Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1809-04-07 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1639.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS, BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.)
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, APRIL 7, 1809.
[12 1/2 Cents Single.]
The price of this paper to subscribers is four dollars per annum, to be paid in advance.
ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceeding a square in length (20 lines) are inserted, the first time for seventy-five cents; three weeks (six times) for three dollars; and for every subsequent insertion, thirty-three cents. Long ones in the same proportion. In favor of those, however, who advertise by the year (either once or twice a week) a deduction from the above price of twenty per cent. is made.
The High Bred Imported Horse,
MAGIC,
WILL stand this season at my stable in Chesterfield County, five miles from Goode's and Bevil's Bridges, on Appomattox river, and twenty five miles from Petersburg and Richmond. Thirty Dollars will be required for the season, the same to be secured by a note to be sent with each mare; but the note may be discharged by the payment of twenty dollars, at any time before the 25th December next. One dollar to the groom for each mare.
The mares will have the benefit of safe and extensive pasturage, but no responsibility for escapes or accidents. They and the servants who attend them will be supplied with what may be ordered for them on very reasonable terms.
Magic is a fine chestnut sorrel, fourteen years old last spring; a horse of elegant form and great powers, full fifteen hands and a half high; and from his pedigree below it will be seen that he is as high a bred horse as ever has been imported; and his performances on the turf will show that as a racer he has been excelled but by few horses in this country.
PEDIGREE.
Magic was got by Volunteer, one of the best sons of Eclipse; and Sire of Spread Eagle, Eagle, Sirling, Triumph, Recruit, Commodore, &c. out of Marcella. Marcella was got by Mambian; her dam, Media, by Sweet Briar, out of Augerica, by Snap—Regulus—Bartlet's Childrens—Honeywood's Arabian, Dam of the two G. u. Blues.
PERFORMANCES.
1797. Newmarket, May 16. Magic received forfeit from Mr. Bowes's colt, Sadler, 50 guineas. July 10. 50l. for three year old colts and fillies. Magic was second to the Duke of Grafton's br. c. Razor, by Trumpator, beating the Duke of Bedford's br. c. by Mufti, and Lord Clarendon's b. f. Grandilla, by Fidget. Lewes, Aug. 1. A sweepstakes of 10 guineas each, for three year olds, five subscribers. Won by Magic, beating Mr. Durand's b. c. Whip, Sir F. Poole's b. f. Mother Shipton, and Mr. Hyde's Corner. Newmarket, Oct. 13. A sweepstakes of 50 guineas each. Magic was second to Lord Clermont's f. Jonquil, by Precipitate; beating Mr. Talbot's Camelion. Newmarket, Nov. Magic beat Mr. Cannon's Nightshade, for 50 guineas; and on the same day beat Sir J. Honeywood's Louisa, for 10 guineas.
1798. Newmarket, May 2. A sweepstakes of 50 guineas each. Magic was second to Sir C. Turner's ch. f. by Delphin. Mr. Haworth's f. Matrauner, paid 20 guineas. Three to one on Magic.
Bibury, May 30. A sweepstakes of five guineas each, 16 subscribers, was won by Magic, beating Lord Villers's Gas, and Lord Oxford's Lilly. On the same day walked over for the handicap sweepstakes of 50 guineas each, five subscribers.
May 31. A sweepstakes of 25 guineas each, 11 subscribers, four miles. He was third beating Mr. Talbot's Xanthus.
Brighthelmstone, Aug. 2. The Pot worth stakes of 10 guineas each, 17 subscribers, four miles. Won by Magic, beating Wrangler, Johnny, Beonington, Montezuma, Play or Pay, and Lop.
Lewes, Aug. 9. A sweepstakes of 10 guineas each, 4 miles. Won by Magic; beating Whip, Mr. Henwood's Partner, & Lord Clermont's Jonquil.
Canterbury, Aug. 22. His Majesty's plate of 100 gs. 4 miles. He walked over. On the following day, won the city plate of 50l. beating Lord Londes's bay colt by Magpie.
1799. Newmarket, April 10. A subscription purse of 50l. He was second to Mr. Durand's Bellissima, by Phenomenon; beating Wrangler and Young Javelin.
Lewes, Aug. 1. His Majesty's 100 guineas. He was third; beating the Prince of Wales's Ploughman and Lord Cavenish's bay horse by Jupiter. On the Saturday following, for the Ladies' plate of
60 gs. he was fifth, beating Sir F. Poole's brother to Waxy.
Lichfield, Sept. 10. A sweepstakes of 10 guineas each, 2 miles, 20 subscribers. Won by Magic, beating Conon, Robin Red Breast, Alfred, Black George, L. Abbe and Sir Robert. On the same day, for his Majesty's 100 gs. 3 mile heats, he was third; being beaten by Mr. Heathcote's bay horse Warner, by King Fergus, and Lord Donegall's b. c. by Poole, and was drawn the second heat.
Leicester, Sep. 18. He won 50l. beating Mr. Watson's Opposition, & Mr. Cooper's Misfortune.
Northampton, Sept. 25. The Town Purse of 50l. 4 mile heats. He was 6th the 1st heat, 3d the 2d, and 2d the 3d heat, being beaten by Mr. Whaley's Post Boy.
THOMAS BRANCH.
Chesterfield, February 1, 1809. From a reference to the last Calendar it will be seen that Magic has a colt on the turf in England, called Mountaineer, and that he ran eighteen races the last season, and proved successful in twelve of them. I know of but one of his colts that have been trained in this country, which is my grey horse Roanoke, four years old last spring. This horse got injured in his legs last fall, in consequence of which he did not start for a race that season. Last spring I ran him three races: one at Williamsburg, North Carolina, two mile heats, which he won with ease, beating General Benton's Rubicon, Col. Alexander's Don Quixote, and several others, the next at Broad Rock, three mile heats, which he also won. Five days after this I started him at Newmarket, four mile heats, when he was second to Potomac, beating with great ease Mr. Harrison's Atlantic and Mr. Holmes's Young Peace-maker. The second heat of this last race was run by Potomac and Roanoke in 7 minutes 59 seconds; said to be the best second heat ever run over Newmarket. The day after this race I refused fifteen hundred dollars for him. I further certify, that I have the last Calendar, and that Mountaineer, got by Magic, performed as is stated above. Given under my hand this 1st February, 1809.
WILLIAM R. JOHNSON.
Black River Lottery,
NO. II.
COMMENCES DRAWING IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK,
On the 12th of April next,
And to draw 600 Tickets in a day for five days in a week, until the whole is completed.
NOT TWO BLANKS TO A PRIZE.
SCHEME.
   Dollars. Dollars.     1 PRIZE of 30,000 30,000   1 20,000 20,000   2 10,000 20,000   2 5,000 10,000   5 2,000 4,000   11 1,000 5,000   40 500 5,500   100 200 8,000   150 100 10,000   400 50 7,500   10,360 20 8,000   10 103,600   11,014 Prizes. 231,000   21,986 Blanks.   33,000 Tickets.  
Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. PART OF THE CAPITALS WILL BE DETERMINED AS FOLLOWS.
   Dollars. Dollars.     First drawn No. 5th Day of Drawing 1,000 1,000   Do. 10th Do. 1,000 1,000   Do. 15th Do. 2,000 2,000   Do. 20th Do. 1,000 1,000   Do. 25th Do. 5,000 5,000   Do. 30th Do. 1,000 1,000   Do. 35th Do. 10,000 10,000   Do. 45th Do. 20,000 20,000  
Orders left with the printer hereof for Tickets, will be punctually executed, free of postage and risk. He is the only person in Richmond that will receive Waite's Weekly prize list.
Just received from Philadelphia, and for Sale at this Office. A few copies of the celebrated Pamphlet, entitled,
A VIEW OF THE Rights and Wrongs, Power and Policy OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? BY CHARLES JARED INGERSOLL.
AMERICAN Military Library,
OR REPOSITORY OF MODERN TACTICS.
** The above valuable work (in 12 Nos.) is now complete and ready for delivery at the Argus Office.
The following Circular has been transmitted by the Secretary of the Treasury to the Collectors:
CIRCULAR.
Treasury Department, March 18, 1809.
SIR, I sent you on the third instant, together with the non-intercourse act, some general instructions, which, on a first impression, appeared necessary in order to preserve uniformity in its execution. Some of those may not be sufficiently explicit: On one important point, I have, from a further consideration of the several sections of the act, been induced to alter my opinion: and new questions have arisen on which several of the collectors have applied for instructions.
The expressions used in the sixteenth section of the act, had at first impressed a belief, that vessels, owned in whole or in part by foreigners, could not be cleared for English or French ports. But on more minute investigation of the thirteenth section of the act, and of the proviso of the first section of the embargo act, passed on twenty-second December, one thousand eight hundred and seven, I think that opinion to have been erroneous. Vessels owned in whole or in part by foreigners are still permitted in conformity with the said proviso, to depart either in ballast, or with the cargoes which they had brought in, and which have not been landed, for any foreign port whatever. If they shall clear for a port with which commercial intercourse is permitted to American vessels by the act of first instant, they must give bond, in conformity with the thirteenth section of the said act, that they shall not proceed to a forbidden port; but if they are bound to a forbidden port no bond is necessary; and they may be permitted to clear accordingly. This applies as well to English or French, as to any other foreign vessels—but the proviso of the act of twenty-second of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven, being still unexpired in all its parts, and the act itself being repealed in part only, so far as relates to vessels owned by citizens of the United States; vessels owned in whole or in part by foreigners are still forbidden to take on board any new cargo. American vessels are permitted to go only to the ports not forbidden by the act of first instant, and may export there every species of merchandise. Foreign vessels may depart for any foreign port whatever, but cannot take on board any export any merchandise either foreign or domestic, other than was on board when notified of the embargo, or in other words, as it relates to all foreign vessels now in the United States, other than the cargoes which they may have brought in, and which have not been landed.
On the subject of ports for which clearances may be granted, or must be refused to American vessels, I will observe that as the legality, or illegality of the voyage can, in doubtful cases be determined only by the courts of the United States, that question can never be affected either by granting or refusing a clearance. The forms of bonds which have been transmitted by the controller, are in conformity with the expressions used in the act; and it must be clearly understood that as on the one hand, the condition of the bond may not, on trial, be deemed forfeited in every instance where a vessel shall have proceeded to a port for which a clearance had been refused; so, on the other hand, errors may be committed in granting clearances for ports which the courts may ultimately adjudge to have been forbidden by law and it is not intended that the mere act of thus granting a clearance shall release the party from the penalty which may be incurred by pursuing an illegal voyage.
I am still of opinion, that no clearance can be granted for any part of the island of St. Domingo, or of the kingdom of Italy. The independence of St. Domingo has not been acknowledged by any act of government, and if not independent, it is a dependency of France. The kingdom of Italy, which now includes Venice and Leghorn, though not annexed to France, is governed in the name of the French emperor, and is not only in fact but in name, one of his dependencies. There are ports in Spain and Portugal, which may hereafter be exclusively in the possession of Great-Britain or France, and for which clearances should, according to circumstances, be refused. It is understood that at present they are all under the nominal government of a Spanish sovereign, or of the prince regent of Portugal, and that, therefore, clearances may be granted for all. The rule must be, that places held in the name of the sovereign of the country, though garrisoned by British or French troops, are not to be considered as forbidden ports. But if conquered by either, as in the case of Lisbon before its evacuation by the French, they are exclusively in the possession of the conquerors and therefore forbidden.
There is nothing in the law which forbids the sale of American vessels abroad; but the condition of the bond required by the thirteenth section is, that they shall not proceed to any British or French port. The condition of the bond will be considered by this department as forfeited and the bond put in suit, if prior to their return to the United States, and during the continuance of the act, they shall proceed to such port, whether they have been sold or remain the property of the same owners. The provisions in that section which relate to the production of a certificate of the landing of the cargo, only establish the species of proof requisite in that respect, but do not affect that part of the bond by which the vessels are altogether forbidden to proceed to certain ports.
Bonds given under the act of ninth January last, in six times the value of the vessel and cargo, on the condition that the vessel having cargoes on board shall not depart without clearance, may be cancelled whenever the owners shall think proper to send such vessels and cargoes, to a port with which intercourse is permitted by the act of first instant and shall give bond in conformity with the thirteenth section of the said act.
The extension of the terms of credit allowed in certain cases on revenue bonds, by the acts of March 10th, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and January 12th, one thousand eight hundred and nine, continues in force notwithstanding the partial repeal of the act laying an embargo.
The temptations to evade the embargo laws are so much diminished by the partial repeal which has now taken place, that I do not perceive any further necessity for continuing the extraordinary expenses which had been authorised for the purpose of enforcing those laws. All the authorities therefore which have been heretofore given to employ additional boats, officers or men for that purpose, must be considered as henceforth revoked. And under the existing circumstances of the revenue, I have to request that you will as far as is practicable and consistent with the public service, reduce every branch of expense incident to the collection of duties, and connected with the performance of your official duties.
I am, very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN. To the Collectors of the Customs for the district of —
TO THE PEOPLE.
LETTER III.
An examination of the Testimony relied on by John Clarke, which was rejected by the last Assembly.
Nothing has ever excited more solicitude than the late enquiry and investigation into the operations of the Manufactory of Arms. The popular delusion, in favor of those by whom it was conducted, connected with the general wish, that arms should be made, and that this should be done by internal and independent means, had excited a popularity and delusion in favor of John Clarke, to an unexampled extent. This popularity and delusion had been greatly promoted by those who constituted the executive department of the state, during the successive administrations of Governors Wood, Monroe, Page and Cabell.
