The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1807-12-22 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 4.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1807.
[No. 67.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, 1804.
 Tobacco, ..... 44 to 5 C.  Wheat, new, ..... 1 00  Flour—superfine, new, 54 to 6 00  Fine, ..... 5 50  Corn, per barrel, ..... 3 to 4 00  Bacon, per lb. .... 16  Bar iron, per ton, ..... 110 to 120  Hemp, per ton, ..... 200 to 210  Whiskey, per gallon, ..... 54 
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms—About 500 wt. of BURGEIS, and 300 of BREWER. The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was printed.
JOHN SCUDDER , respectfully informs the Ladies & Gentlemen of Richmond, Manchester and their Vicinities, that his GRAND EXHIBITION is now open for the reception of Company, at the Eagle Tavern, Main Street, Richmond—Consisting of the Historical PANORAMA of the ever-memorable BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL , with a view of Charles River, the English Shipping, and Floating Batteries. Also, a view of COPPS HILL , in Boston, Massachusetts. Likewise, THE BOMBARDMENT OF TRIPOLI , by the United States Squadron of Frigates and Gun-Boats, under the command of the brave Commodore Edward Pellew ; with a view of the town, batteries and adjacent Country. The destruction of the Frigate PHILADELPHIA , in the Harbour of Tripoli, by that gallant Officer Captain Stephen Decatur , in the Ketch Intrepid , assisted by the Brig Siren . A most singular trait in the history of this Man, when 22 years of age, he being in the port of Havana, bathing in the water, was attacked by an enormous Shark, who seized him by the leg and tore it from his body, at the joint of the knee. The ship's boat was instantly sent to the unhappy man's relief, and arrived barely in time to rescue Mr. Watson, at the very moment when the shark was turning to attack him the second time; surgical aid was immediately administered; Mr. Watson recovered and some years after this truly miraculous escape, he was chosen Lord Mayor of the City of London.  Admission, from 8 in the morning till 9 in the evening. The Room will be well lighted every evening (Sunday excepted.)  Admittance, 50 cents—Children half price. N.B. This Painting contains 600 square feet of Canvas, and was executed by that eminent Italian Artist, P. Corney.  Dec. 19. [tff]
BY VIRTUE of a Deed of Trust from David Ross and Thomas Norvell to the Subscribers, bearing date the 4th day of December last, and of record in the Honorable the General Court of this Commonwealth; will be exposed to sale on Friday the 18th day of next month (December), before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, at public auction, for ready money, for the purpose in the said trust deeded mentioned, five tracts or parcels of LAND in the county of Fluvanna, adjoining each other, containing in the whole three thousand one hundred and eighty acres, be the same more or less, it being the same lands conveyed to the said David Ross by John Granberry and Susanna his wife, Littleton W. Tazewell and Ann S. his wife, and Michael W. Hancock. Also, one other Tract in the counties of Montgomery and Botetourt, called Fort Lewis, containing two thousand six hundred acres, be the same more or less.  WM. C. WILLIAMS, } Trustees. JOHN PROSSER, }  Richmond, Nov. 20.  The Sale of the above property is postponed by consent of the parties interested, until Wednesday the 22d instant, then to be sold before the door of the Eagle Tavern.  WM. C. WILLIAMS, JOHN PROSSER.  Dec. 19. [eptds.]
WILL BE SOLD , to the highest bidder, for ready money, in pursuance of a deed of trust executed by William H. Clarke, to the subscribers, for the purpose of securing to Charles El. the payment of a certain sum of money on the specified, one certain tract or parcel of LAND situated, being and lying in the county of Powhatan, and adjacent to the Buckingham road, containing one hundred and twenty-four acres of more or less, on Thursday the 31st day of next month, between the hours of 1 and 5 P.M.  JAS. GATES, Trustee.  Dec. 19. [eptds.]
FOR SALE , 121,000 acres of LAND in Kentucky, in the forks of Great Sandy River:   24,000 acres in Fauquier county, on the waters of Clinch River;  20,000 acres in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks;  1,000 acres in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat River.   Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments.  To RENT, a good House, on Shoccoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing good accommodation for a family.  THOS: NORVELL.  Dec. 19. [tff]
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD —Stolen with the Saddle-Bags of a Farmville Post-rider, two water proof Locks, belonging to a double-barreled gun; the cock of the right hand lock was broken off with the part of the tumbler with which it was connected; the upper jaw and screw of the left hand cock were wanting. The above reward will be given to any person delivering them at the office of the Enquirer, or furthering them to the subscriber—No questions asked.  THOS. ROBINSON.  Farmville, Prince-Edward, Dec. 19. [oaw3w]
TO BE SOLD , at Painville, in Amelia county, on Monday the 28th of December next, an extraordinary valuable BLACK-SMITH , belonging to the estate of Rich. Eggleston, dec'd, on a credit of six months; bond with approved security will be required of the purchaser.  BY THE EXECUTORS.  Oct. 14. [oaw10w]
LOAN OFFICE , State of Virginia, June 8, 1807.—Notice is hereby given—That I, conformity with the provisions of the act supplementary to the act, entitled, "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," looks will be opened at the office of the commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia, on the 1st day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. as may, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the said commissioner of loans.  Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice; and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above mentioned, but not reimbursable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as abovenoted,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the propriety of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot.  The present stock-holders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the U. States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par; in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day, on which the same would be payable in the United States, and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid.  JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans.
NOTE.   Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 649 62 of new six.  If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807, 644 37 —  between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 619 03 —  Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78 —  If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807, 853 62 —  between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 831 42 —  Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October, 1807, and 1st January, 1808, respectively.  Proprietors of 100 dollars three per cent. stock will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six.  J. P. COWLEY, L.L.D. (law9m.)  June 10. 
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Dec. 3.
Debate on the bill from the Senate authorizing the building of gun-boats and for the defence of ports and harbors.
(CONTINUED.)  Mr. Crowninshield said that he must answer the objection made by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, who had said that these boats could not live in rough water; Mr. C. said that gun-boats could be used in rough water; that engagements had taken place between hostile fleets, when the weather was so tempestuous that the lower tiers could not be used at all or but partially; and certainly these boats could act with effect within the mouths of rivers, and even beyond them.
As he had said before, whether gun-boats could or should be employed in the Chesapeake was a point on which gentlemen might differ; but it was his opinion, that with 50 gun-boats the fleet could be driven from the Chesapeake. There could be no ship of whatever metal but might be induced to cut her cable and retire at the approach of two gun-boats. Her anchor would not enable her to place herself in such a situation as she might wish; and two gun-boats placed under the bow of a ship, or in a protected situation, might induce that ship to cut her cable and go off. It was clear also that gun-boats could and did carry at least as heavy metal as ships of the line.
These boats had been used to advantage by the European powers. It was stated in the account of the late attack on Copenhagen, that the gun-boats went out and attacked the gun-brigs of the English fleet, and rendered essential service. France had been for some years engaged in collecting 3 or 4000 gun-boats for the invasion of the first military character of the age. The English government had dredged more than 3000 gun-boats, than they did all the combined fleets of Europe. These combined fleets if now collected in one immense fleet, could possibly be destroyed by the navy of G.B. at this time; not so with regard to these boats; for besides guns, these boats could transport an hundred thousand men. They all knew that the gun-boats at Algiers near Gibraltar, had, in moderate weather, resisted the strength and harassed the progress of the British fleet whenever it was out. He believed that Algiers too depended more upon her forty gun-boats than upon her whole piratical squadron for the defence of its city.
What was now proposed to the House? Not to employ these boats in the prosecution of an offensive war, for they were not in war; whatever might be said, they were yet in a re yet in a state of peace. These were for defence and for this purpose might render the most important services. What object would the gentleman obtain by striking out eighty-eight from the number of gun-boats? He might deprive some ports of their defence; and with the money which these 88 would cost,
they might build a ship of 44 guns, but could not send her to sea: this was a fact capable of demonstration. He hoped therefore the gentleman would not persist in the amendment he had offered. The sum of 400,000 dollars would be a mere nothing towards obtaining even a small fleet. It would take five or six millions to bring such an one into service. In favour of 44's or any other ships of war, this was not the way to get at his object, his proposition should be perfectly distinct from this. If he was in favour of a fleet he ought also to be in favour of gun-boats. Mr. C. would not, however, detain the committee any longer; he hoped they would agree to this bill entire and disencumbered by anything else than what it already contains. This is but a small part of a system of defence, said he, but as far as it goes, let us complete it.
Mr. Smith said, the question was whether they would appropriate a certain sum of money for the defence of their ports & harbors: he had not heard it said, and he hoped it never would be said, that they ought to defend themselves beyond their own shores. He confessed that he was now called upon to give his vote upon a question, to the decision of which he was not competent; but it being his duty to decide, he should, in this as on other subjects, with which he was not well acquainted, depend upon the opinions of those who were. He believed many gentlemen in the House were in the same situation with himself, not being acquainted with naval affairs. It was the duty of the executive to communicate information in answer to any enquiries which it was necessary to make. They had performed that duty, and the answers were in favor of gun-boats. Should he then pursue any opinion of his own in contradiction to this, when he had no evidence on which to support that opinion? Certainly not; he should depend upon those who possessed better information on the subject than himself, except there was something so absurd in their opinions that he could not swallow it.
For his own part, Mr. S. conceived that building frigates was not the proper mode of defending our ports and harbors, and he could not see, if they were to build frigates, why an enemy's frigates drawing the same depth of water and being so much more numerous than ours could be, could not come into our rivers, and capture them; whilst gun-boats could retire into shallow water from the pursuit of so superior a force. He hoped they should never go beyond their coasts to contend with the nation with which they were now at difference, so as to have occasion for large ships of war; gun-boats lying in our waters would render services, and if pressed by a superior force, could retreat.
He hoped that the sea was not the theatre on which they meant to defend themselves; he would venture to prophesy, were that to be the scene of contest, that all their ships would soon swell the navy of the enemy; and he did believe that the system of defence proposed was at least as suitable to answer its intended purpose as any other.
Mr. Chandler said, when they had information from actual examination, that the contemplated number of gun-boats would be necessary, he did believe that the proposed sum should be appropriated to that object. The gentleman from Pennsylvania who moved this amendment, professed himself as willing to protect our ports and harbors as any gentleman, but wished to strike out part of the number of gun-boats, in order to adopt another mode of defence. Admitting that a frigate could be built for the sum which would complete 88 gun-boats; could he demonstrate that the force of 44 guns would be equal to 88 of heavier metal? Another thing he would mention; when they had constructed 88 gun-boats, a part of them might be removed, & they could increase or diminish the force at any particular place as occasion might require; if they had one frigate in place of them, they could not divide her strength, and it could be retained at one point only.
Mr. Newton said it was not his intention to take up the time of the committee in a disquisition on the subject of gun-boats; though were he to attempt it, he had no doubt but he might be equally qualified with some gentlemen who had displayed their eloquence on this occasion. He thought they should now take into consideration the situation of this country in relation to Great Britain. Why were they now talking of defence, of fortifications, and of gun-boats? Because they had arrived at a perilous crisis; the nation had been attacked; the blood of its citizens had been spilt, and they must have war, if reparation were not made. They heard by the papers that a minister was to be sent to negotiate on this subject; but when that minister arrived here, would any gentleman say that they would receive that reparation which he was prepared to offer? He believed not. When our affairs were thus situated, and as the gentleman from N. Carolina (Mr. Macon) said a few days ago, when they were actually in a state of war, ought they not to make a better use of their time and the public money than in debating on the details of a bill? If a treaty with G. Britain were laid upon their table at this moment, should they for that reason desist from preparations for defence? No; that nation had trampled on every moral principle; there was no faith in her; paper and parchments were no security for her good conduct. If they wished to be respected by that power, they must place themselves in a situation to return injury for injury, to retaliate on her for the violations of their rights. When they did this, they might expect something like decency of conduct or respect for their rights from that power; until they put themselves in a situation to command her respect, they would expect in vain to receive it.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania, who had made the motion for striking out the number 88, had assigned his reasons for it, and his principal reason was, that it was necessary to apply the money which would thus be saved to the building of ships of war. Mr. N. would agree with that gentleman to build ships of war, but did not wish to involve it with other objects; he did not wish to make this bill a hotch-potch; he wished to let each species of defence stand on its own ground. Were the House to adopt a law authorizing the erection of frigates, it would take years to complete them; if however, they authorised the erection of gun-boats, they could be
built in the course of 6 or 12 months, and would afford immediate protection to all our ports, which was the object they now wished to accomplish. He knew a number of gentlemen who were formerly greatly opposed to this mode of defence; but no sooner was the carriage on the Chesapeake committed, than they embraced the opinion in favor of their utility, and were convinced that the country could not adopt a better mode. What were these gun-boats contemplated by the bill? They were vessels that could carry heavy metal, 32 pounders; they were indeed moveable fortifications. If a vessel were to pass a fortification, and a number of gun-boats were to pursue her; they would ultimately force that vessel to surrender. Suppose, said he, there were an enemy's fleet upon our coast, and they were to understand, that we had a number of gun-boats prepared for their reception, would that fleet come within our waters? No. The reason was evident; they knew that our gun-boats would make riddles of their vessels; because in those situations gun-boats could act where large vessels could not turn round to defend themselves. Mr. N. had understood from naval officers of very great skill, that if a number of well-constructed gun-boats were to be placed under their command, they would risk their reputation from entering our waters; and he doubted not, from the known character of the naval officer at Norfolk, as well as other officers in our service, but that they would prove the efficacy of that means of defence, whenever an opportunity offered.
When our naval force was employed at Tripoli, where that gentleman who was now no more so conspicuously distinguished himself, did he place entire reliance upon his ships of war? No. Did he not procure gun-boats, & from their assistance did he not make considerable impression upon that power? He did so; and it was confessed by the power itself on whom the attack was made.
