The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-07-29 00:00:00

G Anderson
The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, JULY 29, 1808.
[No. 26.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, THE THREE NO'S OF "ONE OF THE PEOPLE." (In a small Pamphlet.) JULY 22, 1808.
CASH SALES.—To be sold for ready money at the front door of the Eagle-Tavern in the City of Richmond, on the fifteenth day of September next (1808) in pursuance of a deed of trust from David Ross, Esq. bearing date on the 26th day of May, 1807, and recorded in the General Court, all that Estate and tract of Land in the county of Fluvanna at the confluence of the South and North rivers, containing by estimation five thousand seven hundred and nine acres, be the same more or less, and bounded by the antient meets and boundaries thereof, being the same Land, and the whole thereof formerly the property of Walter King, granted to the said David Ross by letters patent, signed and sealed by the Governor of Virginia, as will more fully and satisfactorily appear by referring to the records of the Land Office, or so much thereof as will pay the following sums of money, viz: To Mrs. Frances Tabb payable on the 26th of May 1808, with interest on £790: 5: 4, a part thereof from the 26th May 1807, till paid, $16076: 52 To the same payable on the 26th of May 1808, 1432: 04 To the same as guardian to her infant daughter Seigneora Tabb, payable on the same day, with interest on £659: 10: 9 a part thereof from the 26th of May 1807, till paid, 2653: 33 To the same as guardian to her infant daughter Marianna Tabb, payable on the same day, with interest on £606, a part thereof from the 26th May, 1807, 2325: 90 To Randolph Harrison, payable on the same day, 12,800: — To J. & E. Cunningham payable on the same day, 8960: — ABRAM B. VENABLE, BENJN HATCHER, JOHN G. SMITH, Trustees. July 26. (ept15S)
TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD will be given for apprehending and delivering to the subscriber, or committing to Jail, so that I get her, a runaway negro woman, named ANN or ANNIE, who cloped on Sunday morning the 17th. inst.—She is a remarkable likely young mulatto woman, about 19 years of age, rather above the middle stature, of a bright mulatto otherwise, is uncommonly straight and well made; she has a full face, and when she speaks, seems inclined to lisp, though hardly obvious, and as if her tongue was too large for her mouth. She has a variety of clothes, and therefore it is unnecessary to attempt a description of them. It is uncertain where she will take herself, whether to Richmond or elsewhere—She has lived in Richmond in my Tavern for several years, and has extensive acquaintance, having always been in a Tavern. FARKE GOODALL. Hanover, July 26. (if)
NOTICE.—Will be sold, at Public Auction, on Monday the 8th day of August next, at the Store of the late Patrick Ternan, dec'd. all the Stock of MEDICINES, &c. Shop FURNITURE, a quantity of PAINTS, 1 Negro MAN, one Negro WOMAN, with a variety of other articles, belonging to the estate of the said Patrick Ternan, dec'd. Nine months credit will be given for all sums above fifty dollars, approved endorsed notes payable and negotiable at the bank of Virginia, will be required, and for all sums under fifty dollars, cash. But as it may be of advantage to the estate, to sell the whole of the MEDICINES and Shop FURNITURE together, by private sale, and to the interests of individuals to buy, any gentleman wishing so to purchase, can be accommodated any time previous to the day of sale, together with two years of an unexpired lease of the House. JOHN PUMFREY, JAMES TERNAN, Executors. July 22. (tds.)
UNITED STATES' STOCK LOST!!!—Notice is hereby given, That the following certificates of the United States' Stock, in the name of John Baird, bearing date 16 March 1791, have been lost or mislaid, and due application will be made at the Loan Office of the U. States for their renewal. Six per Cents No. 210 $711 33 Deferred 210 $535 67 Three per Cents 183 $211 03 WILLIAM BAIRD, Exor Of John Baird. July 19th. ep3m
WILL BE SOLD for Cash, on the premises near the town of Caira, on Saturday the fifteenth day of August next, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by David Coupland, for the purposes in said deed mentioned; a certain tract or parcel of LAND, it being a part of the tract on which the said David now resides, one hundred and fifty acres, binding on the lines of Geo. Anderson and Charles Wheeler, Junr, beginning on Willis's, and running to the north of his house to his back line, to use the expression of said deed of trust, which will be found on record in Buckingham county. SAMUEL ANDERSON, JAMES WILSON, Trustees. July 19. eptls
NOTICE.—Will be Sold to the highest bidder, on Saturday the 30th inst. about 11 o'clock, at the late dwelling of Marks Vandewall, dec'd, adjoining the Union Tavern in this City, one Negro Man named Bailey; also two likely Horses, one a good riding, the other a well broke Gigg Horse—Together with the Household Furniture, &c. &c. Terms of sale, six months credit on all sums above twenty dollars; cash for all sums under twenty. Notes or bonds, with approved security, for all sums above. All those indebted to said estate, are earnestly requested to make prompt payment; and those having claims against the same, are likewise requested to bring forward their claims authenticated as the law requires, to the end, that they may be discharged without delay. DANIEL VAN-DEWALL, Administrator. July 19. ep4t
VINEGAR.—A few casks of good Pickling and Table Vinegar, FOR SALE BY D. J. BURR. July 5. [2m]
WILL BE SOLD for Cash, on the premises, on the twenty-seventh day of August next, by virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Archibald Baird, for the purposes in said deed mentioned, a TRACT of LAND, containing by estimation four hundred and forty-four acres and adjoining the lands of Powhatan Bolling, dec'd, Amos Lepford, George Hooper, Elizabeth Clifress, and William Mulloy. Also a Negro Woman named Dney, and her increase, to use the expression of said deed, which which will be found on record in the county of Buckingham. WILLIAM M. ALLEN, SAMUEL ALLEN, Trustees. Caira, July 16. (July 22.) 4w
IN Richmond Hustings Court, July 11th 1808. The Court will proceed at August term next, pursuant to the act of the last session of the General Assembly, to the appointment of a COMMISSIONER for this City; which is ordered to be advertised. A Copy. Teste, TH: C. HOWARD, Clerk. July 22. (ep3r)
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by Ro. and Geo. Turner, and Ann the wife of the said George, recorded in Hustings Court of Richmond, made to secure the payment of $1500 to D'aul Couch, according to the terms of said deed; will be sold to the highest bidder, for cash, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the said city, on Saturday the 30th day of the present month, (July) all that Lot or PARCEL OF GROUND, situate in the said city, on the east side of the cross-street leading from the Bell-Tavern to the river, and formerly under lease to Russell & Wallace; together with the following NEGROES, George (the cook), Peter (the barber), and Aggy, or so much of the said property as will be sufficient to raise the sum of $300, and all costs attending the said sale. ANDW. STEVENSON, C. ANTHONY, Trustees. July 3. [eptds]
JOSEPH MARK & Co. have on hand an assortment of German Oznaburgs, Ticklenburgs, Dowlas and Towelling, by the bale, box, or piece. Cogniac Brandy, Molasses, Sack Salt, coarse and fine, which they will sell for cash, tobacco or approved paper. May 17. (tf)
BANK NOTES, as below described, were put into the post office at this place on 27th May last, enclosed in a letter addressed to Messrs John Warder and Sons, Philadelphia, and which letter has never been received; it is therefore apprehended that the BANK NOTES may have fallen into improper hands; and should such appear in circulation, we earnestly request that they may be stopped. Any satisfactory information regarding them will be thankfully received, and if required, liberally rewarded. BUCHANAN & POLLOK. Petersburg, July 5. (tf) Bank of Virginia payable at their Office of Discount and Deposit Petersburg, to Robert Birchett President thereof or Bearer, B. No. 332 9th February 1805, $100 C. 866 6th July, 100 D. 133 7th February, 100 394 9th — 100 700 6th May, 100 753 7th — 100 788 — — 100 $700
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the directors of the Richmond Turnpike Company on Thursday evening the 7th of July, 1808—Resolved, That all shares of delinquent stockholders in this company, be sold at the Swan Tavern in this city on Monday the 15th day of next month, at 5 o'clock, P. M. without reserve, and that the same be published in all the newspapers of this city. Resolved, That a call of Five Dollars on each share of the stockholders in the company be made, to be paid to the treasurer on or before the 15th of next month. Teste, N. SHEPPARD, CLK. July 12. eptls
ALL persons having claims against the estate of Captain Thomas Roane of the Forge, King & Queen county, are desired to make them known to me by the first of October next. Those indebted are hereby informed that the situation of the estate will not admit of indulgence. LAURENCE MUSE, Adm'r. July 1. [ep6w]
JAMES RIVER COMPANY.—A dividend of four and an half per cent. for six months, ending the 30th June will be paid to the stockholders on application to ROBERT POLLARD, Treasurer. July 12. 3w
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the estate of Marcus Elean, deceased, are requested to make immediate payment, and creditors to present their claims without delay. C. J. MACMURDO, JON. MARK, Executors. Richmond, May 17, 1808. (tf)
VIRGINIA, TO WIT: At a court of Appeals held at the Capitol, in Richmond, the third day of June, 1808. GENERAL RULE.—After the end of this present term, all causes depending in this court shall be called in the order in which they stand upon the docket, and such as may be ready for hearing pursuant to the former rules of this court, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand upon the docket, until the whole shall be gone through; and the causes which shall be passed over, shall, unless for some very special reason appearing to the court, be put at the end of the docket of each term. Ordered, That the above rule be published in at least three of the newspapers printed in Richmond, once a week until the first day of October next. A Copy. Teste, J. BROWN, c. c. June 14. [1stO]
ALLEGEO, RICHMOND & Co.—Having no longer any concern in the COLUMBIAN MILLS, (commonly called Ross's MILLS,) inform their friends and the public in general that any WHEAT sent to them by water from the upper Country, will be received at THEIR MILLS ON THE CANAL, and any Wheat sent to them by LAND will be received at a convenient Lumber-House contiguous to their counting-room. Richmond, July 12. (ep2m)
NOTICE.—All persons having claims against the estate of Joseph Watkins, dec'd, late of Goochland, are desired to present them previous to the first of December next, properly authenticated; and those indebted, to make immediate payment to BENJAMIN P. WATKINS, Acting Executor. July 15. w35
WILL BE SOLD for cash, in the town of Charlottesville, at the door of Triplett T. Estes, by virtue of a deed of trust entered by James Lewis &c. for purposes in said deed mentioned, on the second day of August next, being the 2d day of Albemarle August term: One certain Tract or parcel of LAND, lying and being in the county of Albemarle, and adjoining the lands of John Bailey, John Butler, sen. Estall, Samuel Deadman, Thomas Garth, jun. &c. Supposed to contain Three Hundred Acres, be the same more or less. Also one other tract or parcel of Land, lying and being in said county, supposed to contain fifty acres, be the same more or less, the tract or parcel of Land sold by John Brown, trustee for Stephen Hughes and James Lewis, as purchased by said Lewis on the day of sale, as per deed said trustee, now on record in the county court of Albemarle. Also, two Negro Women Slaves, by names Anniky and Kizziah, to use the expressions of said deed which is recorded in the county court of Albemarle. Also will be sold, same day and place, and on same terms, by virtue of a deed of trust entered into by John B. Ellis, &c. for the purposes in said deed mentioned—Two NEGRO SLAVES, viz Ephraim, a man, and John, boy. Ephraim, said Ellis bought of Mattox and John, of the widow Tiffey. Also, one black Mare and Colt, one Sorrel Horse, and one Grey Mare. Also, eleven head of Cattle and two Feather Beds and Furniture, to use the expression of said deed which is on record in the county court of Albemarle. Also, will be sold, same day and place, and on same terms, by virtue of a deed of trust, entered into by Bartlett Ellis, & Co. for the purposes in said deed mentioned, sundry NEGROES, viz: David, a negro man; Winston, a negro boy; Anderson, a negro boy; Elijah, a negro boy, and Amy, a negro woman, with her future increase. Also five Horses, four Feather Beds and Furniture, twenty head of Cattle, twenty head of Sheep Also, Household and Kitchen Furniture, as expressed in said deed of trust, which is on record in district court of Charlottesville. Also, will be sold, same day and place, and on same terms, by virtue of a deed of trust entered into by Richard G. Martin, William G. Martin, &c. for purposes in said deed mentioned:—One Bay Mare with a blaze face; one Feather Bed & Furniture; also, sundry other Household and Kitchen Furniture; also, all that portion of the estate of Patrick Mechie, dec'd, it being one-seventh part of the estate of said Mechie, dec'd, which the said William G. Martin hath and claims right to, in consequence of his intermarriage with his wife Sarah, a daughter of said Mechie, dec'd, (or if more, the whole interest) consisting of eleven Negroes, to wit: Peter, Moll, Jimney, Milley, Harry, Lucy, Bob, George, Sarah, and two small Children, together with all increase which may accrue to the said Martin's portion of said property to use the expression of said deed which is on record in the district court of Charlottesville. Being only interested as trustee for the benefit of others will only convey title to aforesaid property in me as trustee. MARTIN DAWSON, Trustee. Milton, July 12. (3w)
CASH given for WHEAT, by WHITE & SHELTON. July 22. (tf)
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST.—In the house adjoining Mr. Edmund Randolph's near the Capitol, is now practising in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing, and bestowing the teeth to their natural elegance, by removing that corrosive substance called tartar, which adheres to them in the form of a black or yellow crust, which is the cause of many teeth decaying, an offensive breath, and the corroder of the gums and sockets. He sets artificial ones so as to stand firm, being useful as well as ornamental, plugs the decayed cavities of such as can be preserved, and extracts such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of BRUFF'S PATENT EXTRACTING INSTRUMENTS, which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use; for which operation his price is one dollar, when done at his own house. He deems it unnecessary to say any thing concerning the advantage derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak. He has DENTIFRICE prepared by himself of a superior quality for the preservation of the gums and teeth, void of corrosive substance. MR. LE TELLIER wishes the public to have notice that as he has now made Richmond his permanent residence, all his prices are considerably lower than when he was only a visitor of the place. A line or servant directed to the aforesaid place will be attended to. He keeps a constant supply of Teeth Extracting Instruments, key kind, and best quality, for sale. May 6. [law6m]
THE Co-partnership of THOMAS RUTHERFORD & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Thomas Rutherford; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said T. R. for settlement. THOMAS RUTHERFORD, FREDERICK ARGYLE. Richmond, July 1, 1808.
