The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-07-21 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 21, 1802.
ADVERTISEMENT.
IT is necessary to observe, that this is the 52d Number of "The Recorder," which completes one Year's Publication, and ends the first Volume. Many Subscribers, who commenced with the first Number, have yet only paid one half Year, which was the advance money required upon the setting up of this Paper. Agreeably to the conditions, their Papers should have been stopped at the conclusion of the advance money; but that has not been the case. We, therefore, hardly need to shew the propriety of our discontinuing to send Papers to those who do not pay up their arrears, and advance money. The advance is now two dollars, and pays for 52 numbers of this Paper. When the public consider the degree of labour attendant on a well conducted periodical work; when they reflect that the expence of Paper, of Journeymen, of the wear and tear of materials, and a thousand etceteras, is a great burden on two individuals, who are labouring for the benefit of the Public; but is nothing divided among those individuals, who receive that benefit, there is not one person but will easily excise an advertisement, which is to inform them, that, if they would wish to see this paper, there is no other way of supporting the great expences attending it, than by the Subscribers paying punctiliously.
We mean to inform our readers, by this advertisement, that no labour or expence shall be spared to render the Recorder every way interesting and instructive. And we also mean to inform them, that no Papers will be forwarded but to those Subscribers who keep up their regular payments.
June 30th, 1802
A FEW COPIES OF
HYMNS,
BY THE REV E. CLAY,
TO BE SOLD
At this Office, and at Pumphrey's Stationer, Richmond.
Sports of the TURF.
TO be run for, the first Thursday in November, 1802, at Surry Court House, a Purse of 30 Dollars each, free for any Colt then rising Three Years old, carrying a catch, Mile Heats, half forfeit.
Any gentleman entering a Colt may be at liberty of changing the same, before the closing of the Subscription; which will be kept open until the 1st. of November, 1802.
N. B. Ten Colts are already entered. Gentlemen at a distance, and others who wish to become subscribers, will be admitted, if directed by letter.
D. PRICE. Surry Court House.
July 13, 1802.
FOR SALE,
A Capital Young Horse,
Calculated to make an elegant SADDLE, CHAIR, OR OTHER CARRIAGE HORSE.
Apply at the office of the Recorder.
Richmond, July 14th, 1802.
JAMES LYNCH, Horse Shoer & Farrier,
FROM DUBLIN,
RETURNS his thanks to his Friends and the Public for their encouragement, since he commenced Business; and hopes, by his assiduity, to have a continuance of their favours. He takes this method of informing them that he has removed from MANCHESTER to the CITY OF RICHMOND, below the Court-House, and near Mr. John Taylor's; where Gentlemen may have their Horses Nicked, Foxed, Docked, Cropped, &c. in the neatest and most approved manner. Low for cash. Every Disase in Horses treated with care and attention; which shall be warranted under special contract.
ALL KINDS OF SMITH WORK,
At reduced Prices.
N. B. Good Stables, and wholesome Food for Horses, cheap near the Smith Shop.
Richmond June 27th 1802.
I HEREBY forewarn all persons from crediting my Wife SUSANNA TONEY on my account, she having for a long time quitted my Bed and Board without cause.
ARCHIBALD TONEY.
Richmond, June 24, 1802.
NOTICE.
IN THE MATTER OF THOMAS HOOPER, BANKRUPT.
THE Subscribers, being appointed Assignees of the Estate and Effects of THOMAS HOOPER, late Merchant of Richmond, Bankrupt, all Persons indebted to the said Thomas Hooper, or who have any of his Effects, are not to pay or deliver the same to any other person, or persons, than the Subscribers; or to such as are or shall be duly authorised by them.
RICHARD DENNY HARLES SPENCER } Assignees. Richmond July 6, 1802.
JOHN PUMFREY, BOOK BINDER AND STATIONER.
HAS just received by the late arrivals from Europe, such an addition to his former STOCK, as to make his ASSORTMENT general and complete.
Merchants Account Books, of all descriptions, Record Sheriff's Books, &c. &c. kept constantly on hand. Books ruled to any pattern, and Binding carried on in all its various branches.
IT is earnestly requested, that should there yet remain any unliquidated claims against the late Co. Partnership of CURRIE and PUMFREY, they may be brought in for payment. Those indebted thereto, are also requested to come forward and discharge the balances due by them, no farther indulgence can be given.
The debtors to the estate of Archibald Currie decease and the creditors if any there now are, are solicited to make immediate application to the subscriber in order to a final adjustment of their accounts; as he is anxious to close the business of his administration.
JOHN PUMFREY. Surviving Partner of C & P, and Administrator of Archi- bold Currie, decease.
Richmond June 4th, 18 21. N. B. Subscriptions received for publishing the DEBATES on the Virginia Convention. A few copies of Henning's Justice for sale.
GENUINE PORT & SHERRY WINE
By the Pipe Hoghead, Quarter Cask, or Gallon.
Bordeaux Claret in Boxes of 3 Bottles each. A few Dozen of Black, White, and coloured Silk Stockings.
White and coloured Kid Gloves. French Silks of different colours. 140 pieces of Hanging Paper of the most elegant patterns.
Post Paper by the Ream. 100 Kegs of Derby White Lead, And a few Hogsheads of Molasses.
For Sale by JOHN FOSTER [34.] Richmond, July 10, 1802.
WALTER POTTER, Book Binder & Stationer
OPPOSITE Messrs. MITCHELL & GARDNER'S Main Street Richmond.
TAKES the liberty of informing his Friends, and the Public in general, that he has commenced the above Business, and solicits the patronage of those who may think proper to employ him.
Merchants account Books ruled to any pattern, and Book-Binding of every description executed with accuracy and dispatch.
ALSO A constant supply of STATIONARY. June 2d, 1802.
Stone Lime IN HOGSHEADS AND TIERCES. Cut Herrings & Shads,
For Sale at ROCKETS, by JOHN CRADDOCK. June 16, 1802.
JOHN WOOD,
THE PRETENDED HISTORIAN OF JOHN ADAMS.
THE Republican Watch Tower, of the 7th current, contains a letter subscribed by this person. It has been published in many other newspapers. Here follows a copy of it:—
From the EVENING POST.
To Messrs. George Thatcher and Dwight Foster, of MASSACHUSETTS.
