The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-07-28 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 28, 1802.
MISS ROBBINS,
Lately from London,
PROPOSES to open in RICHMOND, a BOARDING SCHOOL
For the reception of YOUNG LADIES. Her education, she flatters herself, has been such as to render her adequate to the undertaking. Those young Ladies who may be confided to her tuition, will be instructed in the English and French languages, Writing and Arithmetic, with every other useful and polite accomplishment. Particular care will be paid to their morals, and every requisite attention will be given them.
The most approved masters for Music, Dancing, &c. will be engaged.
Persons desirous of being further informed of the advertiser are requested to apply to the Rev. Mr. Buchanan, Mr. William Hay, or Messrs. McMurdo and Fisher.
Richmond, July 28th.
A FEW COPIES OF
HYMNS,
BY THE REV. E. CLAY,
TO BE SOLD
At this Office, and at Pumphrey's Stationer, Richmond.
Sports of the TURF.
TO be run for, the first Thursday in November, 1803, at Surry Court House, a Purse of 30 Dollars each, free for any Colt then rising Three Years old, carrying a catch, Mile Heats, half forfeit.
Any gentleman entering a Colt may be at liberty of changing the same, before the closing of the Subscription; which will be kept open until the 1st. of November, 1802.
N. B. Ten Colts are already entered. Gentlemen at a distance, and others who wish to become subscribers, will be admitted, if directed by letter.
D. PRICE.
Surry Court House.
July 13, 1802.
FOR SALE,
A Capital Young Horse,
Calculated to make an elegant SADDLE, CHAIR, OR OTHER CARRIAGE HORSE.
Apply at the office of the Recorder.
Richmond, July 14th, 1802.
NOTICE.
IN THE MATTER OF THOMAS HOOPER, BANKRUPT.
THE Subscribers, being appointed Assignees of the Estate and Effects of THOMAS HOOPER, late Merchant of Richmond, Bankrupt, all Persons indebted to the said Thomas Hooper, or who have any of his Effects, are not to pay or deliver the same to any other person, or persons, than the Subscribers; or to such as are or shall be duly authorised by them.
RICHARD DENNY HARLES SPENCER } Assignees.
Richmond July 6, 1802.
GENUINE PORT & SHERRY WINE
By the Pipe Hoghead, Quarter Cask, or Gallon.
Bordeaux Claret in Boxes of 3. Bottles each. A few Dozen of Black, White, and coloured Silk Stockings.
White and coloured Kid Gloves.
French Silks of different colours.
140 pieces of Hanging Paper of the most elegant patterns.
Post Paper by the Ream.
100 Kegs of Derby White Lead,
And a few Hogheads of Molasses
For Sale by
JOHN FOSTER.
Richmond, July 10, 1802.
[S.]
TO THE PUBLIC.
Sometime ago, there commenced, in this City, the publication of a Newspaper, intitled
THE RECORDER,
Published weekly, upon a royal sheet, at Two Dollars, payable in advance.
SEVERAL gentlemen, who approved of the peculiar plan of this undertaking, and who were desirous to promote its success, have repeatedly desired the editors to transmit to their care, printed copies of the plan, and of the terms of subscription. They did this with a view to collect the names of subscribers, and, at the same time, the proportionable advances of money requisite for establishing and supporting such a publication. We did not wish to be precipitate in complying with this amicable requisition. Our reason was, that editors frequently set out with a profession of principles, and with a title of execution, which, to borrow the phrase of Shakespeare, has no more resemblance to their subsequent performances, "than the first day of May" has to the last of December." Before we ventured to speak much about ourselves, we were anxious to give our friends a full specimen of the newspaper. The common proceeds of such publication is shortly this. A printer, who has money to buy an office, or credit to procure it, gets somebody to write a prospectus for him: he therein, with the utmost gravity, informs the public, that he is a firm friend to our most excellent federal constitution; that he abhors all jacobins, disorganizers, and atheists; that he approves of Jay's Treaty, of a Standing Army, of a Sedition Act, of an Alien Act, and especially, of the stratagem by which the first federal congress, that memorable band of patriots! Swindled the whole continental army out of at least twenty or thirty millions of dollars. Proceeding upon principles like these, our virtuous and profound editor assures all his friends and patrons, that he will follow the venerable names of Samuel Chase, of John Adams, and of Alexander Hamilton, through fire and water. He will support the federal constitution, when most falsely construed, or most impudently distorted. He will not only believe it to be infallible, but he will believe that every one of its New-England interpreters is likewise infallible. And whatever they affirm to be in the constitution, he will believe to be there. He concludes, by assuring his readers, that Virginia is the Land of Debt; that she had refused to pay her share of the debts of the union; that she wanted to engage America in a war with England, for the sake of supporting the French revolution; that she was ambitious to support this atheistical revolution, for the sake of introducing a political and revolutionary divorce between the opposite banks of the Potomac, with much more to the same purpose.
These are not the express words, but this is the express meaning of many introductions to Federal newspapers which have been published in the United States. The sentiments are, to be sure, disguised; and the language is softened; but when you come to take the story to pieces, and set it up again, you can make neither more nor less of it, than what is here stated. We appeal to every Virginian gentleman that has filled a seat in Congress, to attest, that this description is not the caricature of fancy, but the portrait of truth.
Now, fellow-citizens! let us jump over the federal ditch. Let us hear what the good, honest, independent, republican democratical printer says to his virtuous and enlightened subscribers.
He says, that all men are by nature equal; that all authority originates from the people; that the oftener you recur to their judgment, so much the better; that, in a truly representative government, no fault can be committed; because, as the people know every thing, it is impossible that they should be mistaken. From these general and incontestible principles, your democratical editor walks into his detail. He dares not to speak out; but he tries to whisper, that a certain political instrument is a very queer thing. He says, that it was reprobated by Patrick Henry, the greatest orator, by ten thousand degrees, that ever dignified or enchanted an American audience. He says, that experience has justified almost every prediction that had been so prophetically pronounced by Patrick Henry, by George Madison, by Judge Tyler, and by the present governor of Virginia. This democratical editor
says, that when Patrick Henry assaulted James Madison, it was like a red-hot ploughshare thrust over a sack-full of chaff.
Our editor farther says, that it was the wisest thing imaginable, for the assembly of Virginia to make a present to Congress of the whole North-Western Territory. He says, that this territory was at least five times as large as the whole state of Virginia. He says, that the ancient dominion made a present to Congress of this pretty little potatoo-patch, and that this was done by the particular advice, and building upon the transcendent information of the Hon. James Madison. He says, that Virginia received the greatest service imaginable, when she was stripped of almost a planet's worth of property, which had been gained by the genius, perseverance, and intrepidity of George Rogers Clark; and by the valour and the blood of his faithful and invincible veterans. Your democratical editor says, as every man in his senses must say, that Virginia could not have acted more wittily than by stripping herself of an inconceivable, and an incontestible mass of property.