There was one object, Mr. N. said, which should certainly be considered by the House: it was this; that if they did go to war with Great-Britain they could not carry on an intercourse from one part of the U. S. to the other by sea, because the enemy being in undoubted possession of the ocean, our vessels could not venture out. This communication must be carried on by inland navigation; and if any gentleman would examine the map of the U. S. he would find that a canal which would connect the waters of N. Carolina with those of Chesapeake bay, was almost completed, as well as other canals, which would suffice for the transportation of the produce of one part of the country to the other. Now if they did not keep the Chesapeake clear of privateers, they would totally deprive the people of even this mode of conveyance. This was certainly an object of considerable importance.
Mr. N. concluded by saying, that convinced as he was, that the mode of defence by gun-boats would be of great benefit to the people on the sea coast, and might prevent their Houses from being battered about their ears, he should be decidedly opposed to the amendment proposed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Mr. Gardener said, that although he was not one of those who entertained a great passion for gun-boats, yet he could see certain situations in which they would be useful in aid of fortifications; but they should be restricted to a certain number. The mode of fortification which was proposed was by gun-boats and batteries; and the proportionate expenditure for these two objects, how much for one, and how much for the other, was a subject which would engage the attention of the House when it came properly before them. He should feel no objection to vote for the whole number of gun-boats, were he certain at the same time that enough would be appropriated for land batteries and other objects.
Mr. G. thought the first thing to be considered was the end to be accomplished; and afterwards the means to accomplish that end. Instead of this he had perceived a disposition in certain gentlemen to enquire first what were our means, and to determine from their extent what might be done. The country from which he came, notwithstanding the favorite theory of gun-boats, would be better satisfied with permanent substantial fortifications; other places might be better defended by gun-boats, and he had no objection that they should be allotted to those places.
It seemed that a certain sum had been set apart for gun-boats, and a certain sum for fortifications, the two making a sum total for defence & protection against foreign powers. If a certain circumcribed sum only were to be appropriated; if the Treasury could spare but a certain limited sum, and part of that sum was to be appropriated to each part of the system, he should be in favour of reducing the number of gun-boats, that more money might be applied to fortifications. Upon the whole, however, he thought they might go into a committee of the whole on the other bill for fortifications; and they could then determine whether both objects could be fully accomplished. If both could be accomplished, having no objection to a sufficient number of gun-boats, he should be satisfied; if not, he should wish to take from gun-boats and add to the fortifications. Under these impressions, he should vote against the amendment at present.
The motion for striking out the words "and eighty-eight," was then negatived—Ayes 21.
The bill from the Senate being gone thro' the committee took up for consideration the bill supplementary to an act for erecting fortifications and building gun-boats, reported by the committee of aggressions. The first section being read.
Mr. Blount said, that in order to give power to the President of the U. S. to authorise the erection of works other than such as might be denominated fortifications, in case the assent of the legislature of the state of N. Y. should be given for that purpose, it was necessary to make an alteration in the bill. He moved to amend it so as to strike out the word "other," and insert the words "other works."
Mr. Quincy would merely ask the Chairman of the committee of aggressions to explain what species of works was intended to be embraced by this amendment.
Mr. Blount said, the works contemplated were the placing obstructions in the channel of the river. It was understood by the committee that the people of New-York very generally agreed, that it might be necessary for the more effectual protection of the city, that certain obstructions should be placed in their waters, such as sinking blocks in the river. The committee also understood, that the President of the U. S. would not, without the consent of the Legislature of New-York, agree to place any obstructions in their waters. The amendment proposed was intended to give him the power to do it if the legislature should think fit to give their consent; and when it was necessary to fill the blank in the bill, Mr. B. said he should add to the sum reported on a former occasion, as much as would be sufficient to meet that object.
Mr. Masters said, if the amendment of the gentleman from N. Carolina, (Mr. Blount) had for its object to authorise the President to dam up Hudson river by sinking blocks, he trusted the good sense of the committee would reject such a preposterous proposition. The injurious consequences of such an experimental measure to the city of New-York & the state at large, would be beyond calculation. It would in all human probability inundate, in high freshes, a considerable part of the town; and in low water in the summer season to prevent the influx of water as to cause the tide to recede more than thirty miles, and ruin a number of most flourishing towns one hundred and seventy miles up the river. The effects would be ruinous to one of the finest rivers in the world. It was a fact well known that sinking the piers of Westminster bridge in the river Thames caused the tide to recede in that river upwards of seven miles; taking the same data for calculation, and the tide in Hudson river would recede more than fifty miles. This, said Mr. M. is a visionary scheme to evade the real object of defence, and to introduce false notions of economy. Whenever we attempt to make appropriations for permanent forts and batteries, expense and economy are brought forward as an objection. The objects of necessary defence & a prudent, well regulated economy can be easily reconciled; but your plausible and popular sound of economy, which is always the sweeping argument when this and similar measures are under consideration, is like a fine net, which is intended to catch every thing both great and small. It may serve for a fine fancy to fill up a speech with; but will not answer for fortifications. It will endanger the nation by keeping us defenceless and weak, tempt success, and invite the destruction of our seaport towns. Where then will be your economy?
It will be more for the advantage of New-York not to have any appropriation; even to have the city laid under contribution rather than have their harbor destroyed. The disadvantages of natural obstruction, by sand bars in many rivers and harbors, both in Europe and America, are so obvious to the most common capacity, as to be conclusive against making artificial ones. What is called a good harbor? Is it not depth of water to admit the free passage of a ship of any size with good anchoring ground and landlocked. New-York has every natural advantage which it is our duty to protect, and not destroy. How often have the citizens of New-York humbled themselves by petitions, and how often have they dropped and hung their heads with disappointment. Shall we now tell them that the general government has concluded to defend them by making a dam across the channel. For God's sake, let us lay aside these doctrines and chimerical schemes, and adopt some rational system, and persevere in it. It is of the most essential concern to that city; it is a measure of the highest importance to the nation. Some gentlemen say, New-York cannot be fortified, from its situation. I have been informed by those who are venerated for their age, men venerated for their talents, & military skill, men almost adored and venerated for their military and political services, that N. York is capable of being defended against the attack of the most powerful force, by forts and batteries aided by block ships, and ships of war. Tell us then candidly and plainly, will you protect and defend us, or will you not?
Mr. Blount said, that the gentleman from New-York had worked himself into a considerable ferment on this occasion. If he had attended to what had been said just now, he would have understood that the President of the United States had determined to place no obstruction whatever in their waters, except the assent of the Legislature of New-York should be previously given. It was thought proper that an appropriation should be made to meet this purpose if that assent should be given. The gentleman certainly knew that an opinion was prevalent in New-York, that by placing obstructions which would tend to destroy the navigation of the river, a better protection would be afforded than by any fortifications whatever; and that millions of dollars might be spent, would not be sufficient for completing fortifications on land, which would afford as effectual protection as that mode. He could assure that gentleman that he had now before him three different estimates of the expence of placing these obstructions in three different places in that river; as well as soundings which had been taken for that purpose by Capt. Chauncy of the United States' Navy. The gentleman might also rest assured, that if the legislature of New-York should choose to authorise this measure, it would not totally block up the channel as he had supposed.
Mr. Quincy said, he would only ask the gentleman from North-Carolina as to his precise meaning in inserting the word "works." This word was perhaps in common life confined to constructions other than fortifications, he believed however it might include fortifications also. When he had asked the question as to the species of works contemplated to be erected, he had no conception that it was possible under an expression of this kind, to comprehend the sinking of blocks to choke up the harbor of New-York, for he had thought the erection of works was putting up, whilst sinking blocks was putting down. He had, however, a different object in rising. He had understood it to be the intention of this bill not only to authorise the repair of old fortifications, but the erection of new ones; and the bill as it stood antecedent to the gentleman's amendment might have been com-
Mr. Blount said, that the amendment proposed was intended to give him the power to do it if the legislature should think fit to give their consent; and when it was necessary to fill the blank in the bill, Mr. B. said he should add to the sum reported on a former occasion, as much as would be sufficient to meet that object.
Mr. Masters said, if the amendment of the gentleman from N. Carolina, (Mr. Blount) had for its object to authorise the President to dam up Hudson river by sinking blocks, he trusted the good sense of the committee would reject such a preposterous proposition. The injurious consequences of such an experimental measure to the city of New-York & the state at large, would be beyond calculation. It would in all human probability inundate, in high freshes, a considerable part of the town; and in low water in the summer season to prevent the influx of water as to cause the tide to recede more than thirty miles, and ruin a number of most flourishing towns one hundred and seventy miles up the river. The effects would be ruinous to one of the finest rivers in the world. It was a fact well known that sinking the piers of Westminster bridge in the river Thames caused the tide to recede in that river upwards of seven miles; taking the same data for calculation, and the tide in Hudson river would recede more than fifty miles. This, said Mr. M. is a visionary scheme to evade the real object of defence, and to introduce false notions of economy. Whenever we attempt to make appropriations for permanent forts and batteries, expense and economy are brought forward as an objection. The objects of necessary defence & a prudent, well regulated economy can be easily reconciled; but your plausible and popular sound of economy, which is always the sweeping argument when this and similar measures are under consideration, is like a fine net, which is intended to catch every thing both great and small. It may serve for a fine fancy to fill up a speech with; but will not answer for fortifications. It will endanger the nation by keeping us defenceless and weak, tempt success, and invite the destruction of our seaport towns. Where then will be your economy?

petent to that end. Now, as the gentleman had amended it, it would imply works different from fortifications as he understood. If indeed it were the real object of the gentleman to repair old fortifications only, and not to erect new ones, the bill would now answer his purpose fully. If it were otherwise, he conceived the language was not correct. Mr. Blount said, he felt very little solicitude as to the fate of his motion. His intention was to give a greater latitude to the discretion of the President. He would not however undertake to dispute with the gentleman from Massachusetts on the precise meaning of words; for he had not spent his early life within the walls of a College as that gentleman had, but in the field fighting for the liberties of his country. Under the belief that the word works did include fortifications, he had made his motion for amendment. It was the intention of the committee both to erect new works and to repair old ones. If the gentlemen from New-York and Massachusetts were determined to restrain the President from giving that protection to the port of New-York which the people of that state should think proper, he was content. He did not wish to waste the time of the House unnecessarily, especially on a subject which required so much expedition.
Mr. Cook said he lived in a port in which there was sufficient depth of water for any British man of war, and he thought he should feel as indignant at any proposition for destroying the harbor as the gentleman from New-York. He hoped the feelings of other gentlemen in the House would be in unison with his. If they were arrived at such a point of degradation, that in case of attack, they must retreat to or beyond the mountains, and if instead of defending they must abandon the coast to its fate, they had better adopt this measure, and block up their ports altogether. After such a proposition as this, he should not be surprised at any one which could be made; it appeared to him that the spirit of our forefathers was departing the country. He was alarmed when he heard such a proposition as this, and he hoped there would be sufficient unanimity in the House to give the amendment a decided negative.
Mr. Chandler said this proposition had its origin in a memorial from the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city of New-York; and that those works were not contemplated to be erected, except with the consent of the legislature of the state.
Mr. Blount said the gentleman from Massachusetts had pretended to understand the proposition to have for its object the stopping up the harbor of New-York; he said pretended , because it would be but a poor compliment to the gentleman's understanding to suppose that he really thought such a proposition would ever be made on this floor. The water at the mouth of the river Hudson was 90 feet in depth; it was contemplated to sink piers in the river, and to extend immense chains from pier to pier, which were to be connected by locks, so that they could be at times unlocked. This could not be a new project to the gentleman who appeared so much alarmed at it. He had a plan now before him, which he did not obtain from the President of the U. S. in which a course was delineated for a chain of blocks, and which would not obstruct the tide, so as to produce shoals in the North river. There seemed to be many different opinions on the subject among the citizens of New-York; in consequence of which the President had determined not to attempt any measure of this kind without the consent of the legislature of New-York, who it was expected would discuss the subject at an early day.
Mr. Thomas said, that he thought it very proper to make this amendment, so as to embrace the plan of sinking blocks in the harbor of New-York. He considered that the Executive or the secretary of war, had acted correctly in recommending to the chairman of the committee to have this statute given in the specification of the objects of this appropriation. It was a truth, Mr. T. said, that the corporation of the city of New-York had recommended that mode of defence, and the persons composing that body ought certainly to be supposed, to be more competent judges of the best mode of defending that city, or at least they were better able to judge whether this mode of shallowing the channel, so as not to admit large ships of war to approach the city, would materially injure the commerce of that place, than any other class of citizens; they were certainly more immediately interested than any other. And since the corporation of that city had adopted the plan of sinking blocks in the channel, as part of the system of defence, and submitted that proposition to the President, it was undoubtedly proper in the House to allow that object to be embraced in the appropriation.
Mr. T. could not see that any alarm ought to be excited by this. The secretary of war, he understood, had wrote to the governor of that state on the subject. The determination would be submitted to the legislature. If they withheld their assent, by refusing to make the cession, the thing was at an end, but at this stage of the business, he conceived it was the duty of that House to give such a latitude to the objects of the appropriation, as to embrace that mode of defence, if it should be ultimately adopted. Mr. T. said it was a mode of which he did not know that he should himself approve; but he confessed he was not a competent judge, and therefore wished the subject to be so left that it could be adopted or not by the President and constituted authorities of the state of New-York, as the consent of both would be necessary before it could be carried into effect.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) appeared to ridicule the idea of choking up the harbor of New-York, as he had called it; but he would repeat to that gentleman, that the corporation of that very city had recommended this plan of defence. A corporation too, a majority of whom, at least, coincided with him (Mr. Q.) in political sentiment.
Mr. Upham observed, that although he was not disposed to quibble on words, he really thought by the amendment proposed to the bill, the idea of erecting new fortifications, was totally excluded. He wished the language of the bill should be so expressed as to give the President power to erect new as well as to repair old fortifications.
Mr. Blount modified his amendment so as to read "other fortifications and works."
(Debate to be continued.)
SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
DECEMBER 14.
Mr. Adams presented a memorial of the merchants and others of the town of Boston, praying "some modification, suspension or repeal of the act entitled 'An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise,' passed the 18th day of April, 1806, so as to conform it to the existing circumstances of the United States."