THE SUBSCRIBER respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he will continue to carry on business in this place, in the same line as the late firm have heretofore done. THOMAS RUTHERFORD. July 8. (F6w)
VALUABLE MANUFACTURING MILL & DISTILLERY.—The subscriber will sell or lease for a term of years, with or without a distillery, containing five vats of near 1000 gallons, the valuable MILL on Appomattox river, in Cumberland, lately owned by William Skipwith. The house is 66 feet long, 26 wide, and three stories high, containing 2 pair best butt and 1 pair corn stones, with Evans's patent machinery and a Saw Mill in complete order. Boats pass under the Mill through one of the best locks on the river—the neighborhood affords an abundant supply of wheat, and on the spot are two commodious houses calculated for a store and residence. If sold, the purchaser may be accommodated with 4 or 500 acres of Land, one half in wood. Terms may be known on application to Mr. Jeffers at the Mill or to me near Genito Bridge. EDMUND HARRISON. Amelia, April 19. (1stO)
DOMESTIC.
REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, ON THE SUBJECT OF PUBLIC ROADS & CANALS, Made in pursuance of a RESOLUTION OF SENATE OF MARCH 3, [CONTINUED.]
RECAPITULATION AND RESOURCES. The improvements which have been respectfully suggested as most important, in order to facilitate the communication between the great geographical divisions of the United States, will now be recapitulated: and their expense compared with the resources applicable to that object.
   Dollars.     I. From north to south, in a direction parallel to the sea coast:   1. Canals opening an inland navigation for sea-vessels from Massachusetts to N. Carolina, being more than two thirds of the Atlantic sea coast of the U. States and across all the principal Capes, cape Fear excepted, 2,600,000   2. A great turnpike road from Maine to Georgia, along the whole extent of the Atlantic sea coast, 4,800,000 7,800,000   II. From east to west, forming communications across the mountains between the Atlantic and western rivers:   1. Improvement of the navigation of four great Atlantic rivers, including canals parallel to them, 1,500,000   2. Four first rate turnpike roads from those rivers across the mountains, to the four corresponding western rivers, 2,800,000   3. Canal around the falls of the Ohio, 300,000   4. Improvement of roads to Detroit, St. Louis and New Orleans, 200,000 4,800,000   III. In a northern and north westwardly direction, forming inland navigations between the Atlantic sea coast, and the great lakes and the St. Lawrence:   1. Inland navigation between the north river and lake Champlain, 800,000   2. Great inland navigation opened the whole way by canals, from the north river to lake Ontario, 2,200,000   3. Canal around the falls and rapids of Niagara opening a sloop navigation from lake Ontario to the upper lakes, as far as the extremities of lake Michigan, 1,000,000 4,000,000   Making together, $ 16,600,000  
IV. The great geographical features of the country have been solely adhered to in pointing out those lines of communication; and these appear to embrace all the great interests of the union, and to be calculated to diffuse and encrease the national wealth in a general way, by opening an intercourse between the remotest extremities of the United States.—Yet it must necessarily result from an adherence to that principle, that those parts of the Atlantic states through which the great western and north western communications will be carried, must, in addition to the general advantages in which they will participate, receive from those communications greater local and immediate benefits, than the eastern and perhaps southern states. As the expense must be defrayed from the general funds of the union, justice and perhaps policy not less than justice, seem to require that a number of local improvements, sufficient to equalize the advantages, should also be undertaken in those states, parts of states or districts, which are less immediately interested in those inland communications. Arithmetical precision cannot indeed be obtained in objects of that kind; nor would an appointment of the monies applied, according to the population of each state, be either just or practicable; since roads, and particularly canals, are often of greater utility to the states which they unite, than to those through which they pass. But a sufficient number of local improvements, consisting either of roads or canals, may without material difficulty be selected so as to do substantial justice, and give general satisfaction. Without pretending to suggest what would be the additional sum necessary for that object, it will, for the sake of round numbers, be estimated at 3,400,000 Which added to the sum estimated for general improvements, 16,600,000 Would make an aggregate of twenty millions of dollars, 20,000,000 (To be Continued.)
BALTIMORE, July 22.
The alleged robbery of the brig Charles, capt. Brownlow, has gone the rounds of the papers in the British interest; but their wonted partiality has induced them to withhold from the public eye the suspicious circumstances attending that "most villainous" transaction. We have before stated that an agent of Brownlow had endeavoured, at the different insurance offices in this city, to effect an insurance, on a cargo on board the brig Charles, bound to Jamaica, by way of Amelia sound, on the 6th of June last. We have not learnt where the brig Charles was at the time the insurance was attempted to be effected. Every day throws new light on the nature of that "most villainous" transaction. The following additional facts are from a source entitled to the highest credit, the truth of which has been acknowledged by John Brownlow of Fredericksburg, the father of the noted protester: The schooner Hannah, capt. Collier, cleared out at Fredericksburg, Va. on the 7th Jan. last, for New Orleans, and had not left the river at the reception of the supplementary Embargo law, at the Custom House at that port; to fulfil the provisions of which, capt. Collier was duly notified by the collector, but disregarded and sailed. In this schooner capt. Brownlow went out as passenger. By the next information, Collier is found at the Havannah, where the schooner Hannah was exchanged for a large copper-bottomed brig, the one now called the "Charles of Baltimore," which did not belong to Baltimore at the time of purchase, nor for a long time before. The Hannah carried on a cargo, in defiance of the embargo law, of 670 barrels of flour and 300 bushels of corn. How capt. Brownlow became acquainted with the fact of the privateer's possessing property in Charleston which could be attached, & how the damages sustained by robbing him of 200 bbls. of flour, could amount to $36000 if bound to an American port, is left for him to explain. Robberies of this kind are too frequent not to attract the notice of government, towards as well the robbed as the robbers. The editors of papers who have given publicity to Brownlow's protest, will do well to give the above equal publicity, in order that the public may fully understand the "most villainous transaction."—American.
DESTROY THE MILITIA.—This has been a paramount object with the advocates and hirelings of Great-Britain, since the adoption of the federal constitution. From certain opportunities, Col. Duane has exceeded his fellow-soldiers of the militia, in introducing the modern system of warfare into the United States. In Philadelphia, his regiment forms a pattern of discipline looked up to & emulated by every other in the state—indeed, with the exception of some volunteer associations, it may be deemed worthy the emulation of every militia corps in the nation. He has received a command in the provisional army, not as has been falsely insinuated, in consequence of political prejudices, but owing to his own intrinsic merit and military knowledge. His Repository of modern tactics is unequalled perhaps by any other production of a similar nature—and in devoting his time and talents to this work, he has rendered a service to America, which her citizens, e'er long, may find it their interest to appreciate with gratitude. And while the demon of British influence has shrunk confounded before his genius—his worth will rise superior to the contumelious insults of such creatures as Coleman, Simple Solomon, a Connecticut Jesuit, or the whole host of British scribblers.—N. Y. Pub. Advertiser.
WORTHY OF EXAMPLE. A late London paper gives a lengthy account of "Lord Somerville's cattle show." The following interesting paragraphs are extracted from it— The very excellent animals collected in Mr. Sadler's yard, yesterday, (March 3) drew a crowded company of nobility, gentry and agriculturists, who seemed highly delighted with the great degree of perfection in the cattle exhibited. The specimens of broad cloth and of leather continued to attract much of the attention of those conversant with those subjects. Mr. Tollet exhibited a detailed statement of the wool produced by his Merino flock last year, and of its produce in money.
Mr. Rood exhibited another of his Hampshire waggons put together; the one shown yesterday remaining in the state of two complete carts. Mr. Lister had a smaller chaff-cutter this day in the yard. Messrs. Bridge and Parsons among other samples of agricultural seeds, shewed specimens of spring seed-wheat which has been found, on trial, to succeed perfectly. Out of each of the six pens of sheep, shown yesterday, two were last night killed; and their carcasses were this day exhibited, with labels, as follows:
   George Tollet's two Merino south-downs. Carcass and head 161lb. and 91lb.   Fat 15lb. and 17 1-2lb.   Mr. Monkton's two south-downs: Carcass and head 162lb. & 106lb.   Fat 18 1-2lb. & 16lb.   Mr. Westzair's two south-downs: Carcass and head 86lb. & 87lb.   Fat 16lb. & 17lb.   Mr. Thomas Purdy's two south-downs: Carcass and head 113lb. & 125lb.   Fat 25lb. & 16lb.   Mr. Samuel Bayley's two south-downs: Carcass and head 107lb. & 112lb.   Fat 18 1-2lb. & 17 1-2lb.   Lord Somerville's two Merino-Rylands: Live weight 158lb. & 136lb.   Carcass and head 89lb. & 86lb.   Fat 9lb. & 16 1-2lb.   Skin 19lb. & 14lb.  
About three o'clock a part of the company, who are members of Smithfield club, withdrew, and held a meeting at Freemason's tavern, lord William Russell in the chair. The five judges of their next show were appointed, the accounts of the last year audited.
About half past five o'clock, 307 persons (among whom were some of the most distinguished foreign nobility, ambassadors, &c) sat down to a most excellent dinner, provided with the utmost liberality by Lord Somerville in Freemason's Hall. After dinner lord S. gave a variety of appropriate toasts and awarded to different persons the several prize cups intended as premiums for the superior excellence of their animals.
Two bundles of Siberian spring wheat, in the ear, were next produced, which his lordship begged to be put in the hands of the earl of Winchelsea, and Mr. Adams, for them to skip, and report the produce thereof on a future occasion. In the course of the evening, the Smithfield club's bill of premiums for the next show; the duke of Bedford's proposals to let and sell cattle, at his Woburn park farm, in June next; and lord Somerville's premiums for the next year, were delivered round to the company.
BOSTON, July 16. The towns which have sent two hundred and thirty one REPUBLICAN Representatives to the present Legislature, (together with the numerous Republican towns which

this year neglect to send Representatives) contained according to the last estimation, seventy thousand seven hundred and sixty three rateable polls.
MAKE THE CONTRAST. The towns which have sent the two hundred and fifty two Federal Representatives (together with the very few of their towns which did not send) contained only fifty five thousand one hundred and forty nine rateable polls.
70,763 — 251 55,149 — 252 Yet in the face of arithmetic, we are often told, by a certain description of people that the 250 Representatives represent the majority of the people of this state. Democrat.
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, July 22.
Another Revolution in Spain.
By the brig Aurora, capt. Ripley, arrived last night at Quarantine, we have received a Trinidad paper of the 25th June, containing the following important intelligence:—
TRINIDAD, June 25.
Yesterday evening arrived in this port the police ship L'Orient, after the short passage of 20 days from Gibraltar.
We regret that this paper was so far advanced before the public prints received by this occasion were put into our possession, that we cannot gratify our readers with an account of the important intelligence they exhibit respecting the fate of the Spanish monarchy, now in all probability annihilated by the treachery of the Corsican.
We therefore propose to bring it into one point of view, by publishing a Gazette extraordinary, which we will lay before our readers early in the ensuing week. Let it suffice at present to say, that another revolution has taken place in Spain, by which the old king, Charles IV. has again resumed the reins of government; but by a fatality which appears to attend all the continental crowned heads, he has put himself under the tuition of Bonaparte, who keeps him, the Prince of Asturias, the Prince of Peace and several of the grandees, who accompanied the royal visitors to Bayonne, prisoners. The grand duke of Berg, under the authority of the deposed monarch, now executes the office of lieut. gen. of Charles, in the government of his kingdom. The intelligence upon the whole, is highly important, and exhibits a scene of treachery on the part of the Corsican, not equalled by any of his former iniquities in his extraordinary career; which, however, it is very possible, his present attempt may bring to a crisis.