"Gentlemen,
"The brief sketches given of your characters in the history of President Adams's administration were drawn from Callender's Prospect, and his other works. I having, however, discovered, previous to my negotiation with Mr. Burr, from a most respectable channel, that Mr. Callender had misrepresented your actions in an eminent degree, I had determined upon reprinting those sheets which contain the characters of the members of congress, and of correcting several other like errors in an appendix.—The publication of the history, without my knowledge and consent, after being suppressed, prevented these corrections taking place. I therefore consider it as an incumbent duty to make this public apology through the medium of the newspapers, unsolicited either by you or your friends, which I flatter myself will be deemed sufficient until the appearance of a pamphlet now preparing, correcting erroneous impressions, giving a statement of the various sources from which I obtained my information, and the circumstances attending the suppression.
"I remain, Gentlemen,
"With the greatest respect,
"Your obedient servant,
"JOHN WOOD."
"N. B. The several printers in the United States, are requested to publish the above."
"We have looked into this history, which covers 500 pages. The writer appears to be devoid of every sort of accomplishment, that was requisite for the composition of such a performance. He is, in the closest, and humblest sense of the word, a BOOK MAKER. He sits down to write, without the least comprehension of his proposed subject. He fancies that he can derive complete information from a miscellaneous pile of newspapers, that lies on the table, and from two or three volumes, composed by that unfortunate class of authors, who find it necessary to read and to think. From these materials, our historical quarrier digs and hews without mercy. About one fourth part of the whole book has been transplanted from The Prospect Before Us; and from the History of the United States, for 1796. For instance, the account of the Algerine Tribute is borrowed at almost full length. Sometimes the writer confesses his obligations; and sometimes he conceals them. It is needless to give other particular instances, because "Mr. Callender" is referred to by name, in at least forty places of the volume. Every page discovers, that Mr. Wood was unwilling to depend upon himself, or his own knowledge; and this want of self confidence is the only mark of judgement which he discovers.
"We have, some weeks ago, formed a resolution to let this creature alone. His miserable patchwork has no claim to the title of a history. As John Wood had quoted Callender so largely, he should at least have treated him with candour and civility. The Virginian correspondent has before this time, acquired, a distinguished rank among the political writers of America. Of John Wood, and of his book, that gentlemen spoke as follows:— "Why, Sir, without quotations from C—, "he never could have got through with the "volume at all."
"The letter above quoted ascertains what sort of candour and civility Mr. Wood was disposed to give to the writer from whom he had borrowed the principal part of his book. If John Wood had confined himself to the single circumstance of borrowing, and of doing that fairly, and honorably, we should have laid nothing about him. But he has committed his robbery in such a blundering manner, that it becomes necessary to take notice of him. He first picks the watch from your pocket, and then, he breaks it upon your nose.
Now, this is all together insufferable. For instance, John Wood gives this, as an expression from the Prospect; that, "the principal inducements to accept of the constitution of your own choice, are proved by common sense, or experience, to have been absolutely chimerical, and nothing better than bobby horses."
To this quotation, the short answer is, that Callender, never wrote such a sentence. He may have wrote a part of it, or something like a part of it. But the thing, as it now stands, presents a gross misquotation.
It would be labour without end, for us to begin at the first page of this volume, and point out all the blunders of every sort, which occur before the last page. The name of Clingman is every where spelt Clingham.
We resist, with difficulty, the temptation to begin; because we should find it almost impossible to stop. Callender, in particular, is treated most shamefully. As for Mr. Thatcher, and Mr. Dwight Foster, we are personally acquainted with both of them. John Wood in this letter, says that he has borrowed from Callender something respecting them, which never existed in the mind of the writer of the Prospect. The pretended characters are in effect, FORGERIES upon Callender, with the intermixture of a few of his words; and for making such forgeries the forger deserved thirty-nine lashes, almost as richly as James Cheetham did, by the laws of England, deserve a halter, for breaking up the private letters at Stille's tavern.
It is but about twelve months ago, since a post-master in Maryland was convicted of having broke up a letter. This unfortunate wretch received thirty-nine lashes. He fainted under the operation; and he was finally conducted to the correction House. You have seen the story in all the newspapers. We should be glad to hear the difference between Cheetham, Duane, and John Wood, upon one side; and this thirty-nine lashes post-master, upon the other side. You might as well attempt to split the book of a musketo, as to split the difference between them; and really, gentlemen, if the republican cause must be supported by the stealers of letters, and by the receivers and publishers of stolen letters, we wish to have nothing to do with such resources of defence. To be sure, Mr. Jefferson has not the least suspicion that the stealing of letters is a crime; or else he has not a suspicion, that Cheetham stole letters, and that Duane as receiver, published letters, that he knew to be stolen. It is impossible that Mr. Jefferson could ever think of supporting his cause of freedom, by the help of thieves, or of the receivers of theft. We will better cents to one, that, as soon as Mr. Jefferson reads this number of the Recorder, he will dismiss Duane, and Cheetham from his service.
For attempting to suppress Wood's book, Burr deserved thanks rather than resentment. And as a writer, or literary character, John Wood may rest assured that he is, or shall be damned beyond all depth!
When did ever Callender say that Mr. Dwight Foster lifts an unmeaning sentiment in honor of John Adams, at some federal hall of riotous debauch? We never heard of his being at any debauches at all. And again—Sloth and indolence, or a game at cards, are his favorite amusements. It would be doing too much honor to so great an impostor to quote the Prospect, on the same page with anything of his. If Mr. Foster is fond of cards, what business has any body with that?
In this same Watch Tower, there is a letter from John Wood, wherein he defends himself against an attack by Duane. The latter calls Wood's book a notorious and suppressed history. This sounds very like a bull; for what has been suppressed cannot be notorious, any more than a man can see distinctly, at the same time that he is stone blind. The following passage is curious; because it ascertains Duane's opinion upon the subject of letters:
"Mr. Duane and I, before that period, had never seen each other, but we had corresponded on the subject of Adams's administration, and he had communicated to me, many of the most material facts in a series of letters. These letters I put into the hands of Mr. Burr, when the project of a new edition was depending, on the faith of having them returned; but Mr. Burr, either through mistake or design, carried them off to Washington, the knowledge of which gave Mr. Duane no small uneasiness."
"When Mr. Duane arrived at New York,

"I waited upon him for the express purpose of apologizing for the circumstance of showing his letters to Mr. Burr, but no apology could be received, as in his opinion showing confidential letters, though on a political subject, to such a person as Mr. Burr, was an unpardonable act."
It is likely that Wood will print these letters; and if he does so, Duane has no pretence to complain, since he did, himself, serve Bronson with the very same source. If it is unpardonable even to show a confidential letter, it is surely a thousand times baser to break up and print the letters of a third person? This Duane and Cheetham did.
MR. SAMUEL COLEMAN.