Ordered, That the memorial be referred to Mr. Smith of Maryland, Mr. Adams, Mr. Sneyd, Mr. Gregg and Mr. Gilman, to consider and report thereon.
On motion to refer the memorial of the merchants and others, of the city of Philadelphia, presented on the 27th of November last to the same committee, it was, after debate, determined in the affirmative—Yeas 16—Nays 13, as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Bradley, Crawford, Condit, Goodrich, Gregg, Hillhouse, Howland, McLean, Middlesex, Pickering, Smith, N. Y. Sumner, Turner and White.
NAYS—Messrs. Gaillard, Gilman, Kitchen, Milledge, Mitchell, Moore, Parker, Pope, Robinson, Smith, of Maryland, Smith of Tenn. Thruston & Tiffey.
The bill fixing the military peace establishment of the U. S. was read a second time, amended, and ordered to a third reading.
DECEMBER 15. Mr. Bradley offered the following resolution, which was agreed to and referred to Messrs. Bradley, Anderson and Gregg:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any and what further provisions are necessary, in addition to and alteration of an act, entitled "An act to establish the Judicial Courts of the U. States."
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, Dec. 14. The long expected schooner Revenge , capt. Read, arrived at this port on Saturday evening, from England and France, with dispatches of the highest importance, from Mr. Munroe, our Minister at London, and Mr. Armstrong our minister at Paris.
She sailed from England the 16th of October, and from Cherbourg, in France, on the 9th of Nov.
Of the nature of the dispatches, we have no other information, than that they are of the utmost importance. Dr. Bullus, who is the bearer of them (and who went out in the Revenge ) hastened on to the seat of government with all possible speed. He reached town in a hired boat several hours before the Revenge got up.
We are informed by the officers of the Revenge , that Bonaparte had declared to Mr. Armstrong, our Minister at Paris, That there should be No Neutrals!
This is a fact. We have no comments to make.
Our London papers by the ship Brutus , capt. Prendergast, who arrived on Saturday evening 27 days from Liverpool, are to the 12th ult. The extracts from them given in the New-York Gazette of this day will be found highly interesting. It will be seen that the Statira frigate sailed from Lymington for America, with Mr. Rose on board, the 9th of last month. He has probably, ere this, arrived in the Chesapeake, where the frigate was bound. Mr. Munroe was still in England, but it was expected he would sail about the time the Brutus left Liverpool.
Price of Stocks at London, Nov. 11, noon. Consols 63 7-8—Reduced 62 1-4—Omnium 1-8 premium.
American Flour 35s. to 38s. In consequence of Denmark having declared war against Great-Britain, the latter has granted Letters of Marque and general reprisals against Denmark. The official order is dated the 4th of Nov.
General reprisals were also granted against the ports of Tuscany, the kingdom of Naples, the port and territory of Ragusa, the Republic of the Seven Islands, and other ports and places in the Mediterranean and Adriatic seas; which are occupied by the army of France and her allies.
LONDON, Nov. 8. Yesterday a considerable number of letters reached town from Gibraltar, Lisbon, and Oporto. We have seen one from an highly respectable authority, in which it is mentioned, that Lucien Bonaparte had been recalled from his retirement at Rome, and had arrived at Paris, where he experienced the most favorable reception from Napoleon. It is well known that Napoleon offered him the crown of Portugal two years ago, and it is highly probable, that the present reconciliation and visit to Paris, is connected with a similar offer.
Yesterday a considerable number of letters were received at the post office, from Monte Video, brought to Portsmouth by the Union frigate; and Naiad , British Queen , and Elizabeth transports; they left the river Plata on the 8th Aug. in company with the Thistle , and 13 other transports, having 2000 troops on board, and parted from them on the 20th ult. off the Western Islands. Gen. Whitelock had, at the time of their sailing, embarked on board the Medusa frigate for England, and his regiment, the 89th, had sailed for the East-Indies. Every arrangement had been made for the evacuation of Monte Video on the 7th Sept. agreeably to the articles of Capitulation. Brigadier-general Lumley, and capt. Roche, his Aid-de-camp, came home in the Union .
The Cesar of 80 guns, London of 98, and Conqueror of 74, with the Raleigh sloop of war, and several small vessels which sailed from Torbay on the 15th ult. under the orders of Sir R. Strachan, have proceeded to Lisbon.
It is reported that Lord Gambier will have the command of the secret Expedition now fitting out at Plymouth; and that Sir R. Bopham will be captain of the fleet. The last mentioned officer, it was rumoured last night to join the Admiral's flag ship.
Lord Gardner, it is said, is about to resign the command of the Channel fleet, for the admiralty, in which case Sir J. T. Duckworth succeeds to the command of the Channel fleet. His lordship continued windbound in Torbay, on Thursday, with twelve sail of the line.
We are strongly inclined to question the truth of the report, which has prevailed for some days, of our troops having been withdrawn from Egypt. We rather believe that the late detachments from Gibraltar were intended to enable our army at Alexandria to open a communication with the Bey's, who are disposed to declare in our favour as soon as they find us in a situation to protect them in their revolt.
Sir Samuel Hood, with three British and three Danish ships of the line, arrived in the Downs on Friday.
Sir Sidney Smith has left town to take the command of the secret expedition with which he is entrusted. He will hoist his flag on board the Pompee , and his force will consist of six sail of the line and 5000 military.
Letters from St. Petersburg, of the 6th ult. mention the important circumstances, that Lord Leveson Gower had directed Sir Stephen Shallop to acquaint the British merchants residing in the Russian ports in the Baltic, that, in reply to a proposal of his, count Romanzoff had informed him, "that he must decline, under the existing circumstances, to enter into any negotiation for a renewal of the treaty of commerce with G. B."
The object of Mr. ROSE'S MISSION we are given to understand, is to propose to A-
merican commerce a new treaty, on the basis of our own navigation law in favor of America, and permitting her to trade unrestrictedly in the produce of our W. India Islands.
Nov. 10. We feel great pleasure in announcing to the public the safe arrival of the homeward bound India fleet, under convoy of the Africa , of 64 guns. They passed Portsmouth last night, and we have no doubt reached the Downs early this morning. The fleet left St. Helena on the 3d of Sept.
General Whitelock was on Monday last put under an arrest, preparatory to his trial by a court martial. The charges will be preferred against him by Sir Samuel Achmuty. They are seventeen.
The ships of the line going upon the secret expedition are all in readiness for sailing. They are at Plymouth. The light infantry of the German Legion commenced their march from Deal on Monday last from Portsmouth, where it is supposed, they embark to proceed to Plymouth.
November 11. Bonaparte's Blockade. —We stated yesterday, that a proclamation will be immediately signed by his majesty, declaring France and every other country under her control and influence, in a state of siege, prohibiting all intercourse with her or them, and forbidding all ships to enter her or their harbors, except such as have cleared last from a port in Great-Britain, or a port in the colonies belonging to Great-Britain. This is the strong measure which the present chancellor of the Exchequer frequently urged during the late administration, as absolutely necessary to meet Bonaparte's blocking decree. We may therefore presume, that if it did not appear to some of his coadjutors as a measure of doubtful policy, it would have been long since adopted. It will, no doubt, cut off France from all intercourse with three quarters of the globe, and prevent her from receiving any of the commodities or produce of Asia, Africa and America. The only objection to the measure, is the consequent injury to our trade—but this objection is treated, in the treasury journals, as a mere chimera. "Our trade," they say, "would suffer indeed, if the articles in which we deal, if our own productions, and the produce of our colonies, were mere luxuries which nations might dispense with. But is that the fact? Are not the productions of the colonies absolutely necessary to the continent? Can Bonaparte prevent the continent from having them? Can any decree he can issue, induce the people of the continent to dispense with the use of sugar, of coffee, of cotton, of linen, of indigo, of logwood, of drugs, of hardware, and a variety of other articles? He may render the introduction of them more difficult, and the circulation of them more circuitous, but still they will reach every part of the continent. But it may be said, if the continent will not dispense with the use of sugar, of coffee, of cotton, of indigo, of logwood, &c. where is the great necessity for this measure? Because neutral nations know that these articles, the produce of our colonies, are liable to seizure and confiscation in the enemy's ports—they therefore purchase them in the colonies of the enemy, and the enemy are thus supplied with them, not by the British ships nor by the British colonies, but by American ships & by French and Spanish colonies. But if we interdict that trade, if we say that no ship shall convey to a French port any colonial production but our own, we shall then oblige the continent to take them from us, the continent not being able, as we have already stated, to do without them."
Now all this may be very fine logic, but we fear it is not fact. The inferences may be true, but unfortunately the premises are false. In the first place, the productions of our colonies are not all articles absolutely necessary to the continent; and in the next place, if their circulation upon the continent be rendered more difficult and circuitous, they cannot circulate to the same extent, and with the same facility, after, as before the restraints. It follows therefore, that the consumption will be less—but we trust the reduction will not be so great as the enemy expects. It is we fear, too much to attempt to prove, that our trade will not suffer at all.
Globe. His majesty is expected in town, this day to hold a private Levee at Privy Council to see the Queen's Palace.
At two o'clock, yesterday afternoon, a Cabinet Council assembled at the Foreign Office. Their deliberations lasted until half after four. The members present were—the lord chancellor, earls Westmoreland and Camden, lords Hawkesbury and Mulgrave, and the chancellor of the Exchequer. Earl Bathurst was admitted to the conference; from which it may be drawn, that it related to the rumored project of a general blockade, as the noble lord is at the head of the board of trade. After the council broke up, Mr. Wilberforce had an audience of the Cabinet ministers.
Mr. G. H. Rose, who is charged with a particular mission to the government of the U. States, sailed on Monday, (the 9th) from Leymouth, in the Statira frigate, for the Chesapeake.
NEW-YORK, Dec. 12.
Capt. Henshaw, arrived last night in 40 days from Cadiz, informs, that the French and Spanish fleets, consisting of eleven sail of the line and three frigates, were still lying at Cadiz, and making preparations for sea. Nine sail of British men of war were blockading the port.
DOMESTIC.
The United States' schooner Revenge arrived at New-York on Saturday last, in 19 days from Brest.
During her passage she experienced very heavy weather, and was obliged to heave all her guns overboard. The captain was twice washed into the sea. Dr. Bullus, the surgeon to the Chesapeake , who came home in the Revenge , is the bearer of dispatches to our Government. He arrived in town yesterday at 11 o'clock.
Yesterday morning about 8 o'clock, the French ship Patriot , of 74 guns, which has been in Hampton Roads for a few days, got under weigh and proceeded with a favourable wind to sea. The British men of war have not been seen off our coast for three or four days. Herald .
To Captain Edward Howe.
SIR, I cannot leave Norfolk without expressing to you my perfect satisfaction with your conduct in our passage from London to this port, in the ship Augustus under your command. It was impossible for any one to have been more kind and attentive to my family and myself than you were; our accommodations were excellent, the provisions for the voyage of the best kind & abundant & your skill & activity in the command of your ship were such as inspired confidence & actually secured us a very short passage. Accept my best wishes for your welfare, and be assured of the esteem with which I am your very obedient servant.
JAMES MONROE. Norfolk, December 1807.
Arrived, the U. S. sch'r Revenge , Read, 38 days from Cherbourg, and 27 days from the land with dispatches from our ministers in England and France. There had been an embargo at Cherbourg, for 6 weeks, in consequence of the fitting out a frigate and brig, which had not yet sailed. Left at Cherbourg brig Corn , Folger of Boston; brig William , of Norfolk; ship Victor , of Portsmouth, from N. York, 17 under seizure for having been in England. The brig Apollo , capt. Vaughan, of Boston, sailed under convoy of the Revenge , by special permission, having on board Mr. Boudouine, American minister at the court of Madrid, with his family and suite. Dr. Bullus, who is the bearer of dispatches has proceeded for Washington. The Revenge has suffered in the late gales on the coast very severely, and has come here almost a wreck. On the 27th ult. her guns were thrown overboard, to save the vessel and lives.
BALTIMORE, Dec. 14. Extract of a letter to the Editors of the Evening Post, dated ANNAPOLIS, Dec. 12, 1807. Yesterday an elegant entertainment was given to General James Wilkinson, by the Executive, a majority of both houses of the legislature, and a number of Republican inhabitants of Annapolis, expressive of their approbation of his conduct.
WAR DEPARTMENT, December 2nd, 1807.
SIR, I have the honor in compliance to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 27th ult. to transmit herewith a statement of the respective number of officers, non-commissioned officers and soldiers, composing the army of the United States, noting the number wanting to complete the present establishment.
I beg leave also to state that in addition to the directions given in July last, letters were written on the 22nd day of Oct. ult. to each of the governors, of the several states of whom no reports had been received, urging the necessity, of forwarding to this department with as little delay as possible, the muster-rolls and inspection returns of their respective quotas of one hundred thousand militia. A small proportion of the returns however have yet been received: And, as the governors were generally authorised by the President of the United States to accept, as a part of their respective quotas, such volunteer corps as may offer their services, in conformity to the act of Congress of the 24th of Feb. last, the Secretary at war will not possess the necessary documents for forming the statement, directed to be laid before the house, by their resolution of the same date as the former, until he shall receive the returns before mentioned.
There is reason however to expect, that they will generally be in his possession within a short time, as it appears as far as answers have been received from the governors to the letters addressed to them as above stated, that every exertion has been made, on their part, to have the returns completed and forwarded.
I have the honour to be, Very respectfully, sir, H. DEARBORN.
To the honorable The Speaker of the House of Representatives.
A statement of the respective numbers of officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers, composing the army of the United States, agreeably to the act fixing the military peace establishment, passed March 16, 1802, and to several acts in addition thereto.
General and other staff—1 Brigadier general, 1 aid de-camp, taken from the line, 1 adjutant and inspector, do. 1 paymaster of the army, 3 military agents, 27 assistant military agents taken from the line, 7 paymasters of districts, do. 2 assistant paymasters, do. 2 surgeons, 1 wanting, 31 surgeons mates, 4 wanting.