What is the reason that you are now paying a merchant-tax of forty dollars upon the wholesale, and fifteen upon the retail trader? Look at the present you made to Congress! Why are you forced to pay forty-eight cents per annum upon every hundred dollars worth of your lands, so much upon your slaves, and so very much upon your stud horses, and your jack-asses? The democratical editor tells you in a tone of exultation, that these blessings have been derived from the wisdom and patriotism of Mr. Madison's North-Western donation. Your horses, mules, mares, and colts, pay twelve cents each. Every licence requires a tax of twelve dollars and an half. A four-wheel riding carriage pays an hundred and twenty-five cents per wheel, and phetons and waggons, eighty-four cents. You know that our secretary of state is a gentleman of supreme talents, and that his services to Virginia have been worth ten times more than all these petty taxes. On this account, we shall say nothing about the tax upon your carriages with two wheels, or your taxes upon lots and houses in towns. We pass over twenty-five, or thirty hundred thousand dollars per annum, which you pay to the federal government, AFTER the repeal of its internal taxes. You pay this immense sum in the shape of impost; and because the pill has been disguised, you forget that you were forced to swallow it. If Virginia contains ninety thousand white families, they contribute upon an average, about thirty-five dollars per annum to the federal and the state governments. You do this because you gave away your North-Western territory; and then—you very wittily wonder that you are scarce of money! With such unsearchable abysses for the extinction of your money, can any body wonder that the treasury of Virginia does not, at this moment, contain five shillings? That orders upon it are selling at a considerable discount, that an hundred and ten thousand dollars have been sunk upon the commencement of an ARMORY, and that ninety thousand more will be required for completing that inestimable building? Is it surprising, that the printers of a newspaper which uncovers so many secrets, have had an hundred gross libels published against them? or, that the Recorder is feared and hated by all parties? Government, is at best, but a choice of evils. Of the corruption of the Federal Government, it has been, and it always shall be, one of the principal objects of the Recorder to trace the origin, the progress, and the probable termination. We shall do this without the least regard to what person may be at the head of government, or at the head of an opposition to it. We have but a very humble opinion of patriotic virtue; and with your good leave, we shall endeavour to show you how to save your money from the paws of constitutional robbery.
AN EXPLANATORY NOTE,
FROM OUR VIRGINIAN CORRESPONDENT, Concerning Foreigners.
"If a cumber like this should once prevail, there would be no occasion to look into other hemispheres for the spurious aid of ambitious adventurers."
THE above sentence was used by me in a publication which appeared in this paper, upon the 14th of this month. It has drawn from the editors a very long note. It would seem
from it, that my meaning was altogether mistaken by them. It is equally probable, that it may be mistaken by others also. This leads me to make the following explanation.
I consider that there is a wide difference between ambitious adventurers, and industrious, enterprising, and virtuous foreigners. The remarks of the editors seem to apply almost altogether, to the latter description of persons.
It is impossible for any man, to reflect one moment upon the history of this country, from the first settlement to the present time, and particularly during the revolutionary war, who will not be obliged to acknowledge, that upon many important occasions, great, and sometimes, indispensable services, have been rendered, by persons who were not natives of the country.
Generals Montgomery, an Irishman; Mercer, a Scotchman; and Pulaski, a Pole; with many others, who were equally worthy, though conspicuous, fought, bled, and died in the battles of America. Nearly one half of the American army, at one period, was composed of foreigners, who occupied all stations, from generals to privates. It ought never to be forgotten in Virginia, that the marquis La Fayette, a Frenchman, commanded our army during great part of the campaign against Cornwallis; or, that the capture of the British army at York, in 1781, may be attributed to the aid of the French troops.
When the credit of the United States was so low, that clothing could not be obtained by Congress for a single regiment, the whole civil and military operations of the government were supported by the sole credit and abilities of Mr. Robert Morris, who was born in England.
During the whole war, all kinds of arms, and other military accoutrements, were manufactured near to Frederickburg, at the works of Mr. James Hunter. They were sold to the United States upon credit. The advantage of this manufactory to the cause, is well known to thousands. It is just as well known, that Mr. Hunter was a Scotchman.
In the year 1781, when public credit was so reduced in this state, that the paper money depreciated rapidly from seventy-five to one thousand for one, and then fell to nothing; when the state was invaded and partly overrun by a British army; supplies for the American army, and many other public purposes were procured and accomplished by the industry, and upon the credit of Mr. David Ross, who at that time was commercial agent for the state of Virginia. Mr. Ross was likewise aided in the important and arduous duties of his department by Mr. William Hay. After Mr. Ross's resignation, Mr. Hay succeeded to the same appointment, which he discharged with equal advantage to the community and reputation to himself. Both these persons are Scotchmen.
During the most perilous times of the revolution, Mr. Alexander Henderson, another Scotchman, was not only one of the most attentive and zealous members of the assembly, but was by far the best financier.
A long list of other names might be added, for whom I entertain great esteem, whose public and private deportment entitles them to the highest commendation. But I am sure it will neither be acceptable to themselves, nor necessary to the explanation.
Every day's observation proves to us all, and particularly in this city, that the community derives great advantage from industrious, enterprising, and virtuous foreigners.
A single circumstance will shew this more clearly than a thousand theories. Almost all the mills at and near this city are either owned or occupied by foreigners. They give to the farmers a constant market for their wheat. Until this was the case, our wheat was shipped to Maryland, to Philadelphia, to New-York, and to other places. Even Rott has been brought from Philadelphia and Baltimore, to this city, for domestic use.
Having said so much, I do not expect that any body can mistake me, as to the exact application which I intended for the words "ambitious adventurers."
Note by the Editors.
There is no article which we have ever received for publication, which gives us more pleasure, than this explanatory note of our Virginian Correspondent. We feel a pleasure to commit an error, when the means of correction afford so much instruction.

and are so honorable not only to many meritorious characters, but to the writer.
We discover, that during the war with Great-Britain, there were many Scotchmen who bore very conspicuous parts both in the field and in the cabinet; that there were some persons who devoted their fortunes and credit to support the cause. We should be glad to hear from some of the present race of self-made republicans, why it is, that they affect themselves to speak in the most reproachful terms of such characters as these; the word Scotchman, has among them, become a term of reproach.
How many dozens of these chattering magpies could be found, whose consolidated merit and service, would be unequal to a single act of either of those honest, enterprising Scotchmen above named.