No. I.
THE following letter was received at this office, upon Wednesday last.
Richmond July 14th, 1802.
"SIR,
"I SEND you two dollars, a year's subscription for the Recorder. I perceive, by some late numbers of that paper, that they are a proper comment upon the text, that the American literary taste is so depraved to relish any other than such writings as those of Porcupine. As I do not wish to be considered as contributing, in any degree, to the confirmation of the truth of such a text, it will be unnecessary longer to be furnished with the commentary. You will therefore oblige me by omitting to send the Recorder to
"SAMUEL COLEMAN."
"Mr. Callender."
If Mr. Coleman had been contented by simply desiring his paper to be stopped, the thing would have passed over as a common occurrence. But this letter amounts to a challenge; and since Mr. Coleman is ambitious of public notice, he shall have it:
This person is a clerk to the executive council; and we presume that his indignation had been more immediately excited by the remarks, in last Recorder, upon that venerable body. They have long been in want of an historian; and till they get one, we shall occasionally collect a few gleanings of their political progress.
We said a few words upon the armory, when it deserved a pamphlet. We did not say a word about the strange situation of the new tobacco warehouse. We did not say one word upon the very odd circumstances which accompanied the building of the barracks. When the bill for a city guard was brought into the assembly, it contained a clause for that building. The assembly struck out that clause. In express contradiction to their vote, the executive council* built the house. This is the degree of respect in which they hold the vote of an assembly, as well as the constitution of Virginia, which they have sworn to support! It is natural that such men should be afraid and jealous of an independent paper, which fears nothing but the publication of falsehood. After this revolt against the voice of the general assembly, the democrats in the executive council will certainly say nothing, as to major Stoddert and his navy yards; because the case is ten thousand times stronger against them, than against him. We should be glad to hear the Examiner, and Mr. Coleman, tell us by what authority these barracks were built? If Mr. Stoddert was so prodigiously criminal for purchasing navy yards, without the orders of congress, what must have been said, if he had built them in contradiction to such orders? We expect that Mr. Jones, and the rest of the democrats, will either give up Mr. Giles, and his Report of Investigation, or, that they will give up the conduct of the Republican Executive Council. The common reason of mankind cannot reconcile itself to such jarring absurdities. Men of sense will not bear to be told that the measure, which is a crime, when committed by an aristocrat, becomes an act of virtue, when performed by a democrat.
Mr. Coleman makes a reference to the title of some late numbers of the Recorder. Upon this point, we are extremely willing to meet him. His bosom friend, Jones, introduced his bedchamber to public notice, for the sake of telling direct untruths. Were we to sit down in silence with such imputations? Or should we not have returned the blow with ten-fold interest on the head of the libeller? Does Mr. Coleman think it wrong to censure the practice of adultery with African wenches? His acquaintance, Capt. John Clark, will tell him, that this is the vilest vice imaginable. The captain would not, for any consideration, keep a black wench within two hundred yards of Mrs. Clark and her children. His opinion is that government
Should out in every honest hand a whip, To lash the rascals naked round the world.
Supereminent pretensions to chastity are extremely suspicious. Boys and batchelors will take liberties. Of them we have said nothing, and we have nothing to say. It is
NOTE.
* The governor has not a vote in the council. No part of the blame can be attributed to Mr. Monroe.
the MARRIED RUFFIAN, against whom the Recorder has so justly directed its reprobation. From the little censure of Mr. Coleman, we can with confidence appeal, to the universal opinion of the female sex. With them in our favor, we shall give ourselves but very small trouble as to him. We say this from the firmest conviction, that Mr. Coleman had in his head a reference to the bedchamber business. If he had not, we are at a loss to comprehend his meaning, when he compares us to Porcupine. It is presumed that he approves of the stile of the Examiner, which in every thing, but abilities, bears a strict resemblance to the text of the British corporal.
Perhaps Mr. Coleman was offended by the publication of Dr. Read's Cafe. If the executive council acted with precipitation, it was the right and duty of a newsprinter to expose it. We did not accuse them, because we did not suspect them, of intentional injustice. But, when the trial had been postponed for such a length of time; when the full blaze of calumny was consuming the character and the peace of Dr. Read; when his own most worthless son-in-law had flatly refused to hear an explanation; it was time for the Recorder to step forward, and put this bundle of falsehood under the table. It is above a year ago, since Jones was assured of the innocence of his lady's father. He cut the story short. He declared that he would not believe the testimony of all Norfolk put together, when opposed to that of Mr. George Hay. If Mr. Coleman considers our publication as culpable, we call for his reasons.
We stated, that the executive council broke their duty, when they forbore to offer a reward for the apprehension of Skelton Jones. We should be glad to see the boldest member of that corps, or the whole corps collectively, presume to look straight in a man's face, and dare to justify so scandalous an omission! Some of them are sufficiently peevish; and if they could have made a defence, Virginia would long since have rung with it. But they feel themselves crumpled under the grasp of conviction. They feel themselves blasted by the lightning of truth. The executive council must thank Mr. Coleman for the figure which they make in this place. He has brought them into it. He should, therefore, try to bring them out of it. The very last Examiner contains two advertisements concerning murder. Two rewards of an hundred dollars each, and a third, of fifty, are therein offered for the apprehension of the criminals. The public are curious to learn for what reason such a reward was not offered for Jones. As Mr. Coleman appears to be so prompt in condemning our stile, we should be very glad to hear the particulars of our guilt; and whether it is a crime, in his eyes, that we have stigmatized the waste of public money; that we have exposed an express insult upon the general assembly, and an express breach of the constitution of this state? Is it a crime to stand up in defence of the rights of MARRIED WOMEN, or, in this new republican decalogue, is it criminal to endeavour to bring a murderer to justice?
Richmond overflows with batchelors. The reason is almost too disgraceful to endure an explanation. What would be said, or thought, if it were possible to find an individual of the other sex doing what is done every day with impunity and parade? This evil may be traced up to the married banditti. They not only behave wrong themselves, but they act as apostles and precedents in the cause of debauchery. They meet with abundance of disciples.