It appears to have been the uniform course pursued by that board, to direct the payment of all claims which were certified by John Clarke to be due. They never gave themselves the trouble to examine one single fact or operation; one single account, or the contracts or vouchers upon which the claim was founded: and altho' the sums drawn in this manner had rapidly swelled to an enormous amount, and it was evident from John Clarke's reports of the arms made and materials on hand, that the commonwealth did not receive a commensurate benefit; still that body seemed to shut their eyes and ears against the most demonstrable truths; nay, to treat any man as an enemy to the public welfare, who should express an opinion hostile to their proceedings, so that any man who might chuse to exercise this privilege, exposed not only his private feelings and character, but his claims to public favor, to vilification, perhaps to destruction!!!
These delusions, whether based on error or design, spread like an epidemic. Every part of the state became infected with the contagion; and with a few exceptions, John Clarke was venerated, as a man of pre-eminent talents, unblemished integrity, and public usefulness.
Sensible of these things, I knew well when I undertook to investigate the subject, it would be attended with many difficulties, even to induce the people to reflect: I knew that I should be opposed by many popular and powerful men, and that every thing which malice, and falsehood, and rancorous revenge could invent, would be arrayed against me; but I entertained no fear, no expectation, no suspicion, that any of those who were clothed with their country's honors as well as authority, would have devoted themselves, to obstruct an enquiry, which my publications had rendered necessary, as well for the credit of the institution, as the characters of the officers.
How much I was mistaken will be seen by the illustration now about to be
exhibited—an illustration rendered necessary, because John Clarke has appealed to the people, complain that he is an injured man, alleges that his witnesses have not been examined, that both sides had not been heard. Thus ingeniously endeavoring to divert the public enquiry from the proper objects, and excite a degree of sympathy in his own favor, and by these artful devices to save himself, awhile, from final destruction and disgrace.
Among other things, John Clarke charges the legislature with absurd and inconsistent conduct, in expelling Mr. George Williamson from the armory on one day, and reinstating him on the next: and indeed, it would seem strange to persons not acquainted with the facts, that the same person who, on one day used their influence to displace Mr. Williamson, on a succeeding day should be equally active in their endeavors to reinstate him. To John Clarke and his friends it has given an opportunity to charge the persons who acted in this manner with fickleness and inconsistency; and this charge being plausibly exhibited, affords him an opportunity of pretending, that he has been treated with injustice, and with cruelty.
The testimony alluded to was that of the two master armors, George Williamson and Daniel Atherton. By many of the members they were considered not competent, because they were implicated in the charges which had been exhibited.
From the manner in which the importance of their testimony is announced to the world, it would seem, that these witnesses would have completely undone all that had been proven by thirty or forty others. This was entire nonsense, mere deceit and wilful deception. Their testimony was only intended to save John Clarke's character in regard to an immense sum of money drawn from the treasury upon false vouchers, and to support a spurious and fabricated account lately trumped up to give a colorable pretence for those drafts.
Nor was it pretended that the testimony of these men was wanted for any other purpose. Concerning these fabricated accounts, more hereafter.
Being perfectly well acquainted with the motives which operated on many of the members in both instances, and knowing that their conduct, upon each occasion was justifiable, I think it my duty to offer an explanation—and thus the people to whom the appeal is made, will be able to form opinions upon a full view of the facts.
Some time before the meeting of the legislature, a direct charge, published by me in regard to money drawn out of the treasury by certificates of John Clarke, in favor of Joseph Young, a millwright, had not only excited much public notice, but had led to an examination of that particular matter. John Clarke, in a letter addressed to the executive council, had positively denied its truth—and demanded an investigation. A committee consisting of Alexander M'Rae, John Heath and William Munford, was appointed by that board to examine this particular charge. They had a meeting two or three days before the commencement of the session, and reported to the executive council, of which board they were members, that the charge was false and groundless.
This committee reported also, that their opinion was supported by the documents then referred to, which their report accompanied, and among these were the exparte affidavits of George Williamson and Daniel Atherton.
These affidavits were annexed to a lengthy account for extra work, consisting of two hundred and ninety-four items, to none of which were there either dates or prices, relating to transactions of ten or eleven years standing.
The affidavit of Williamson stated that he had been an eye witness to the execution of the work; that it was well done; and seemed to convey an opinion that the aggregate value of the whole was more than three times as much as a contract for machinery, which had previously existed, and amounted to $10,055, so that this construction being put upon Mr. Williamson's testimony, it appeared that he had co-operated in substantiating an enormous claim of John Clarke, for ex-

to work, altho' he had not affixed to it either dates or prices.
From the manner in which the accounts were rendered, it seemed that this contract had been complied with—the members active in the enquiry were influenced by that opinion—and for the reasons which will presently appear, they thought Mr. Williamson not only incompetent, but incredible—and because his testimony seemed to support an account and claim which had no foundation in truth or justice.
The affidavit of Daniel Atherton was intended for the same purpose. He deposed that he believed the work was all done—was well executed—and was worth three times as much as the contract work. Upon examination, it was found, that a great deal of that work, to the execution, good quality and value of which, Mr. Atherton had given his belief, was executed, if ever executed at all, several years before he ever was in this state; so that, let him believe what he pleased, and convey his belief in what language he would, no man of common understanding would believe him. If therefore he had been put to the bar for examination, these things being explained, would have completely vitiated his testimony, and deprived John Clarke of the means of vindication, expected to be derived from this source.
In the early stage of the investigation, I had exhibited a written statement to the chairman of the committee, in which I had very fully unfolded the imposition—had shown that the construction put upon the testimony of these witnesses, was unjust to the commonwealth, and as that statement is now among the papers which belonged to that enquiry, I presume it was read by every member of the committee who chose to do so.
From this or other causes, Mr. John Strode and Richard Young were appointed to examine the work, done under the contract, as well as that called extra work. Upon their report, it appeared that the contract work had never been executed, and that the extra work, to which the affidavits of Williamson and Atherton were annexed, as not so valuable as the construction put upon their affidavits represented it to be.
To all who had strictly examined these matters, these witnesses appeared not only incompetent, but incredible. The House determined that they were incompetent, and the other point was not considered. An act then passed by which they were expelled. By the same act it was provided that the officers of the armory should be elected by joint ballot of both Houses; and it contained nothing to prevent the re-election of Williamson.
As soon as Williamson was expelled, he then voluntarily stated what his testimony, if he had been examined, would have been, and it appeared to all who heard him, that an erroneous construction had been put upon his testimony; that he did not mean to convey an idea that the contract for $10,055, had been executed, or that the extra work was worth more than three times that sum—so far from it, he stated in the most explicit and clear terms, to myself as well as many others, that the work done by John Clarke in pursuance of the contract, did not exceed two thousand dollars—that the contract had been abandoned, even after it was made, and that all the work after the contract was abandoned, done by the hands of John Clarke, was called extra work; so that instead of supporting the account or the report of the committee, for drafts upon the treasury to the amount of $29,082 93, it would not support more than $8000—leaving an immense deficit of 21,000 dollars.