July 22.
We are indebted to the politeness of a gentleman of this city for Trinidad papers, containing the following important particulars of another revolution in Spain.
PORT SPAIN, 27th June.
We hasten to perform the promise inserted in our ordinary of Saturday last, by laying before our readers the most extraordinary intelligence that has ever been produced by political events, to astonish the universe.
One of the first empires on the globe, extending over both hemispheres, its dominions, on which the sun never sets—this colossal power; this transcendent throne and its immense treasures, all is abandoned. All is resigned by the monarch—and to whom! to a foreigner! to a foreigner who has deceived him—subjugated him—disgraced him—and whom he does not blush to call his friend, his loyal and faithful ally!
Read! mark! learn! O beloved Britons! and let the base partizans of the Tyrant now apologize for him if they can.
MADRID GAZETTE, May 13, 1808.
Circular Address of the Council of Castile Most Faithful Spaniards!
You have, for twenty years together, obeyed with unexceptionable loyalty, the august monarch of Spain, ever treading in the steps of your forefathers; you have made suitable returns to his paternal love, & shared the just concern which the council expressed to his majesty respecting his abdication, on the day following that on which it took place. If we published his successor's accession to the throne, it was merely to comply with his supreme commands. We would have long continued submissive and faithful to his majesty, if we had understood that his abdication and resignation of the crown was not accompanied with the requisite spontaneous freedom.
Ever since Charles IV. made it known that this abdication had been forced from him, & that he deemed himself fully entitled to resume the crown, the board of government, the council of Castile, and the whole nation, have been anxiously waiting for the decision of a question of such high importance; and the council have examined with the greatest attention, the documents upon which the powerful umpire who has been appointed for that purpose, has grounded his determination. The most important of these are subjoined here; and in the opinion formed by the council, they have the certainty that they have not deviated from that which the august party himself would have adopted, if less complicated circumstances had not opposed that consent. It is undoubtedly unfortunate that the union of the Fathers of his people has not yet taken place; but this misfortune will prove less distressing to their beneficent hearts, as the result of the late events holds out flattering hopes for the future, and the nation will shortly be enabled to proceed, with steady steps, in the career of her happiness and prosperity.
These hopes begin to be realized, since the king has appointed, to supply his place in the government of these kingdoms, a prince, who, without any other interest than that of Spain, already evinced by his beneficent and unremitted exertions at the head of his army, devotes himself with eagerness, and the most suitable means, to whatever is conducive to her glory and felicity.
The board of government, which shares all the sentiments of the council, has viewed the crisis of the preceding events in the same light, and considers the determination, adopted by the wisdom of the tribunal, & to which it subscribes without restriction, as the fulfilment of the irrevocable decrees of Providence, which never forsakes a religious people, attached to their sovereign & to the laws by which they are governed.
The principal documents quoted, & which the council had taken into consideration at the meeting held on the 6th inst. in the presence of their excellencies Marques Caballero, don Fox Gil, & Gonzalez O'Parri, members of the board of government, are the following ones:
PROTEST OF CHARLES IV.
"Dearest Brother—On the 19th of last month, I put into the hands of my son, a decree of abdication. On the very same day, I entered a solemn protest against the decree which had been issued in the midst of wild commotions, and forced from me by the critical circumstances of that period. Now, that tranquility is restored; that my protest is in the hands of my august friend and faithful ally the Emperor of the French, king of Italy, and it is notorious, that my son could not induce his imperial and royal majesty to acknowledge him in that capacity, I solemnly declare that the deed of abdication which I subscribed on the 19th of last month, is null and void in all its parts; and therefore, it is my will that you should make it known to all my subjects, that their good king who loves them, wishes to dedicate the remainder of his life to unremitted exertions for their happiness. I provisionally confirm in their situations, the members of the present board of government, and all the civil and military officers who have been appointed ever since the 19th of March last. I intend to go and meet my august ally, the Emperor of the French, king of Italy; after which I will send further orders to the board. San Lorenzo, April 17, 1808. I THE KING. To the Supreme board of Government."
Letter of his majesty the emperor of France to his Royal highness the Prince of Asturias.
"Brother—I have received your royal highness's letter. The inspection of your royal father's papers must already have convinced you of the affection I ever bore him; under the present circumstances, you will allow me to speak to your highness with frankness and candor; I entertained a hope, that upon my arrival at Madrid, I might persuade my illustrious friend to make some necessary reforms in his dominions, and in some degree, to gratify the public opinion. The Prince of Peace's dismissal appeared to me requisite for his happiness and that of his people. The events in the north, have retarded my journey. In the mean time, the occurrences at Aranjuez have taken place. I do not set up for a judge of what has happened, nor of the conduct of the prince of peace; but, what I know, is, that kings should never ensnare their subjects to shed blood, doing themselves justice. I pray to God that your royal highness may never experience it. It would not suit the interests of Spain, that a prince who has married a princess of the royal family, and who has so long governed the kingdom should be persecuted. He has no friends left; nor would your royal highness have any, if you should one day be unfortunate. The people gladly seize the opportunities of making themselves amends for the respect they shewed us. You cannot try the prince of peace; his crimes, if he were charged with any, ought to be buried in the rights of the throne. I have often expressed my wish that the P. of Peace might be dismissed; if I have not been more urgent, it has been owing to my friendship for King Charles, from whose weak partiality I chose to turn my eyes. Oh wretched humanity! imbecility and error: such is our motto! All this, however, may be reconciled—let the Prince of peace be banished from Spain, and I offer him an asylum in France. With respect to the abdication of Charles IV. has taken place at a time when my armies occupied Spain: and Europe and posterity might believe that I have sent so many troops for the sole purpose of driving my friend ally from his throne. "
As a neighboring sovereign, I am bound to inquire into what has taken place previous to my acknowledging this abdication. I therefore wish to converse with your royal highness upon the subject. The caution with which I have hitherto proceeded in these affairs, ought to convince you of the support you will find in me, if factions of any description ever disturb your reign. When King Charles informed me of the events of October last, I was greatly concerned at them—and I flatter myself, that I have contributed, by my suggestions, to their happy issue. Your royal highness should dread the consequences of popular commotions; some of my scattered soldiers may be assassinated, but such excesses could only bring ruin upon Spain. Your royal highness knows all the recesses of my heart: you may see, that I am agitated by various ideas which want to be fixed. You may be certain, that at all events I will deal with you as I have done with your royal father : rely upon my wish to reconcile every thing, and to find opportunities to give you proofs of my affection & high regard. And so, I pray God may keep you, brother, under his holy and worthy protection. (Signed) NAPOLEON.
The royal council has subsequently received under date the 7th and 8th the following Royal Address, Letter Royal, Decrees and Order :—
ROYAL ADDRESS.
"Spaniards and beloved Subjects—Perfidious men are endeavouring to bring ruin upon you, and would fain supply you with arms, that you might turn them against the French troops, anxious reciprocally to stir you up against them, and them against you. What would be the result of such sinister intentions? No other without doubt, than the devastation of Spain, and calamities of every description. The factious minds, from which I had so much to bear, are as yet in agitation; and, under circumstances equally important and critical, I am concerting matters with my ally, the emperor of the French, concerning whatever is connected with your happiness. But be sure not to listen to his enemies; they who exasperate you against France, thirst for your blood, and are either the enemies of our nation, or the agents of England. If you hearken to them, you will occasion the loss of your colonies the division of your provinces, and a long series of disturbance and evils to your country."
"Spaniards, trust my experience, and submit to the authority which I hold from the almighty and from my ancestors. Follow my example, and believe, that the friendship of the Emperor of the French, our ally can alone save Spain, and make her happy. Bayonne, in the Imperial Palace of Government, May 4, 1808. I THE KING."
Letter enclosing the Royal Decree to his Imperial and Royal Highness (MURAT) Brother—My absence and infirmities not allowing me wholly to dedicate myself to the unremitted exertions required for the government of my state, in tranquility of my kingdom, and the preservation of my crown,
in order to ascertain whether Europe and posterity could have been mistaken in such conjectures, see the following Madrid article. Id. Pap. 4 For the punctilious performance of this promise, the reader is also referred to the Madrid article.
it has struck me, that I could do nothing better than to appoint a Locum tenens , who invested with the supreme authority which I hold from God and my ancestors, should govern and rule, for me and in my name, over all the province of Spain.
In consequence whereof, and having previously consulted the welfare of my people, and my wish to rescue the monarchy from the precipice into which the malice of the enemies of the peace of the continent, were on the eve of plunging her; duly appreciating, on the other hand, the eminent virtues of which your imperial and royal highness has given us so many proofs, and the great services you have done us; I have resolved, with the consent and approbation of my faithful and great ally the Emperor and King upon appointing your imperial and royal highness, my Lieutenant General, by the decree which I have just issued to the board of government, and which is here annexed; entreating you, prince, to transmit it to them, and to accept of this appointment, which will restore peace to my mind—And so I pray God may keep you, brother, under his holy and worthy protection. (Signed) CHARLES. Bayonne, May 4, 1808.
Appointment of the Grand Duke of Berg to the High Dignity of Lieutenant-General to the kingdom.
TO THE SUPREME BOARD OF GOVERNMENT. Having deemed it proper to give the same direction to all the forces of my kingdom, with a view to the security of the property of individuals, and to the maintenance of public tranquility against both internal and external forces, I have thought it my duty, in order to attain that object to appoint lieutenant-general of the kingdom, our beloved brother, the grand duke of Berg, who, at the same time, commands the troops of our ally, the Emperor of the French.
And therefore, we command our supreme council of Castile, and other councils, the chanceries, audiences and the justices of the kingdom, the captains general and governors of our provinces to bear him obedience, execute and enforce the execution of his orders and dispositions, such being our will, as likewise that as Lieut. General of the kingdom, he shall preside over the board of government. Let it be so understood for the due fulfilment of my present supreme determination—Bayonne Imperial Palace of Government May 4, 1808. (Signed) I THE KING.
Order accompanying the royal Decree and Address. "Most illustrious sir—The grand Duke of Berg has directed me to transmit to the council, as I hereby do, the annexed royal decree of our King Charles IV. issued at Bayonne, in the Palace of government, and by which his majesty has been pleased to appoint lieutenant general of the kingdom, his imperial and royal highness the above named grand Duke of Berg; that the same may be so understood by the council, and by them called into execution, and circulated with all possible speed for the corresponding purpose."
"I likewise send to the council, in compliance with the said grand duke's commands the annexed address of our said lord King Charles IV. in which he exhorts his subjects to submit to his dispositions for the security of Spain, the promotion of her happiness, and the preventing of the distractions and calamities with which she is threatened; that the council may also publish and circulate the said address. May God &c. Palace May 7, 1808. (Signed) SEBASTIAN PINUELA. To the senior member of the Council."
The whole having been read at the meeting held this day, in the presence of two members of the supreme board of government, his excellency don Gonzalez O'Parri, and his illustriousness don Bernardo Iriarte, appointed for that purpose by his imperial and royal highness the grand duke of Berg; after deliberating upon the subject, and hearing the king's fiscals, it has been unanimously resolved, that the annexed royal decrees and address shall be carried into execution, and communicated to all the captains, general, presidents and regents of all the chanceries & audiences, governors, corregidores, intendants, ordinary justices, to the most reverend archbishops, reverend bishops, and heads of the secular and regular clergy of the kingdom, that they may understand, execute, and procure the execution of the same obeying and enforcing obedience to the orders and resolutions of his imperial and royal highness, in his capacity of lieutenant general of the kingdom, without opposing or suffering the same to be opposed, in any manner whatever. Madrid May 8, 1808—Duly registered.
His excellency Don Sebastian Pinnela communicated, on the 10th May, to D. Arias Mon, senior member of the council and chamber, the royal order and inclosures, of which the following are copies.
"Most excellent sir—I send you by his imperial and royal highness the Grand Duke of Berg, Lieutenant General of the kingdom, the annexed decree of Ferdinand VII. addressed to the supreme board of government, and inclosing a letter which he wrote to his august father, resigning the crown in his favour; and the revocation of the powers given to the said government, most particularly charging the latter to submit to his said august father."
"I likewise inclose you the letter which the same Ferdinand VII. wrote to his imperial and royal Majesty the emperor of the French, upon the same subject; that the whole may be immediately published, printed and circulated by the council."
"I have this day, delivered to my father a letter worded thus:—Sire, venerated father and sir, in order to give your majesty a proof of my love, obedience and submission, and to comply with the wishes which your majesty has repeatedly expressed to me, I resign my crown in favour of your majesty, wishing that your majesty may enjoy it for a long series of years. I recommend to your persons who have served me ever since the 16th of March, fully relying upon the assurances which your majesty has given me on his head, May God, &c. &c. Your Majesty's most humble son. (Signed) FERDINAND. Bayonne, May 6, 1808."