We should be glad to know whether Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Giles, and some scores of the same sort, either exposed their persons, or jeopardized their fortunes in support of the cause, from which they seem to think themselves entitled to reap the entire harvest? Nay, more, they appear to think that they are authorized to sanctify the most reproachful epithets, nor only against such persons as those who have been first named, but against thousands of others, who put themselves in battle array against the enemy, when some of these gentlemen had sought safety in retreat.
Nothing would give us more pleasure than to receive communications from correspondents, giving us a candid statement of facts, names, and places, during the revolutionary contest, and particularly for the year 1781. We should be glad to know how many there are, who called upon the rocks and mountains to hide them from the vengeance, not of a God in whom they disbelieved, but of a foe, armed with swords and terror.
It is not the temper of malignity which prompts us to this. The truth is, we should be glad to see every man in his proper place, and it would afford us some pleasure to put him there.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
JULY 28th. 1802.
The following Paragraphs are extracted from the Aurora of July 1.
"The paper of Alexander Hamilton at New-York, has assumed the full toned grollens and vulgarity of Porcupine and Callender—their morals and their principles are congenial; to them nothing is so abhorrent as the Aurora. While we feel a pride in their hatred, and it is a just cause of pride to be an object of fear and hatred to the vilest men in the community; we shall pursue our course steadily, and laugh at the insolent stupidity which they substitute for argument, and the mendacity which they employ to escape from the exposure of their crimes." —Duane refers to the New-York Herald, or Evening Post. This newspaper is, beyond all comparison, the most elegant piece of workmanship of its kind that we have seen, either in Europe or America. As an editor, Mr. Coleman appears to be a match for Duane, without his excessive personal vanity. We do not discover grollens or vulgarity. Duane says, that to the Herald and the Recorder, nothing is so abhorrent as the Aurora. We do not give ourselves the trouble to think much about Mr. Duane. We despise his conduct very heartily. He says, that he is an object of our fear. It is incomprehensible in what way he can think himself capable of injuring this paper. He goes on thus:—
"The ranks of tribus , like the armies of Mahomed , are composed of proselytes from the abandoned of all sects, nations and tribes . It requires no personal virtue; no private worth; no regard for the laws of morality and decorum. Every wretch, who, finds the pursuits of debauchery and vice detected and discouraged by republicans, is sure to meet with impunity and sympathy in the ranks of toryism . See Callender's Recorder, echoed by Hamilton's New-York Evening Post, and Bronson's Gazette. Presently we shall see the pious Palladium , and the modest Centinel of Boston, enter into their appropriate amity." —It is not easy to discover for what purpose the armies of Mahomed are introduced. Duane might know that the Turks are not fond of employing proselytes. Their armies are as little mixed as those of most other nations. What does Duane mean by the word toryism ? Some years ago, Mr. Jefferson remarked in conversation, that, although Virginia was a republican state, she had a tory governor, a tory speaker of the house of delegates, a tory public printer, and a tory clerk. Governor Wood, or the speaker, wrote up to Mr. Jefferson, to enquire what he meant by this expression. He returned an answer that made it perfectly harmless. As for vice being discouraged and detected by the republicans, we have always understood that, as to morality,
there was really but very little distinction between the two parties. When Samuel Sterret murdered Neale Harvey, John Adams overlooked the assassination. Thomas Jefferson continued him in the service of the navy. He wrote him a letter of thanks for beating the Tripolitan corsair. The present republican congress have ratified this approbation; and the federal newspapers at New-York are battering poor John Wood, for having transformed from 'The Prospect,' a kind of censure upon the said Sterret. In this instance at least, the two parties are very much alike, in their competition for vindicating and applauding a murderer.* Our own executive council are, in a similar case, acting not very differently. We proceed with Duane.—
"Callender has undertaken the defence of Stoddert, as well as of Pickering. It is the favourite maxim of Callender, that he who pays him best, holds the best principles. He complains that the republicans would not pay him; which of course accounts for the innocence of Messrs. Pickering and Stoddert ." —If Duane consulted his own reputation, he would never mention the name of Pickering. It is not true that Callender ever wrote a defence either of him, or Stoddert. The pieces on that subject, came from a very different hand. In our last number, Pickering has been completely vindicated from the charge of peculation. The report of the committee says, that all the money for which Pickering has not yet produced vouchers, has been applied to services of a public nature. In the face of this demonstration, Duane, with the most matchless audacity, continues to chatter, as if Pickering stood convicted of fraud. Early in the last session of congress, Mr. Nicholson took an opportunity to inform the representatives, that there was not the slightest suspicion that Mr. Pickering had wronged the public out of a single dollar. Duane himself was standing under the gallery, when Mr. Nicholson made this declaration. He took some notice of it in the Aurora, and requested his readers to suspend their opinion till he should afford some additional explanation. This explanation he never gave, and he never can give.
The report of the committee of investigation has ascertained, beyond all controversy, the innocence of Pickering as to public money. They pass a slight censure upon him, for having applied considerable sums to services different from those for which they had been appropriated. But still those services were of a public nature. The committee themselves pointedly tell you so. Hence, nothing but the most immovable stupidity can torture this circumstance into an act of fraud in the secretary. Duane may rail and babble as much as he pleases. But there is not a man of the smallest sense, indeed it is inconceivable that even the greatest blockhead can believe one syllable of his charge. Thus Duane stands convicted of a deliberate and malicious lie, which he has repeated and reprinted an hundred times over. And now let us ask what faith is to be put in the word of such a man, or what title he has to prate about personal virtue, private worth, and a regard for the laws of morality and decorum ? We are astonished at the good sense of Mr. Jefferson, the cunning of Gallatin, and the timidity of Madison, in their suffering him to proceed at such an absurd rate. If he does not correct himself, the Aurora will very soon become as infamous for its falsehoods, as ever the Brussels Gazette was in Europe, or Livingston's Royal Gazette was at New-York. These remarks are not connected with any spirit of pique, or of party. They are the plain dictates of truth and reason, and Duane himself must be perfectly conscious that they are so. When Adams was president, the federal newspapers teemed with every sort of imposture, and one of the standing objections to him was, that he suffered such atrocious calumnies to be told of Mr. Jefferson and the rest of the republicans. Mr. Adams was considered and charged as being not one jot better than his agents. It now appears, that, in this respect, Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Pickering and Mr. Madison, Mr. Wolcott, and Mr. Gallatin are all exactly upon a level! It is in vain to deny the fact. You might as well affirm that the sun shines upon us at midnight. Duane himself, therefore, affords the most complete evidence, that republicans are no better than other people.
About a fortnight ago, William Giles was in Richmond. He had a conversation upon the subject of Pickering with Mr. George Picket of this city. To our subscribers at Baltimore, Boston, New-York, Philadelphia, and other distant places, it may be necessary to say, that Mr. Picket is a gentleman of very independent circumstances, and very much above the suspicion of fibbing. To the citizens of Richmond it was not necessary to say so. But if his name had not been introduced, our subscribers in the middle and eastern states, might perhaps have fancied that we were dashing and raving like Duane.