This explanation gave a new face to the subject. The impressions formerly made, taught every one to believe, that the affidavits of Williamson and Atherton were intended to support an account for machinery, amounting to $29,082 93, but now, when the real state of things was exhibited, it appeared that Williamson's testimony could not support more than $8000—and that Atherton knew nothing about it; and if John Clarke should now be compelled to settle according to the explanatory testimony of Williamson, it would appear that he had drawn out of the treasury, about twenty one thousand dollars in this particular branch of the business, for which he had rendered no service.
This explanation was made by Mr. Williamson in the lobby on the day of the election. There was then no time for investigation. The members were impatient to go to their homes. Williamson appeared to be an injured man, and the same spirit of justice which had expelled him on a preceding day, was softened into sympathy. His age and grey hairs made strong appeals to the heart, and the same persons who had been the most active
to expel him, were the most prompt to reinstate him. I confess that my own feelings were much excited, and what influence I possessed was used to effect this object. Mr. Williamson appeared highly sensible of the disinterested and candid manner in which I had acted, and returned me his thanks in the terms of the warmest gratitude. My conduct in the first instance was dictated by justice to the public, in the second, by justice to one whom I thought an injured man. And the same would be my conduct to John Clarke, were it possible for him to show as good a title. But too well do I know that to be impossible!!
Great complaint was made in the house as well as since, that this testimony was not heard. And why was this done? the affidavits and accounts with my explanation all lay for several days on the table of the house of Delegates. They had been for many weeks on the table of the committee, and if they were not read, examined and understood by every member of the house as well as committee, it was because they were too indolent, or were restrained by other motives. It was only necessary to compare them with the facts established by other means, to show that they could not render the smallest service to John Clarke. But according to the explanation here given, would have sealed his ruin and disgrace forever.
Even before this explanation was made, the report of McRae, Heath & Mansford had been proven to be fallacious. So far from the charge, which in that report was stated to be false & groundless, John Clarke had no other mode of justifying the enormous drafts of money, but to admit certain facts which completely established that the charge was true, and that the terms false and groundless, was applicable to their own report.
Thus have I brought before the public, that far-famed testimony, concerning which, there has been so much weeping and wailing, as well as so much misrepresentation. I repeat that the account and testimony were open to the examination of any member of the committee, during the whole investigation; and might have been examined by any other person. They had been before that in the council chamber, and after the report was made, they were deposited on the table of the House of Delegates, so that they might also have been examined by every member of the house. Why then is there so much mouthing and bellowing, so much whining, and such pathetic appeals to the people.
Such an account, and such testimony I believe were never before seen or heard of, nor have they any thing like them, neither in the Heavens above, nor in the earth beneath, nor in the waters under the earth. They are sui generis , and suitable to the cunning heads and wicked hearts, by which they were ingeniously contrived and fabricated. But when examined, appeared fit only to deceive those who, tho' they have eyes they see not; tho' they have ears they hear not; and tho' they have heads they understand not.
Such are the miserable, the disgraceful shifts to which the friends of J. Clarke are reduced: They say that he is a persecuted man, that justice was not done to him, that he and they are the only true patriots, the friends of justice, of law, of the constitution, and of their country, and in the true stile of Sempronius, they mouth at Caesar 'til they shake the Senate.
HENRY BANKS. (To be Continued)
NEW-YORK, March 31.
A passenger in the British ship Hercules, who arrived at this port last evening from Liverpool, has favored the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with a file of London papers to the evening of the 11th of January, two weeks later than any direct advices from that quarter previously received. These papers are solely occupied with Spanish news, which reaches only to the last of December; and with the proceedings of the American Congress on the Non Intercourse and Embargo bill. The quidnunc, therefore, who might expect a rich repast for his political appetite, will experience a disappointment.
The British Packet, with the December and January mails, sailed from Falmouth for New York on the 10th of January. The Hercules left Liverpool on the 14th.
Mr. Ingraham, passenger in the ship Hercules, is the bearer of dispatches from the American Minister at the Court of St. James, to the Secretary of State.
Extract of a Letter. "Cadiz, Jan. 28.—I can say nothing agreeable to you on the subject of our political situation. Some most
bloody battles have been fought, one of which Bonaparte, who is at the head of his army, says was more bloody than that of Austerlitz.
"We however see the French advancing, and our armies retreating—but as to particulars we get none. The British have fought well, but they have been overpowered by numbers.
"We are expecting a large body of troops from England at this place—Bonaparte will find that he has an immense deal more to do than he expected"—Phil. Reg.
[These battles were fought on the 2d, 3d and 4th of January, and they must have left a deep impression of British discipline and valor—in the evening of the 4th, the French received a reinforcement of 35,000—and the British retreated in good order to Leon and Astorgas.]—True Amer.
FROM THE BOSTON CHRONICLE. THE RETROSPECT.
In retracing events, as much conciseness will be preserved as the subject will admit of. The distinction of Federalists and Anti-Federalists, originated with the supporters of the Present Constitution, & those who opposed it. But the essential character has since changed ground, while it has been assumed as a mask by certain men, and misapplied with respect to the real Federalists of the United States. Washington, Jefferson, Madison, the two Adamses, and other first men of our country, were decidedly Federalists; and those of them who survive, remain so to the present day. By accident the monarchists found themselves united with these men, whose talents, patriotism and popularity, they hoped fortuitous events might render serviceable to their views. The temporary adulation and praises bestowed by the monarchists on Gen. Washington and Mr. Adams, obtained the confidence of those gentlemen when in the office of President: but it was finally forfeited by a premature disclosure of their real designs against the peace, liberty and happiness of America. Washington was convinced of this when he wrote his Farewell Address; and Mr. Adams was und-received too late to retrieve his popularity: hence the disgrace of Timothy Pickering, and Alexander Hamilton's virulent attack on the revolutionary patriots. At this period we recognize the combination of the Essex Junto, with Pickering at their head, and their unceasing endeavors to destroy all confidence of the people in their best friends. A large majority of the convention of this State were opposed to the new Constitution on democratic principles, "that the Executive powers were too great, and not sufficiently checked; "that the appointment of judges for life "was rendering the judiciary independent "of all power, and above all control; "the extension of the elective franchise "to six years in the Senate, and "years in the Representatives of Congress," as dangerous to the liberties of the people.—These objections were made by the republicans, for the purpose of guarding the rights of the people; & to prevent the abuse of power by limiting its duration. Among the advocates for the Constitution, were found all the monarchists who could not succeed in getting it more favourable to their views; some of whom well understood the plan of Hamilton and Morris, that at a future day (when in power themselves) they could construe the indefinite articles in their own way and impose them on their own advantage. They have done so: and on a former occasion were ready to array their thousands (in opposition to the choice of the people) to place the traitor Burr at the head of the nation; and more recently have they prevented the spirit of the Constitution, in the extravagant hope of elevating a British Parizano to the chair of state. In recurring to the first operation of the Federal Government, the nefarious plan of cheating the revolutionary soldiers to enrich speculators, cannot be passed over in silence. Well may they enrage Fisher Ames, and exalt their confidential friend at that time in Congress who secured them from five to eight for one, in the purchase of soldier's notes. Many who now strut in the insolence of inflated pride and unmerited affluence, spurn the war-worn veteran whom they have despoiled of his right, and sneer at the tattered garments which scarce cover the scars of wounds received in defence of American independence.