In consequence of this resignation of the crown in favour of my august father, I revoke all the powers with which I had invested the board of government, previous to my departure from Madrid, for the dispatch of the important and urgent business that might occur during my absence. The board shall obey the orders and commands of our beloved father and sovereign, and shall enforce their execution throughout the whole kingdom. Before I conclude, I have to return thanks to the members of the board, to the constituted authorities, and to the whole nation, for their services to me; and to charge them most heartily to unite with my beloved father, King Charles, and with the Emperor Napoleon, whose power and friendship can, more than any thing else, secure to Spain her most valuable blessing, namely, her independence and the integrity of her territory. I also charge you not to suffer yourselves to be seduced by the artifices of our eternal enemies; to live together in perfect harmony, and to keep a good understanding with our allies; andasty, to avoid the effusion of blood, and the misfortunes which would otherwise result from the present circumstances, if you should allow yourselves to be led away by the spirit of delusion and discord. Let it be so understood by the board, &c. (Signed) FERDINAND. Bayonne, May 6, 1808.
"To the Infant Don Antonio."
"Sir and brother—I have the honour of sending to your imperial and royal majesty a copy of the letter which I intend to deliver to my august father, in which I abdicate the crown of Spain in favour of his Majesty, in compliance with the wish which he, this day, expressed to me in the presence of your imperial and royal majesty. I entreat your imperial and royal majesty to take under your protection my person, and that of my brother the infant Don Carlos, and to guarantee the persons and properties of all my followers. In this confidence I beg your imperial and royal majesty will accept of the assurances of my high consideration, &c. &c. (Signed) FERDINAND. Bayonne, May 5, 1808."
The whole having been published in the council, it has been resolved that it should be carried into execution, and communicated to the captains general, &c. (Signed) D. BARTOLEME MONOZ. Madrid, May 10, 1808.
In consequence of the royal decree appointing the grand duke of Berg, lieutenant general of the kingdom, and his imperial and royal highness having confirmed the members of all the tribunals in their respective places, the council has issued, under the same date, a royal decree enjoining the impartial and speedy administration of justice, and directing stamp paper to bear the words, Government of the Lieutenant General of the Kingdom .
force their execution throughout the whole kingdom. Before I conclude, I have to return thanks to the members of the board, to the constituted authorities, and to the whole nation, for their services to me; and to charge them most heartily to unite with my beloved father, King Charles, and with the Emperor Napoleon, whose power and friendship can, more than any thing else, secure to Spain her most valuable blessing, namely, her independence and the integrity of her territory. I also charge you not to suffer yourselves to be seduced by the artifices of our eternal enemies; to live together in perfect harmony, and to keep a good understanding with our allies; andasty, to avoid the effusion of blood, and the misfortunes which would otherwise result from the present circumstances, if you should allow yourselves to be led away by the spirit of delusion and discord. Let it be so understood by the board, &c. (Signed) FERDINAND. Bayonne, May 6, 1808.
"To the Infant Don Antonio."
"Sir and brother—I have the honour of sending to your imperial and royal majesty a copy of the letter which I intend to deliver to my august father, in which I abdicate the crown of Spain in favour of his Majesty, in compliance with the wish which he, this day, expressed to me in the presence of your imperial and royal majesty. I entreat your imperial and royal majesty to take under your protection my person, and that of my brother the infant Don Carlos, and to guarantee the persons and properties of all my followers. In this confidence I beg your imperial and royal majesty will accept of the assurances of my high consideration, &c. &c. (Signed) FERDINAND. Bayonne, May 5, 1808."
The whole having been published in the council, it has been resolved that it should be carried into execution, and communicated to the captains general, &c. (Signed) D. BARTOLEME MONOZ. Madrid, May 10, 1808.
In consequence of the royal decree appointing the grand duke of Berg, lieutenant general of the kingdom, and his imperial and royal highness having confirmed the members of all the tribunals in their respective places, the council has issued, under the same date, a royal decree enjoining the impartial and speedy administration of justice, and directing stamp paper to bear the words, Government of the Lieutenant General of the Kingdom .
MADRID, May 20, 1808.
The Spanish monarch must, when the affairs of the North are settled, make room for a member of the new dynasty. A lawful sovereign, a Bourbon, and master of one of the finest countries in Europe! how can he expect to be absorbed, while such heavy charges can be preferred against him!
[Gibbon's Chron. Jan. 10, 1807.]
The king, the prince of Asturias, and their highnesses don Carlos and don Antonio, have renounced to the crown, and to their rights to the same, as appears by the following documents:
"I have thought it proper to give my beloved subjects the proof of my paternal love for them. Their happiness, the peace, prosperity, preservation & integrity of the dominions which Divine Providence had put under my government, have been, during my reign, the only objects of my incessant solicitude. Whatever dispositions and measures have been adopted ever since my accession to the throne of my ancestors, tended to that just end; nor could they tend to any other. At present under the extraordinary circumstances in which I have been placed and see myself, my conscience, my honor, and the fair name which I leave to posterity, imperiously require from me, that the last act of my sovereignty should exclusively be directed to the promotion of the said end, namely, to the peace, prosperity, security and integrity of the monarchy, the throne of which I relinquish; and to the greatest happiness of my subjects of both hemispheres."
And accordingly I have ceded to my ally and dear friend, the emperor of the French, all my rights to Spain, and the Indies, having stipulated that the crown of Spain and the Indies shall continue independent and entire, such as it has been under my dominion; and likewise, that our holy religion, is to be not only the established religion, but the only one professed throughout the territories of this monarchy. You are to understand it so, and to communicate the same to the other councils, to the tribunals of the kingdom, to the heads of the provinces, both military, civil and ecclesiastical, and to all the justices of my kingdoms, that the last act of my sovereignty may come to the knowledge of all throughout my Spanish and Indian dominions, and that you and they may concur in carrying into execution the dispositions of my dear friend, the emperor Napoleon, whose aim is the maintenance of peace, friendship and union between France and Spain, and the preventing of excesses and popular commotions, the effects of which are invariably found to be public calamities, the desolation of families, and the ruin of all. Given at Bayonne, in the imperial palace of Government, May 8, 1808. I THE KING. To the temporary governor of my council of Castile."
"Don Fernando, Prince of Asturias, and the Infantes D. Carlos and D. Antonio,"
grateful for the love and constant fidelity which all the Spaniards have displayed towards them, are deeply concerned at seeing them at present, a prey to confusion, and consequently threatened with the greatest calamity, and well knowing that, with the greatest part of them, this originates in their ignorance both of the motives of the conduct of their highnesses, up to this moment, and of the plans which have been devised for the happiness of the country, they conceive it to be their duty to give them the salutary information they stand in need of, not to impede their execution, and at the same time, the dearest proof of the love they bear them.
They are, therefore, under the necessity of making known to them, that the circumstances under which the Prince, after the abdication of the King his father, assumed the reins of government, when many provinces of the kingdom and all the frontier towns were occupied by a great number of French troops, and upwards of 60,000 men of the same nation were stationed in the capital and its environs—that these circumstances, and several facts which could not be known to other persons, convinced their highnesses, that surrounded with dangers, they had only to choose the course which should be attended with fewest evils, in consequence of which, they resolved upon setting out for Bayonne.
No sooner had their highnesses reached that town, than the Prince [then king] unexpectedly found that the king his father, had protested against his abdication, asserting it to have been forced from him; and as the Prince had bona fide believed it to have been voluntary, when he accepted the
crown, he was induced by his filial love to restore it, as soon as he had ascertained that such a protest existed; and, shortly after his father resigned it in his name and in that of his whole dynasty, in favor of the emperor of the French, that latter, consulting the good of the nation, might select the person and dynasty who are to wear it for the future.
In this state of things, their royal highnesses taking into consideration the situation in which they find themselves, and likewise, the critical circumstances in which Spain is placed, and under which every attempt on the part of her inhabitants, in support of their rights, will not only be useless but fatal, as it will be attended with other consequences than great bloodshed, and the infallible loss of at least, a great part of her provinces, and of the whole of her colonies beyond the seas—reflecting, on the other hand, that the respective concurrences of each of their highnesses in the cession of their rights to that throne, already made by their father, will prove a most effectual preventive of those calamities—observing also, that the Emperor of the French binds himself, in this supposition, to preserve the independence and integrity of the Spanish Monarchy, as well as of all her ultramarine settlements, without a serving to himself, or dismembering the least part of her territories; and further, to maintain the purity of the Catholic religion, private property, and the laws and usages of the country; which secures for a long period of time, and in an infallible manner, the power and prosperity of the Spanish nation—their royal highnesses think that they give the most convincing proof of their generosity, of the love they bear the Spaniards, and of the grateful sense which they entertain of their attachment, by sacrificing as far as in them lies, their personal interests to their advantage, and, for this purpose, adhering, as they have adhered by a separate convention, to the cession of their rights to the throne. In consequence whereof, they release the Spaniards from all their obligations in this respect, and exhort them to look at the common interest of the country, keeping quiet, and expecting their happiness from the wise disposition of the emperor Napoleon; by their steady submission to which, they will give their prince and the two infants, the strongest proof of their loyalty, as their highnesses give it to them of their paternal affection, by resigning all their claims, and disregarding their own interests to make them happy: which is the only object of their wishes. I THE PRINCE—CARLOS—ANTONIO. Bordeaux, 4th May, 1808.
Extract of a letter from Trinidad, dated June 27th to a gentleman in this city.
"Two revolutions have taken place in Spain, since the 15th of March—One preceded the abdication of the old king in favor of the Prince of Asturias—The other, the resignation of the prince in favor of the father; and as they could not agree among themselves, they went to Bayonne to submit their differences to the decision of BONAPARTE, who has laid violent hands on the whole party, including the Prince of Peace and several of the grandees, and keeps them all prisoners. He has made the king appoint MURAT Lieutenant General of the kingdom. Murat, they say, is in Madrid with 54,000 men; but I don't believe he has more than 30,000. The provinces have revolted against this and the authority of Charles; proclaimed Ferdinand the 7th, the lawful king, and called all faithful Spaniards to take arms in defence of their religion and their country. The supreme council of government is at Seville; in Andalusia alone 150,000 men were in arms. It would appear they risen masses, and massacre all who do not wear the red cockade, which the council has ordered that every man shall wear. We are before now, I suppose, in possession of CADIZ and the SPANISH NAVY, which the council have agreed to deliver up to admiral Purvis and general Spencer, whose expedition, it now appears, was sent out to favor the king's emigration to Mexico. Six French ships of the line are also in the harbor of Cadiz, but they are completely in jeopardy. Not a man dare go on shore, and Purvis is in the rear with fourteen ships. THE POPULACE OF CADIZ TORE OLD SOLAN, THE GOVERNOR, TO PIECES, from a suspicion that he was in the French interest. The French merchants are all on board the French ships, and the only means of saving their lives is to surrender to the British admiral Purvis; for if they landed, they would be hunted down like wild beasts by the people. Such was the state of Spain on the country on the 6th of June."
BOARDING HOUSE. —Mrs. JUDITH NELSON having taken the Tenement belonging to Mr. William Price, lately occupied by Mr. McGraw, on the street leading from the Capitol, has opened a BOARDING HOUSE, where she will take boarders by the day, week, month or year; she has excellent servants, and assures those who may become her boarders, that no exertions shall be wanting to give satisfaction. Richmond, July 29. [H]
SUGARS of first quality, Molasses, Old Madeira Wine, Demijohns and Boiling Cloths, FOR SALE BY M. M. MYERS.
TO RENT. —The STORE AND COUNTING ROOM on the Main-Street, late occupied by Mr. Richard Brooke. July 29. [lawgw]
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. —Ran away from the subscriber some time in April last, a negro woman named MARY, about twenty-two years of age, a dark complexion, modest countenance, and speaks very low when spoken to. I have been informed that she has been seen about some of the Coal Pits, on the river above Richmond. Whoever will deliver the said negro woman to me, living on the Richmond Turnpike, about four miles above town, shall receive the above reward. BENJ. SHEPPARD. July 29. [ep4w]
VIRGINIA. —At a superior court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the 22d day of June, 1808.
John Barrett and James Miller, Plaintiffs .—Against James Jones, executor of John Jones, Ann Johnson, widow of William Johnson, John Wiley and Jane his wife, Nicholas Johnson, Meriwether Johnson, John Johnson, Mary Johnson, Richard Hundley, Nelson Foster, John Foster, John Hunter, Michael Perkins and infant children of Francis Graves, deceased, by John McKim, specially assigned their guardian, John Poindexter, Henry Chiles and Henry Garnett, Cornelius Harris, William Pattman and Zachariah Foster, Defendants .
The defendants Michael Perkins, Cornelius Harris, William Pattman and Zachariah Foster, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the society. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. July 29. [lawgw]

We have been favored with the following letter from the Attorney General to the President of the U. S. As it serves to set the singular case at Charleston in its true colors, it cannot fail being acceptable to the reader. It is presumed, this letter has been circulated among the different Collectors of the U. S.