To Mr. Picket, Giles said, that Pickering had proved to be a VERY HONEST MAN . We presume that Giles, in this expression, had an exclusive reference to the subject of public money. But Giles added, that Dayton was a rascal. Mr. Picket replied in these words:— "Why, last year, Mr. Giles, you know you
told us that Pickering was a rascal. If you give Dayton another twelvemonth's time to clear himself, perhaps you will find that he has been just as honest as Mr. Pickering." —Here was another falsehood. With abilities and information far above Duane's compass, the orator is just as void of veracity as the printer. Dayton would be very glad to pillage, if he could. But Gallatin would be just as willing to conduct him to the gallows; and if Dayton had been a defaulter, it is certain that he would not, from the present administration, have met with one moment's mercy. Their silence, and that of the committee, place Dayton upon the same rock of defiance with Pickering. If he is a defaulter, why did not Giles put him into the famous report? The plain answer is that, in this instance, Dayton was innocent, in spite of all the venom and foam of the Aurora.
We hope that Mr. Picket will excuse us for the singularity, and the freedom, of popping his name into a newspaper. We wanted the attestation of Giles to the pecuniary rectitude of Pickering. We wanted it as a final blow to the veracity of William Duane. But it would have signified very little for us to affirm, in general terms, that Giles said so and so, to a gentleman in Richmond. The manufacturing of such gentlemen, is a very common trick. But when we bring forward the name of Mr. Picket, nobody will suppose that we durst have done so, unless we had really related the circumstance, which he did to the writer of this article. Again, as we observed before, nobody will suspect the accuracy of Mr. Picket; and it is as certain, that Giles would have been very sorry to pronounce praise upon Pickering, if he could have helped it.
We desire all reasonable men to put these matters together. We have no conceivable interest either in the guilt, or innocence of Timothy Pickering; but after the private attestation of Giles, the public attestation of Nicholson, and the official report of the committee, we can no more believe that Pickering has pillaged the public treasury, than we can believe that Duane himself believes in his own accusation.
You will recollect, perhaps, that in the Aurora of the 17th of June, 1800, there appeared an article entitled PUBLIC PLUNDER . This piece, and its successors in the Aurora, made an uncommon noise. They contributed very much towards the election of Mr. Jefferson; and very much towards the establishment of Duane's importance as an editor. In the first of these two pieces, Duane says, that on the 18th of April preceding, Pickering had drawn upon the treasury for fifty thousand dollars; and that at the time when he drew for this sum, he had in his hands three hundred thousand dollars unaccounted for. Duane adds these words: "We shall go further; we shall say, that he holds unaccounted for, a sum nearly double the amount of both these sums." —From this, the public were to infer, that Pickering had actually in his hands, at that time, the stupendous and incredible amount of SEVEN HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS .
This uncommon charge created a surprizing sensation in the public mind. People supposed that they saw Pickering pocketing five, six, or seven hundred thousand dollars of money, of which not one farthing was ever to be recovered. At that time, it was not unusual in Philadelphia, to pay five per cent. per month for the loan of money. Hence, a man possessing seven hundred thousand dollars of hard cash, could clear the trifling sum of thirty-five thousand dollars per month, by putting it to interest. The whole country flew into the most violent rage; and the federal editors understood to little of their business, that they suffered the tempest to overset and overwhelm them.
The report of the committee of investigation informs us that a secretary of state may not be able to account for very large sums of money, while, at the same time, that money has been honestly expended in the public service. At this very time, the committee tell you, that Pickering has expended about eighty thousand dollars, for which, at the date of the report, he had not been able to account. In other words, he had not been able to collect his vouchers. Yet Nicholson, Giles, and the report itself, all unite in vindicating Pickering from the charge of flealing public money. He had not accounted for these eighty thousand dollars. But the committee did not entertain a doubt, that with a fair allowance of time, he would give a proper account of the last farthing.
The presumption is, that the case was exactly the same, two years ago, as at the present moment. Pickering had expended the money; but he had not collected his vouchers. This is a circumstance that happens every day in the management of private business; and it was upon this ground of deception, it was from the want of patience or capacity to make this very simple and important distinction, that the people of America thought proper to believe the charge of theft against Pickering. They believed that they were in danger of losing five, six, or seven hundred thousand dollars, which had been positively and properly spent in their service. A majority of the committee of investigation, are Pickering's personal enemies. They have
ultimately and completely acquitted him of the charge! Yet this Canadian luminary persists in his accusation. It is impossible to conceive a more stupendous example of impudence and of villany, than what, in the present instance, has been exhibited by Duane. The tide of evidence has been turned completely against him. The committee of investigation have, in fact and substance, declared that the charge of peculation against Pickering is absolutely false. Duane, with the most inflexible effrontery, continues to affirm that it is true. The republicans are welcome to take their choice between the report of the committee on the one hand, and the report of the publisher of stolen letters upon the other hand. The Recorder adheres to the report of the committee; and for this adherence, Callender is loaded with every opprobrious epithet, which can be devised by the malice of a self-convicted scoundrel.
In the passage last quoted from the Aurora, Duane charges Pickering with keeping in his hands, the sum of seven hundred thousand dollars. But, in the Aurora of June 23, Duane makes the whole sum unaccounted for, extend only to three hundred and forty-eight thousand dollars. Thus you observe, that, even by his own account, he must have been lying without measure, when he first charges a man with having uplifted seven hundred thousand dollars, and then shrivels up his detail to three hundred and forty-eight thousand. Is not all this a consummate specimen of imposture and of infamy? What does it signify to prattle about republican principles, if it is necessary to support the said principles by the circulation of notorious lies? Principles, which require the support of falsehood, are only fit for being hissed from the stage of investigation.
It is of some consequence to the peace and interest of this country, to ascertain, and to expose the genuine character of William Duane. The people of America derive their political information chiefly from newspapers. Duane upon one side, and Coleman upon the other, dictate at this moment, the sentiments of perhaps fifty thousand American citizens. In fact, the election of a president depends very much upon the abilities of the political editors upon each side of the question. Now, if it can be proved, that Duane is a man absolutely divorced of probity and veracity, his consequence as an editor, can no longer exist. It would cost him a stronger effort than he is capable of making, to furnish a reasonable answer to these remarks. As far as the circulation of the Recorder extends, indeed with every candid and sensible man, who reads the last and present numbers of this paper, we must consider, that his character as an honest writer, has been forever extinguished.
We must once more take leave to express our surprize that Mr. Jefferson should think it proper to employ in his service, a small circle of the most notorious, and even blasted characters on the continent, such as Jones, Cheetham and Duane.