The Examiner of the 14th current contains four columns of a defence of the armory, of the executive council, and of John Clark. Instead of arguments we meet with sophistry. Instead of facts, we are overwhelmed with nick-names. We have neither time to write, nor room to publish, in this day's paper, an answer to such a farago. It cost a fortnight's cogitation; and it now presents itself to the world as the masterpiece of the combined and stupendous intellects of Jones and of Samuel Coleman. It is said that the first estimate furnished of the expence of the armory came to forty thousand dollars. If this be true, what apology can Clark make for such a misstatement? When the next assembly shall appoint a committee to investigate the history of the building, they will do well to begin by canvassing the original estimate. The expence of removing it exceeds fifteen thousand dollars. The executive council would never have attempted so enormous a removal, if they had suspected what was to be the charge of it. FIFTEEN THOUSAND DOLLARS for the removal of dirt! before you can lay the foundation. Can you wonder that cash is so scarce, and that taxes are so heavy, when prodigality sits thus enthroned in the expenditure of public money? Before Clark began this foundation, he should have made an estimate of the number of cubic yards in the whole mass. He should then have informed the council of what the whole cost would come to; that they might have known what they were going to do. They would then have told him that fifteen hundred or two thousand dollars were sufficient, in common cases, for clearing out such a foundation. Coleman may charter. Jones may fold. But the indignation of Richmond rises in arms against
them. And if the constituents of the next general assembly shall not charge their delegates to probe this business completely, they will deserve to be as severely pillaged as they hitherto have been. The dirt article would of itself be sufficient for deciding the complexion of the job.
The machinery is supplied with water from the canal. The draught has already been so great as to lessen very frequently the depth of the water, both in the canal and the basin. Boats often get along with difficulty. The left wing of the armory has not yet required a suction from the canal. If that suction shall be as great as the body of water exhausted by the machinery of the right wing, the canal company must find themselves at a loss. They must either deepen the canal, dam up the river, or desert their navigation. These things are known to be true. It is proper that they should be published.
Mr. Coleman's piece of last Wednesday begins thus:
"The tory paper printed in your city, called the Recorder, after lavishing columns of slander and abuse on the administration of the federal government; the president of the United States; Mr. Madison; Mr. Gallatin; Mr. Giles, and many others of our most worthy patriots; is now directing its efforts, &c. The Recorder bestows not abuse; but sturdy facts, that will neither bend nor break before the tempest of defamation. Wherever a public character has been keelhauled, specific reasons are advanced for pronouncing the censure; and, from tenderness to the feelings of the public, the censure has often been couched in terms of delicacy, which the culprit was very far from deserving. Why does not Mr. Coleman, or some other friend of our most worthy patriots, stand up and defend their silence upon the Algerine juggle, when, in five years only, the country was pillaged of SEVENTEEN HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS?*
"Why were squinting equivocal statutes past in congress, by the consent of all parties, to cover this series of frauds? Why was the Crescent frigate built, as a bribe to those barbarians, without the previous consultation of congress? and, after the vessel had been finished, why did the republicans submit to see their constituents turned out of the house, and then smuggle the price of this frigate into the first clause of a bill of appropriation? Are two hundred and eighty thousand dollars† so mere a trifle? This sum would pay five whole years of the Virginia merchant tax. Samuel Coleman fancies that robberies of this kind ought to be concealed, and that he who gives them to the world is hostile to his country. This is the true Ride and Tie system of official connivance. Hence it arises that, in all nations, government is chiefly to be regarded as a conspiracy against the pockets of the people.‡ Can Mr. Coleman tell us for what reason, the Algerine treaty was signed, ratified by the senate and president, and finally printed by congress, in its present state of mutilation? Never was deliberate perfidy more deeply branded upon the face of a transaction than in the congress record of this treaty. The citizens of America were not permitted to see more than a mere fragment of the business. The treaty bears on its face that twenty-four thousand dollars a year are to be paid in military stores. But the schedule has been suppressed that specifies the stores, and by which it proves that they cost not barely twenty-four thousand dollars; but that the charge has extended to eighty thousand per annum. Why did this pretended copy of the Algerine treaty pass over all notice of the SIX HUNDRED AND FORTY TWO THOUSAND DOLLARS, which were paid for obtaining it? There is not in human nature so much impudence as to attempt an answer to these questions, or an apology for these gross deceptions. Why did not Giles endeavour, at least, to bring Hamilton to an account for the six hundred thousand dollars, that were sunk by Duer and himself upon the first North Western expedition?|| Why did the committee of investigation pass over the thirty thousand dollars, which had been so infamously voted for the furniture of Mr. Adams? Many most worthy patriots had voted for these acts of peculation, with a view, most likely, to some future repetition of the scene. If Mr. Coleman approves of such proceedings, he should either be silent altogether, or he should come forward and defend them. If he is ignorant of the existence of such matters, what right has he to write upon public affairs, or what is Coleman more in the front of such enquiries, than as a pifmire perceptible at the bottom of an Alps?
The present ruling party in congress appears to be quite as much disposed as the last one, to make the most of their advantages. Their newspapers teem with invectives
NOTE.
* See particulars in the Recorder of the 2d. 9th. and 30th. of June. The whole budget of expence has been extracted from official documents.
† Ibid. June 2d.
‡ Ibid. June 9th.
§ Ibid. June 14th, where the idea has been explained at some length.
|| Recorder June 23d.
¶ Recorder of June 30th.
quite as exceptionable as those of their adversaries. If we may judge from Richmond, some of them are quite as incapable of liberal sentiments, as any other people. The party in congress have not renewed the sedition act. They durst not. But they have exhibited the most marked and detestable indifference upon the subject. During the late republican session of congress, and while so much money has been wasted upon so many sorry purposes, not one sentence of a resolution past, expressing their disapprobation of this law, and far less for compensation to the sufferers under it. Our precious representatives had carried their own point. They had procured their own elections. They had got themselves into a majority. The persons who fought their battles, were welcome to perish in the ranks where they had stood. By this omission, the whole republican regiment, equally, individually, and collectively, have wounded the dignity, the stability, and the interest of the republican cause. They have, in this instance, universally deserted that cause, from Nicholson to Giles, from Giles to Jack Randolph, and from Jack, two inches farther down to John Clopton. At the next election for congress, and for president, it will be the duty of the citizens at large to be watchful for their own interest. And if they cannot find better representatives than the present lot, they must permit them to remain in their places.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
JULY 21st. 1802.
FROM A VIRGINIAN CORRESPONDENT.
CONCERNING MR. PICKERING, IN REPLY TO THE AURORA.
THE Aurora has taken notice of the defences for Pickering and Stoddert, which have appeared in this paper. The extensive circulation and long establishment of the Aurora, aided by the talents of the editor, might induce a person, who is a stranger to its general course, to conclude that its statements, or criticisms, would be fairly made. Whether this has been the case, or not, as respects Mr. Pickering, we shall presently see.