Our excellent Constitution had but just begun to prove its happy influence in successful experiment, and its superiority over all other governments on earth, when a new era commenced in Europe which opened the way for intrigue, and unfortunately produced events unfavourable to the principles of civil liberty, and the rights of man. The French Revolution alarmed the Despots of Europe and to check its far operation, the most powerful combination was formed that the world ever knew—The Treaty of Pilnitz has never been officially disclosed in all its parts; but its immediate effects were seriously felt in this country by the capture of our vessels and property in every sea; and under various pretexts, the British government authorized its Courts of Admiralty to condemn all causes on trial for capture. The prudent and pacific policy of President Washington disappointed their project of bringing us into the war, as a party, bound by solemn treaty to France; and in their enmity to the equal rights of man and the Republican
system of Government, the destruction of our Republican institutions was to have been the certain consequence of the success of a coalition aided by their numerous agents among us. The British Treaty was a temporary suspension of the plan, until they could effect more important change by their influence in our councils and in the hands of our citizens, who were not yet prepared for the surrender of their rights and liberties.—The intrigues and events of 1797 & 1798, succeeded almost beyond the hopes; and with Messrs. Pickering, Hamilton & Ross in America, aided by Rufus King and Christopher Gode in England and Mr. C. C. Pinckney in France, the wonderful magic of X. Y. Z. was produced a completed the climax of diplomatic deception.
FROM THE AURORA. In the district court of the United States in and for the district of Pennsylvania. FRIDAY, MARCH 24, 1809. In the matter of Gideon Olmshead and others,
vs. The surviving Executrices of David Rittenhouse, esquire, deceased. After granting the motion made by the libellant's counsel for process of arrest against the respondents, his honor Judge Peters made the following observations:
Having performed my bounden duty by obeying the injunctions of the supreme court of the U. S., in directing the process required in this cause. I have done with the case, thus far. I do not mean to enter into any controversies on this very unpleasant subject, relative to this court, or myself, either with the government of the state, or any of my fellow citizens. This would be going out of my public duty, and violating my private inclinations. Having with integrity of intention, and according to the best of my judgment through the course of these proceedings, discharged official duties not of my seeking, but unavoidably thrown upon me; I am perfectly indifferent about what is said as to myself personally, by uninformed or prejudiced men either in or out of the legislature. But there is an ungrounded charge made against the candid disposition and conduct as well as the impartiality and prudent discretion incumbent on this court; which, though not strictly within my judicial obligations to notice, it would be affectation in me to say I do not observe with sincere regret. In a report of a committee of the honorable house of representatives of this commonwealth, in Olmshead's case, there are these words: "When it is said that the state of Pennsylvania forbore to assert its title while the suit was pending, let it be forever remembered that the state of Pennsylvania had no notice."
The state of Pennsylvania is a comprehensive term, embracing much. But the governor, on every occasion, and the attorney general, often, as I was constantly led to believe, had re-pealed notice during the pendancy of the suit; not only through the real party respondents, but on one occasion [and one is sufficient to repeal this charge if there were no others] the attorney general came into court, accompanied by the counsel for the respondents, and it was desired by the latter in his presence, that no proceedings should be had, until the meeting of the legislature; and this request was granted. The reason assigned for this request was, that the delay would enable the governor, to whom intelligence was then agreed to be given, to lay the matter before the legislature; if he thought proper so to do. Several months passed away thereafter, and the court had no information of any step being taken, by or on behalf of the state.—It is well known to those who practise here, that cases depending for months in this court (where most of the very numerous causes are dispatched in half a month, and often in much less time,) are few—and are re-acted with uncommon circumstances and indulgences. A considerable part of the succeeding session of assembly was permitted to elapse: and the court was uninformed of, nor did it there appear, that any communication was made to the legislature; though such communication are generally made at the opening of the legislative sessions.
However mistaken I may be deemed to have been, I had the impression that nothing was, at that time, intended to be done, by or on behalf of the state in this court; and it appears by all subsequent occurrences, that this opinion was correct. Notices were repeatedly given of days and times appointed for hearing, or other steps necessary in the case. The counsel for the respondents always paid respect to them by personal attendance; but candidly avowed their intention to lie by, & take no active measures, farther than they had done, by filing the answers, and other papers which appear in the proceedings. This court never considered the state as a party; and this opinion is now confirmed by that of the superior tribunal, whose judgment alone it is bound to respect. Under this view of the case any direct notice from the court, or by its order, would have been highly improper. The respondents in the suit, who looked to the state for indemnity, were the only proper persons from whom information to the state could pass, and every lawyer knows, that it was legally, as well as prudentially, incumbent on them to give such information. Their counsel repeatedly informed me that they had so done; and knowing their truth and integrity, I have no doubt it was done. This statement is
made to show that the court, though not legally bound so to do, did not hastily or disrespectfully come to its final decision, without giving those administering the affairs of the state every opportunity of enlightening the mind of the court on the merits, and stating their claims, for its consideration, before the decree, which, being then pressed for by the libellants, the court had no legal justification to delay or refuse. After the decree, the state, through their proper officer or counsel, had every opportunity of filing a suggestion on the point of jurisdiction, which is never too late; and may be done after judgment as well as before, and "the suit would be still depending."
That they had had early "notice" of the decree, appears by the message of the governor and the proceedings of the legislature. Yet years passed away and no step was taken to bring the case under the decision of the superior tribunal of the United States; though this was a situation in which the governor when chief justice, expressed a desire it should be placed. A suggestion on the part of the state would neither have compromised its dignity, nor its alleged rights. The United States, and most of the European nations through their agents, have filed suggestions in this court; and it never has been deemed, by any body, a concession of their dignity or their rights. I do not mention these views of the subject with intention, in this place and on this account, to censure the state nor its officers. They have a right to judge for themselves. But it is a duty I owe to the station I hold, to oppose a true state of facts to misconceptions and misrepresentations. And it is to be much lamented that those here observed upon, are not singular, in this unfortunate case. Under those impressions, I hoped a delay of execution would give time for a favourable change, and be justified by the event. And if the state did not enter into any proceedings here, it was owing to want of opportunity for notice.