Concerning the president, and his present race of editors, the Recorder has more to say than what can be comprized within this and some succeeding papers. Perhaps it may be affirmed without presumption, that the public have still much to learn both about him and them. In the seventh letter to Jones, it was stated, that Mr. Jefferson had, unsolicited, sent an hundred dollars to assist in printing the two volumes of the Prospect. The money was paid at two different times, by his relation, Mr. George Jefferson, who is ready to attest the fact. This anecdote has made an unreasoned noise. Much censure has been cast upon Mr. Jefferson, as bribing a person to libel John Adams. This impeachment has been refounded in every form, through the Washington Federalist, the Baltimore Federal Gazette, Paulson's Philadelphia Advertiser, the New-York Herald, the New-York Evening Post, and one or two Baltimore mushroom libels, that are not worth naming, besides a whole battalion of other newspapers.
There should not have been any surprize at the remittance of these hundred dollars. —There was one reason, and that but a small one, for being surprized about it. Mr. Jefferson is a rigid economist. He holds with Dr. Swift, that a shilling is a serious thing . One of his acquaintances has witnessed the half suppressed pang of sorrow, and the half affected smile of ostentation, with which he could part with a petty sum. He looked for applause. He could scarce avoid perceiving that he did not succeed. But with Mr. Jefferson, the destruction of John Adams's character must have been a favourite object. John stood betwixt him and twenty-five thousand dollars per annum, besides a presidential palace, and the gratification of personal self-importance. In the act of conferring official favours, however, Mr. Jefferson can possess but moderate enjoyment. His nature is incapable of commanding the homage of intelligent gratitude; and if honest ignorance were to bestow its babble of thankfulness, he is alike incapable of tasting the sweets of it.
Lord Bacon has described the character of Julius Cæsar. Some points of this
* One them is a Republican: This thing denies the payment of the hundred dollars; and heaps upon C. all kinds of reproach.
* Vid. Recorder of April 17th.

picture correspond with the mental features of our republican president. He "aimed more at his particular advancement," says Bacon of Cæsar, "than at any merits for the common good. In his inward thoughts, he propounded to himself rather absoluteness of power, than honor and fame. For, as for honor and fame, he pursued them, not for themselves, but, because they were the instruments of his power and greatness."
Burr is at present assailed by the republican printers. His crime consists in an attempt to suppress Wood's pretended history of Mr. Adams. Much of that book inverts against the latter. Hence, the clamour of Jefferson's editors ascertains the willies of their patron for the extinction of the consequence both of Burr and Adams. Three words from Gallatin would silence the calumnious gabbling Cheetham against Burr. These words will never be spoken. Exaltation to public office prevents a more correct view of the patriot and his principles; as the malefactor's body displays a more conspicuous attitude, when exalted on the gibbet.
In last Wednesday's paper, a desire was signified of dropping the dispute with Jones. This has produced, in last Friday's Examiner, a long answer from the two brothers. The advanced guard is conducted by Meriwether himself. Instead of remarking upon his wretched elegance of style, we shall ask him a short question. In the winter of December, 1799, Jones printed for the assembly, a small pamphlet, in defence of their opposition to the alien and sedition acts. The executive council paid him fifteen hundred dollars for the job. We ask Jones whether it was true, that Thomas Nicholson offered to do the work for three hundred? We dare him to say, whether he thinks that three hundred dollars were not an ample compensation, at the common price of print and paper? We ask him, whether such an executive council are worthy to be trusted with public money, and whether he thinks that the assembly put them into their places, in order that public money might be so scandalously wasted? When the curtain of corruption has been once torn asunder, as, by God's blessing, the Recorder shall tear it, we ask him, whether he fancies that the next assembly will suffer, or will dare to suffer, the farther progress of such felonious depredations on the treasury? Will the assembly continue to give him THREE THOUSAND DOLLARS per annum, over and above the common rates of a printer? Or, if they could be base enough to venture upon such profligacy, with what face would they go home to meet their constituents? We ask Jones, whether he supposes that the next assembly have a chance of containing five members that will support such a sinecure? No! no! They are a quite different kind of men. They have both more sense, and more honesty.
We proceed to Skelton Jones. He charges Callender with having run from his bail in Scotland in a most disgraceful manner. He quotes, as an authority, Margaret's trial, which began upon January 13th, ninety-four. Callender landed at Philadelphia in May, 1793. The meeting, of which Margaret was a member, and for which fact he was tried, commenced at Edinburgh, in October of that year. In p. 86, of the trial, it appears, that a Citizen Callendar had made a motion in this meeting, upon the 25th of November, 1793. In June 1793, the writer of this article was assisting Mr. Dunlap of Philadelphia, in conducting the American Daily Advertiser, and he was, at the same time, compiling, for Matthew Carey, a part of his American edition of Guthrie's Grammar. In December, 1793, he was taking debates in congress for Brown's Philadelphia Gazette.
In Summer, 1793, Mr. Tench Coxe borrowed from Callender, the Political Progress of Britain. He asked leave to lend it to Mr. Jefferson, then secretary of state, and residing in Philadelphia. The piece was lent and returned with a complimentary card. Mr. Jefferson therein asked why the work was not reprinted in America? He added that he would gladly become a purchaser, as it contained the most astonishing concentration of political abuses, he had ever heard of. In the preface to the American edition, this card has been quoted, as an apology for the republication. The person mentioned in the Scots trial was one Alexander Callendar.
On this subject, Skelton cannot plead ignorance. The matter was explained in the Examiner of April 11th, 1800. It is just like the marksman's denial of his having been advertised, which denial has since been denied by his worthy brother.
He is wiser than us who can guess what point Skelton has to gain by rushing into the jaws of such degrading detection. To be convicted of a malicious falsehood, is, in all other parts of the world, regarded as the depth of infamy. Richmond forms not an exception to the common rule.
NOTES
† Setting aside the story of the Suppression, &c. the pamphlet contains various palpable fallacies.
From the New-York Herald, DUANE and CALLENDER.
Duane has at last come out as a pugilist against Callender; and to do justice to his boxing art, he has thrown in some heavy blows. As the painter says, he has made a "caricature of his countenance." Callender, however, we fancy will soon shew him that "two can play at that." We are mistaken, if he don't serve him, as he has Cheetham. [This piece from the Aurora will appear at full length, in our next, with a suitable answer.]
Extract of a letter from Mr. Stratton of Congress to his constituents.
