POSTAGE, to ROBERT GREENHOW, merchant in Williamsburg, Agent and Treasurer; or WILLIAM NEWNUN, Post-Master in Norfolk, previous to the commencement of the drawing; after which period no renewal will be made.
When to the prospect of individual advantage, that may result to each adventurer, is added, the patriotic reasons, which induced the legislature to authorize this lottery, it is ardently hoped, that the disposition of tickets, will soon enable the commissioners to certify that the drawing has commenced. Which event the agent assures the public, shall be expedited by every means in his power.
ROBERT GREENHOW, Agent and Treasurer.
Williamsburg, June 10, 1806. (overh.) * Tickets may be had of Robert Greenhow, merchant in Williamsburg; or William Newnun, post-master in Norfolk; who will, as opportunities offer, give them more extensive circulation, by placing them in the hands of others for disposition.
FOR SALE,
A Tract of Land, containing 540 acres, extending upwards of a mile on James River, nearly opposite to the Westover estate; one fourth of it only is cleared; there is a Dwelling House on it, & it has a good landing and wharfing place. This land is worth the attention of any price to any person who wants a seat on James River, or wishes to realize a great bargain may be had, as (to discharge an incumbrance) it will be offered at a much lower price than the last purchaser gave for it seven years ago.
April 4. T. C. PEACHY. (lastp.)
LAND FOR SALE.
On the second Saturday in August next, will be exposed to sale, at public Auction, at John Anderson's Tavern, in the Town of New-Garden, SIX LOTS OF LAND, being parcels of a tract formerly held by Colonel Samuel Jourdan, which was lately divided by the subscriber, into several smaller tracts.
One fourth of the purchase money will be demanded on the delivery of the deed; the balance to be divided into two equal annual instalments, secured upon the property, by deed of trust.
June 6. JOHN ADAMS. (oawtdf.)
JUST RECEIVED,
AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER: An Extensive Assortment of GROCERIES—among which are the following articles:
Table with 2 columns: Article, Price. Includes: Muscovado sugar assorted, Tar; West-India Coffee, Thos. Leiper's Snuff; Antigua & Jamaica Rum, Macouba do; Country do, Havana Segars; Cognac & Peach Brandy, Salt Petre; Holland Gin, Brimstone, Madder, and Ground Ginger in small bags.
3,000 wt. SALT PETER & BACON, 1,000 wt. first quality N ENGLAND CHEESE, 10 gross BOTTLED CYDER, A few butts CLOVER SEED, 150 pieces PAPER HANGINGS; For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM.
Constantly for Hire—An Excellent Carriage and Horse—apply as above. May 27. eotf
RICHMOND ACADEMY LOTTERY.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the Trustees have appointed the 1st day of August next, for the payment of the Prizes drawn in the 2nd Class of the above LOTTERY, at which time they will be paid by the subscriber on application.
GEORGE TUCKER, Acting Trustee. (oawtdf.) June 20.
MARSHAL'S SALE.
Total sold, for ready money, under a decree of the court of the United States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, between Princess Bond, attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, plaintiff, and David Rofs and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 11,430 dols. 94 cts. due and payable on the 1st Jan. last, that valuable and well known estate in the county of Botetourt, called FORT LEWIS, fated by the said Rofs to contain 2608 acres.
THE sale will take place on the premises on Monday the 14th day of July next. This estate having been before advertised and the sale postponed, it is deemed necessary to apprise the public, that though the sales formerly announced were postponed, on account of payments received from the defendant Rofs, the sale advertised would have taken place but for a mistake in the advertisement.
The subscriber has no reason to suppose that the one now advertised will not take place, and if, contrary to his expectation, it should again be put off, the earliest public notice will be given, that those who are disposed to become purchasers, may not be put to any unnecessary trouble. BENJAMIN MOSBY, D.M. for JOSEPH SCOTT, M. V. D. May 30. tdf
NOTICE.
THE partnership of John Butler & Co. at Cartersville, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. The collection of all debts due to that concern, is committed entirely to William M'Kenzie the acting partner of William M'Kenzie & Co. and to him alone or to any one he may appoint is payment to be made. JOHN BUTLER, Wm. M'KENZIE & Co.