The Supreme court of the U. States were fully warranted in saying (which I remark because I transmitted to them the proceedings in this court) that "while this suit was depending the state forbore to assert its title." And the committee who mistakenly averred, with an apparent view to account for its so doing, that "the state of Pennsylvania had no notice," were, no doubt, uninformed of the facts. If direct notice from this court by immediate communication from me to the executive or legislature, was understood to be proper, it could not be expected, on any legal or reasonable ground. The court, from a conviction of its impropriety, never enters, nor never will engage, in a correspondence or intercourse, in its judicial capacity, with other branches even of the national government, on the subject of suits depending here. Much less will it enter into such correspondence with governments of states; though for them it entertains every degree of official respect. The judge in his private capacity, never has practised, nor never will hold correspondence of this nature.
This account is given so much at large, with the sole motive of repelling an unfounded assertion, which with whatever object it may have been made, implicates the conduct of a court of a nation in a case which may become one of national concern. In this event it will be of national importance; however small is that of the individual who exercises the judicial functions of this court. It is on this consideration that, in my place, and in the presence of those who know their duty, I have made these declarations. If they are out of the common course of judiciary proceeding, so is, the cause and occasion which has given rise to them.
We copy the following article from the Gazette of U States; for its exactness or whether it has received a higher colour than the facts authorise, we cannot undertake to determine; but that the troops were arrayed in arms and for the purpose alleged, is a fact too true and lamentable.
Aurora. On Friday last, a writ was issued out of the district court of the U. States for this district commanding the marshal to arrest and detain the bodies of Elizabeth Sergeant and Esther Waters, exec's of David Rittenhouse, deceased, until they should comply with the decree of the court in Olmshead's case; and on the following day, the marshal, Mr. Smith, attended by two officers, proceeded to the house of one of the executrices Mrs. Sergeant, in order to execute the writ. Since Thursday morning, a regular guard, composed of a detachment of the militia of the state, under the command of gen. Bright, has been kept at the houses of both of the executrices. On the approach of the marshal, the serjeant presented his bayonet, and forbid any attempt to enter the house at the peril of his life. In a few minutes eight men (in uniform) & armed with muskets and fixed bayonets, joined their comrade, and as he had done, presented their bayonets to the breast of the Marshal and his officers, declaring that they would prevent his entering the house. The serjeant of the guard appeared, and confirmed the determination and conduct of the men. The Marshal having stated his object, and produced his writ, demanded again, an opportunity to execute it, but the bayonets were still kept pointed against him. He then required the name of the commanding officer, and that he should be sent for. After about half an hour gen. Bright appeared (out of uniform) and immediately ordered the men to charge bayonet. Mr. Smith in a firm and resolute manner, stated to gen. Bright his object, and was immediately informed by the general that an attempt to enter the house would be at the hazard of his life, and he was determined to oppose and prevent him. The marshal then read his commission and the writ, and enjoined those who were in array before him to withdraw.—They were informed by him that by the constitution and laws of the U. States, the array of the militia force against the execution of process issued out of the court of the United States is treason , and any opposition to such process with force a high misdemeanor. That he was resolutely determined to execute his writ,

and if those who opposed wished time for consideration and deliberation, it should be granted. Should he be prevented from performing his duty, he would call on the posse of the district to assist him. To this offer of time gen. Bright replied, that none was required. Mr. Smith then ordered the military in the name of the U. States to lay down their arms, and immediately advanced, but by gen. Bright, they were commanded to stand firm, and the lives of the marshal and his officers would have been sacrificed had a further attempt been made, to execute the writ.
At the house of Mrs. Esther Waters the other executrix, the same opposition was made, and by the same persons, who observing the marshal proceeding to her door, hastened forward and met him.
Mr. Smith now retired. He had found every exertion vain, and was satisfied, as all present must have been, that the resolution to oppose him, however, fatal might be the consequences would not be abandoned.
FROM THE NORFOLK LEDGER OF TUESDAY LAST.
In our paper of Friday, we announced that Robert B. Taylor, Esq. had consented to be a candidate for the next Congress, for this district. The election commenced yesterday in the county of Princess-Ann. The following is a correct statement of the poll.
  For Robert B. Taylor, 193   Thomas Newton, 136   Majority for Taylor, 57   The Polls for a Senator for this District stood   For James W. Murdaugh, 141   Samuel Marsh, 132   Joseph Godwin, 47   For two Delegates for the county of Princess-Ann,   For Edward H. Mosely, 268   Anthony Waite, 173   William Holt, 131   William Boush jr. 54   The two first are elected. 
LATEST FROM ENGLAND. TOTAL DISCOMFITURE OF THE SPANISH PATRIOTS.
It is with real concern, that we now inform the friends of freedom and national independence, that the Spanish nation has fallen under the dominion of the Napoleon dynasty. We have not been able to procure any papers, but we have learned the following very interesting particulars, brought by his Britannick Majesty's sloop of war Rosamond, captain Walker, in 41 days from England, arrived yesterday in Hampton Roads.
The British army had been engaged in some severe battles, in one of which Sir John Moore, the commander in chief was killed. Sir David Baird the 2d in command lost an arm; Gen. Anstruther is also killed, with great loss of their officers and men. The remainder of the army reached Coruna, where it embarked with the artillery, baggage, &c and had actually arrived in England, before the Rosamond sailed.
We further learn that what led to these disastrous events, was the treachery of Castanos, and another Spanish general (not Blake) who actually went over to the French in a critical juncture, with a view to betray the British army into the hands of Napoleon, which nothing but its great courage and perseverance prevented.
Joseph Bonaparte had returned to Madrid, from whence addresses from all quarters were coming in to him. The fate of Saragossa, we have not learned, but expect from the general complexion of this gloomy intelligence, that it has fallen, with its brave commander and garrison, with the rest of the nation—the Junta, and persons most obnoxious to the French, were at Cadiz, but as to the course meant to be pursued, we have not distinctly understood. The British fleet was at Cadiz, and it is supposed that the fleets of Spain and France in that port, with the Junta, will quit Cadiz under the protection of the British fleet. Napoleon has returned to Paris, and accounts of his arrival there were received in England before the Rosamond sailed.
These are the general particulars which we have learned, and are given to our readers as we have received them.
In the Rosamond came passenger Charles Oakley, Esq. secretary of the Legation of his Britannick Majesty to the United States.
Since the above article was in type we have gathered some further particulars, received by the Rosamond. There had been no general action between the French and British armies; the former harassing the latter in their retreat. The day preceding the embarkation of the British army, was that on which they suffered most on the heights near Coruna and where Sir J. Moore and Gen. A. A. A. A. were killed. The former lived a but eight or nine hours after being wounded. I was notified in the House of Commons, that the whole number lost in the Spanish expedition, did not exceed eight thousand killed, wounded, and missing.
It is stated that the disasters in Spain, had produced no change in the popularity of the ministers.—We further understand that Saragossa had not surrendered, and that Catalonia, and the southern provinces, with Andalusia, still adhered to the patriotick cause.