SIR,
I have read and considered the papers and documents referred to me relative to the case of a mandamus , issued by the circuit court of the United States for the district of South Carolina to compel the collector of the port of Charleston to grant clearances to certain vessels.
The first question that presents itself is, whether the court possessed the power of issuing a mandamus in such a case?
A mandamus in England, is styled a prerogative writ, and in that country is awarded solely and exclusively by the court of king's-bench.
The constitution and laws of the United States establish our judicial system. To these we must refer in order to ascertain the jurisdiction of the respective courts, the extent of their powers, and the limits of their authority.
The "Act to establish the judicial courts of the United States," passed on the 24th of September 1789, declares and defines the jurisdiction of the several courts, thereby created, and among those the jurisdiction of the circuit courts. Upon a careful and attentive perusal it will be found to delegate to the circuit courts no power to issue writs of mandamus . In the thirteenth section of that act, this authority is expressly given to the supreme court of the United States. In like manner it is specially provided by the act of the third of February, 1801, that the supreme court shall have power to issue writs of mandamus . This last act having been repealed and the former revived, the question must rest upon the true construction to be given to the original act.
The eleventh section defines and limits the jurisdiction of the circuit courts. It is specially appropriated to this single object.—There are no expressions in this section which can fairly be interpreted to confer the authority of issuing writs of mandamus . Nor can the power be either implied or inferred from any language it contains. It is true the proceeding by mandamus in England is on the crown side, as it is termed, of the court of king's-bench. But it is a prosecution relative to the civil right to enforce it, and to obtain prompt redress; and not to punish criminally as in the case of an offence. The provision therefore that the circuit courts "shall have exclusive cognizance of all crimes and offences cognizable under the authority of the United States, except when the act otherwise provides &c." cannot warrant such a proceeding. Besides the same act does provide that the supreme court shall issue writs of mandamus . An authority given perhaps, because its jurisdiction extends all over the United States.
The fourteenth section, immediately succeeding that which gives this authority in plain and positive terms to the supreme court, solely, if not exclusively, (and the affirmative frequently, and in this case justly, I think implies a negative,) contains the following provision. "All the before mentioned Courts of the United States, (including the supreme, as well as the circuit, and district courts) shall have power to issue writs of scire facias , habeas corpus , and all other writs not specially provided for by statute, which may be necessary for the exercise of their respective jurisdictions." This clause cannot effect the case. I conceive. The mandamus is a writ, which we have seen is specially provided for by law. This section was evidently not designed to give any additional jurisdiction to either of the courts, but merely the means of executing that jurisdiction already granted to them respectively. The issuing of a mandamus in the case under consideration was an act of original jurisdiction. Precisely as much so, as it would have been in the supreme court, to have exercised the power in the case of Marbury vs. Madison . In that case the supreme court declared, that to issue a mandamus to the Secretary of State, would be to exercise an original jurisdiction, not given by the constitution, and which could not be granted by Congress.—The constitution having enumerated or declared the particular cases in which the supreme court should exercise original jurisdiction, though there were no negative expressions, the affirmative they considered implied them. It was on this principle alone they refused to exert their authority.
The practice I believe, has uniformly been, so far as I can trace it from the books of reports, that have been published, or from recollection and experience on the subject, to apply to the supreme court for a mandamus . This court, it is true, have determined not to issue the writ when it would be an act of original jurisdiction. But this, I apprehend, can afford no ground for the circuit court's assuming an authority, which the supreme court have declined, unless by a legislative act the power be delegated to them. This power is not inherent nor necessarily incidental to a court of justice, even of general jurisdiction. For in England, but a single one, of several courts having general jurisdiction, possesses the authority. Neither the chancery, the common pleas, nor the exchequer, though classed among the king's superior courts, and having general jurisdiction over the realm, can exercise this power. It is the peculiar privilege of the king's-bench alone. Our circuit courts have merely a local and subordinate jurisdiction. Their analogies therefore with the four courts of England, having general and superior jurisdiction, must be very weak, and still weaker their claim to the pre-eminent distinction of the king's-bench which possesses solely the exclusive authority of issuing the mandamus .
For these reasons I am induced to believe from the best consideration I have been enabled to give the subject, that the Circuit Court of South Carolina had not authority to issue a mandamus to the collector of the port of Charleston.
It is scarcely necessary to remark, that when a court has no jurisdiction, even consent will not give it, and much less will the mere tacit acquiescence of a party, in not denying their authority.
Independent of this serious and conclusive objection to the proceeding adopted by the court, there are others entitled to consideration. For supposing the court did not err in the exercise of jurisdiction, and admitting the British doctrines on the subject without restriction or limitation could be ex-
tended to this country, there are legal exceptions to the course they have pursued, supported by English authority.
In the first place, the law gave the collector complete discretion over the subject.—According to the opinion he might form, he possessed competent authority to grant or refuse a clearance. And I apprehend where the law has left this discretion in an officer, the court, agreeably to the British practice and precedents, ought not to interpose, by way of mandamus .
2dly. In this case there was a controlling power in the Chief Magistrate of the United States. There was in fact, an express appeal given to the President by the very words of the act of congress, which authorises the collectors to detain vessels, "until the decision of the President be had thereupon." By the mandamus the reference to the President is taken away, and the collector is commanded to clear the vessel without delay. Agreeably to the English Authorities under such circumstances, it is not the course I believe to issue a mandamus .
3dly. The parties it seems had their legal remedy against the collector, and it is not usual, if not unprecedented, to grant a mandamus in such a case.
4thly. A mandamus is not issued to a mere ministerial officer to compel him to do his duty. The court will leave the parties to their remedy by action, or even by indictment. In England, in a very late case, they decided that they would grant a mandamus to a ministerial officer, such as the treasurer of a county, for the proper remedy was by indictment.
I am aware of a precedent in which it seems to be admitted that a mandamus may issue to the commissioners of excise, to compel them in a proper case to grant a permit . This case is more analogous to the one now before us than any other. I have been able to discover, after a diligent research. But in this instance the point was not made, nor the question argued. Besides the commissioners of excise in England form a board for superintending the collection of that branch of the revenue; They constitute in many respects a court of inferior jurisdiction, which in particular cases takes cognizance in a summary way, of offences against the excise laws. A mandamus might be granted to such a tribunal, when it would not be issued to a mere ministerial officer, acting under them in the collection of the revenue.
It results from this view of the subject, that the mandamus issued by the circuit court for the district of South Carolina, was not warranted by any power vested in the circuit courts by statute; nor by any power necessarily incident to courts, nor countenanced by any analogy between the circuit courts, and the court of King's-bench, the only court in that country possessing the power of issuing such writs. And it further appears that even the court of King's-bench, for the reasons assigned, would not agreeably to their practice and principles have interfered in the present case by mandamus .
It might perhaps with propriety be added that there does not appear in the constitution of the U. States any thing which favours an indefinite extension of the jurisdiction of courts over the ministerial officer within the executive department. On the contrary, a careful discrimination which is marked between the several departments, should dictate great circumspection to each, in the exercise of powers, having any relation to the other.
The courts are indubitably the source of legal redress for wrongs committed by ministerial officers, none of whom are above the law. This redress is to be administered by due and legal process in the ordinary way. For there appears to be a material and an obvious distinction, between a course of proceeding, which redresses a wrong committed by an executive officer, and an interposition by a mandatory writ, taking the executive authority out of the hands of the President, and prescribing the course, which he and the agents of any department must pursue. In the one case the Executive is left free to act in his proper sphere, but is held to strict responsibility; in the other all responsibility is taken away, and he acts agreeably to judicial mandate. Writs of this kind if made applicable to officers indiscriminately, and acts purely ministerial, and executive in their nature, would necessarily have the effect of transferring the powers vested in one department to another department. If in a case like the present, where the law vests a duty and a discretion in an executive officer, a court can not only administer redress against the misuse of the authority, but can previously direct the use to be made of it, it would seem that under the name of a judicial power an executive function is necessarily assumed and that part of the constitution perhaps defeated, which makes it the duty of the President to take care that the laws be faithfully executed. I do not see any clear limitation to this doctrine which would prevent the courts from compelling by mandamus all the executive officers, all subordinate to the President at least, whether charged with legal duties in the Treasury or other departments, to execute the same according to the opinion of the judiciary and contrary to that of the executive. And it is evident that the confusion arising will be greatly increased by the exercise of such a power by a number of separate courts of local jurisdiction, whose proceedings would have complete and final effect, without an opportunity of control by the supreme court. So many branches of the judiciary acting within their respective districts, their courses might be different, and different rules of action might be presented for the citizens of the different states, instead of that unity of administration which the constitution meant to secure by placing the executive power for them all in the same head.
What too becomes of the responsibility of the executive to the court of impeachment, and to the nation? Is he to remain responsible for acts done by command of another department? Or is the nation to lose the security of that responsibility altogether? From these and other considerations, were this branch of the subject to be pursued, it might be inferred, that the constitution of the United States, by the distribution of the powers of our government to different departments, ascribing the executive duties to one, and the judiciary to another, controls any principles of the English law, which would authorise either to enter into the departments of the other, to annul the powers of that other, and to assume the direction of its operations to itself.
These remarks are respectfully submitted to your consideration. They are made with due deference to the opinion of the court, with one of the judges constituting which,
I am personally acquainted, and for whose character I feel the sincerest regard. Yours very respectfully, C. A. RODNEY. (Signed)
The President of the United States. JULY 15, 1868.
The following composition is eminently worthy of re-publication.—It expresses some of the strongest arguments and pointed satire in strains of simple and indignant eloquence.
A SPECIMEN OF COUNTY COURT PLEADIGN.
We became possessed of the following manuscript by accident, and are perfectly unacquainted with the history and parties of the cause. The question which it presents is of very interesting importance, and affords a subject of serious legal contemplation. Circumstances induce us to believe that this speech was delivered by some young gentleman upon his first appearance at the bar in one of the adjacent counties. The case we expect, must have excited a great deal of local agitation, from the following speech, which we can but consider as a happy omen of the Speaker's future elevation. The history of the case is too fully delineated to require any preliminary protasis.— Vir. Argus.
This cause simply depends upon the establishment of two points. Was there a contract? And if so, was that contract usurious?
For the proof of these points, I shall rely altogether upon the answer itself.
The answer states in the first place, that the plaintiff in equity requested the defendant to "restore his custom to his old neighbor." This was refused.
The plaintiff again comes to the defendant, as stated in the answer, and tells him, that if he would put down his shop, he would do his work so low, that it should be manifestly to the advantage of the defendant. This it appears was also refused; but in so feeble, mild, and conciliating a manner, that it did not deter the plaintiff from repeating his propositions.
Accordingly the plaintiff a third time goes to the defendant, and after urging what he had before advanced upon the subject, went on to state, that he was desirous to pay to a mercantile firm, the sum of $300, and that if the defendant would put down his shop, and let him, that sum, he would do his work for nothing. This the defendant again refuses; because, as he tells the plaintiff, which is a part of his answer, if he were to accede to his proposition, his conduct might be misrepresented by the plaintiff, or others. Now what inference are we to draw from this avowed cause of refusal? What meaning does this language speak? If the contract proposed had been really such as the defendant states it to have been; if the plaintiff had engaged to do the defendant's work for nothing, provided the defendant would not rival him in his trade; or if, as stated in some part of the answer, this had been a fair purchase of labor—what anticipation could the defendant have had, that his conduct was liable to censure? Here, sir, the cloven foot begins to appear: The defendant was afraid to trust the plaintiff; he was afraid that he would do what he actually has done; seek relief from extortion and oppression, under the statute of usury.—Thence, sir, the caution with which the defendant closed this contract; and thence the attempt which he has made in his answer, to withdraw the attention from the atrocious circumstances of this business, & fix it upon those that have no real relation to it. I had thought that the old fox was too much accustomed to the windings and doublings of pecuniary speculation, to have made such an unwarly confession—but according to the proverb, no man is always wise.
The answer goes on to state, that the plaintiff endeavored to obviate the objection of the defendant's lively sensibility with respect to his reputation; that is, no doubt, he promised the defendant not to plead the statute of usury; this is the only construction of which this part of the answer is susceptible. But the defendant it seems, still rejected his proposition. Prudence and avarice had not yet decided the combat; at length avarice prevailed; for, says the defendant, being solicited again and again, "he the defendant" to use the identical words in the answer, "did at length consent." Now what did he consent to? He consented to lend the plaintiff $300, for the use of which, he was to do his blacksmith's work for nothing. Here then, the contract is acknowledged, in explicit terms.
But the defendant has endeavored to involve this plain agreement in much confusion and intricacy, by connecting with events and transactions between the plaintiff and himself, that have not the slightest connection with the usurious terms imposed by this modern Sherlock upon a poor mechanic.