All persons indebted to the late concern of John Butler & Co. are requested to make payments to Mr. Robert Atkinson, as he alone I have authorised to grant discharges for the same. Wm. M'KENZIE. April 10. tf
FOR SALE,
TWO tracts of LAND, lying in the County of Fluvanna, one of them lying on Hardawere river, and within one & an half miles of James river, containing 385 acres, one on Caries creek, and within one mile of the north fork of James river, containing 363 acres. A further description is deemed unnecessary as it is presumed that no person will purchase without viewing the same, which will be shown by the subscriber living in Albemarle. WILLIAM MOON. June 20. (epst.)
JUST PUBLISHED,
By David Longworth, New-York, and for sale at the Enquirer Book-Store, THE ADVENTURES OF TELEMACUS, son of Ulysses; from the French of Fenelon, by the celebrated John Hawksworth, L. L. D. corrected and revised by G. Gregory, with a life of the author, and a complete index Historical and Geographical; embellished with engravings. Also—HUTCHINSON'S XENOPHON, HERMAN & DOROTHEA, &c. &c. &c.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
FOR SALE—on the lowest terms:
2500 TONS of LIVERPOOL SALT; and 90 crates of LIVERPOOL EARTHEN WARE of superior quality & well assorted, just arrived in the ship Merchant, Captain JOHNSON, from Liverpool, at Bermuda Hundred—OVERTON ANDERSON. tf. May 23.
PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the United States, on the following Post-Roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
6. From Washington City by Alexandria, Colchester and Dumfries, to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
APRIL 15 TO DECEMBER 1.
Leave Washington City every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 5 A. M.; leave Alexandria at 6 1/2 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 11 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 5 P. M. in 13 hours.
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15.
Leave Washington City every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 5 A. M.; leave Alexandria at 7 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 1 P. M.; leave Dumfries at 2 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 7 P. M.
APRIL 15 TO DECEMBER 1.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 9 A. M.; leave Dumfries at 10 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 12 M.; leave Alexandria at 1 P. M. and arrive at Washington by 5 P. M.
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15.
Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Richmond by 6 P. M.; leave Richmond every day, Sunday excepted, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 10 A. M.
RETURNING.
Leave Petersburg every day, save Sunday, at 2 P. M. & arrive at Richmond by 8 P. M.; leave Richmond every day, save Sunday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 8 P. M.
From Richmond to Fraziers, New-Kent c. n. Williamsburg, Yorktown and Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Hampton by 9 P. M. & at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 A. M.
RETURNING.
Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 P. M. & arrive at Richmond the next days by 8 P. M.
From Petersburg by Cabin-Point, Smithfield, Surry c. n. & Sleepy hole, to Portsmouth, three times a week.
Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Sleepy hole by 2 P. M.; leave Sleepy hole at 3 P. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 A. M.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 A. M. arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 A. M.; leave Sleepy hole at 10 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 3 P. M.
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15.
Leave Petersburg every Sunday, Tuesday & Thursday at 11 A. M. and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 P. M.
Leave Sleepy hole every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Portsmouth by 8 A. M.
RETURNING.
Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 P. M. & arrive at Sleepy hole by 7 P. M.
Leave Sleepy hole every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Petersburg by noon.
From Lynchburg by Bethell, Pedlar mills & Wincanton, to Lexington, once a week.
Leave Lynchburg every Saturday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Lexington every Sunday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Lynchburg by 6 P. M.
From Waterford by Snicker's gap, R. Braden's shore, J. Janny's store, Upperville and Israel Janny's mill, to Waterford, once a week.
Leave Waterford every Wednesday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Upperville by 6 P. M.
Leave Upperville every Thursday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Waterford by 6 P. M.
From Wythe c. n. by Tazewell c. n. Russell c. n. and Lee c. n. to Robinson's mills, once in two weeks.
Leave Wythe c. n. every other Thursday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Robinson's mills on Sunday by 6 P. M.
Leave Robinson's mills every other Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Wythe c. n. on Thursday by 6 P. M.
NOTES.
1. The Post-Master General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract, he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
2. Fifteen minutes shall be