An expedition of 15,000 British troops were preparing for Cadiz, which place cannot be taken by land. We hear nothing of American affairs. There are dispatches from Mr. Pinkney for our government, by this vessel.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND. FRIDAY, April 7, 1809.
In our last paper we observed that the support of minoritism was calculated to produce the elevation of federalism, and consequently to cherish the hopes of our trans-atlantic enemies; That the designs of British intrigue, for which that country has been so pre-eminently distinguished, would meet with the most sanguine success. The idea of conciliation upon principles of national justice, would completely fly from their minds, and they would instantly be confirmed in their opinion, that rather than do without their manufactures, we were willing to render our commerce tributary to their claims and impositions. Is it possible that any American mind can look upon an event of this description, without recoiling with every faculty of indignation? Is it possible that any person can be so deeply buried in bigotry, as not to be alive to the danger? And moreover, is it possible that even the most apathetic observer can be so coldly indifferent to the happiness of his country, as not to discern these consequences? It is a demonstrable truth, that the federalists cannot accomplish any purpose of their own, merely from their individual strength, and it is equally so in regard to the minority men and the Tories. What then would they do if the sceptre of authority should fall into their hands? The object of each party is almost intuitively apparent, to destroy the existing administration. In order to do this, we fain would enquire if these parties (as much as they pretend to be opposed) would not unite in some common scheme to effect this end. No ingenuity can avoid an answer in the affirmative. Such is the love of power on one part, and executive hatred and Anglophilia on the other, that rather than not "reach the wish'd for point," they would, like Jesuits, consider any means sanctified by the holiness of the end. The truth of this position cannot be denied. We have seen the great leader of the minority accusing the administration for a long course of time, with the foul charge of French influence, when every diplomatic document has established the reverse. It is known to every person, that this has been the cry of the disaffected. When John Randolph was the violent and conspicuous advocate of Jefferson, the same charge was continually advanced, and was no doubt repelled by him whenever it assailed his ear. The memorable Curtius, in his celebrated letters to the chief justice, speaking upon this subject, observes that "the name of France has been the cabalistic word by which they (the federalists) have silenced all opposition and accomplished every measure. Our unfortunate rupture with that country, has given an unnatural popularity to the friends of aristocracy and monarchy. It has enabled them to propagate principles, which were once heard with horror and disgust."—And yet this is the same Curtius with whom Randolph harmonized in every political thought, and of whom he has said in public debate, that he was the greatest man he ever knew . Yes, there was an inspired truth hanging upon the pen of Curtius when he spoke this, and perhaps there never was one more truly applicable to the present times. Inconsiderate fools would infer from hence, that because we profess no friendship for Britain, that we are really under French influence, and that we would undoubtedly afford every possible aid, to promote their views. So far from this, we have all along, and we once again record our most solemn protest. But this we know is the hobby horse of the minority. And it plainly evinces the poverty of their cause, when they are obliged to resort to the stale trick, which was employed by the federalists who incessantly vociferated this charge against Mr. Jefferson, from the very moment of his inauguration. What is said by the great Beecher of federalism? Pickering states that we have no complaint against Britain. Does he mean to say that she never violated our commercial rights, never pirated upon our property, never impressed our seamen, and never shed the blood of our brother-citizens even in our own harbors? If he say this, he is guilty of a falsehood and the most palpable toruism, because it amounts to an admission that Great Britain is entitled to the supremacy of the seas, that we have no commercial immunities, and that we ought again to be restored to our colonial state. The power which Great Britain exercises, is directly against the laws of God and man, and most diametrically against her own admission. Independent of the various evidences of this fact, which have been so frequently presented to the public view, it is only necessary to extract a few articles from her convention with Russia in 1801. We presume that the same acknowledgements which were made to that empire, are unquestionably due to the United States, particularly when we recollect the hypocritical cant of the British ministers, that we should stand upon the same footing with the most favored nation. The principle that free ships make free goods, is admitted in the very first article which says, That the ships of a neutral power may navigate freely to ports and upon the coasts of the nations at war. That the effects embarked on board neutral ships shall be free with the exception of contraband of war, and of enemies property; and it is agreed not to comprehend under the denomination of the latter, the merchandise of the produce, growth or manufacture of the country at war, which should have been acquired by the subjects of the neutral power, and should be transported for their own account, which merchandise cannot be excepted in any case from the freedom granted to the flag of the said power.
That in order to determine what characterises a blockaded port, that denomination is only given to a port where there is, by the dispositions of the power which attacks it with ships stationary, or sufficiently near, an evident danger is entering. It was almost unnecessary to give this evidence of the admission of these principles on the part of Great Britain, because it is almost every where to be found. But yet we are told
that Great Britain feels no hostility towards us, and that we have no cause of complaint. These, fellow citizens, are the outlines of the opposition which you have to encounter. They are determined to plunge us into disgraceful submission rather than remain divested of power. The charge of foreign influence which is the great weapon of the minority, falls harmless before us when we recur to the documents of the last winter, and the denial of injury on the part of Great Britain is so falsified by her own admissions and our sufferings, that it is unnecessary to occupy more time in these enquiries. The great question before you is monarchy or republicanism. No matter what shape and complexion the enemies of the administration pretend to give to the present state of things, it is the fact if they should prevail, we see nothing but submission and re-colonization. The premises are too plain to be perverted, and the conclusion too strong to be resisted. It remains with you then to decide—whether the principles which gave ascendancy to republicanism in 1801, and which have guided the administration for the last 8 years, shall continue triumphant in their course, or whether you will abandon them and bow down to the supremacy of federalism. It would seem that you have forgotten the reign of terror, and that 8 years of light and happiness has had the only effect of preparing you for darkness and oppression. It would be another instance of the justice of Hume's philosophical remark, that when human affairs reach the highest pitch of excellence or depravity, they naturally take a retrograde movement. But altho' we may have been upon the summit of political happiness, it was our virtue that placed us there, and we trust that we may retain the same position by a rigid adherence to those principles which have for a long time animated the American people.
TO THE REPUBLICANS OF RICHMOND.
This is not a time for apathy and indecision. It is true that I reside in a part of the town which lessens the sphere of my information. But circumstances have lately transpired to induce me to fear that some persons who have been hitherto active in the cause of republicanism, will be inert, and that some, indeed, are likely to wrap themselves up in ambiguity and doubt. It is at an hour like this that the virtuous and genuine politician steps forward to display his firmness, while at the same time, the insincere advocate is marked by the indifference of his movement and the lingering tone of timidity. Why such an effect should exist, cannot be conceived without ascribing it to a cause that even suspicion would be unwilling to name. The republicans of Richmond will never, it is hoped be guilty of inconsistency or defection; nothing else can prevent their success on Monday.