Mr. Duane's remarks published on the 5th of July are as follows:
"It is through the medium of the tory prints that we can discover any of the lucubrations of the author of the Political Progress of Great Britain. When we find them, they appear to be of remoter date than we are accustomed to notice; however, as we cannot obtain the original production, we must notice the copy. We find in the obscure print called the Newark Gazette, an extract stated to be from Calender's paper, in which the attempt is gravely made to rescue the immaculate character of Timothy Pickering from cruel charges made against him. Calender's ethics, we have long known from his own declarations, and his conduct corroborates what he has repeatedly declared. He acknowledges that he is not only acquainted with Mr. Pickering, but also with the real facts which belong to the case," and yet this man undertakes to defend and rescue him whom he does not know, from charges of which he is confessedly ignorant. How does he do this? Precisely in the same style of consistency, for he actually proves himself ignorant of the facts which he attempts to justify; and his justification rests wholly on the morality of not committing a robbery, when he might have committed it! This is a specimen of the logic and morality of Mr. Pickering's new defender. He says that it is now allowed that Mr. Pickering has paid all the public money he held.---Who said it? It never was said by any one acquainted with the state of public affairs. No man can tell what he has or has not paid, for his accounts remain unadjusted, and without vouchers to sanction large sums stated in them. His account as quarter-master general remains unsettled since the revolution, and this is not noticed at all in the Reporter. Then, this negative morality, if there is any merit in not committing

"the robbery of the public, this man "does not even belong to him, for the "saving was made as a matter of official "duty by subordinate agents, and it "unfortunately happens that Callender "has made a small mistake in an impor- "tant circumstance concerning this sum, "it remains unaccounted for to the "public to this hour."
All this is offered by Duane to his readers, as a reply and refutation to that piece which appeared in this paper, upon the 16th of June last, which is as follows:
THE readers of this paper are desired to recollect that all which has been said, under this head, concerning Pickering, has been intended to rescue his character from the aspersion of having defrauded the public of something towards half a million of dollars. In doing this, it was thought necessary to shew not only his innocence, as to the accusation, but that he had forborne to make use of advantages, which had fallen in his way, one of which amounted to 14,588 dollars. By these means, the whole stock of calumny is annihilated. Not one single dollar has been embezzled. Not one dollar is deficient. The United States have gained, by his prudence, 14,588 dollars which fall into the great mass of surplus, that his accusers call republican savings, and then cover themselves with the applause, which they ought to have bestowed on him. This is not the end. A new although feeble battery is erected. They now admit that Mr. Pickering has paid all the money to the account of the United States, but that he has applied some of it to purposes other than those for which the money was received. It is not at present known whether this be the fact, or not; nor is it material to the defence. Let the allegation be allowed, as it is made, and the case will stand as follows:
Mr. Pickering received 200,000 dollars for one purpose, and 200,000 dollars for another. In the execution of these duties, the first sum exceeded the purpose for which it was designed, including 14,588 gained in bills of exchange, by 78,588 dollars. The second fell short as much. The whole money being under his control, and the interest of the country as much at stake in one case as the other, he has taken the overplus of the one to fill the deficiency of the other. By these means, he has promoted public credit. And it is for this, or something like it, that his character has been attacked with a degree of venom and revenge quite unexampled.
The writer of this defence is not only unacquainted with Mr. Pickering, but also with the real facts which belong to the case. He has made the foregoing hypothetical statement to elucidate the case, upon the data which are alleged by the accusers themselves, and upon these only.
Pause, reader! for a moment, and carry back your memory to the time, when the newspapers all groaned with abuse against this person. See to what it has come! and behold how now, it is attempted to torture things, the propriety of which is self-evident, into a fresh accusation against him. It would seem that virtue, honor, and truth, were to be chased from the face of the earth, in order that the opposite qualities may prevail.
Mr. Pickering's character, with those who knew him, did not want this aid. His name, and these circumstances, have been necessarily used as powerful engines against the frauds, falsehoods, and designs of men, who will perhaps live to see themselves overwhelmed with disgrace and detestation. They may hear that people whose confidence they have abused, saying with an universal voice, "Go hence, and learn that, sooner or later, truth and justice will prevail. Go, and take the remorse, which is due to your misdeeds."
When these are compared, it will at once be seen that Mr. Duane has imposed upon his readers. The only paragraph, which he has dared to touch, has been so garbled as to destroy its meaning and tendency. The most material part is totally suppressed, and all the rest misrepresented. In this case, I think Mr. Duane is no better than the author, or propagator of a falsehood.
A man who is called upon to give testimony, swears or declares, that he will tell the truth, and nothing but the truth. Mr. Duane, as the editor of a newspaper, is under an implied engagement to adhere to the above rule. His readers are persuaded to believe him, and yet, he most deliberately suppresses or conceals the truth, or garbles and perverts the words and plain meaning of another, for the purposes of deception.
Although it is true that Mr. Duane, is not upon oath, yet it will be believed that a man, who is capable of deceiving
a whole community, when there is confidence in his word, would not hesitate to solemnize the deception by an oath.
Duane insinuates that the money gained by Pickering, in purchasing the bills of exchange, remains unaccounted for to this hour. He knows better. The report upon the subject shews how the case is. He knows that Mr. Pickering applied the money to the use of the government. There is not a man of truth or information in the United States, who says that this, or any other public money is detained by Mr. Pickering; and to whatever extent or purpose, Mr. Duane may keep this calumny afloat, the plainest and most direct answer, always will be that Duane himself knows better; and that this is the case may be seen by the following extract from the report of the committee, which may be seen in the Recorder of May 19th.
"From this statement it appears that Mr. Pickering drew from the treasury under the appropriations made for defraying the expenses, incident to the intercourse with foreign nations for negotiating treaties with Barbary powers and for contingent expenses of government, the sum of 63,999 dollars and 57 cents more than he applied to those several objects, which, together with the sum of 14,588 dollars 54 cents, gained by him on the purchase of bills of exchange for the use of the government, form an aggregate of 78,583 dollars and 11 cents. The same statement C will shew that the whole of this sum was expended by him on objects of a public nature as far as the committee can ascertain the fact."
When this clamour against Mr. Pickering, is echoed from Penobscot, to St. Marys, repeated and urged in the most offensive stile, when public detestation is rouzed against Mr. Pickering, Duane forgets the dilemma in which he places his own friends. He forgets, that if Mr. Pickering owes any thing to the public, he ought to be prosecuted and compelled to pay. Is there a man in the United States who can believe, if this was the case, that Mr. Gallatin would give him the respite of a single day? I will now repeat, what was formerly said upon this point. "If Mr. Gallatin was not satisfied that Mr. Pickering owed nothing, would he dare to conceal the truth? Is he of so much weight, and so all important in the scale where he is placed, as to be permitted to countenance a fraud of this sort? On the other hand, will not every person believe, that he would embrace, if not with ardor, at least with certainty, an occasion to pull down and sink to the lowest point of destruction, that character which his party found it necessary to calumniate, before the way could be opened by which Mr. Gallatin himself might become secretary of the treasury."