A law is likewise passed under the splendid title of "An act to provide for the redemption of the WHOLE PUBLIC DEBT."---This law did not provide for the objects which its title contemplated; but on the contrary so far as I could judge of its provisions, it provided, for a continuation of the debt. Instead of compelling the treasury to discharge the debt due in Holland, which amounts to 9,913,000 dollars, it authorizes the re-loaning of a large proportion of the same, upon a credit of six years, and at a higher rate of interest, including charges, than is now paid. This law has likewise authorised the administration to enter into contracts for the payment of any part or the whole of this foreign debt; an authority which it is apparent may be abused, to the great loss of the government, because contracts may be made under this law with speculators, who will receive this large sum at the treasury upon an agreement to place the same in Holland to our credit, and may altogether fail of executing the contract on their part, and our debt may still remain unpaid. Although I hope and trust that no such abuse of power will take place, yet I did not feel willing to give such extensive powers, when I deemed the same so unnecessary. This law likewise enables the administration to employ at considerable expence, a variety of agencies in relation to the foreign debt, some of which were in my judgement unnecessary, and all of them of a very doubtful character. Under such circumstances and impressions, I voted against the passing of this law, notwithstanding the fairness of its title. And although I should think it improper to impeach the motives of those who passed the law, or say that the intention was to impose on the public by a title which agreed so badly with the law itself, yet it could not escape my notice, that such must be the effect upon those who had not the advantage of reading the law. A further reason likewise, of a conclusive nature, operated on my mind against the passing of the law in question; it was, that by comparing this law with the former provisions for the redemption of the debt, it appeared that the former provisions were really better than those of this law. The former laws had provided funds to meet every part of the debt, both principal and interest, as the same fell due, only authorizing a re-loaning of parts of the same, in cases where, from unforeseen causes, the revenue should be insufficient to meet the object, and they likewise provided that every surplus of revenue should be faithfully applied to buy in the debt, as it could be obtained on fair terms in the market, whilst the new law, without varying essentially the former provisions, has only embarrassed them, by authorizing a re-loaning of the Dutch debt at the discretion of the administration, and creating a variety of new and extensive agencies.
Since my residence in this place, I have availed myself of every opportunity to gain information respecting the situation and amount of the public debt, and the means which have been provided for its extinguishment, and the result of my enquiries has been, that the debt has been placed completely under the controul of the government; and the means provided by former Congresses for its final extinguishment, were in every respect ample, and if left to their operation, would have accomplished that object without embarrassment.
The national debt on the first of January last amounted to 77,891,890
 dols. 29 cts. and consisted of the following description of stock.  Six per cent and deferred 6,851,793 66  Three per cent do. do. 19,079,765 63  Navy six per cent do. 711,700  Six per cent of 1796 do. 80,000  Five and a half per cent do. 1,847,500  Four and a half per cent do. 176,000  Eight per cent do. 6,480,200  Bank Loans, at 6 per cent. 1,590,000  Ditto at five per cent. 1,150,000  Dutch debt 9,915,000* 
During the year 1801, in consequence of the ample revenue which had been provided by former Congresses, the Treasury was able to discharge 2,279,371 dollars 31 cents of the principal of the debt; and during the current year, unless the present administration should avail itself of the law which I have mentioned, to reload and perpetuate the Dutch debt, the treasury will be compelled to discharge a further sum amounting at least to 3,400,000 of the principal, and so from year to year to continue discharging the same until the whole debt shall be extinguished. This prosperous situation of our finances is owing to the skill with which the Treasury Department was conducted under the former administration. When the new administration came into power, they found a full treasury and an ample revenue, and they had nothing to do but to apply the public money to discharge the public engagements.
MUTINY,
On board the brig Martha Johnson, captain Wyvill, of Norfolk.
Captain W. informs, that on the 31st of May, being at port Mariel in the island of Cuba, at half past one o'clock in the morning, three of the crew, namely Hendric Mayers, a Dutchman, Peter Martin, an Italian, & Hammond Whisler a Bremener, (two of whom belonged to the watch on deck) armed themselves with axes and a pump break attacked two negro seamen, and cut and bruised them in a shocking manner, with an intention of becoming masters of the brig, and to rob her of the money that was on board, amounting to nearly 20,000 dollars. On hearing the cry of murder, Mr. Snuggs (the mate) attempted to go forward, but was followed and knocked down by Martin, who was stationed at the helm, and beat and cut him dreadfully after a considerable scuffle, Mr. Snuggs, disarmed one of them, and made his escape to the cabin, where the captain lay dangerously ill; the mutineers then confined the captain, mate and one seamen in the cabin, and lowered down the yawl, into which they put their clothes, provisions &c. and were proceeding to get at the money, when one of the negroes whom they had wounded, by a stratagem set the yawl adrift: the mutineers then hoisted out the long boat, and set off in her to recover the yawl; in the mean time the negro man forced open the cabin door and liberated the people from confinement, who immediately made sail on the brig and left them. The mutineers shewed every disposition, and also threatened to take the lives of the rest of the crew, and scuttle the brig. They were discovered at day-light pulling for shore, with the long boat in tow.
NEW-YORK, July 16.
Yesterday morning arrived the fast sailing Schooner Roebuck, after an expeditionary passage of 38 days from Gibraltar.
From captain Dawson we have received an account of an engagement between two Algerine cruizers and a Portuguese man of war, off Malaga, wherein the former was victorious. The force of the Algerines was a frigate of 32 guns (the same which was presented by the American government to the Dey) and a zebec; the number of their crews
NOTE.
* There is an error in printing some of these figures. Perhaps the six per cent line should have been forty six, instead of only six millions, which is a clear mistake.
was about 700 men. The Portuguese was a frigate of 44 guns and 300 men. The Algerines commenced the attack, by immediately attempting to board their enemy, but were unsuccessful at their first onset---the action then became warm and bloody; both parties fighting with great fury, until all the Portuguese officers, except one midshipman, were killed or wounded, and the seamen shamefully left their quarters, when the ship struck her colors, after an action of three hours. The captain, (who was a Frenchman) was killed early in the action. The prize was afterwards carried into Algiers.
ALEXANDRIA ADVERTISER.
Wednesday, July 14.
COMMUNICATION.
Mr. Snowden,
From Callender's observations published in your paper of yesterday, it would appear that he had received a letter from Mr. Jefferson, enclosing a pecuniary compensation, and thanking him for the publication of the "Prospect before us." If Callender is still in possession of that letter, and will give it publicity, together with some respectable affidavits of its authenticity, he will render perhaps a more essential service to the community than he has hitherto done. Till that is done, he is so miserably depraved in the opinion of all good men, by the publication of the work in question, as well by others of his writings, that he cannot expect to obtain belief. D.
[There is no occasion for affidavit upon the matter. Mr. George Jefferson paid the money, and he would not have done so, if the letter had been a forgery. But I can tell this inquisitive gentleman more than he thinks of. I wrote Mr. Jefferson some queries concerning a passage in the Prospect, then in manuscript. He returned a polite and satisfactory though an unsigned answer, which was partly embodied in the book. Mr. Jefferson can have no reason to be, for one moment, uneasy, as to any letters that he ever wrote me. Their publication could neither offend his friends, nor promote the views of his enemies. What service the country could gain from such a proceeding I am yet to learn.]