One Regiment of Artillerists—1 colonel, 1 lieutenant colonel, 4 majors, 1 adjutant, taken from the line, 20 captains, 20 first lieutenants, 40 cadets, 11 wanting, 2 teachers of music, 80 corporals, 80 musicians, 160 artificers, 1,120 privates.
Two regiments of Infantry—2 colonels, 2 lieutenant colonels, 2 majors, 2 adjutants, taken from the line, 20 captains, 20 first lieutenants, 20 second lieutenants, 20 ensigns, 4 teachers of music, 2 sergeant-majors, 80 serjeants, 80 corporals, 80 musicians, 1,280 privates.
NOTE. It appears from the latest returns, that about two hundred privates are wanted to complete the establishment. It is believed, however, although not accurately known, that the number of recruits at the different rendezvous, is nearly sufficient to supply the deficiency.
Corps of engineers at present consists of 1 lieutenant colonel, 1 major, 3 captains, 3 first lieutenants, 4 second lieutenants, 6 cadets, 1 teacher of French language, 1 do. of drawing, 1 corporal, 18 privates.
H. DEARBORN. WAR DEPARTMENT, December 2d, 1807.
NORFOLK, December 17. Yesterday morning about 8 o'clock, the French ship Patriot , of 74 guns, which has been in Hampton Roads for a few days, got under weigh and proceeded with a favourable wind to sea. The British men of war have not been seen off our coast for three or four days. Herald .
To Captain Edward Howe.
SIR, I cannot leave Norfolk without expressing to you my perfect satisfaction with your conduct in our passage from London to this port, in the ship Augustus under your command. It was impossible for any one to have been more kind and attentive to my family and myself than you were; our accommodations were excellent, the provisions for the voyage of the best kind & abundant & your skill & activity in the command of your ship were such as inspired confidence & actually secured us a very short passage. Accept my best wishes for your welfare, and be assured of the esteem with which I am your very obedient servant.
JAMES MONROE. Norfolk, December 1807.
KNOXVILLE, (Tenn.) Nov. 11. The following remarks and resolutions were read in the House of Representatives of this state, on Saturday last, and unanimously adopted.
WHEREAS the primary intention and object of every civil association, is the attainment of the greatest possible security and happiness to the community, and to each member thereof, which is to be effected not only by the exercise of the collected wisdom and strength of the association in erecting barriers against the encroachments of external power, but by continued watchfulness in suppressing domestic ambition—by repeated improvements in policy and government—in ameliorating the condition of its members, and securing the better administration of the laws.
And whereas in a republican government the following principles ought to remain inviolate, and every obstruction to their efficacy to be removed.
That the people have a right to be governed in such manner as a majority, from time to time, shall desire—that they have a right to all the advantage arising from experience, in abolishing or amending the laws or in changing their officers. That they enjoy the right of examining the conduct, integrity and capacity of those to whose charge is committed the administration of justice, and of removing at pleasure, or at stated times limited by law, officers in whom their confidence may be impaired, without being liable to be called upon before any tribunal to assign their reason for so doing, and of choosing others in their room, in whose hands they conceive their interests will be more secure.
That a decent respect is due to the will of the majority of the people, when declared by their representatives chosen for that purpose—that the operation of any other principle will excite discontent and jealousy, that form of government which cramps their will and prevents the immediate redress of an evil.
That the officers of every branch of the government ought to be equally amenable to the censure and controul of the people, when circumstances beget a well grounded suspicion of their integrity or ability.
Therefore Resolved, That it is the sense of this Legislature that the absolute tenure of the office of judge, under the constitution of the United States, until conviction according to the strict rules of the common law, and removal by impeachment, is contrary to the interest of a free people, and the genius of a representative republic.
Resolved, That at the desire of a respectable majority of the people of the U. States, expressed by their representatives, any one or more of the judges of the supreme court of the United States ought to be subject to be removed from office without conviction on impeachment of any crime or misdemeanor.
Resolved, That the continuance in office of a man, who is appointed to the high office of judge, and is found, on experience, not to possess those qualities which would enable him to adorn that station, and to discharge with fidelity the duties required, is equally injurious to the interests of individuals and the public weal, as the continuance of an unworthy member in the legislature or executive department.
Resolved, That on application of three fifths of the members of each house of the congress of the United States, any one of the judges of the courts of the United States should be subject to removal from office by the President of the United States without impeachment.
Resolved, That the representatives from this state in the congress of the United States be requested, and our senators be directed, to use such measures as are in their power, to cause the first section of the third article of the constitution to be amended to effect the above object.
Virginia Legislature.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
TUESDAY, December 15.
A report from the committee of propositions and grievances (which lay on the table) was taken up and read in the following words:
The committee of propositions and grievances have, according to order, had under their consideration sundry petitions to them referred, and have come to the following resolutions thereupon:
1. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the counties of Caroline and Hanover, praying that the said counties may be authorised by law to demand tolls of all passengers non-residents of the said counties, at the bridge which they have lately erected at their joint expense across Pamunkey river, at the place called and known by the name of Littlepage's bridge, is reasonable.
2. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Amherst, praying that their said county may be divided by the parish line, is reasonable.
3. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Rockbridge, praying that a law may pass authorising the court of their said county to establish a toll gate on some part of the public road leading through White's gap, within the said county, is reasonable.
The said resolutions being severally read a second time, were on the question put thereupon, agreed to by the house.
Mr. Johnson (of P. Edward) from the committee of propositions and grievances, made the following report:
The committee of propositions and grievances have, according to order, had under their consideration sundry petitions to them referred, and have come to the following resolutions thereupon:
1. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Monroe, praying that all that part of the said county contained within the following bounds, to wit; Beginning at the top of Peters mountain where the road crosses above Jacob Miller's, and running to the north east corner of the tract of land the said Miller lives on, thence a direct line to the mouth of Indian creek, may be added to and made a part of the county of Giles, be rejected.
2. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry other inhabitants of the county of Monroe, in opposition thereto, is reasonable.
3. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Orange, praying that the road leading from Fredericksburg to Swift-run Gap in the Blue Ridge, may be established into a turnpike, and that a lottery may be authorised for the purpose of raising any deficiency of money which may be unsubscribed, the prices in the same to consist not in money but in shares in the company, to be incorporated for the purpose of carrying the turnpike into effect, is reasonable.
4. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the counties of Cumberland and Powhatan, praying that the law prohibiting obstructions to the passage of fish up James river, may be so amended as to extend also to their passage down the same, is reasonable.

5. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Giles, praying that the seat of justice for said county, be removed from the town of Wheeling, to Elizabeth Town, is reasonable. 6. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the town of Petersburg, praying that a new street may be opened in the said town, running from the cross street which leads from old street to high street by Pegram's warehouse, to the public road which leads from the upper end of old street to the upper end of high street, is reasonable. 7. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Giles, praying the establishment of a town on the land of George Paris, is reasonable. The 1st, 2d, 4th, 6th and 7th resolutions being severally read a second time, were on the question put thereupon, agreed to by the house. The third resolution being read a second time, a motion was made to amend the same by striking out of the following words: "And that a lottery may be authorised for the purpose of raising any deficiency of money which may be unsubsribed, the prizes in the same to consist not in money but shares in the company, to be incorporated for the purpose of carrying the turnpike into effect." And the question being put on the proposed amendment, it passed in the negative. Ayes 76—Noes 30.
The question being then put on the resolution as reported, it was agreed to by the house. The 5th resolution being read a second time, a motion was made to amend the same by striking out at the end thereof the words "is reasonable," and inserting in lieu of them, the words "be rejected;" and the question being put on the proposed amendment, it passed in the negative. The question being then put on the resolution as reported, it was agreed to by the house. A motion was made that the house should come to the following resolution: Resolved, That the committee of privileges and elections ought not to admit of oral testimony, in a contested election, to support or invalidate any vote objected to. On motion, Ordered, that the said resolution be laid upon the table. A motion was made that the house should come to the following resolution: Resolved, That a committee be appointed on the part of this house, to examine jointly with a committee on the part of the Senate, the treasurer's accounts for the last year. A motion was made to strike out of the said resolution the word "jointly," and insert in lieu of it the words "at the same time;" and the question being put on the proposed amendment, it passed in the negative.
The question being then put on the resolution, it was agreed to by the house, and a committee appointed of Messrs. Barbour, Semple, Wooding, Congleton, Breckenridge, Foushee, Simon, Kinney, Watson and Buxton. Ordered, That the clerk acquaint the Senate thereof. A petition was presented and read from a number of the magistrates of Goochland county, stating that the court of the said county had by accident omitted to make the necessary arrangements for the election of overseers of the poor within the period prescribed by law; and also to appoint processioners; that the court had subsequently made arrangements for such election which had taken place and had also appointed processioners, and praying the passage of a law to legalize the said proceedings of the court; Also a petition from the president and professors of William and Mary College, praying the passage of a law authorizing them in certain cases to summon and compel the attendance of witnesses, and to administer an oath to such witnesses; Also a petition of Charles Boshier of the city of Richmond, praying that he may be divorced from his wife Susanna; Also a petition of sundry inhabitants of Nottoway county, praying that a school kept by Donald Stewart in the said county, may be erected into an academy by a law passed for that purpose; Also a petition of the trustees of York Town, praying that the money arising from the sale of the glebe of York Hampton parish, may be applied to the use of a school in the said town of York. Ordered, That the said petitions be referred to the committee for courts of justice.
WEDNESDAY, December 16. The house according to the order of the day resolved itself into a committee of the whole house on a bill "altering the sessions of the court of appeals," and after some time spent thereon, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair and Mr. Madison reported, that the committee of the whole house had, according to order, had the said bill under consideration, had gone through the same and made an amendment thereto, which he handed in at the clerk's table, where the same was twice read and agreed to by the house, and the bill as amended ordered to be engrossed and read a third time. A petition was presented and read from Hugh Wallace, stating that he is a pensioner of this state in consequence of wounds received in the revolutionary war; that his pension is insufficient to support himself and wife, and praying that he may be authorised to retain certain goods without a license, or that his pension may be increased. A petition was presented and read from the officers of the 13th regiment of militia, praying explanations and amendments of the law relating to muster fines collectable within the said regiment. Ordered, That the said petition be referred to the committee appointed to enquire into the state of the militia law; that they do examine the same and report the same with their opinion as soon as possible. On motion, Resolved, That a committee be appointed to report by bill or otherwise upon such laws of a permanent and general nature, which in their opinion may require amendment; and a committee was appointed of Messrs. Barbour, Smyth (of Wythe) Semple, Johnston (of P. Edward) Tucker, Parker, Breckenridge, Wooding, Congleton, Prunty, Carr and Thompson. Mr. H. H. Smith presented from the committee of propositions and grievances a bill "for dividing the county of Amherst," which was received, and on motion, Ordered to be laid upon the table. Mr. Smith (of Wythe) from the committee for courts of justice made the following report: The committee for courts of justice have, according to order, had under their consideration several petitions to them referred, and have come to the following resolutions thereupon: 1. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that the petition of the freeholders and house-keepers of the parish of Hanover, in the county of King George, praying that an act may pass, directing the money arising from the sale of the glebe lands of the said parish, to be applied in the establishment and support of a free school or schools, for the benefit of the said parish—authorising the appointment of trustees thereof, and incorporating them with powers necessary for the good government of the said school or schools, is reasonable. 2. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry members of, and subscribers to Bethel congregation, in the county of Augusta, praying that an act may pass, appointing an agent of the said congregation, for the purpose of receiving money due thereto, from a certain James Mitchell, be rejected. The said resolutions being severally read a second time, were on the question put thereupon, agreed to by the house. The house proceeded to consider the following resolution, which was yesterday laid upon the table. Resolved, That the committee of privileges and elections ought not to admit of oral testimony, in a
contested election, to support or invalidate any vote objected to. A motion was made to amend the said resolution by striking out the word "not"—And the question being put on the proposed amendment, it passed in the negative. The question being then put on the original resolution, it was agreed to by the house.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, DECEMBER 22, 1807. The prospect thickens every day. The only resource seems to be at last, AN EMBARGO. Let the reader weigh attentively the following interesting documents:
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress, to a gentleman in this city, dated Washington, Dec. 17. "We have just heard of the arrival of Col. Munroe at Norfolk—This will render any communication from this place less interesting as you will certainly have an opportunity of conversing with him—It is understood here that all negotiation is at an end, until the arrival of Mr. Rose. His arrival may be considered as uncertain as in consequence of violent head winds, he has returned after having put to sea—This circumstance added to others which I shall mention, leave us little to hope from this mission—The outrage on the Chesapeake was considered as an extension of the British doctrine of impressment to national vessels—Col. Munroe was instructed to insist on an adjustment of the whole subject of impressment and was authorised to pledge the government of the United States for such arrangements as would secure to G. Britain her own seamen—arrangements which would have prevented the employment on board the public or private vessels of the U. States, of all persons not naturalized under our laws—Their refusal to enter into arrangements on this subject manifests a determination to have our seamen as well as their own—The impressment of American seamen as practised by Great Britain is a disgrace to our national character—No article of merchandise, even the most trifling, can be taken from a vessel and appropriated to the use of the captor, without carrying it before a court for the purpose of deciding the question of property—But the native born citizen of a country, the primary object of whose government is the protection of personal rights, may without trial at the arbitrary will of a foreign officer be disfranchised, torn from his country, his family and friends, and doomed to the most odious bondage—The most respectable inhabitant of our country, if blown from land in a sailing boat, is liable like the unfortunate African to be kidnapped and carried into bondage—Disgraceful as this practice may be considered to the American character, it will not be relinquished—The late proclamation asserts the right of impressment on its broadest principle—It is not considered as a relinquishment of the right even so far as it respects national vessels—Why demand a seaman from a national vessel if the right is relinquished? But in what manner is the demand to be made? The vessel must be brought to a vessel is brought to by firing a shot ahead—An armed vessel could return to such a shot no answer but a broad-side—So that the proclamation prepares the way for an engagement on the first demand—Another proclamation of the British government declaring all France, its allies and dependencies in a state of blockade, may be considered as positive proof of the determination of that nation to stop short of nothing but general piracy on the ocean. To increase our difficulties, information is just received that the French decree will be enforced against this country—The information is not official, but comes in a way not to be questioned—Between France and England our commerce is thus entirely cut up—Nor remedy will be left us but to adopt what is emphatically called here the Tarrapin policy—To shut up and bring the question to a fair trial, whether we can remain as long without luxuries as they can without food."