He tells us that the loan of $300 was gratuitous, and that the plaintiff was to do his work as a consideration for his putting down his shop. The terms of this loan appear to have been variously understood. The defendant says he was to receive no interest for it; the answer of another party states, that the defendant was to receive legal interest; and the plaintiff avers that he was to give four or five times as much as legal interest. Here are three opinions conflicting with each other; which are we to believe? For my part, I do suppose that the third party states the contract as he heard of it; but he knew nothing about it, in reality. There was a secret article to this triple alliance, with which only two of the contracting parties were acquainted. I shall therefore leave this answer out of the dispute. It has come to this, then, that the solemn oath of the plaintiff and the defendant, are in direct opposition. This is an awkward situation for both parties. Which are we to believe? We have no positive proof; we have only circumstances and probabilities; to these then must we resort; and upon these must we rely; for it is a rule of law, as well as of reason, that when we have not the best possible evidence, we must resort to that which is next best.—See Blackstone, 3, 368.
Now what are the probabilities upon this occasion? Which is the most probable circumstance, that the defendant should lend money without interest, or, that he should exact more than legal interest? Sir, this is no time to be exercising a fastidious forbearance towards the feelings of litigants. The competency or beggary of an honest man are involved in this cause. What then, I repeat, are the probabilities upon this occasion? I do not think, though I may be mistaken, that there is a man in this court, nor even in this county, nay, in the wide circle of the defendant's acquaintance, who will lay his hand upon his heart, and declare that he conscientiously believes before his God, that he has adhered to the truth in his answer. If it was customary to call in auxiliary swearers, if compergators were now in fashion, I do not believe with all his wealth, he could obtain a competent number to support his oath. Sir, I never could give into that subtlety of reasoning, which reprobates in the abstract certain modes of conduct, while it leaves untouched the character of the person who may have been, nay, but too surely is guilty. And therefore I have always adopted the opinion of a most facetious author. "Whenever I hear of a very dirty action, I immediately conclude, that the man who committed it, must be a very dirty fellow"—Sterne.
From what sort of a man ought we look for gratuitous loans and unrecarded acts of beneficence and generosity? I can readily say from what sort of a man we ought not to look for such actions. We ought not to expect such liberality from a man who secures his loan by a deed of trust, & endeavors to sacrifice the property conveyed in trust, so soon as he thinks he has sufficiently entangled the man he pretends to have befriended. We ought not to expect such benevolence from a man, the grand object of whose whole life has been to accumulate pelf, by any means com-
ble with safety. We ought not to believe that he has been guilty of such gross inconsistency, as to have been betrayed, in any unguarded moment, into one solitary act of disinterested beneficence.
We should not do him such great injustice, as to believe, that his mind was ever irritated by an enlarged thought, or that his bosom ever swelled with one generous emotion. If it did not suit his present purpose to confess, with much difference and confession to be sure, that he has been guilty of a friendly action, I am not certain that he would not prosecute any man, as detracting from his thriftiness and good husbandry, who should say, what he has sworn to, that he has ever lent money without interest. By a sorriest attention to the necessities of his fellow-men, he has acquired the means of distressing his poor neighbors. He has scented his prey among the brothers of his village, and wherever "poverty's keen blast," had lowly bent the meek and unassuming peasant of the vale, so surely has he marked him as the victim of his lawless cupidity. And is this the man who tells us he has put down his shop; loaned money without interest; hired out a striker at an undervalue; his blacksmith's tools for little or nothing; and advanced cash upon open accounts of dubious credit? Surely it cannot be! There must be some leger-de-main in this business; it cannot be the defendant, who has thrown off the wintry torpor of his frozen soul, and comes out the sleek and supple servant of the spring! And yet, sir, there has been no transformation here: It is the same man that we have always known; and knowing him, as we always have done, who will believe that he has performed this incredible act of generosity! If any person was to assert to me a physical or moral impossibility,—was to tell me that yellow was blue, or that green was red, or that the harsh grating of a soft wheel were more pleasing to him than the soft music of the flute, or that the defendant had lent money without exacting illegal interest and excessive security, I should certainly conclude that his senses were disordered, or that to serve some purpose, he was guilty of a deliberate falsehood. Now, two conclusions may be drawn from the preceding premises; and it is not for me to say that the defendant's senses are disordered.
Be this as it may.—The answer "drags its slow length along," contending that the plaintiff was to do his work as a consideration for his putting down his shop. Yet what inducement could the plaintiff have, for making this sacrifice; what injury in the way of rivalry or competition, could the defendant's shop be to him when, as the answer states, at a subsequent period, he, the defendant, was under the necessity of purchasing a blacksmith, to carry on the trade? An empty shop could not be very injurious to one that was full of work; the allegation is absurd, and falsifies itself. Even after the defendant had set up shop, it appears that the plaintiff lost no customers thereby; and the only reason he had to regret it, was, that it furnished the defendant with a pretext for not extending the loan to a longer period, than at first agreed upon; and to sell the plaintiff's property for little or nothing—property with the value of which, forsooth, the defendant pretends, even at this day, not to be acquainted: a very likely story this!
We come now to examine, whether secondly and lastly, this contract was usurious?
In order to discover this, it is necessary to ascertain the value of the work done by the plaintiff. His charge against the defendant, which is no doubt correct, for the affidavits of the case prove the integrity of his character, is £58, and some odd shillings. One of the overseers of the defendant's states in his affidavit, that the work done was worth between £25 and £30; the other, between £20 and £25. But I will take the lowest of all possible calculations; I will take that of the defendant himself; and he admits, in his answer, that upon an annual average computation, one year with another, his work was worth £22. Now, sir, if there is any truth in figures; if £22 is more than £6, then is this contract usurious.
But the defendant, in his answer, has brought forward some arguments, if arguments they can be called, to show that this contract is not usurious: He contends that it was a legal purchase of labor, and that the plaintiff derived benefit thereby.
If this contract be called a purchase of labor, we shall not stickle much, to admit that it was; but the amount of that labor given as a consideration for the use of the loan, we contend was illegal, and constitutes the very essence of usury. This, sir, is a miserable subterfuge. Vice does not lose its nature by changing its name, and if the defendant was to christen and nick name this foul transaction, with the most plausible epithet in the vocabulary of fraud and swindling, it would not thence cease to be an usurious contract of the most flagrant and flagitious description. Money is but the representative of labor; and to pay in labor, is, in effect, to pay in money; since money must be advanced as the price of labor, if the debtor is not employed. The distinction, therefore, attempted to be drawn, in the answer, between paying in labor, and paying in money, or purchasing labor and purchasing money, is absurd and preposterous.
Whether it be labor, or money which represents labor, that is commuted at an illegal price, is altogether immaterial—it is in each equally usurious.
The defendant's contract with the plaintiff was precisely this—he agreed to lend him $300, for the use of which the plaintiff was to do work of ten times the value, or very near it, of the legal interest of the money. Can any thing be plainer than that this is usury? Where would be the utility of labor, where the benefits of industry, if one's labor did not pay his debts, nor his industry secure him the comforts of life? When the debtor undertakes to do work for his creditor, where is the difference between satisfying the demand in that way and paying him dollars? Where is the difference between paying $100 for the use of $300 in cash, or doing work to that amount? When the debtor borrows money and undertakes to do so much work as will amount to the legal interest, in consideration for the use of it, is it a fair contract? But when he undertakes to do so much work for the man from whom he has borrowed money as will amount to five or ten times the legal interest, for the use of it, it is quite as usurious as if he had undertaken to pay so much cash for the use of it.
But the defendant thinks he has one more hiding place; I will ferret him from this. He says that the plaintiff derived a benefit from the contract—we will suppose he did.
Whoever borrows money, but from the necessity of making a choice of evils? If he borrows at legal interest to pay a present demand, and has a source of profit elsewhere, from which he derives, say 10 per cent. per annum, it is evident when he returns the loan with legal interest, that he has, upon the whole, saved 4 per cent. by the contract.
To put a stronger case—suppose he borrows money at 20 per cent. and pays a debt, which he could not otherwise discharge but by a sale of his property, at a discount of 50 per cent. less than its value; here then the borrower has saved 30 per cent. by the contract; and yet, I believe no one will contend that such a contract would not be usurious.
But this contract, sir, comes not only within the meaning, but precisely within the words of the statute—it was "a corrupt bargain, a loan, exchange, sale, covin, device and deceit," to elude the statute; and it has been decided in the court of appeals, Calls Rep. J. Gibson, vs. Tristor , that "a slight contingency will not take a contract out of the statute." The "slight contingency" by which it has been attempted to take this case out of the statute, is, the distinction, without the difference, endeavored to be drawn, between labor and money.
Judge Pendleton, by whom the preceding opinion was delivered, and who, it is impossible to pronounce, without the grandest and most sublime of all the virtues, "the love of money," goes on to state, that "the love of money, and a fair construction of the policy and parity of reasoning, I presume, is the cause of labor, "is supposed to have submitted to a disadvantageous price, under the influence of that necessity, which the statute meant to protect him against."
There never was a case more completely in point; the plaintiff did sell his labor at a disadvantageous price; and under the influence of that necessity, which, Judge Pendleton tells us, the statute meant to protect him against. I trust, sir, that the authority of this illustrious patriot and venerable sage of the law, will be decisive in this cause.
I will conclude by making a very few observations with respect to the relative situation of the parties in this suit.
One is a very poor mechanic, who had no money, but had labor with which to purchase a loan; the other is a man of overgrown opulence.
Wealth is too often a shield, that protects the possessor from the equity of the law. Poverty is no crime, but it is a great misfortune; and poverty, with the aid of the defendant, has reduced the complainant to unmerited and severe distress. Necessity compelled him to enter into an usurious contract with a man as great as Midas himself, and who, for aught I know, may be adorned with the same ornaments that decorated the head of the fabled Midas.
What "matchless intrepidity of face" must the defendant possess, to come openly into court, and defend a cause, upon the very face of which, appear fraud and corruption!
What daring effrontery, to exhibit to this tribunal, and in the view of his country, an answer, which is but a tissue of deception and chicanery! Sir, it would disgrace a common swindler; what stigma then, ought it not to inflict upon a man who pretends to be a gentleman!
His opponent has nothing to boast, but his honesty; let it not be said that he has been worried out of his rights, because he is too illiterate and too poor to draw up long sophisticated answers, or to command that respect which is sure to attend upon wealth, however ill gotten.
The defendant would have consulted his reputation, as well as his interest, if he had not made the attempt which the injunction now sought to restrain; for it is morally impossible but what he should lose his cause; his reputation—for then to drag his dead character reeking from its tomb of decay and expose it, unshrouded, in all its nakedness, corruption, rotteness and depravity.
The revolution of Spain is a decided proof, that Bonaparte can make as free with the dominions of an ally as with those of an enemy. The King of Spain has been his obsequious slave. His ships, his money, his men have been at his service.—But behold his recompense. The revolution of Spain is the first unequivocal instance, in which Bonaparte has made the first step towards conquest without some previous pretence or aggression.—We should however, distinguish the motives of conquest from its effects. Spain was in so bad a condition that it is almost impossible for any change to make its institutions worse. The avaricious and profligate spirit of the Prince of Peace, the unbounded despotism of the clergy over the consciences and purse of the people, the pride and wealth of the Grandees, the sloth and ignorance that pervaded the nation, are evils which a revolution may soften but cannot increase.
Should not this nation prudently submit to the immense power of France? A complete submission however is not to be expected.—If Charles and his sons have ceded to their ally and dear friend all their rights to Spain and the Indies, it is not impossible that the spirit of the Spaniards will rise into partial rebellions rather than brook this disgrace.—But what benefit will these spasms produce? They will only make them a "prey to that confusion" and those calamities, from which this cession professed to deliver them. And they will end with fixing the French fetters more firmly upon them.
Bonaparte has now become more than the liege lord of these extensive dominions. He can exact more than feudal homage from them. He can transfer the sceptre into the hands of any man, and he can change it as often as his views require it.—Consulting however the usual affected generosity of his conduct; pursuing the same policy which led him to restore the Emperor of Austria & the King of Prussia to their respective thrones, he may replace the sceptre into the hand which has so long wielded them. If he does not, it is because that hand belongs to one of the Bourbons.
The speech of Mr. Brougham is closed this day.—Its conclusion is the only part which aspires to the charms and ornaments of eloquence. It is throughout one of the clearest and most conclusive appeals to the understanding of Great-Britain, which the present measures have produced.—It impresses, two ideas with irresistible force. Is it possible, that the British ministry will adhere to those measures, which are demonstrated to be so fatal to the prosperity of England herself? Is it possible, that Bonaparte will recede from the ground, which he has taken, when it is obvious that his decrees have tempted Great Britain into such measures as have cut her off from the largest portion of her trade: & measures, without which his own decrees would have been completely inefficient?—
The revolutions of Spain, and the letter of Mr. Rodney to the President of the U. S. so completely engrossed our compositors yesterday, that we had no time to introduce our original matter. The speech of Mr. Brougham, and interesting public reports being now dismissed, we shall henceforth apply our own shoulders to the wheels.