After this candid representation of the case is considered, will not every unprejudiced and impartial man ask the following, or similar questions? What can be the object, or design, of such misrepresentations? Why is there so much pains taken to mislead the community? Why do some of the most conspicuous and influential men in society give such countenance, aid and patronage to a man, who writes, prints, and propagates, what he either knows, or might know to be totally untrue?
I shall expect to see something in the Aurora concerning the dimensions, conveniences, and inconveniences, of the navy yard at Southwark; I mean the little navy yard, where the frigate United States, and afterwards the frigate Philadelphia, were built. CENSOR Smith and the committee of investigation have said that this navy yard was sufficient to build six seventy four gun ships, at the same time, or words to the same effect. If Mr. Duane should be silent upon this point, it will be fair to conclude that my assertions upon the subject are unanswerable.
JONES'S PICTURE.
"In last Recorder, Callender has spoken of some person, who appeared in public with
my picture around her neck. I will give him, or his informant, one hundred Dollars, if they can produce my Miniature, taken for that purpose. I will also give one hundred Dollars to any limner who will acknowledge that he has taken my likeness of that size. There is a framed thing in my house, for which I was fool enough to sit. But it is so bad a likeness, that, if its head was shaved, and its complexion tintured a little with whitewash, it would pass as well for this piebald federalist as for any other person. I again repeat, that my miniature was never taken for the purpose spoken of by Callender, for any human being."
This is one of that sort of denials, which confirm the assertion they pretend to contradict. In order to produce Jones's miniature, it would be necessary to wait upon Madam; and Jones, for very good reasons, has prohibited any thing in the shape of a white man, himself excepted, from entering her apartments. Even if we had got this thing, it would be impossible to prove that the picture had been taken for the express purpose of being worn about Madam's neck. Jones offers an hundred dollars to the limner. Nobody would give evidence for such an offer. It would be more for his credit, if he were to pay the money that he owes to Mr. Barret, and Mr. William Marshall, for these two years past, and or which he has so impudently taken credit, in framing his account against Callender. He again repeats, that his miniature was never taken for the purpose of being worn at Madam's neck. We neither know, nor care, nor did we ever attempt to guess for what purpose the thing was taken. We never were near enough to her ladyship to be able to distinguish what it was that she wears; but she does wear something, and all Richmondsays that it is the picture of her lover. Jones does not venture, in plain words, to deny this charge, and he would have done it, if he durst.
We are to say no more concerning the editor of the Examiner of a personal nature, unless he shall hereafter force it out of us by some future provocation. Our series of letters will be closed perhaps in next Recorder with some elucidations of his capacity, as an accompanist. To this only, will the letter be confined. We care not one farthing about him, but some regard is due to the interference and the feelings of other people. We have done with Skelton, also, in his executionary character. For other matters we promise not.
"We have wrote for, and requested to be furnished as a subscriber, with Callender's Recorder, that we might see what we had always conceived of him realized; but we can only obtain it at second or third hand, through the medium of those prints, whose contempt of principles, decency, and morals, render them very fit associates."
ANSWER TO THE ABOVE.
This piece is copied from the Aurora of July 1st, and 2d. Just two days before we received that paper, we had got the preceding number from Duane, with a card desiring an exchange. When we got his card, we packed up two numbers, and sent them instantly to the Post Office. He then wanted the whole set from the beginning, and offered to pay for them. An answer was returned that we had them not to spare. The matter is of no consequence, but as shewing the veracity of Mr. Jefferson's pitch pipe. It is as impossible to keep this fellow from lying, as to keep a Polecat from skinking or a Bull Frog from croaking. We are crowded with offers of exchange from all quarters, from Baltimore, from New York, from Philadelphia, (in all which places the Recorder has been repeatedly quoted by columns;) besides New England newspapers, and back country newspapers, by dozens. We mention this to let Mr. Duane see that, if he thinks his Aurora a compliment, he is at liberty to drop the exchange, instead of swaggering and fibbing at such a foolish rate.
The following toast was drank upon the 4th of July last, by the artillery company of Richmond,
"William B. Giles---The firm patriot and profound statesman---May the shaft of calumny, darted at him, rebound with ten fold force on the contemptible slanderer."
We presume that, in this toast, the Artillery Company, refer to some remarks which have appeared in the Recorder,
concerning the profound statesman. Before drinking such a toast, or at least, when they sent it to press, the Artillery Company should have attempted to offer a defence of Giles's conduct, and as they have done neither the one nor the other, the inference is that the Artillery Company approve of Giles's breach of the constitution, which he had taken an oath to observe. Giles is extremely welcome to all the honor which he can derive from his Artillery adherents toasting him upon such a basis. Which a man has gone infinitely farther to support Republican principles, than the Artillery Republicans themselves durst go, he is toasted as a contemptible slanderer. This is very like a great deal of Artillery Republican gratitude. We are sorry that we had not an opportunity of seeing this piece of Artillery insolence, till after the Recorder of Wednesday last, had been worked off.
The Artillery Company are welcome to take this article in any way that suits them best. One thing is certain that the person to whom they refer, although they did not think it proper to name him, has been of more real service to the freedom of this country, during the late struggles, than the whole company ten times over.
We should be glad to learn whether this Artillery Company had any concern with the hanging up of French instead of American colours at the Capitol, on the 4th of July. We wish to hear the particulars of this story.
The New-York Herald shall hear from us, at full length, in our next. Matters are much worse than the editor seems to fancy. We thank him for the packet he sent us. It came safe.
The supplement to Dr. Read's case, and a great deal more about Duane, in our next.
From the PORTLAND GAZETTE.
MR. JENKS,
I took notice in your Gazette of an extract from the Richmond paper published by Callender, wherein and whereby the late calumnies of the said Callender against Mr. Pickering are retracted, and Mr. Pickering's character is by the said Callender even eulogized. For the benefit of Duane, and of the united Irishmen of America, I would propose to Callender, as a proof of the sincerity of his remorse, that as he got the present government in by writing the "Prospect before Us," he would be so good as to get them out by writing the "Prospect behind us." This will be not only suitable to Duane's principal readers, for many reasons, but "distressed humanity seeking an asylum on this globe," will profit by reflection. MAZZEI.