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress, to a gentleman in this city, dated Washington, Dec. 17. "In my letter of yesterday, I mentioned the instant arrival at this place of Dr. Bullas who left Cherbourg in France on the 15th Nov. in the Revenge. "We know not the whole of the intelligence he brings; but are very sure that it is extremely unpleasant. "The French Government has prohibited our trade with all the British ports, and the British either have or certainly will prohibit, by a similar decree of blockade, our trade with all the rest of Europe, worth trading to; between the two there is a very complete suppression of our trade generally. "Abundant cause of war is thus furnished, by both nations, while war with either would strain our utmost resources. "We are well assured that a fraudulent combination of London and American traders were prepared to ship great quantities of prohibited articles to Holland, under colour of papers fabricated in that city, from N. York, in which scheme of fraud they partly succeeded before they were detected. It is highly probable that this detection provoked the fierce victor, Napoleon, to issue the sweeping decree, which it seems he has done. "The vehement cupidity of our traders has led them into competition and collision with the commerce of all the world, and very frequently to violate or elude the regulations which foreign nations have made respecting trade. "How far then are we to go in risking the great territorial and agricultural interests of this extended republic in support of such a commerce? It is true that high prices have been given for all our produce, and we have commanded in consequence many of the luxuries of distant climates; but it is not our true interest cheerfully to forego these, to live for a time on our own comfortable means, to exert our patriotism in bearing with the loss of a few crops, vigorously to prepare for the defence of our country, and by the most vigorous restrictions, to withhold from all the world the produce they so much need? The nearer we approach to the point of making war, the more we shall be convinced, that the great engine we possess, is the power of withholding our produce from Europe. "If deluded by the hope of enjoying high prices and the luxuries they procure, we should look to great armies and navies for our support, who will engage after eight, ten or twelve years struggle at the expense of three or four hundred millions, to make the admirals, commodores, &c. the generals, colonels, majors, &c. descend to the sober and circumscribed walks of life, from which the greater part will be probably excluded."
LETTER THE THIRD. TO JOHN RANDOLPH, Esq. MEMBER OF THE H. OF REPRESENTATIVES. SIR—I have attempted to show to the satisfaction of every unprejudiced mind, that the manner in which you have spoken of the comparative resources of the U. States and of Great Britain, was calculated to inspire the energy of your country and to increase the demands of our enemy. Equally unfortunate have you been in the principles which you have supported, during this interesting controversy. The aggressions of Great Britain naturally divided themselves into two classes:—Impressment of our seamen, and depredations upon our colonial commerce.—On neither of these questions have you maintained that dignified and patriotic ground, on which the interests of your country ought to repose! I will appeal, Sir, to your own candour; although you have lately exhibited so small a portion of that virtue, as to render it a very suspicious tribunal. What exertions, Sir, can be expected from the zeal of that politician, in securing one of the most important rights of his countrymen, who forgets the very existence of this right, and at the very moment when every honest patriot is indignant at its violation? I shall not accuse you, as Mr. Smilie has done on the 5th March 1806, "of designedly passing over one of the most important considerations presented by the present subject—the impressment of our seamen." I will allow you the free benefit of your own vindication. I will seriously ask you, what attachment for the rights of our seamen is reasonably to be expected from that politician, who could expend whole hours in the ebullition of his "crude and desultory observations," without devoting one moment's attention to the serious impressment of your countrymen? You could find sufficient leisure for expatiating upon the formidable resources of G. Britain. You had time enough to hurl your pointless thunders against the reputation of Mr. Madison, and to shoot your sly insinuations against the invincible Ægis of Mr. Jefferson's administration. You could calmly exhaust the patience of Congress by empty denunciations against the commercial privileges of your country; but you could not devote one moment's attention to the galling oppressions of your impressed fellow-citizens. You could completely "omit this topic;" nor could you "recollect and regret it," before you "had thrown" yourself "into the carriage, that conveyed" you home.—What protection, Sir, can your impressed countrymen expect to derive from such forgetful enthusiasm; or what services can your country derive from the employment of your talents in the approaching discussion of this important question?
Nothing is more strongly expressive of indifference than the manner in which you ultimately met this question. This interesting topic was one of the finest themes which you could have desired for the display of all your eloquence. Had your bosom truly sympathised with the injuries of your fellow-citizens or with the violated interests of your country, you would come forth in the most animated strains of fervid indignation: You would neither have originally omitted this interesting topic, nor could you possibly have dismissed it with such contemptuous indifference. You would not so contemptuously have called on gentlemen to "lay their hands upon their hearts, and answer sincerely if they do believe this resolution has the power to take one American seaman out of a British ship of war. Are gentlemen hostile to impressment, and yet friendly to a naval war, to systems which must eventuate in the introduction of this system at home, in the subversion of our liberties? Let them examine the profound ar-
gument, in their distribution of our resources. I certainly shall exert myself with the government here, to the utmost, for attaining the same object. "I believe such an equipment might tend to rouse our people below, from that torpid indifference they exhibit, in respect to military association and discipline, as well as to their local circumstances which so loudly call for them." and that G. Britain is compelled to resort to it; to maintain her naval power and her existence.—And it is because I am opposed to resorting to the same expedient (for will any man pretend that a great navy can be manned without recurring to it?) because I think it abhorrent to the genius of a free people, that I am against rushing into that naval war, into which gentlemen wish to precipitate us.—Does not your own cool understanding, Sir, dispel the miserable sophisms which disgrace this passage? Do you not candidly believe, that the spirit displayed in the non-importation act is much better calculated to coerce G. B. into some arrangement for the security of our seamen, than your indifferent & neutral system? Was it candid in you to have parried the investigation of this subject by retorting accusations upon your opponents, which you must have known, they did not deserve? You must have been satisfied, Sir, that those gentlemen, who were most "hostile to impressment," were not friendly "to systems which must eventuate in the introduction of this system at home." Your own understanding must have convinced you, that these gentlemen were not friendly to a "naval war," and that the controversy in which you were willing to precipitate your country with G. B. did not necessarily require that a navy should be the instrument of our attacks or that the ocean should be the theatre of its exertions. It would be tedious to detail the volume of arguments, which may be urged against the British encroachments upon our colonial commerce. It is sufficient to observe, that these encroachments can neither be justified by the treaties nor the treaties of Europe; that they cannot be comprehended under the only two avowed restrictions on neutral commerce, blockaded ports and contraband of war; & that the present pretensions of G. Britain are absolutely inconsistent with the stipulations of Lord Hawkesbury himself in 1801. But notwithstanding these obvious and indisputable truths, you have avowed yourself the advocate of these novel usurpations. There is not a sentiment in all your speeches, which supports the commercial rights of this country. Amidst all your well-founded reproaches on the exorbitant cupidity of the mercantile class, there is not one generous vindication of the rights of the fair, neutral trader. You coolly abandon every thing, "relative to our dispute with Great Britain, on the law of nations, on contraband and such stuff." You have attempted to ridicule one of the ablest productions which ever issued from the American Press, and one of the most convincing advocates of neutral rights. You have lavished your idle abuses on a work, which will hereafter form the text-book of the laws of neutrals. You have not hesitated to gratify your resentment against Mr. Madison by empty denunciations against his pamphlet. Will you permit me to enquire, Sir, what pretensions can that man have to a dispassionate love of truth, who condemns a pamphlet of upwards of 100 pages, upon a mere inspection of four or five pages; or what respect can you expect from your own party, when you have thus conspicuously exhibited the precipitancy of your judgement and the impetuosity of your temper? From this extreme indifference about the two principal sources of dispute, your country had no reason to expect from you a firm and dignified resistance to the aggressions of Great Britain. You have not disappointed them, Sir. You have not only brought forward no decided measures in opposition to G. Britain, but you have reserved all your opposition for the most energetic measure, that was adopted by Congress.—I shall attempt to demonstrate that your objections to this measure had no real validity, and that this measure was much better calculated to secure this point in dispute and to support the honor of your country, than the ambiguous and imbecile system, which you have advocated. Among other objections to the Non-Importation act, you have pronounced it to be in fact a war-measure, and that it would be considered in that light by G. B. Had we issued letters of marque and reprisal, for seizing the British cruisers who were continually seizing American vessels, all the world might have denominated that a war measure. Had the U. States enlisted soldiers and equipped ships for the ostensible purpose of attacking G. Britain, either on land or the ocean, in Canada or on the Atlantic, she might have denominated that a war measure. Had the U. S. prohibited our merchants from trading to Great Britain, not for the purpose of redressing our own injuries, but of granting the exclusive monopoly of our commerce to her inveterate enemy, she might have justly considered such a direct violation of our neutrality as a war measure. She might have indeed extended the same denunciation to every measure, which might be construed into an attack on the territories, the property, and the persons of British subjects, or into the most indirect violation of the laws of neutrality. But it would even puzzle your ingenuity and the sophistry of the British ministry, to reduce Mr. Nicholson's resolution under either of these definitions.—All your efforts to dragoon G. Britain into a proclamation of war against your country, have hitherto proved unavailing. You must have perceived, Sir, that these resolutions were not intended to land one hostile foot upon the territory of G. Britain. You must have known that these resolutions could not possibly have disturbed the safety of her vessels or the persons of her subjects. With all your impious reproaches against your country for "shrinking from the Spanish Jackal," even you yourself could not have construed this measure into a cowardly dereliction of the strictest laws of neutrality. It is an indisputable fact, that the Non-Importation Act imposes certain restraints upon the introduction of her manufactures into the U. States, which are not extended to those of her enemies. But these restraints do not amount to any violation of our neutrality. They do not operate as peculiar privileges conferred upon her enemy, because these privileges extend to every other nation in the world except to Great Britain. And even you will not have the hardihood to pretend, that these privileges have been conferred upon France for the sake of augmenting her resources, or that they have been created by any other inducement than a determined resolution to redress our own injuries and to resist the British aggressions upon our commerce and our seamen.—If this, Sir, can be called a war measure, "then does G. B. maintain a constant war against the U. S. for she at all times prohibits the importation into her ports of every article manufactured in our country. She even prohibits our provisions from being consumed in her kingdoms, except when her wants compel her to admit them. If then she has set us the example, and has by her laws prohibited every article of our manufacture from being admitted into her kingdoms, how can our prohibiting a part of her manufactures from being imported
into our country without recurring to it?" because I think it abhorrent to the genius of a free people, that I am against rushing into that naval war, into which gentlemen wish to precipitate us.—Does not your own cool understanding, Sir, dispel the miserable sophisms which disgrace this passage? Do you not candidly believe, that the spirit displayed in the non-importation act is much better calculated to coerce G. B. into some arrangement for the security of our seamen, than your indifferent & neutral system? Was it candid in you to have parried the investigation of this subject by retorting accusations upon your opponents, which you must have known, they did not deserve? You must have been satisfied, Sir, that those gentlemen, who were most "hostile to impressment," were not friendly "to systems which must eventuate in the introduction of this system at home." Your own understanding must have convinced you, that these gentlemen were not friendly to a "naval war," and that the controversy in which you were willing to precipitate your country with G. B. did not necessarily require that a navy should be the instrument of our attacks or that the ocean should be the theatre of its exertions.
It would be tedious to detail the volume of arguments, which may be urged against the British encroachments upon our colonial commerce. It is sufficient to observe, that these encroachments can neither be justified by the treaties nor the treaties of Europe; that they cannot be comprehended under the only two avowed restrictions on neutral commerce, blockaded ports and contraband of war; & that the present pretensions of G. Britain are absolutely inconsistent with the stipulations of Lord Hawkesbury himself in 1801. But notwithstanding these obvious and indisputable truths, you have avowed yourself the advocate of these novel usurpations. There is not a sentiment in all your speeches, which supports the commercial rights of this country. Amidst all your well-founded reproaches on the exorbitant cupidity of the mercantile class, there is not one generous vindication of the rights of the fair, neutral trader. You coolly abandon every thing, "relative to our dispute with Great Britain, on the law of nations, on contraband and such stuff." You have attempted to ridicule one of the ablest productions which ever issued from the American Press, and one of the most convincing advocates of neutral rights. You have lavished your idle abuses on a work, which will hereafter form the text-book of the laws of neutrals. You have not hesitated to gratify your resentment against Mr. Madison by empty denunciations against his pamphlet. Will you permit me to enquire, Sir, what pretensions can that man have to a dispassionate love of truth, who condemns a pamphlet of upwards of 100 pages, upon a mere inspection of four or five pages; or what respect can you expect from your own party, when you have thus conspicuously exhibited the precipitancy of your judgement and the impetuosity of your temper?