From the Boston Columbian Centinel.
"The famous Callender, who was for so long a period the apostle of jacobinism and democracy, in the United States, and whom the democrats have been in the habit of accrediting; whose fine, for a libel, has been remitted by Mr. Jefferson; and who was the intimate friend of the Hon. Stephen Thompson Mason, of treaty-memory; has lately volunteered a very handsome defence of Mr. Stoddert, the late secretary of the navy, against the vile, unmanly charges of the investigating committee."
The answer we give to the above erroneous paragraph is this.
Mr. Stoddert's defence was written by a gentleman, who neither respects nor fears either of the political factions, which disturb the public peace. His sentiments on this head are fully disclosed in every thing which he says, or writes. They were stated at full length in our paper of the 14th current.
If the defence of Mr. Stoddert deserves the notice of this editor, it would be by far more proper to print it entire than much of the stuff, with which newspapers are generally filled. If not, it was an insult to his readers, for the Centinel to say any thing about it; and much more so when the representation is incorrect.
We desire to be read, and understood, exactly as we appear. We desire to find our way, in our own language, to the hearts and understandings of every reasonable man in the country. But while there are so many editors of papers, who think themselves able to make reports in different language, we cannot hope to be fairly read, or understood any where at a distance.
** Mr. Thomas Walton, of Prince Edward, is requested to inform us to what place in the county his papers are to be addressed.
FOR SALE,
A light, active NEGRO BOY,
About 20 years of age; has been accustomed to wait in the house, and take care of horses; he can drive a carriage; price 350 Dollars cash. For further particulars, enquire of the Printers.
Richmond, July 28.

SKETCHES OF THE HISTORY OF AMERICA.
Continued from our 146.
IT was one of the many direct measures employed by Mr. Hamilton, for the excitement of deep and durable mischief. At the house of captain Dicky, he complained of the Thirteen letters published sometime before the insurrection, by Mr. Findley. He swore that they contained lies against him. His landlord replied, that he believed their contents to be true. Such a foolish demeanor, of which Mr. Hamilton afforded many examples, would have been scarcely pardonable in a boy.
Another trait in the colonel's conduct deserves attentive reflection. The money for defraying the expence of this army was supplied by him in direct opposition to the constitution. That instrument, article 1. section ix. clause vi. says, that "no money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law." There existed a statute authorising the president to call out the militia, in case of an insurrection; but by an oversight in framing the law, he had no power to take money from the treasury to support them. "The monies drawn from the treasury on that occasion (the western expedition,) were paid out of a fund appropriated for other distinct purposes. They were not drawn, agreeable to the constitution, in consequence of any appropriation made by law. It might be a defect in the law, authorising the expence; not to have provided the means; but that defect should have been remedied by the only competent authority, by convening congress." This omission in the law shews the masterly stile in which our statutes are sometimes composed.
If the bombardment of a British fleet, or the disembarkation of a French army, had not left one moment to spare, engulfing necessity would justly have superceded all forms, and vindicated the irregular abstraction of a million of dollars. Yet even in that case, the president, at the next meeting of Congress, ought to have explained and apologized for the measure.
But no such imminent danger had a being. There was ample time to have assembled congress. Neville the inspector's house was burnt on the 17th of July, 1794. The first proclamation by the president was issued on the 7th of August, and the second on the 25th of September following. It was not till after the latter date, that the militia were ordered to march. The seven weeks intervening between the two proclamations allowed full time for assembling the legislature. Of this Mr. Adams hath afforded an instance, in the first session of the fifth congress. Instead of this legal and practicable measure, the president and Mr. Hamilton walked straight through the constitution, through the privileges of the legislature, and the duties of their own respective offices.
If congress had been previously called, the very report of their assembling would have struck a mortal damp into this thoughtless rabble, who had neither plans, leaders, nor resources. The solemnity of the step was sure of making a considerable impression. Time would have been gained also, for more accurate information; and as the fifteen thousand militia, who did march over the mountains, never saw an enemy, it is to be supposed that five thousand could have done the business equally well.
But Mr. Hamilton had many good reasons for not wishing to call Congress. The sound policy of the excise law would have met with a severe discussion. The expence and danger of a civil war must have rendered excise completely odious. Every lenient measure was sure to have been tried before a single regiment would be ordered to march; and the sequel shews that they must have
* Gallatin, p. 82.
been successful. The sober and substantial mass of the western citizens, though averse to excise, were yet firm on the side of government. In the prospect of an agreement, Hamilton saw nothing but the reprobation of his measures, and the fracture of his importance. The parties in congress are nicely poised; but every legislative assembly has a number of doubtful members, and the natural aversion to civil bloodshed held out an irresistible cause, or a solid pretence, for universally deserting the six per cent. standard. In this case, the latter could not, probably have mustered one third part of the members, and minorities are always dangerous to a political party. The republicans abhor the ex-secretary with a cordiality of hatred equal to his own. They consider him as a second Pandora's box, from whose transcendent capacities for mischief have exclusively and collectively sprung the whole political misfortunes of America. The utmost force of the party was certain therefore to have been levelled periodically at him; and his vulnerable sides offered an ample verge for the quivers of invective. Hence he shunned a previous meeting of congress, where it was more than an equal chance that he should find not protection and triumph, but reproach and defeat. This seems to be the only rational key to his conduct in hazarding a civil war, and a rape upon the treasury, without consulting the legislature.
The insignificance of their conduct when they did meet, shewed that the victory of Mr. Hamilton was as complete in Philadelphia as at Pittsburg. On the 19th of November, 1794, the president addressed the two houses. He began, as usual, with a reference to divine goodness, and to the riches, power, and happiness, for which America seems destined. A pompous and exaggerated sketch was then given of the insurrection. Certain self-created societies were referred to, as having assumed the tone of condemnation towards the measures of government. But the president forgot to mention, and much less to apologize, for the self-created power of making a million of dollars from the public treasury. When he related the outrages committed upon officers of government, he overlooked the provocations by which they had been excited, the numerous instances of mismanagement on the part of the secretary of the treasury, by which they had been softened, and the thousand-fold enormities of the federal army, and of that secretary, under which they had been overwhelmed. There is a French fable, of a gardener and a hare, that sometimes came through the hedge, and crop his cabbages. He represented the case to a gentleman, who next day, with a pack of hounds, entered the garden in chase of her. The dogs did more mischief in five minutes, than the hare could have done in seven years; and after all, pusht away.