NOTICE.
THE BOOKS will be opened at the Capitol on Monday, for receiving Subscriptions to the Richmond MANUFACTURING ASSOCIATION.
SALE FOR CASH.—By virtue of a deed in trust executed to the subscriber by Goodman Barkdale, to secure the payment of a debt due to Brown, Rives and Co. will be sold for ready money, in the town of Milton, in the county of Albemarle, at the front door of John L. Moore's Tavern, on the sixteenth day of September next, one certain Tract or Parcel of LAND, lying and being in the county aforesaid, on both sides of Meathurn's road, adjoining Henry Carr, Isaac Harding, Douglas Barkdale, Achilles Barkdale, Jonathan Kade, Sale and Jane Alexander, containing three hundred acres, be the same more or less. Acting as trustee for the benefit of others, who only convey the interest vested in me as such.
MARTIN DAWSON, Trustee. July 29. [6w.]
A CARRIAGE AND HORSES.—For hire an excellent carriage and pair of horses. Apply at the stable of JOHN HEATH, Esq., on Shockoe-Hill. Richmond, July 8.

SPEECH
OF HENRY BROUGHAM, ESQ.
Before the House of Commons, Friday, April 1, 1808, in support of the Petitions from London, Liverpool and Manchester, against the
ORDERS IN COUNCIL.
(CONCLUDED.)
I am next to call your attention then to the amount of the debt at present due from the United States of America to merchants here. The evidence of Mr. Wood and Mr. Phillips is quite decisive on the subject. They tell you that in general about fifteen months' credit is given for goods shipped to the American market from this country. Their testimony will be found in pages 1 and 9, and is corroborated by all the other merchants, uniting nearly in the same opinion, and stating the average credit usually given at from twelve to fifteen months. Now, I have before proved to you that the average exports from this country to the United States of America amounted in 1806, to 12,855,551. sterling; and I have shown that they were increasing yearly. And now, if the Orders in Council have the effect of preventing payments for goods that might have been hereafter shipped, in the same manner will they prevent the payment for those goods which have been already shipped, and for which America is still indebted to us. I shall admit, for the sake of argument, that the sum of one-third may still be received in payment, by means of consignments direct, that is, about four millions of the sums so due; but even upon this favorable supposition, you still remain creditors of America to the enormous amount of eight millions sterling, which by your own act and deed, you have prevented the Americans from all possibility of repaying you. You have cut off all other modes of payment, except by importation of their own produce, although America may be as willing to repay as you could be to receive. This effect arises too from measures which you say are intended for the protection of merchants and the encouragement of your trade. Be that as it may, such I say is evidently the fatal effect of them. You have prevented America from being able to do that justice towards you, which she is inclined honestly, as well as prudently to do.
Let us look then to the consequences of this state of things. Your capital, to this amount of eight millions, must remain in the United States; but whether it is to remain there idle or not, is another consideration. Will congress, for the sake of giving encouragement to trade and manufactures, make some enactments in the nature of your Orders in Council? Will they, after the manner of those precious measures, prohibit manufactures, embargo their towns, and stop the internal commerce of the country, by warnings and visitings? Will they, as you would, I verily believe, in their place, issue some twenty orders to lock up the capital which I have stated England has made them a present of, and prevent its being employed until the intercourse with Europe is restored? No, no; they will not copy you so close; they will give their trade and Manufactures every facility; they are rather better politicians than the wise framers of your decrees; they will foster this capital and make it conduce to truly beneficial ends, not by such Orders in Council as yours, but by measures really adapted to the encouragement of trade; ay, and let me tell you, sir, to the purpose of "restoring upon England the evils of her own injustice." For you will see this capital producing new branches of agriculture and of internal trade; new banking and other monied schemes; new manufactures, which have never before been thought of, for this plain and simple reason, because their capital was never adequate to the arduous task; and what little capital they had, found other means of employment in purchasing the produce and manufactures of our country.
The contrary of all this, however, is confidently expected by those great statesmen, who framed the Orders in Council. They pretend that our manufactures never can be supplanted; that they must be had by all nations; that happen what will, they must find their way to a market. And truly I must say, that this would be a comfortable doctrine, if it were not already falsified by much experience; not only by the effects of commercial blunders in other countries, but by the operation of our own navigation act, a produce of wiser and better times; a measure well deserving the title of encourager of trade. The effect of this celebrated system upon the trade of Holland and other states, should admonish you, that it is possible for the staple industry of a country to be taken from it, and to be forced into other channels. The carrying trade of the world, the money traffic in all its branches, insurance, banking, loans, stock, in short, every part of the large commerce which the Dutch had monopolized for ages, and with pretensions as superior to yours, as your present claims to a monopoly of manufacturing industry are above those of your neighbors, all this staple and exclusive commerce was, if not destroyed, at least shaken to pieces by an act of the really wise and effectual promoters of English trade, who once sat in this house; and England became prematurely possessed of what Holland lost. The staple of Holland was thus suddenly forced into the channel of England, many years before the transference could have been effected in the natural course of things. Let us then learn from that encouragement which it is the just boast of our own navigation system to have given to our commerce, this lesson of experience, that it is not impossible to counteract nature and shift the seat of arts, by the force of political arrangements. I might prove this still further by the effects of another boasted part of your commercial policy, the wool laws. I might illustrate it by referring to whole histories of Spain, France, Italy, or to former periods of our own history. But, sir, not to go to other countries, upon the present occasion, it is sufficient for me to allude to the evidence which I have brought to your bar, bearing directly upon the case of America.
The testimony of Mr. Kinder and Mr. Pollock will, I think, be esteemed decisive upon this point. It has always been supposed that when hands are cheap and money plenty, commerce and trade will be encouraged, and not till then; but let it be remembered that America has been both increasing in hands with an unexampled rapidity, and accumulating money by the beneficial effects of a long interval of peace, which she has wisely and happily enjoyed. The public institutions, the manufactures and the plans for the general encouragement of trade, have in that country been for years past visibly upon the increase. Their banks at present amount
to 73; their insurance companies to 43; the interest of money has fallen from 12 or 20, to 6 and 7 per cent.; capital is so heaped up, that it is common to meet thirty men possessed of 50,000. on one Exchange. Four miles from any town, lands were two years ago sold at 500 dollars by the acre, a much higher price than is known in Middlesex itself. An emigration has been of late years perceived to take place from the northern to the western part of the country where the land is cheaper. Nay, they have even a considerable number of manufactures already established; they have, upon some occasions, been able to export to other countries, and have so evidently begun to supply their own market that some of the witnesses at your bar found themselves cut out of it by the competition of home made goods. The result of the whole is, that we have given up a part of our capital, for the purpose of enabling the Americans to establish trades and manufactures of their own; and that if we continue to force it into this employment, by our foolish measures, we shall soon find ourselves generally & permanently forestalled in the American market by their home made goods.
I am far from saying, sir, that these unquestionable facts ought to alarm this country, if measures be taken really capable of fostering our own trade, or at least leaving our industry to itself, and letting that of others alone, instead of those schemes, whose only tendency is to stunt our commerce and make American manufactures emulate our own. I only prove that it is in vain to talk of this competition as a thing impossible. I tell you that it is blind to say there is no such danger; it is foolish to say that the poverty and cheap land of America will prevent all rivalry from growing up, do what we will to force it. I tell you that it is an idle security to suppose that our preference in the American market, is of so steady a nature, and will be of so lasting a duration, that no force or change of circumstances can wrest it from us. By the testimony of those who have visited that part of the world, and but yesterday seen the most interesting spectacle of a growing nation that the eyes of man can behold, it appears that its manufactures are rising, and its capital accumulating. In addition to this, it appears by the evidence now upon your table, that you have forced to less than eight millions of your capital into the same channel, in order, as it were, to secure, to perpetuate the rivalry of America, and while you exclude her from all intercourse with Europe, to render her more & more independent of yourselves. It is surely not unreasonable to suppose, that under such circumstances she will turn the part of your capital which you have lent her, nay compelled her to keep in her hands, into channels which may subvert our traffic both with her and the rest of the world.
Again, I beseech you, sir, to recollect that I do not say America will do all this naturally; if left to herself, she may for years & years confine herself to agricultural pursuits; but I have shown you her capacities for other employments. I have proved that she is even on the brink of manufacturing in a good measure for herself; I say she will do so to any extent if you drive her to it; and I here again warn you how you rashly do that against your own commerce, which no power on earth but yours can ever effect. Nor let any one think that the rivalry, which I am anticipating, would terminate with the emergency that gave rise to it. Even after that peace should be restored, which some persons fondly dream of as a possible event, it is in vain that you will look for the re-establishment of those peaceful and prosperous employments which former treaties have brought back to the country. The whole continent may be subdued by the arms of your allies, and its commerce destroyed by your fleets. You may cease to have a rival in power, or in wealth, from one extremity to the other of Europe. After dictating a peace to the world, you will seek in vain for the restoration of the trade which your vigour shall have suspended; it is destroyed if it is suspended. You will find raised up by your jealousy & violence, a rival to your prosperity, on the other side of the Atlantic: a great nation, filled full of capital by your measures, and forced by them to be the first manufacturers in the world. You will then no doubt be immediately repaid those eight millions sterling which the Americans now owe you, for it is a common and just remark, that successful traffic produces honest dealings. But what will be the consequence of having allowed that capital to accumulate, at compound interest, by its employment in such channels? Let us think of this, sir, and look to all these things, when we are confiding in our own folly, and blindly hoping that in wilfully cutting ourselves out of every line of industry, which has made us a rich and powerful nation we shall still, God knows how, preserve our influence and wealth!
Sir, it is now not for the first time that this topic has been broached in the House of Commons. The very same argument was once before put to you upon a memorable occasion. In the spot where I unworthily have now the honour to stand before you, there stood some forty years ago, one of the greatest men that this or any other country has ever produced. When the celebrated Dr. Franklin appeared in this place, by the desire of the House, during the discussion relating to the repeal of the stamp act, a variety of questions were put to him, touching the state of manufactures in the colonies of England. He was carefully asked his opinion upon all those points which I have feebly attempted to examine on the present occasion. It was put to him again and again: "Do you think it possible that the Americans can enter into a non-importation act? Is it possible for them to change their habit altogether and at once, from 'political motives'?" The answers of that great man were equally consistent and decisive, and if the house will permit me, I shall take the liberty of reading them, as they are in fact good evidence upon the question now before you, the whole being entered on the journals. And I call upon you to hear them with the attention due, not merely to the authority of him who spoke them, but to a prophecy despised, and alas! too fatally fulfilled. Therefore it is that I presume to repeat what was then told you, and to caution you against giving the cause of the petitioners now at your bar the same unhappy reception.
One of the questions put to Dr. Franklin was this, "Is it the interest of the Americans to take those goods?" (meaning the produce and manufactures of this country.) He answered, "The goods they take from Britain are either necessaries, mere conveniences, or superfluities. The first, as cloth, &c. with a little industry they can make at home; the second they can do without until they are able to provide them among themselves; and the last which are much the greatest part, they will strike off immediately. They are mere articles of fashion pur-
chased and consumed, because the fashion in a respected country, but will now be detested and rejected. The people have already struck off by general agreement, the use of all goods fashionable in mornings, and many thousand pounds' worth are sent back as unsaleable." Again, "Is it their interest to make cloth at home?" "I think, said Dr. Franklin, they may at present get it cheaper from Britain, I mean of the same fineness and neatness of workmanship, but when one considers other circumstances, the restraints on their trade, and the difficulties of making remittances, it is their interest to make every thing." In another part, Dr. Franklin was asked, "What are the body of the people in the colonies?" "A. They are farmers husbandmen, or planters." Q. "Would they suffer the produce of their land to rot?" A. "No: but they would not raise so much. They would manufacture more and plough less."
And so it is that these petitioners say the Americans will now do. They know that the Americans are chiefly occupied in pursuits of husbandry, because they are furnished by America with the produce which they manufacture for that country, for this country, and for all the world; they know that if you continue to stop the trade of the Americans with the continent, and consequently with ourselves, so as to throw the produce back upon the hands of the growers, it would not rot any more than it would have done in Dr. Franklin's day; they tell you the Americans will keep their cotton if you prevent them from exporting it, and will work it up; they, these petitioners, presume to repeat the language of that illustrious man, and tell you the Americans will manufacture more and plough less. The concluding sentences of this memorable testimony is all that I shall now trouble the House with.
Q. "What used to be the pride of the Americans?" A. "To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of G. Britain." Q. "What is now their pride?" A. "To wear their old clothes again, till they can make new ones."
Sir, it is the fate of men, that they are more prone to take lessons from their own experience than from precept, or even from the example of others; but I will venture to say that it is the experience of this country, to which I am now appealing; an experience too recent to be forgotten, too momentous, alas, that we should dare to neglect such lessons! This it is that has so powerfully backed the authority of the great name which I have quoted to you; and thus supported, I devoutly wish it may make you more cautious how you reject these petitions than your predecessors were, within the same walls, when that gloomy prediction was first offered at your bar, and was by them, I tell you, despised, because of its gloominess.