From this extreme indifference about the two principal sources of dispute, your country had no reason to expect from you a firm and dignified resistance to the aggressions of Great Britain. You have not disappointed them, Sir. You have not only brought forward no decided measures in opposition to G. Britain, but you have reserved all your opposition for the most energetic measure, that was adopted by Congress.—I shall attempt to demonstrate that your objections to this measure had no real validity, and that this measure was much better calculated to secure this point in dispute and to support the honor of your country, than the ambiguous and imbecile system, which you have advocated. Among other objections to the Non-Importation act, you have pronounced it to be in fact a war-measure, and that it would be considered in that light by G. B. Had we issued letters of marque and reprisal, for seizing the British cruisers who were continually seizing American vessels, all the world might have denominated that a war measure. Had the U. States enlisted soldiers and equipped ships for the ostensible purpose of attacking G. Britain, either on land or the ocean, in Canada or on the Atlantic, she might have denominated that a war measure. Had the U. S. prohibited our merchants from trading to Great Britain, not for the purpose of redressing our own injuries, but of granting the exclusive monopoly of our commerce to her inveterate enemy, she might have justly considered such a direct violation of our neutrality as a war measure. She might have indeed extended the same denunciation to every measure, which might be construed into an attack on the territories, the property, and the persons of British subjects, or into the most indirect violation of the laws of neutrality. But it would even puzzle your ingenuity and the sophistry of the British ministry, to reduce Mr. Nicholson's resolution under either of these definitions.—All your efforts to dragoon G. Britain into a proclamation of war against your country, have hitherto proved unavailing. You must have perceived, Sir, that these resolutions were not intended to land one hostile foot upon the territory of G. Britain. You must have known that these resolutions could not possibly have disturbed the safety of her vessels or the persons of her subjects. With all your impious reproaches against your country for "shrinking from the Spanish Jackal," even you yourself could not have construed this measure into a cowardly dereliction of the strictest laws of neutrality. It is an indisputable fact, that the Non-Importation Act imposes certain restraints upon the introduction of her manufactures into the U. States, which are not extended to those of her enemies. But these restraints do not amount to any violation of our neutrality. They do not operate as peculiar privileges conferred upon her enemy, because these privileges extend to every other nation in the world except to Great Britain. And even you will not have the hardihood to pretend, that these privileges have been conferred upon France for the sake of augmenting her resources, or that they have been created by any other inducement than a determined resolution to redress our own injuries and to resist the British aggressions upon our commerce and our seamen.—If this, Sir, can be called a war measure, "then does G. B. maintain a constant war against the U. S. for she at all times prohibits the importation into her ports of every article manufactured in our country. She even prohibits our provisions from being consumed in her kingdoms, except when her wants compel her to admit them. If then she has set us the example, and has by her laws prohibited every article of our manufacture from being admitted into her kingdoms, how can our prohibiting a part of her manufactures from being imported
into our country without recurring to it?" because I think it abhorrent to the genius of a free people, that I am against rushing into that naval war, into which gentlemen wish to precipitate us.—Does not your own cool understanding, Sir, dispel the miserable sophisms which disgrace this passage? Do you not candidly believe, that the spirit displayed in the non-importation act is much better calculated to coerce G. B. into some arrangement for the security of our seamen, than your indifferent & neutral system? Was it candid in you to have parried the investigation of this subject by retorting accusations upon your opponents, which you must have known, they did not deserve? You must have been satisfied, Sir, that those gentlemen, who were most "hostile to impressment," were not friendly "to systems which must eventuate in the introduction of this system at home." Your own understanding must have convinced you, that these gentlemen were not friendly to a "naval war," and that the controversy in which you were willing to precipitate your country with G. B. did not necessarily require that a navy should be the instrument of our attacks or that the ocean should be the theatre of its exertions.
It would be tedious to detail the volume of arguments, which may be urged against the British encroachments upon our colonial commerce. It is sufficient to observe, that these encroachments can neither be justified by the treaties nor the treaties of Europe; that they cannot be comprehended under the only two avowed restrictions on neutral commerce, blockaded ports and contraband of war; & that the present pretensions of G. Britain are absolutely inconsistent with the stipulations of Lord Hawkesbury himself in 1801. But notwithstanding these obvious and indisputable truths, you have avowed yourself the advocate of these novel usurpations. There is not a sentiment in all your speeches, which supports the commercial rights of this country. Amidst all your well-founded reproaches on the exorbitant cupidity of the mercantile class, there is not one generous vindication of the rights of the fair, neutral trader. You coolly abandon every thing, "relative to our dispute with Great Britain, on the law of nations, on contraband and such stuff." You have attempted to ridicule one of the ablest productions which ever issued from the American Press, and one of the most convincing advocates of neutral rights. You have lavished your idle abuses on a work, which will hereafter form the text-book of the laws of neutrals. laws of neutrals. You have not hesitated to gratify your resentment against Mr. Madison by empty denunciations against his pamphlet. Will you permit me to enquire, Sir, what pretensions can that man have to a dispassionate love of truth, who condemns a pamphlet of upwards of 100 pages, upon a mere inspection of four or five pages; or what respect can you expect from your own party, when you have thus conspicuously exhibited the precipitancy of your judgement and the impetuosity of your temper?
From this extreme indifference about the two principal sources of dispute, your country had no reason to expect from you a firm and dignified resistance to the aggressions of Great Britain. You have not disappointed them, Sir. You have not only brought forward no decided measures in opposition to G. Britain, but you have reserved all your opposition for the most energetic measure, that was adopted by Congress.—I shall attempt to demonstrate that your objections to this measure had no real validity, and that this measure was much better calculated to secure this point in dispute and to support the honor of your country, than the ambiguous and imbecile system, which you have advocated. Among other objections to the Non-Importation act, you have pronounced it to be in fact a war-measure, and that it would be considered in that light by G. B. Had we issued letters of marque and reprisal, for seizing the British cruisers who were continually seizing American vessels, all the world might have denominated that a war measure. Had the U. States enlisted soldiers and equipped ships for the ostensible purpose of attacking G. Britain, either on land or the ocean, in Canada or on the Atlantic, she might have denominated that a war measure. Had the U. S. prohibited our merchants from trading to Great Britain, not for the purpose of redressing our own injuries, but of granting the exclusive monopoly of our commerce to her inveterate enemy, she might have justly considered such a direct violation of our neutrality as a war measure. She might have indeed extended the same denunciation to every measure, which might be construed into an attack on the territories, the property, and the persons of British subjects, or into the most indirect violation of the laws of neutrality. But it would even puzzle your ingenuity and the sophistry of the British ministry, to reduce Mr. Nicholson's resolution under either of these definitions.—All your efforts to dragoon G. Britain into a proclamation of war against your country, have hitherto proved unavailing. You must have perceived, Sir, that these resolutions were not intended to land one hostile foot upon the territory of G. Britain. You must have known that these resolutions could not possibly have disturbed the safety of her vessels or the persons of her subjects. With all your impious reproaches against your country for "shrinking from the Spanish Jackal," even you yourself could not have construed this measure into a cowardly dereliction of the strictest laws of neutrality. It is an indisputable fact, that the Non-Importation Act imposes certain restraints upon the introduction of her manufactures into the U. States, which are not extended to those of her enemies. But these restraints do not amount to any violation of our neutrality. They do not operate as peculiar privileges conferred upon her enemy, because these privileges extend to every other nation in the world except to Great Britain. And even you will not have the hardihood to pretend, that these privileges have been conferred upon France for the sake of augmenting her resources, or that they have been created by any other inducement than a determined resolution to redress our own injuries and to resist the British aggressions upon our commerce and our seamen.—If this, Sir, can be called a war measure, "then does G. B. maintain a constant war against the U. S. for she at all times prohibits the importation into her ports of every article manufactured in our country. She even prohibits our provisions from being consumed in her kingdoms, except when her wants compel her to admit them. If then she has set us the example, and has by her laws prohibited every article of our manufacture from being admitted into her kingdoms, how can our prohibiting a part of her manufactures from being imported
into our country without recurring to it?" because I think it abhorrent to the genius of a free people, that I am against rushing into that naval war, into which gentlemen wish to precipitate us.—Does not your own cool understanding, Sir, dispel the miserable sophisms which disgrace this passage? Do you not candidly believe, that the spirit displayed in the non-importation act is much better calculated to coerce G. B. into some arrangement for the security of our seamen, than your indifferent & neutral system? Was it candid in you to have parried the investigation of this subject by retorting accusations upon your opponents, which you must have known, they did not deserve? You must have been satisfied, Sir, that those gentlemen, who were most "hostile to impressment," were not friendly "to systems which must eventuate in the introduction of this system at home." Your own understanding must have convinced you, that these gentlemen were not friendly to a "naval war," and that the controversy in which you were willing to precipitate your country with G. B. did not necessarily require that a navy should be the instrument of our attacks or that the ocean should be the theatre of its exertions.
It would be tedious to detail the volume of arguments, which may be urged against the British encroachments upon our colonial commerce. It is sufficient to observe, that these encroachments can neither be justified by the treaties nor the treaties of Europe; that they cannot be comprehended under the only two avowed restrictions on neutral commerce, blockaded ports and contraband of war; & that the present pretensions of G. Britain are absolutely inconsistent with the stipulations of Lord Hawkesbury himself in 1801. But notwithstanding these obvious and indisputable truths, you have avowed yourself the advocate of these novel usurpations. There is not a sentiment in all your speeches, which supports the commercial rights of this country. Amidst all your well-founded reproaches on the exorbitant cupidity of the mercantile class, there is not one generous vindication of the rights of the fair, neutral trader. You coolly abandon every thing, "relative to our dispute with Great Britain, on the law of nations, on contraband and such stuff." You have attempted to ridicule one of the ablest productions which ever issued from the American Press, and one of the most convincing advocates of neutral rights. You have lavished your idle abuses on a work, which will hereafter form the text-book of the laws of neutrals. You have not hesitated to gratify your resentment against Mr. Madison by empty denunciations against his pamphlet. Will you permit me to enquire, Sir, what pretensions can that man have to a dispassionate love of truth, who condemns a pamphlet of upwards of 100 pages, upon a mere inspection of four or five pages; or what respect can you expect from your own party, when you have thus conspicuously exhibited the precipitancy of your judgement and the impetuosity of your temper?
U. S. considered as a PROVISION. Letter the Fourth, to John Randolph, Esq. in our next. Latest Proceedings. Yesterday, the House of Delegates proceeded to a subsequent day, the discussion of Mr. Glens's resolutions. The following ADDRESS was offered by Mr. Semple: Resolved, That the following address be signed by the Speaker and forwarded to col. James Munroe. Sir, The house of delegates most cordially congratulate you on your return to the bosom of your country, after an absence of almost five years.—Whilst you have been labouring in European courts to secure and preserve to us the advantages of peace and to avert the calamities of war, we have been enjoying the fruits of your labour, and all the blessings which flow from republican institutions and a wise and virtuous administration. When we take a view of the unceasing efforts you have made for thirty years past, to promote the public good, and the many and important services you have rendered to your country in the field and in the cabinet; when we reflect on your undeviating attachment to our republican institutions and the liberties of our country, your stern and inflexible integrity and patriotism, your distinguished talents and energy of character, we are proud to own you as our fellow citizen and to return you the thanks of a grateful people. Mr. Noland moved to strike out the words "wise and" —expressing a willingness to vote for the resolution and address if this amendment should be made. With a wish to procure an unanimous vote, Mr. Watson proposed to enlarge the amendment by striking out the words "and a wise and virtuous administration"—In this motion, with the same object in view, he was supported by several other friends of the administration. The question on striking out the above words was taken by yeas and nays.—In favour of striking out 19.—Against 141. The question was then taken by yeas and nays on the address as moved by Mr. Semple and passed in the affirmative.—yeas 143. nays 20.
The H. of Representatives have agreed to appropriate $1,000,000 for the fortification of ports and harbours. Mr. Munroe left this city for Washington, in the Stage, on Sunday morning. DIED, on the 12th inst. at King & Queen Court-House (his place of residence) Doctor JOHN SMITH, much regretted by the vicinity, on account of his probity, talents, and unwearied attention to the duties of his profession. DIED, on Wednesday last in Gloucester County, Major CHARLES CURTIS—an amiable and worthy man, beloved, respected and regretted by all, who knew him.
SALES AT AUCTION. Will be sold at Public Auction, without reserve, on Tuesday the 29th inst. the Schooner UNION, burthen about 300 barrels, lying at Jon Creadock's wharf. Likewise, at the dwelling-house of John Hall, dec'd. sundry articles of Household Furniture. Terms made known on day of sale. PROSSER & MONCURE, Aucrs. Richmond, Dec. 14, 1807. (tds.) LOST out of my pocket or mistaid, two BANK NOTES, one of twenty and one of ten dollars, or about D. J. Burr's Hat and Shoe Store, in this town, with some statements of the Pententiary. Whoever will deliver me the said notes, or to Mr. George Miller, shall have the reward of ten dollars. WILLIAM RADFORD. Richmond, Dec. 22. [24]
ELEGANT ACCOMPLISHMENTS. —Mr. ANDERSON informs the friends of his institution for female improvement, that the exercises of his school are this season in a more successful train than at any former period. With respect to English Education, his process of instruction is modelled upon the latest improvements of Lindley Murray, and its success has far surpassed his most sanguine anticipations. The schools for Dancing, Drawing and Music will be opened in January; and new classes for English Grammar, Geography and the French Language will be formed on the first Monday of that month. Terms, (not including the elegant arts above mentioned) 50 dollars per quarter for boarding and tuition; pupils under 10 years old, at half price. Williamsburg, Dec. 22. [31] EDUCATION. —The subscriber offering his unfeigned thanks to those gentlemen who have manifested their confidence in him as a Teacher, proposes to continue his school at the same place the ensuing year. In this seminary youth will be instructed in the Greek, Latin and English Languages, Geography and the use of the Globes, the Elements of Geometry, with practical Surveying; Also, the Elements of Natural Philosophy, Writing and Arithmetic, Vulgar, Decimal and Analytical. The price of board, tuition, washing, bedding and fuel, will be an hundred dollars for the term, paid quarterly in advance, to commence on the fifteenth of January and end about the tenth of December following. THOMAS NELSON. Humanity Hall, Forks of Hanover, Dec. 22. [law4w.]
A NEW TAVERN will be opened at King & Queen Court-House on the first day of January next, by the Subscriber, who has leased for that purpose, the houses belonging to Robert Pollard, Esq. (in which a tavern was formerly kept) and provided himself with every thing necessary for the genteel accommodation of those who may call on him. The subscriber knowing that to solicit the public patronage will not be effective unless he deserves it, pledges himself that nothing shall be wanting to ensure general satisfaction. ALEX. P. MUSE. King & Queen C. H. Dec. 22. (cpb6.) EDUCATION. —A school is established in the Forks of Hanover, at which eight or ten pupils will be received. The price of board and tuition will not exceed ninety dollars. The Greek, Latin and English Languages will be taught. As the institution has been but lately established, it is not intended to receive students who are far advanced. It is situated in a healthy agreeable neighbourhood. For other information enquire at the Office of the ENQUIRER. Dec. 22. (34) STRAYED or Stolen from Richmond, a sorrel HORSE, and a yearling bay COLT. —The horse is foxed and branded on the left buttock I. T. both hind feet white, with some marks of the collar on his neck.—The Colt has a few

LOOK YOUR ENEMY FULL IN THE FACE.