(From the North Carolina Journal.)
WINDSOR, June 30, 1802.
MR. ABRAHAM HODGE.
I observe in your paper of the 28th inst. a request for information respecting the late intended conspiracy of the negroes in this county. I hope some other person who may have attended more particularly to the affair, and in possession of more accurate knowledge of the whole proceedings than myself, will communicate to you the circumstances more correctly than I can---but should this not be the case, the following account of it, so far as it goes, may be depended upon. From the testimony of five witnesses, and the confession of one of those who have been condemned, it appeared that the negroes had certainly an intention to rise on the 10th instant, and kill the whites. On the testimony of those witnesses, the Court of this county has hung eleven, banished seven out of the state, and whipped twenty for concealing the plot. On the minds of the people in this quarter there remains no doubt but that such a diabolical plot has been laid, and that an attempt would more than probably have been made to put it in execution, had the scheme not providentially been discovered, although in the end it must have proven extremely destructive to the infatuated wretches themselves. I am, &c.
W. CLEMENTS.

Much has been said, and not much is correctly known, as to the western insurrection of 1794. The following remarks upon this affair have been extracted from Sketches of the history of America , published at Philadelphia, in 1797. The book was read in sheets, as it was printed off, by Mr. Jefferson, who paid TWENTY FIVE DOLLARS towards defraying the expense of publication . We have never seen any part of the detail denied, or contradicted in the Republican or federal newspapers, and this would certainly have been the case, if an attack had been considered as supportable. At the distance of more than five years, we find little, or indeed nothing to be corrected, or recanted. Of the federal army, a great number, perhaps even a large majority, were Democrats . Hence, indignation at their outrages must fall with equal weight upon all parties. In reading the extract, you must be careful to REMEMBER THIS. The present article will extend through at least six numbers.
WITH regard to uniform uprightness of character , there is no man in America, whose good name has encountered such violent opposition as that of Mr. Hamilton. If he is to answer every charge against him, that has been made on respectable authority, this piece does not complete the task. Mr. Findley, in his history of the Western Insurrection, has urged many accusations, as bad as that of jobbing in certificates. The following are two instances. Mr. Hamilton has not attempted to deny any part of them.
The commander of the army lodged for some time in the house of major Powers, about thirty miles from the town of Washington. This man had been active in promoting a settlement. His services were acknowledged, "while head-quarters were at his house; and he was paid a larger sum than he demanded, for his trouble and expenses*."
Sometime after this payment, Mr. Hamilton sent for major Powers to Washington. He then examined him concerning the conduct of Albert Gallatin, and of some other persons with whom the major was not even acquainted. The answers were unsatisfactory, and an officer was ordered to conduct him into another apartment, where he might, for an hour, refresh his memory. He was thrust into a room, among a crowd of prisoners, under the point of the bayonet. When called out again, he told Mr. Hamilton that he had nothing further to recollect. The secretary reproved him in severe terms for concealing truth. The best bail was offered for his appearance and refused. The military conducted him to Pittsburgh and kept him in custody till the eighth day. Mr. Hamilton being then gone, "the judge" sent for major Powers, and politely assured him that he had no charge whatever against him.
Thus a meritorious citizen, whose services had been gratefully rewarded, was, without warrant, accuser, or even a pretence of guilt, imprisoned for eight days. The motive to this outrage was yet baler than the act itself. Mr. Hamilton wanted Powers to turn evidence against people of whom he knew no harm. The crime of Reynolds and Clingman was said to be subornation of perjury. The proceedings of the secretary came very near it. He had, by the way, no legal authority to commit any body. He held no regular trial of that nature. As for the judge, who endured such transactions before his eyes, it may be hazardous to say much about him. The other of the two cases is as follows.
John Hamilton was at that time, high sheriff of Washington county, and colonel of the Mingo Creek regiment of militia. Mr. Findley enumerates his successful exertions to prevent mischief. This man, hearing that a charge had been lodged against him, went thirty miles to present himself to judge Pe-
ters. His honor had not time to examine him. He was, however, arrested, and sent to the town of Washington. He applied again to the judge for examination, but in vain. He was sent prisoner to Philadelphia, a winter journey of more than three hundred miles. He was paraded, along with others, through the streets, with a badge in his hat, and cast into the cells. After near two months and an half, he obtained an examination and was admitted to bail. In the sequel, not a suspicious circumstance could be found against him.† The reason for this outrage is given by Mr. Findley. The secretary of the treasury had resolved on his destruction. For actions like these, James the second was turned out of England, and George the third expelled from this continent.
If Mr. Hamilton wanted to drive the western people into the arms of Britain, and to excite a second insurrection, worse than the first, this behaviour was judicious and consistent. But while he has thus coolly trampled on law, justice, humanity, and every maxim of sound policy, our ex-secretary should not refer to his uniform uprightness of character . In passing, we cannot withhold a tribute of admiration to the spirited and important part acted by the American bench. It is to be lamented that some patriotic citizens did not raise a subscription for supporting an action of damages against judge Peters.
Thus the sheriff of a county was illegally taken from the exercise of his office, an office as sacred and important as that of judge Peters himself; and at that time, of high consequence to the peace of the country. Because the judge had not leisure to examine him, he was hauled to Philadelphia, and confined, for about seventy days, before he could obtain a hearing. Peters, when at Washington, had promised to examine him within half an hour. What a fine specimen of justice was this to hold out before the people beyond the mountains! John Hamilton had to make a second journey to this city, in June, 1795, to stand trial; so that, first and last, he must have travelled fifteen hundred miles. Yet this was one of the very men who prevented David Bradford from seizing the arms and ammunition in the garrison at Pittsburgh. A thousand dollars would but poorly have compensated sheriff Hamilton for his imprisonment; while the flats insisted upon public justice demanded more severe remembrance. Our federal literati are constantly talking about the atrocity of the western riots, which they dignify or degrade with the name of rebellion. They should reflect, also, upon the behaviour of a great part of that army by whom it was crushed.
CHAPTER VI.
REMARKS ON THE WESTERN EXPEDITION.
"IT is a maxim deeply ingrafted in that dark system, (the Jacobin ) that no character however upright is a match for constantly reiterated attacks, however false.---Every calumny makes some proselytes, and even retains some since; justification seldom circulates as rapidly and as widely as slander."‡
Mr. Hamilton himself is fond of attacking personal characters. A considerable portion of Mr. Findley's book consists of details respecting the calumnious accusations which the secretary circulated, while acting in his incomprehensible capacity on the western expedition. It is believed that not even a syllable of these charges has been contradicted, and far less refuted, either by himself, or by any body for him. It is impossible and useless to quote in this place a tenth part of those details. They were ushered into the world under a name known and respected. They are as explicit as they imaginably could be; as indefensible as either truth or calumny, or history or fable, could make
NOTE.