And now, sir, I think I have gone over all the particulars which the petitioners deem it necessary to adduce before you, in order to make good the statement of the grievances set forth in their petitions. I might, no doubt, had I been disposed, have stated other things brought forward in the evidence. I have not urged, for instance, a bout the state of the fisheries, or of the corn trade; the former was too trivial for a separate argument, and it came distinctly under the general position which I have been occupied in supporting; & as to the latter, besides that the house seemed averse from it, I admit in candour, that the topic of scarcity is one which had better be let alone from its invidious nature, unless the necessity of the case require a precise discussion of it. But, sir, before concluding, I have to make one remark still, upon the general nature of those details into which I have entered, although I regret having been already under the necessity of detaining you so long. I have to observe that there is a very marked difference between our evidence and any other that was ever before adduced at this bar. To explain this immediately, I shall refer to the testimony of Mr. Glennie. You have here not a merchant coming to give you his fears and apprehensions of the measures in question; still less have you a mere sample, or small specimen of what those effects are likely to be upon the whole body of the trade. In the person of Mr. Glennie, I bring before you one, who from his own experience can talk to you with authority and precise knowledge, upon the whole of one grand branch of the trade aimed at by the Orders in Council. Mr. Glennie has stated that he has received in one month, nearly a hundred thousand pounds sterling in remittances on American account. He further told you that another house, that of Sir Francis Baring, received to a still greater amount. You have also the evidence of Mr. Bell, Mr. Phillips, Mr. Mullett and Mr. Mann, who are very largely concerned in the American trade. All of these put together make up a prodigious branch of that trade. I may even venture to say that the positive testimony now at your bar immediately embraces by far the greater part of the whole commerce between America and this country. But I am now confining my observations to Mr. Glennie in particular, and I must remind you that when he says he has had his whole American trade knocked off by a single blow, he proves to you, one individual alone proves to you, from the state of his single counting-house, that an eighth or ninth part of by far the most extensive branch of the Foreign trade of the country has been swept away by the instantaneous effects of these fatal Orders in Council. I do not remember that in other cases of evidence adduced at your bar, any thing of such extensive importance was ever before attempted to be shown, even by all the witnesses and all the inferences to which their testimony could lead. I believe the Irish propositions were not opposed upon any thing like even this ground. I am mistaken if petitioners against the cotton tax would not have been glad to show by all the combined effects of their whole evidence, a loss like this. I well remember that when Liverpool petitioned against the abolition of the slave trade, it only tried to show, by arguing from the evidence of all its witnesses, and all kinds of documents, that two-sixteenths of its trade were involved in the abominable traffic of slaves. But here I bring one witness who tells you that he has in his own single case suffered by the new measures for encouraging commerce, a sudden loss of nearly two-sixteenths of the American trade of England, merely for his own share. In other cases taxes have been repealed, laws prevented, and pernicious measures altered or abolished, on no better evidence, and backed by no better arguments than you have here against the Orders in Council, in the testimony of this single witness. I call upon you, therefore, sir, to pause, and look about you, when you find you are upon such
ground as this. How greatly does it become you to move with circumspection, when you see, that stir which way you will, you are surrounded on one side and another, with such brittle, yet such valuable things, that you may, by one touch of the arm of your garment, strike down, before you are aware of it, objects of such enormous value.
In answer to all our arguments, and in order to quiet the fears that are manifestly spreading over the country, we are told that the operation of the Orders in Council will put an end to the unnatural state of things which the enemy has established upon the continent, and will force open the channels of trade now stopped up by him. If anything in the possible consequences of these measures could give your petitioners a shadow of expectation that the ports of the continent would be opened, and that the direct trade with it would again be established, most unquestionably, as they would have been the last to trouble you, had any such hopes remained to them, so they would even leave your bar contented and cheerful, if you could, by any proof or argument, give a colour of truth to such pleasing prospects. But when they look to the history of the conquest of Europe, and to its present state, or view what is indeed the same thing, the events of the French revolution, they can indulge in no such views. After resisting so many violent shocks from without, and so many convulsions within—after passing through every sort of revolution, all the varieties of situation, uniform in nothing except the constant increase of calamity, public and domestic; after having suffered all this without attempting a complaint, or even breathing a murmur against the tyrant of the hour; when faction was raging in the west, and the enemy, not always beaten in the east; after such scenes as these, and such incitements to rebellion utterly failed to create, during eighteen years of revolution, a whisper that could be heard from the people; I say, after all this, you desire us to expect that the scarcity of sugar, or a rise in the price of tobacco, or the difficulty of procuring cotton, should throw all France into a flame, bring out the seeds of lurking rebellion, draw forth the population of our enemies in array against their ruler, make them with one loud voice demand the revocation of the Berlin decree, and force the governor of France himself to sue for peace. That such mighty things should arise from such little causes, I am far from pronouncing to be impossible; but I lament that I have been quite unable to make my clients agree with me, or, by any such effects, to comfort them under the ruin of their affairs, which they never cease proving to me by the dry details of their ledgers and day-books, as often as I unfold to them the pleasing views to which I have been alluding; nor indeed can I find any one to back me in urging such consolation to them. The petitioners have further been told by some persons of airy fancy and loud talk, that by this great act of self-denial (a magnanimity considerably cheaper to those who preach it up, than to the poor petitioners who are desired to practise it) we shall assuredly make known in the most remote corners of the earth (even in places where the form of a ship has never yet been seen) the power and the glories of the British navy. It seems that proportion as sugars become higher in price, or as the people on the continent find their coffee becoming rougher, the gallant form of a vessel shall begin to dawn on their untutored minds. Growing by degrees more distinct, what ideas must it raise, as the sweets vanish! When at last the coffee too disappears, and the peasant wholly changes his breakfast of foreign luxuries into one of milk or wine, then indeed will he discern our whole fleets and navies, and tremble at the name of England; and thus shall the enslaved people of the continent speedily revolt against the yoke of France. This topic of consolation, sir, I have also tried with my clients. But I have been again met with their plaguy account books and dry details of profit and loss—They tell me bluntly enough, "All these fine fancies are nothing to us, if they do not give us back our American market, which has by the grand measures of Government been taken away. We ask back our traffic—our buying and selling—our livelihood. We are plain men; merchants, manufacturers, and workmen; and we care not if one half of Europe never heard of the British navy, nor knew there was such a thing as a ship; nay, nor knew there was such a country as England, provided that half were consuming our produce and wearing our manufactures. Let the British navy and name be as unknown in the heart of Poland as it is in the deserts of Kamschatka; but, for pity's sake give us back our trade, the sole means of our subsistence, the sole object of our desires, the only thing our literal imaginations ever dream about."
Sir, I greatly fear that dull as it may be, you must give these men some other answer to their complaints than the lively and elegant ones which I have been alluding to. I strongly suspect you must, in order to satisfy the people, make out some case for the new measures which shall be adapted to the grovelling capacities of the nine hundred and ninety-nine plain matter of fact men who inhabit the country, whatever flighty things you may hear from the thousandth wit. For unhappily our customers on the continent have fallen under the dominion of a matter of fact man, who works with stubborn tools, and won't suffer his vassals to rebel for the sake of a point. He does not rule them by the love of sugar and coffee, and indeed cares little whether the interesting peasants ever sees such things or no. He does not leave them to form ideas of a French soldier, by raising the prices of goods, "in places where a soldier was never seen." He chains them with chains, and drives them on with bayonets, and sends half a million of strong men to execute his orders; and having done so, he troubles himself but little what his vassals say about colonial produce, or what orders you issue from your council, even if you should make them as intelligible as his own.
Sir, I have now to return my sincere thanks to this House for the very attentive hearing with which they have honored me, and to express my regret at having detained you so long. I am confident that if ever a case was made out by evidence it is the one which I have feebly supported at your bar. Yet, after all, it may happen that we shall fail in attaining the object of these petitions; I am most unwilling to anticipate such an event, but even if we should be unsuccessful now, I know well, that we cannot long go unrelieved. It is indeed a sad consolation, but we are
* This is supposed to allude to the eloquent speech of Mr. Secretary Canning, in which he recommended the Orders in Council as a great and promising experiment; and predicted that this curious effect would result from them.
confident that events will daily and hourly bring our exertions, and compel this government either fairly to withdraw the Orders in Council, or if they are incapable of repairing the evil they have done in an open and manly way, silently to abandon their measure. Then, sir, I do trust, that this lesson which the wisdom of Parliament, and, let me add, of the country, shall have given to its rulers, will be eternal, and frighten any rash projector from ever again presuming to take for the subject of his wild experiments, the edifice of British commerce, which has grown up with the renowned character and free constitution of this country, and in spite of the ignorance of our ancestors, and in defiance of the rivalry of all our neighbors, and in mockery of the utmost efforts of our enemies, has raised a name for England, which, as it is the pride and glory of her inhabitants, is also the envy and the hatred of surrounding nations.
Mr. Brougham having retired, the chancellor of the exchequer besought the house not to come to any decision now. He deemed it necessary that a full enquiry should at length be gone into; and for this purpose he moved that certain witnesses be ordered to attend on Monday next.
(BY AUTHORITY.)
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
Making additional compensation to the Marshals of the Districts of North-Carolina and New-Jersey.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the last day of March next, there shall be paid annually to the Marshal for the district of North-Carolina, the sum of four hundred dollars; to the Marshal for the district of New-Jersey the sum of two hundred dollars, in addition to the fees and emoluments heretofore allowed them by law.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and president of the Senate.
FEBRUARY 25, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
Making further provision for the disposal of the sections of land heretofore reserved for the future disposition of Congress.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That all the sections of land heretofore reserved for the future disposition of Congress, not sold or otherwise disposed of, and lying within either of the districts established for the disposition of public lands in the state of Ohio, with the exception of the section numbered sixteen; of the salt springs and lands reserved for the use of the same, shall be offered for sale in that district, within which such reserved sections may respectively lie, on the same terms and under the same regulations as other lands in the same district: Provided, That such sections shall previously be offered to the highest bidder, at public sales, to be held under the superintendence of the registers and receivers of public monies of the land offices respectively to which they are attached, on the same terms as have been provided by law for the public sales of the other lands of the United States, and on such day or days as shall be a proclamation of the President of the United States, be designated for that purpose: And Provided also, That no such heretofore reserved section shall be sold either at public or private sale, at a less price than four dollars per acre.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and president of the Senate.
FEBRUARY 25, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
For the relief of Samuel Whiting.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the secretary of the treasury be, and is hereby authorised and directed to pay to Samuel Whiting four hundred and forty dollars, in satisfaction of the said Samuel Whiting's claim for services rendered and expenses incurred, pursuant to the directions of the post-master general, in the apprehending and prosecuting one Henry Deming, late a deputy post-master at Hinsdale, in Massachusetts, who was indicted in the circuit court of the United States at Boston, for embezzling certain letters which came to his possession, containing bank notes belonging to the said Samuel Whiting.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and president of the Senate.
FEBRUARY 25, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
The above reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be paid for apprehending and securing any jail within the United States, ARTHUR HOWE, a negro MUSTAPHA, commonly called Mutt. Arthur Howe is a young man 19 or 20 years old, dark complexion, short yellowish hair and hazie eyes, his face is round, and his countenance ferocious and expressive of dark angry passions—He is remarkable for having a deformity in his back, which occasions him to walk nearly half bent, so that when he is in his most erect posture, he would scarcely measure 4 and a 1/2 or 5 feet high. His arms have much motion when he walks, are very long, and hang as low down when not lowered than his knees. The above described young man stole or enticed off on Monday night the 11th instant, a negro fellow called Mutt or Mustapha, about 23 years old, of a darkish complexion, very long head, forehead, nose and chin more prominent than persons of his color generally have; his eyes are large, projecting, and of a reddish color, his mouth rather large, and his teeth yellow. In his general behavior he is polite and subservive; he is a complete body servant, and a handy fellow with some tools, as about horses. He carried off with him no clothes which are remarkable, except an alive great coat of bearskin. The above fellow and slave went off on a single sledge; a large bay horse, and have been traced in company about 18 miles from Edenton—It is conjectured that Arthur Howe will conduct Mutt as far as Virginia, and may sell him several times on his journey; and may having many acquaintances in Norfolk, Petersburg and Richmond, may endeavor through their assistance to make his escape to the northward—Arthur Howe has relations near Wilmington, in this state, and near Nashville, in Tennessee; to one of which places he will probably endeavor to travel after parting with the aforesaid negro.
To the above reward will be added travelling expenses and reasonable wages for the delivery of the aforesaid Howe, and negro Mutt, to me in this place, or Fifty Dollars for either of them. MATTHIAS E. SAWYER. Edenton, June 27. (July 5)