Excepting the proclamation at Copenhagen, nothing that has appeared since the Brunswick manifesto, has gone so openly to the point as the proclamation of his Britannic majesty of the 16th October last.
Efforts have been making by the British agents for some years in this country to wean the American mind from the principles of the revolution of 1776, and the great principles of neutrality of 1780, which were in fact set up by the nations of Europe on two accounts.
To rescue pacific nations from the evils of war. And to put a check on the power of Britain, which under the barbarian idea of superiority of force, compelled at different times every nation of Europe to pay that kind of homage to her flag which the tyrant of Switzerland wished to cause the Swiss to pay to her.
What with the corruption of courtiers at different courts—and the actual operation of naval enterprises, though Britain has been reduced to the necessity of couching, she has, by never actually abandoning as a permanent obligation, contrived to revive and re-assess all the various pretensions upon which her abuses and the grievances of other nations have been erected.
She crouched in 1790 to Russia. She crouched to the Danes in the case of the frigate Freyja , only a few years ago.
And even to Sweden, she in some measure crouched about the same period. In all those cases, she however did not abandon the pretension, but agreed to forbear the operation of the power which she asserted the right to exercise.
The northern powers attempted in 1800, to renew the principles of 1780; because notwithstanding the professions and concessions, the promises and even the treaties—Great Britain always found some shifting pretext under which she violated creations , revoked concessions , broke her engagements, and belied all her professions.
This was the real cause of the renewed coalition of neutral powers; and that coalition the British cabinet very soon saw, would if carried into execution, produce the same consequences as she experienced in 1779 and 1780—she must couch , and to avert this; a scheme of policy and corruption and assassination, unexampled in the annals of the world, was devised.
The Danes and Swedes had formed between themselves a contract in March, 1794, the principles of which were neutral, and in relation to each other defensive against any power that should violate their neutrality. In this honest and liberal compact, they declared that treaties existing with any power, shall be faithfully fulfilled; that no right shall be claimed or asserted adverse to the law of nations or the rights of war and peace; and they agreed to furnish each a squadron of 8 sail of the line, for the protection of their commerce and flag.
The Baltic was declared to be closed against the armed ships of every nation, because no belligerent nation on the Baltic was then at war; and articles were published on the 23d December, 1800, conformable to these principles, by Sweden and Denmark.
But in order that a subject which bears on the present state of our own affairs, should be more fully understood; we shall go beyond the limited sketch we proposed on sitting down; and take the matter more in detail.
This union of Sweden and Denmark was produced, by repeated efforts made to involve them in the war. Austria and Prussia had in April, 1792, sought to involve them both in the coalition, but the wisdom of the celebrated Bernstorf defeated the design.
In 1793 the court of Russia was induced to intimate to Sweden and Denmark, a desire to support the measure which Great Britain had undertaken, of placing the whole cost of France and its dependencies under a blockade by proclamation.
The American reader will recollect events in our own history, which, though excited by many at that time, are destined to meet a more severe censure in history.
The Danish minister Bernstorf, who saw not only the ruin of the pacific people of Denmark, but the temporary suspension of all neutral trade, resisted with tempered dignity; and Russia being bound by various treaties with Denmark, yielded to the arguments of the Danish sage.
When Great Britain entered into the war, the neutral powers were assured, that the course which she meant to pursue, was conformable to the rights of neutrals; and an explicit confidence was reposed in assurances that were unsolicited and unexpected. But the momentary advantages gained by the coalesced powers, in the beginning soon changed the tone and conduct of Great Britain; and in July, 1793, the British court caused to be presented to that of Copenhagen, a memorial, the object of which, was to persuade Denmark, that the war then existing, was not like any other war; in a word, the rights of kings, the throne, and the altar, were to be maintained, and Jacobinism, and atheism were to be put out of the pale of civilization; and among other things, Denmark was informed, that she carried in her ships, a great quantity of grain from the Vistula, and elsewhere, which it was necessary to regulate, so that France by the want of food for the labouring classes, should be induced to revolt against their rulers. This memorial was sustained by another, presented by that very Prussian baron Goltz, who, two years afterwards, signed the treaty of Basle.
The court of Denmark replied, and protested against the new law attempted to be set up; and with a dignity and frankness, that put sophistry to the blush, maintained the rights of neutrals, nothing was conceded through fear, nor evaded by subtlety; and it must be confessed that the stand made by Denmark at that time, cast a shame upon the mean and servile concessions of the American treaty of the next year, which abandoned not only the ground of 1780, but suffered the principle of contraband to be extended to articles unknown before that time; and subjected even provisions to the same law, by a contrivance which aggravated the dishonor by being indirect. To those concessions must be attributed all the evils that America has since experienced. Had the stand been then made upon the ground of the revolution of 1776 and the neutrality of 1780, we should not be molested afterwards, nor obliged to prepare for war at this day. The sacrifices made then by a temporising policy, accelerated by the corruption of members of the legislature, and by the artificial clamour and terror raised by British agency, taught the British government to believe that America was to be managed as the Swedes were by bribing a faction, and hoisting a signal; the black cockade was hoisted, and Hammond & Liston in succession, corrupted an agent of France to write and deliver to them a paper calculated for the clamor; while persons connected with the administration of the government (through invisible causes !) co-operated in effecting the abandonment of public right and the tarnishing of American honor.
It may be unpleasant to repeat these things, but no man will object to it who is not willing to sacrifice truth to prejudice; the use of referring to it, is to caution those who may have erred then, either through ignorance or innocence, to be guarded against similar baneful follies.
The conduct of Great Britain in this memorial, produced in March, 1794, that neutral union of Sweden and Denmark to which we alluded above.
But even after this convention had been notified to all the powers of Europe, Russia in disregard of the principles which she patronised in 1780, came into the views of Great Britain, and actually seized a number of neutral vessels bound with grain to France; resorting to the arguments employed by Great Britain in the war of our re-
volution—"no neutrality could take place in favor of a government consisting of rebels." The same system of bullying and insolence, says an English writer, was practiced towards the Ottoman Porte, whose conduct by its dignity and spirit, exhibited a very interesting but melancholy contrast to the conduct of states which boasted more civilization and freedom.
On the proceedings and stipulations of our treaty of 1794, we prefer saying nothing more nor of the contradictory character of the treaties with Spain of October, 1795, and with Prussia in 1799.
But Sweden and Denmark, kept at bay by the influence which Great Britain had purchased by enormous profusion of gold at St. Petersburg, were obliged from policy to confine their measures to paper missives and diplomatic thunderbolts; and until the emperor Paul discovered the intrigues carried on in his court, and the means and purposes of his counsels imposed upon him, their efforts were ineffectual. Prussia seceded and Spain followed, from the coalition; and the British eager to show that the defection of their allies did not abate their pretensions, took the opportunity to issue orders of a secret and special kind to the commanders of their naval squadrons.
In December 1793, the Hanoverian , or Hanseatic , a Danish frigate, with a convoy, was intercepted in the Straits of Gibraltar by the British squadron under admiral Keith. The Danish commander Von Dackum , refused to submit to any search of his convoy, was to exhibit his instructions; and when he was attempted to be boarded by the boats of the British ships he fired on them—the Danish frigate was carried into Gibraltar.
Mr. Merry , better known by his secret intrigues with Trujillo , than by his public deportment or talents, while he resided here, was in 1799 the British resident at Copenhagen; on the 10th of April, 1800, he addressed a very laborious and a very insolent note to the court of Denmark. It is remarkable for its resemblance of the proclamation of October, 1807, both in principle, in subtlety and in style; and very probably proceeded from the same pen, and equally probable it may be followed by a similar logic —the logic of great guns.
Bernstorf vindicated Von Dackum in firing on the British boats, and in refusing the search of his ships or the exhibition of his instructions, and concluded by demanding reparation for the seizure of Von Dackum's ship.
About July in the same year, the affair of the Freyja occurred. She was a Danish frigate, and had under convoy six sail of ships laden with deals, staves, bale goods and sugar, and was met off Ostend by Nemesis British frigate, who demanded to search the fleet. The Danish officer resisted, and an action took place, in which the Dane exhibited courage and skill; but finding resistance unavailing, struck, and was carried with his convoy into the Downs.
The conduct pursued is worthy of the most marked attention of every American. The Danish ambassador, Barflebenberg , presented a strong remonstrance on the outrage; on the murder of so many Danes and the insult to the Danish flag; within the sight of his coasts.
Lord Grenville presented an answer full of all the froth that is usual on such occasions—and among other things he declared:
 1. That the Nemesis acted without orders.  2. That the British court wished to be at peace with Denmark.  3. That they were willing to make reparation.  4. That a special minister ( Lord Whitworth ) was charged to repair to Copenhagen to give such an explanation as might prevent the necessity of resorting to extremities. 
Let the American reader compare this history and these facts, with the conduct towards the United States—the affair of the Chesapeake —the professions of pacific dispositions—the promise of reparation—and the employment of a missionary . Let it be also remembered that along with Whitworth they sent a fleet, and with that fleet negotiated.
In our next we shall give the process of this history.
People of America—you must look the enemy in the face—for you have no alternative between that resolution and one of two others—
 You must look your enemy in the face—  or  Abandon commerce like the Chinese,  or  Burn your flag, and say no more about independence. 
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR —Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 20 do. Kendal superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings. All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. [ep4w.]
A TEACHER , who can teach the Latin and French Languages, the English grammatically, Arithmetic and Geography, who wishes a healthy situation in the country, may obtain an advantageous situation upon liberal terms; for further information, any person who wishes employment of that kind, is referred to the Editor of the ENQUIRER. Dec. 15. [tf.]
MOULD CANDLES —Dodge & Conn, have on hand MOULD CANDLES , of the very best quality, which will be sold in order to close the sales immediately at 20 cents. Dec. 8. [tf.]
NOTICE —The Bank will not be open on Friday the 25th instant, nor on Friday the 1st of January. Bills and notes falling due on those days, must be paid on the Thursdays immediately preceding, and paper to be discounted must be offered on the Wednesdays . JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. Bank of Virginia, Dec. 17. [3t.]
WILLIAM TEMPLE , has received by the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE , suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 10. [tf.]
FOR SALE —The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAM'L. GREENHOW. October 7. [tf.]
VIRGINIA MILITARY CERTIFICATES , bearing an interest of 6 per cent and receivable in the arrears of taxes, FOR SALE at a reduced price by WM. PRICE, Cashier General M. A. Society. Nov. 24. [ep6w.]
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY . The Directors of the Manchester Turnpike Company will attend at James Brook's tavern in the town of Manchester, on the 31st. day of this month, for the purpose of receiving proposals and making contracts for keeping the Road in good repair for one year. Satisfactory security will be required of any person who shall undertake the business, and a few horses and carts may be furnished by the Directors. JAMES BRANDER, Clerk. Dec. 15. [ep26d.]
TEN DOLLARS REWARD —Run-away on the morn of the 13th inst. a negro wench named Nancy . She is middle sized, stout made and likely, yellow complexion; she was lately the property of Mr. W. McKim. Whoever will deliver her to the subscriber shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges. Masters of vessels and others are cautioned against harboring her, or carrying her off. MARY PHEPOE. Richmond, Dec. 17. [tf.]
COLUMBIAN MILLS & COAL LANDS FOR SALE —By virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the first day of October, 1801, executed by David Ross to the subscribers, and for the purpose of completing the objects of the said trust, in conformity to certain covenants therein contained—the following property will be offered for sale on the first Wednesday in January next, at the front door of the Eagle Tavern in the city of Richmond, to the highest bidder, for ready money, between the hours of twelve and four o'clock, to wit:—All that piece or parcel of Land, adjoining the city of Richmond, commonly called the Columbian Mills , with the Mills, Houses, Canals, Improvements, Appendages and Privileges thereunto belonging.—Also, an undivided three thirds of a tract of Land in Henrico county, containing seventeen hundred acres, called the Deep-Rum Coal Pits , and an undivided two thirds of a tract of Land in Chesterfield, containing one hundred acres, called the Falling Creek Coal Pits , of which said Coal Lands, the late James Currie was part owner. GEO. HAY, ROBERT POLLARD, FRANCIS ANDERSON, } Trustees. Nov. 27, 1807.
If the aforementioned property should prove insufficient to satisfy the debt thereupon charged, the subscribers will offer for sale at the same time and place, a tract of Land in Henrico, called the Seven Pines , containing by estimation, one thousand acres; also, a Tract of Land in the same county on Four Mile Creek , being the same whereon the late Col. John Pleasants formerly resided, containing by estimation four hundred and sixty acres, and forty acres adjoining thereto, binding on Bayley's creek and said Four Mile creek , on which stands the Norwich Mills . All of which property was conveyed in trust, by David Ross to the subscribers, by deed bearing date the nineteenth day of December, 1805, as an addition. Security for a debt due to Wm. B. Giles by the said Ross and charged on the Columbian Mills and Coal Lands first mentioned. GEO. HAY, BENJ. HATCHER, } Trustees.
AT PRIVATE SALE —One thousand sacks SALT , 40 Hds. Prime SUGAR , 10 do. Leaf do. 5 Pipes London particular Madeira WINE , 10 Pipes Cognac BRANDY , and 35 Bales of coarse WOOLENS , to be sold low for approved paper. Darmstadt, Foster & Satchell, Auctrs. Nov. 24. (ep6w.)
LANDS FOR SALE —The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND , in which, to persons making early application, he will give great bargains: One tract of 1300 acres, lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufactory Mill, and five from New-Canton. This Land is very valuable, having on it 900 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good tobacco Land; there are also very good improvements, such as are well calculated for the accommodation of a family, and a sufficiency of chesnut land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advantageously. This tract will be shown to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land.—One tract on Randolph's creek , of 400 acres, the greater part of which is fresh and will produce good wheat and corn; it joins the lands of Col. Wilson and Mr. Gilley Lewis.—One other tract, in the neighborhood of New-Canton, of 212 acres, being a moiety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langhorne.—Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibralter . These Lands will be offered for sale at very reduced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next. WADE MOSBY. Powhatan, Dec. 4. (Fif.)