† Findley, Chap. XVIII. ‡ Hamilton's Observations on the History of the United States for 1796, p. 8.
them. A sample of two shall be selected from the mass.
Two judges of Westmoreland county waited on Hamilton and judge Peters, to enquire in what way they ought to proceed against offenders. Instead of a suitable answer, they were urged to accuse Mr. Gallatin, as having "expressed himself in a treasonable manner at the first Parkinson meeting. And when they denied having heard any such expressions, the secretary asserted, that he had sufficient proofs of them already. They however, persisted in asserting that he used no such expressions." They further subjoined, that his efforts had tended more than perhaps those of any other person, to the restoration of order. They were listened also, regarding Mr. John Smillie, but to no effect. At this inquisition, Mr. Hamilton said, that he never would forgive Findley, who "had told or wrote lies about him."‡
One John Baldwin was treated yet worse. He refused to give evidence, against sheriff Hamilton. For this he was insulted, told that he evaded swearing truth, and that he had forfeited the benefit of the amnesty by not giving the testimony demanded. Somebody, Vaughan, a light horseman from Philadelphia, assisted the secretary at this scene.
Such behaviour was only suitable to an English star chamber, or a Scots court of justice. If judge Peters had assumed the command of a wing of the army, or if general Morgan, or any other military officer, had placed himself on the bench with Mr. Peters, the grossness of the fact would have been instantly discerned, and the continent have resounded with outcries of indignation. But the secretary had no office, either civil or military. He was, in every shape, and in every sense of the word, an intruder and an usurper, and he exercised his authority as might have been expected from the way in which he obtained it. Behold him ascending the bench, assisted by a district attorney, an inspector of excise, and a light-horseman! This knot of self-created magistrates attempt to dictate the deposition of a witness; and, as in the case of Baldwin, then threaten his life on the event of his refusal. Observe, also, the tremulous judge, shrinking into the background of the picture, while the laws and liberties of the people are trodden under foot. Mr. Hamilton, "by his own authority, wrote a severe reprimand to the commander in chief of the right wing of the army, in consequence of which, he was treated in a manner not becoming his rank." This was destroying discipline, the back bone of an army. It was a self-created power, by far more dangerous, than any contemplated by democratic societies.
Here is another sample of Mr. Hamilton's discretion. He expressed much surprise at the western people for reposing so much confidence in foreigners. He said, that Gallatin and Findley were both foreigners, and therefore "not to be trusted." Mr. Findley has been longer, by many years, in the country, than our secretary himself, whose father was from Scotland, and his mother from Ireland. Their son was born at sea, or in an island of the West-Indies. He had no right to contemn foreigners. This is the general cant of his party. Above all, they detest Irishmen, because the latter, coming from a most oppressed country, have a natural bias to political investigation. A great part of the people in the four Western counties are natives of that island, so that this language held out an insult upon the community at large.
(To be continued.)
Extract from the preface to the second volume of THE PROSPECT BEFORE US.
WITHIN the last five months, a crowd of additional fictions have been invented, with the purpose of calumniating the writer of The Prospect ; with the generous and manly purpose of in-
† Findley, Chap. XIX.
‡ Ibid.
¶ Findley, Chap. XVIII.
¶ Ibid. Chap. XIX.
juring a stranger, and of depressing a prisoner. One of these fictions is that, at the time of his arrestment, he had a contest with the federal marshal. To this day they have never exchanged even a look of incivility. At Petersburg, Mr. Randolph behaved with the politeness of a gentleman, and the kindness of a benefactor. Of a deportment so exemplary of an obligation so delicate, both gratitude and justice may vindicate the propriety, or at least, they will forgive the intrusion of this public acknowledgement. It is made with alacrity and with pleasure. Perhaps, it will not be considered as unbecoming, in this place, to add, that the duty of a political and controversial writer, is indeed a service, if not of danger, yet at least of defamation. Those who are fit for nothing else, can still aspire to consequence, by humbling a mind more amiable and powerful to the level of their own. The world is infested with a very numerous and formidable class of beings, who cannot forgive a man of abilities, for the guilt of having instructed and pleased them. Their abhorrence of his portion augments in an exact proportion, with their approbation of his writings. Even in the most harmless pursuits of literature, this persecution is generally and severely felt. The successful version of an ode of Horace, or an epigram of Buchanan, has often soured the features of pride, and stung the cheek of envy. But infinitely more distressing must be the condition of a political combatant, whose every step is in the midst of intellectual battle; whose entire system of thinking, and of composition, is founded upon hostility and defiance. Those who dare not deny the correctness of his assertions, or the popularity of his publications, ferret him into the recesses of private society, and profane the sacred asylum of domestic confidence. In that scene of fancied security, and perhaps of conscious superiority, his most trivial actions are often watched with microscopic minuteness, and often reported with truly federal malevolence . Faults and foibles (for who is without them?) are quickly discovered, or promptly invented. The breast of his censor palpitates with the pain of gladness, and the turbulence of joy; whilst the welcome tale of scandal is echoed through the ears of mankind with all the diligence of hatred, the distortion of credulity, and the ferocity of revenge.
Richmond Fall
No. 34, 1800
BRIDGEPORT, (Connecticut) June 30.
On Thursday last arrived off this port on her way to New-York, the ship Enterprize , Ezekiel Hubbell of this place, Master, in 110 days from Canton.---Capt. Hubbell has performed a circuitous and long voyage, of nearly two years and a half since he left New-York, and we expect has met with success proportionate to the greatness of the undertaking. Capt. H. lost his second mate and two others of his crew.
Capt. Hubbell's route has been, round Cape Horn, up the Pacific Ocean, upon the North-west coast, and thence to Canton---in the course of which he has had many scenes of danger, of anxiety, and some profitable traffic; one of the natives of the Sandwich Islands (where Cook was killed) he brought home with him, who is now in this place at school; a likely and ingenious lad of about twelve years of age, of an olive complexion, black straight hair, &c.---who understands much, and begins to speak our language.
We learn from Capt. Hubbell, the natives of those Islands are making great improvements from what they were in Capt. Cook's day, by the help of some white mechanics settled there; have several deck vessels, &c.---Also we learn that the native who killed capt. Cook was yet living then, and was pointed out to capt. Hubbell.