This is a concise and impartial picture of the federal army, with one small distinction, that the gardener was a fool, and the secretary a knave. Neverthink that you understand the story of this insurrection till you read Findley and Brackenridge. Compare their copious and interesting narratives with the collection of papers published by government. The temperate and manly stile of the former historian is sometimes clogged with a tiresome length of periods. His reference to dates is occasionally cumbersome, and the remarks which he intersperses, might improve by concentration. But these are trifling specks, and only mentioned here to obviate the hostility of fiscal criticism.
(To be continued.)
Almost every one of the ancient historians has been remarkably negligent on this point. Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus, for example, are often inextricably imperfect. Try to follow Cæsar through his own account of his first campaign in Belgium, or in his two invasions of Britain. A modern general gives you the date of every transaction. To forbear it, would be pushing out the right eye of his narrative.
BALTIMORE June 16.
By advice from Charleston, South Carolina, per ship Susanna and brig Enterprise , lately arrived, we are informed that the laws of that respecting the slave trade, so long dormant, have lately revived in the following instance. The Schooner Mohawk said to belong to Mann and Foltz, of Charleston, but simily covered as Danish property, and commanded by the noted Nathaniel A. Ogdon, had been for some time lying off and on before that port from St. Thomas, with 78 slaves under the expectation, as was supposed, that purchasers would come off to her. From some cause however, (probably lest they themselves should be kidnapped) it was declined; and the patience of the captain became at length so exhausted as to lead him to seek a market by going on shore somewhere between Charleston and Savannah: while this he was on errand, the Crew, no less impatient than the captain to avoid the intense rays of the sun, ran the vessel into the harbor of Charleston, where she now lies, before fort Johnson, with a comfortable awning over her and a proper guard on board. How far money may prevail to arrest the hand of justice, time will determine.
Such printers as are friendly to the abolition of slavery, will publish the above, that the parties engaged in such nefarious traffic may be exposed.
By a gentleman from Fort Wilkinson, we are informed (says the Augusta Herald of the 9th instant) that, previous to his leaving that place, about 1000 or 1200 Indians had arrived there, for the purpose of attending the Treaty---that the meeting between the Federal commissioners and the Indian Chiefs had taken place in a spacious square prepared for the purpose, and that after the ceremonies on the occasion were over, one of the Chiefs addressed Col. Hawkins, and observed, that the red and white people could now meet like brothers, that the hatchet was buried deep in the ground, and he hoped there would be no occasion of raising it again for ever.
POUGHKEEPSIE, July 6.
On Thursday night last, the Aurora Borealis made their appearance in as brilliant and splendid a manner as we ever recollect to have seen. A luminous arch, or semicircle, extended from the North-West to the North-East, the diameter of which might be about 20 degrees above the horizon. From all parts of the arch, (which to appearance was about one yard in width) long pyramidal columns of apparent flame shot forth; some of which reached to the zenith, alternately rising, brightening, and fading away. The space beneath the arch, quite to its base, was filled with a black substance, resembling smoke, interspersed with spots of inconceivable brightness. The light which they reflected, was equal to the morning twilight, a short time before sun rising. The wind breezed gently from the south. Fahrenheit's thermometer had not for several days much varied from the degree of summer heat; the next day it arose several degrees higher. During the appearance of the light, there was, distinctly to be heard, a low murmuring sound in the region of the north, like the roar of distant wind. This we have remarked on several similar occasions.
These phenomena have appeared, at different periods, since about the year 1720; previous to that time we have no account of them, either in Europe or America. They are common in Canada, Iceland, Greenland, and other northern countries. They were very frequent in the time of the late American war, since which they have rarely visited us. The causes of their appearance have not yet been accounted for on philosophic principles.
HARTFORD, June 22.
On Tuesday the 22d of June instant, a son of Mr. Jesse Case, junr. of Simsbury,
aged 7 years, with four other boys, the eldest not 10 years, went unknown to their parents, some distance from any house to a large tree about two feet and an half diameter, which was partly rotten and attempted to cut it down. After having worked till they were discouraged, they sat down by the tree. It being about sunset, two of them went away. Within a few minutes, the tree fell. On their discovering that it was falling, the boys attempted to escape, which they all effected, except Mr. Case's son, who taking the direction in which the tree was going, was caught under it, and crushed to death in a shocking manner. The cries of the survivors drew their friends to the spot, where Mr. Case found his child. The corpse was buried the following day, and a solemn discourse preached at the funeral by the Rev. Jeremiah Hallock, from Ezek. XVIII, 4, "All souls are mine."
TO FARMERS.
A most excellent Method of making BUTTER, as now practiced in England, which effectually prevents its changing and becoming rancid.
The day before churning, scald the cream in a clean iron kettle, over a clear fire, taking care that it does not boil over. As soon as it begins to boil, or is sufficiently scalded, strain it, when the particles of milk which tended to sour and change the butter, are separated and left behind. Put the vessel into which it was strained in a tub of water, in a cellar, till next morning, when it will be ready for churning, and become butter in less than a quarter of the time required in the common method. It will also be hard, with a peculiar additional sweetness, and will not change.---The labor in this way is less than the other, as the butter comes to much sooner, and saves so much labor in working out the butter-milk. By this method good butter may be made in the hottest weather.
MARTINSBURG, June 25.
On the morning of the 13th inst. a horrid murder was perpetrated near Garrards Town in this County, by a certain James Martin on Mr. Samuel Fulton, who has for a long time acted in the capacity of Constable, and has uniformly bore an upright and respectable character.
What led to this unfortunate affair, was, as we are informed, as follows; A state warrant had been issued against Martin for a breach of the peace; acting under the authority of this instrument, the deceased went to the house of Martin to take him, where he found the said Martin with an axe in his hands; as soon as Mr. Fulton was observed by Martin, he, with many asseverations and threats, desired Fulton to keep at a distance, that if he approached a step nigher he would certainly kill him. Mr. Fulton with all possible mildness endeavoured to pacify Martin, and with gentlemen's persuaded him to desist; but Martin still more enraged called to one of his sons to bring him his gun---the boy hesitated---Mrs. Martin observing his reluctance, snatched the gun from the place it hung on, and rushed out of the house with it, and cocking it presented it to her husband, and with fiend like imprecations, directed him to shoot the d---d rascal, he took the gun from his wife, and with fatal effect executed her directions, after which they effected their escape together, and have not yet been heard of.
Mr. Fulton was taken up and conveyed to a Mr. White's, where he expired in about eight hours after. On the next day a jury of inquest was summoned; who brought in a verdict of wilful murder, committed by James Martin, with malice aforethought, and Mary his wife accessory thereto.
What renders this murder peculiarly distressing, is, that Mr. Fulton has left an amiable wife and five small children.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS has been subscribed for apprehending the said Martin.