MORE CHEAP GOODS —JOHN KING, again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS , which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle-Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City. November 6. [ep4w.]
CASH SALES —To be sold, for ready money, in pursuance of a deed of trust from David Ross, esp. bearing date on the 5th day of July, 1806, & recorded in the general court, in order to raise the sum of $50,000 and upwards, and the charges and expenses of sale—Those well known MILLS with the appurtenances, in the city of Richmond, called the Columbian Mills . Two undivided third parts of the Deep Rum Coal Pits , in the county of Henrico, containing about 1750 acres, more or less. Two undivided third parts of the Falling-Creek Coal Pits , in the county of Chesterfield, containing about one hundred acres.—Two undivided third parts of the Dover Coal Lands , in the county of Goochland, containing about ninety acres, which three several tracts of Coal Land were held in partnership between the said David Ross, and James Currie, deceased. The Columbian Mills and Appurtenances, are subject to a ground rent to Samuel Overton; and the said Mills and two tracts of Coal Land , first mentioned, are pledged for the security of sundry sums of money, due to Mrs. Frances Tabb and Wm. B. Giles, administrator of John Tabb, dec'd. a large proportion of which, is stated by the said Ross to have been paid, and other estates are pledged for the balance. For further information on this subject, persons inclined to purchase, are referred to the said Ross, or it may be obtained on application to the subscribers.—The sales will take place at the Eagle-Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on Wednesday, the 20th of January, 1808. E. W. ROOTES, WILSON ALLEN, } Trustees. Nov. 30. [ep4w.]
CITY TAVERN . The subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has fitted up the City Tavern for the comfortable accommodation of gentlemen travellers and others; where the most respectful attention will be paid to all who may favor him with their custom. Gentlemen attending the General Assembly may be accommodated during their stay in town, in a manner, and upon terms which cannot fail to give entire satisfaction. The best of every thing which our city can afford shall be constantly provided, with careful and attentive waiters, good stabling and hostlers. About thirty or forty gentlemen can be well supplied with boarding and lodging during the winter. NATHL. WHITE. Dec. 4. (ep4w.)
The subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public in general, that he has rented of Mr. Crouch, the commodious House on the street leading from the Governor's to the main-street, known by the name of the CITY HOTEL , and has provided himself for the accommodation of about 20 members of the Assembly, and from 12 to 15 regular boarders. From his contiguity to the Capitol and to that part of Town in which the most business is transacted, the reasonableness of his charges, and his attention to those who may please to call on him, flatters himself to give such satisfaction as to merit their patronage. To transient passengers, he will add, that he has an excellent stable, which shall at all times be well provided for the reception of their horses. JAMES VAUGHAN. Richmond, Dec. 8. [ep3w.]
By virtue of a Trust Deed, executed to the late Peter F. Archer, of Powhatan, to secure to Judith Archer a sum of money therein expressed; we shall sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Powhatan court-house, on Saturday the 26th day of December next, the following negro SLAVES , to wit:—Charlotte and two children, Amy, Suckey, Sally, Rachael and her child Betsy; or as many thereof as may be necessary to answer the purposes of said deed. JOHN ARCHER, Wm. ROYALL, } Trustees. Nov. 27. [ep4w.]
JOHN ALCOCK , informs his friends and the public at large, that he has just received, and is now opening, next door to Messrs. Prosser & Moncure's vendue, a large assortment of Merchandize , consisting of the following articles:—Carpenters and Joiners Tools, iron and steel Nails and Hinges, for house work and cabinet ware. I also carry on my Cabinet Manufacture , as usual, adjoining the fire insurance office, and have on hand three thousand dollars worth of furniture, finished in the best workman-like manner and in the newest fashion. Also, Windsor Chairs. I will sell all of the above goods, very low for cash, or good paper at a short date. Sept. 5. [ep4w.]
The subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES >BRIDGES & ROBERTSON , they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble , ir's.—A general assortment of GROCERIES —among which are Antigua Rum, Soap, Candles, Holland Gin, Rice, Spanish Indigo, 4th pf. Cognac Brandy, Northern Cheese, Raspberry ditto, Best Spanish Segars, London particular Madeira Wine, Hibbert's Porter and Port, Sherry & Tenerife, Brown Stout, Best green Coffee, Nail and spike Rod, Brown & Leaf Sugar, Pickled Salmon, Best Chocolate, F. F. Gun-powder in Gun-powder, Igs, Imperial, Raisins, Almonds, Hyson, Pepper, Ginger, Young Hyson & Souchong, Queens-Ware, &c. &c. Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctilious customers. JAMES BRIDGES, Wm. ROBERTSON. Richmond, Dec. 4. (tf.)
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY —At a meeting of the Directors of the Richmond Turnpike Company, on Monday the 23d of November, 1807, for reasons appearing to the board, Resolved , That the sale of the SHARES of delinquent stock-holders in the said company, advertised for this day, be postponed till Thursday the 31st of next month, and that they be then sold at auction, before the front door of the Eagle Tavern in the city of Richmond. A copy. Teste, N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. Nov. 27. (Gistd.)
WANTED TO PURCHASE , A NEGRO WOMAN of 25 or 30 years of age, that understands Cooking. For one that can come well recommended for cleanliness, sobriety and steadiness, a liberal price will be given.—Enquire at the Office of the ENQUIRER. Dec. 4. (tf.)
NOTICE —The subscriber having qualified as administrator de bonis non , on the estate of the late William Churchill, Esquire, of Wilton, in Middlesex, requests all persons having claims against the said decedent, to make them known as soon as possible; otherwise, in all suits against the estate of the said William, this notice will be relied on as forming presumptive evidence that the claim had been settled. JNO. DARBY. Richmond County. Dec. 8. [tf.]
FALL GOODS —RICHARD BROOKE, has just received an elegant assortment of GOODS , calculated for the ensuing season, consisting of—Superfine London Cloths and Kersymerees, Second do. do. do. Superfine and second quality Coatings, Forest Cloths, Plains and Kendal Cottons, Rose and Match Coat Blankets, Velvets, Velveteens, Prince's & President's Cord, Silk and Worsted Waistcoatings of various kinds, Gentlemen and Ladies silk, cotton and worsted Hosiery, Silk Velvets, assorted colours, Crapes, do. do. do. Sarcenets, do. do. do. Lutestrings, do. do. do. for dresses. Do. Ribbons, Irish Linens & Lawns, Silk and Cotton Gingham, Irish Sheetings, Cotton Chambays, Shirting Cottons, Calico and Chintz, Dimities & Cambric, Elegant Robes & short Dimities, Dresses, Carpetings and Hearth Rugs, Plain & figured Leno's, Do. do. mill'd Muslins, A handsome assortment of Kid & Morocco Shoes, A few pair of elegant Cossar & white top Boots. All of which he will sell at the most reduced price for cash. Oct. 10. [tf.]
JOHNSON and REAT, Jewellers & Silver-smiths , Richmond; a few doors above the Bell-Tavern, and just opposite col. Mayo's new building; beg leave to inform the inhabitants of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities, that they have on hand a large supply of Work, composed of the latest Fashions, viz.—An elegant assortment of pearl and topaz Breast Pins, Finger Rings and Bracelets, plain gold do. of nearly all patterns, Miniature Settings, mourning and fancy Lockets, Ear Rings, mourning and fancy cornelian, topaz, plain gold and common Watch Keys, gold, pebble and glass Seals, gold and gilt Chains, mourning and fancy gold mounted Necklaces, plain and ornamented Combs, pearl and tortoiseshell Sagar Boxes, Dirks, Pen Knives and Scissors; a general assortment of silver Spoons and Ladies, Scissor Chains, Thimbles, Pencil Cases, Pens, Spectacles, Tooth Picks, Iuk Stands, Snuff boxes and Tweezers, Morocco Pocket Books and Thread Cases; Also, silver and plated Table Ware, consisting of Coffee, Tea and Milk Pots, Bread Baskets, Sugar Dishes, Castors, Tumblers, Salt Stands and Candlesticks; and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate; All of which they offer to their friends on the most moderate terms that can be afforded. Orders from any place will be thankfully received and speedily despatched. December 4. [ep4w.]
STRAYED from the subscriber, living on James River, opposite the mouth of Rock-fish, on the 3rd day of October last, a large Surrel Brood Mare . She is about 5 feet high, has a star in her forehead and one or more white feet, very thin switch mane and tail; she was in tolerable order and shod all round with German steel, she has a sluggish movement and is in foal; a long shot and gallop are her only gaits; she is 15 years old, no brand recollected; she had been lately purchased by me from a gentleman residing near the head of Rock-fish, at the foot of the Blue-ridge; but as she cannot be found in that, or the intervening country, I apprehend (if she was not stolen) she has made towards Hanover county, she having been raised by Judge Roane, who owned her till the fall 1805. I will give ten dollars for her delivery, and full compensation for any information leading to her recovery. PATRICK ROSE, jun. Buckingham, Dec. 8. (Top.)
JUST RECEIVED , a general assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS , of superior quality—For sale by S. DARMSTATT. Oct. 23. [tf.]
EDUCATION —On the 1st of next January, the subscriber intends to open a SCHOOL , at the Green Springs, in Louisa county, where boys may be instructed in the Latin, Greek, French and English Languages. It is deemed unnecessary to say any thing of the advantages of the situation which he has selected, as its healthiness and remoteness from every kind of dissipation are well known to most gentlemen of the lover country. No scholars will be admitted, except those who board at the Springs (where a Boarding House will be kept by Col. Morris) by which means, the subscriber will have his pupils immediately under his eye, and be enabled to attend at all times both to their morals and education. The terms will be—Board 28 pounds per annum exclusively of bed and washing—Tuition 10 pounds, one half of each to be paid at the expiration of six months, and the other at the end of the year. Those gentlemen who intend to commit their sons or wards to the care of the subscriber, will please to notify him of it by letters directed to Lindsay's Post-Office, Albemarle county, and addressed to FRANCIS F. MAURY. Dec. 15, 1807. N. B. The following letters, one from Mr. Carr, and the other from Col. Nicholas (in whose family I have lived three years in the capacity of private tutor) are published as testimonials of my qualifications as a teacher. F. F. M.
Curr's Brook, Nov. 13, 1807.
MY DEAR SIR—I have learned with real pleasure, your intention of opening a school for teaching the dead languages. Although my opinion as to their utility and ornament may be deemed by some absurd, and by others unenlightened; yet my reasons do not yield its assent to any of the arguments which I have heard against them, and until it does, I must be permitted to believe they are both useful and ornamental. Having frequently had an opportunity of being in your school at Warren, it is with great sincerity and truth that I give my feeble testimony in favour of your ability as a teacher, and the excellence of your method of instruction. When I had last the pleasure of seeing you, it seemed to be your intention to open a school at the Green Springs; I do not think you could select a more eligible situation. With best wishes for your success, believe me your friend. P. CARR.
Warren, Nov. 8, 1807. DEAR SIR—It gives me great pleasure to hear that you intend to establish yourself at the Green Springs. The situation is an admirable one for a large school, it has every thing to recommend it. From three years intimate acquaintance with you, I have the utmost confidence you will give entire satisfaction to all who may commit their children to your care. For your diligence and amiable qualities, and for my opinion of your capacity and skill, let the regret I feel at my sons being deprived of your instruction vouch. Accept my most sincere wishes for your success, and assurances that I believe your expectations will be fully answered. I am Dear Sir; With esteem and regard, Your humble servant, W. C. NICHOLAS. [ep 7th.]
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST —Is now practicing in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the Teeth to their natural elegance, setting artificial ones, so as to be useful as well as ornamental, plugging the decayed cavities of such as can be preserved, and extracting such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of Bruff's Patent Extracting Instrument —which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use. He deems it unnecessary to say any thing concerning the advantages derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak. He has DENTIFICE of a superior quality, void of corrosive substances, prepared by himself and for sale. His dwelling is over Mr. Brooke's store in the brick row.—A line or servant directed to the said place, will be attended to. Dec. 15. [ep2w.] Mr. Le Tellier informs those that are travelling to Norfolk, that his Brother is practicing Dentistry there, and his abilities are unexceptionable.
FOR SALE , on the first day of January next—Four Likely NEGROES , viz: a negro man about 24 years of age, who is a valuable Carpenter, two girls and a woman. Also, To Hire for the ensuing year, about 15 likely SLAVES —Enquire at the Office of the ENQUIRER. Dec. 15. [tds.]
FEMALE EDUCATION will be continued at Mount-airly, the ensuing year, under the direction of Miss Terrell; who will teach Readings, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar and Geography. The school will be opened on Monday the 18th January. Terms—For Board and Tuition, each finding her own bedding, $100 per annum, paid quarterly in advance; and as provisions will be made in due time for the reception of boarders, no deduction can be made for entering a boarder after a part of the first quarter has elapsed nor for the necessary vacations. HUMPHREY HILL. Caroline, Dec. 17. [94.]
NOTICE —The Co-Partnership of Hobson & St. John , terminated with the 31st day of August last; All those indebted to said concern are requested to come forward without delay and settle their accounts; those having claims against said concern will exhibit them for adjustment. JOHN HOBSON, jun. JOHN ST. JOHN. New-Canton, Oct. 14.
THE subscriber will continue business at the same place on his own account. He has now on hand a general assortment of GOODS , suited to the present and approaching season, which he will sell on moderate terms for cash, produce, or to punctilious customers on the usual credit. JOHN HOBSON, jun. [on wdm.]
TO THE PUBLIC —The subscriber, residing in Lynchburg, has commenced the practice of LAW , in the Hustings Court of that town, the county courts of Campbell, Amherst and Bedford, and the District court of Franklin. Those who may confide their business to his care may depend on his attention. WILLIAM RADFORD. Lynchburg, Nov. 27. (law4