There is no possible reason why the energy of our party should not be excited upon this occasion. There is but one republican who is a candidate, and of course there ought to be no division of strength. On the other side, they seem to feel the same impulse which now animates the federalists of the east and the minority-men of the south. The federalists of this place, altho' they have some time worn the faces of resignation, "the sad privilege of despair," are nevertheless vigilant, and whenever the watchword is given, they repair with infinite alacrity to their posts. This, it is said, has been done, and that a federal candidate will be presented to your view on Monday. Let it not be forgotten that the strength of this party is organised with the greatest skill and discipline, and that it may be exerted in a moment. If by the want of activity on our part we should lose our ascendancy, it is much to be feared whether it will ever be regained. When speaking of the readiness and alertness of the Federalists, it would be well to remind you of the ward elections on Wednesday last, where even in this comparatively unimportant business, they exhibited an anxiety which may answer very well as a standard to ascertain what will be their feelings on other occasions—Mark the consequences, if you should permit them to get the upper hand.
They will laugh at you as being incapable to oppose them. They will proclaim the re-ascension of Federalism. The change in the metropolis will inspire similar feelings in the country, and their partizans will make similar exertions. It will give plausibility to the opponents of the administration, in saying that it is losing popularity, and that the Republican majority is becoming perfectly powerless. The same consequences will result, if any person should be elected who is attached to the minority party. It is immaterial whether our opponent is of the first or second character. The Federalists it is said will support a minority man, and the minority men a Federalist. Of course then we shall have this combination to oppose.
It will therefore require the full and entire energy of our party. It has been reported that two candidates would appear on the part of the opposition. The day before yesterday it was said that the minority candidate had withdrawn, but it seems that he will continue and the Federalist recede. These circumstances I submit to your attention and reflection, but permit me to advise you to be firm and vigilant.
ROCKETTS FREEHOLDER.
When the disastrous progress of Federalism was arrested in 1801 and
Republicanism diffused its salutary influence throughout the United States, it was every where expected that the officers of government would certainly be exchanged, for those whose sentiments were congenial to the people. The character of the Executive would have been assailed from every quarter unless this measure had been pursued. And even now indeed it is urged by many as a fault in the preceding administration, that it was not more general and determined upon this subject. This certainly is one of the first principles of our political system, that the organ of popular sentiment should be perfectly consonant and adapted to its tone and communication. It is absolutely essential to the great principle, that the majority shall govern, otherwise the measures of the administration will never be cheerfully carried into operation; and perversion; and misstatement on the part of the officer who is in the opposition will often be made the instruments of his hostility. It is therefore our duty as friends to the new administration and the people, to state that this measure was never more sincerely wished, and that there never was a time, which more emphatically demanded its operation. It would have the happy tendency to enliven and consolidate the Republican party, and at the same time to dispirit and discourage their opponents. It may perhaps render those who may feel the influence of this measure more virulent and determined, but this is certainly a consideration not to be regarded, as no reformation can be expected by their continuance in office. They may not be so loud in their invective or explicit in their design, but they will be equally active, and their subtlety and cunning will only cast a veil over their schemes.
It ought not to be forgotten how frequently the want of Energy has been ascribed to Mr. Madison. We trust that he has not forgotten it, and moreover that he will give some early specimen to the contrary, in which he will meet with the undivided approbation of his friends.
Essex Juntoism.
I defy any man—I challenge him, to produce if he can, from the most virulent papers in Old England; any article so replete with violence, gall and disaffection, as the following address to the New Englanders from the last Boston Gazette. Read the article through if you can, and then say, whether your indignation and deep abhorrence will permit you to comment upon a production so inflammatory, indecent, false, scandalous, seditious and audacious. Even the ideal as centurion's fedral febranda such as the writer of the following, is enough to fill a good citizen with horror.
(Whig.) READ! READ! From the Boston Gazette.
"When it was foretold some years since, that it was the plan of the Virginia faction to destroy commerce, and prostrate New England, many considered it as mere declamation; but he must be blind indeed, that does not now see more than half that object accomplished, and it does not require the spirit of prophecy to foresee its completion, unless the present anti commercial system be steadily and vigorously opposed.
"Do not be deceived by any specious professions of our new president. Recollect the inaugural address of Mr. Jefferson—compare it with the history of his administration. Is there a line that does not convict him of falsehood? Be assured we have nothing to hope for—every thing to fear from his successor.—If he does not possess the warlike genius of the great Jefferson,—if he has not like him been distinguished for his glorious victories or his masterly retreats—if he is his inferior in the field—he is vastly his superior in the cabinet; in the arts of corrupting a free people, and rendering them subservient to his purposes.
"The philosophical Jefferson, passed much of his time in stuffing cat skins, making wind mills, or searching for horned frogs, or mountains of salt. Would to God, that our new president was that visionary theorist, that "learned fool," his predecessor was; we might then hope for some respite in our sufferings from his folly. But the cool, the cunning, the indefatigable, the ambitious Madison, will never, for a moment, lose sight of his object, or cease his efforts for its attainment.
REPUBLICANS OF NEW-ENGLAND, Be not deluded to a change of names.—The non-intercourse law is only the embargo modified, to suit the particular views of a few men. It is a scandalous deception, a mere trick, to prop up the tottering popularity of government, a mask to conceal the wicked and ambitious designs of a faction, whose real objects are Annihilation of Commerce—War With England—And Consequent Alliance with France—Destruction of the Constitution—And the Elevation of a Southern Aristocracy, baser than the slaves they rule, over the virtuous and high spirited people of the Northern States.
A bill has been introduced into the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, (which we are advised is likely to become a law) the effect of which will be to insure a present compliance with the decree of the Supreme Court of the U. S. in the case of Olmstead, by an appropriation to indemnify the Executrices of David Rittenhouse. The principal reasons assigned in the preamble for this step are, that, "all
embarrassments may be removed," & that "the firm attachment which Pennsylvania has always displayed towards the federal union requires that an unreasonable conflict with the constituted authorities of the federal government should if possible, be avoided, more especially at the present moment of internal as well as external peril."—Nat. Intell.
A dinner was given at New Haven, Connecticut, on the 21st ult. to Mr. Hillhouse, Mr. Pickering and Mr. Dana. The following exquisite morceau is selected from the toasts given on the occasion, as another irrefragable evidence that "the federalists possess all the talent of the country."
"The negro spot on the constitution—May it be covered by the next patch!"
NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY
POSITIVELY COMMENCES DRAWING THE 12th day of April Inst.
  30,000 Dollars,   20,000 Dollars,   10,000 Dollars,   5,000 Dollars. 
TICKETS in the above Grand Lottery, from G. and R. Waite's truly fortunate lottery office, may be had at S. Pleasants' Bookstore, in Richmond, where a regular check book of the drawings will be kept, and adventurers in the lottery may obtain the earliest information, gratis.
LANDS for Sale.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed by John Bibb, of the county of Charlotte, to the subscribers, to secure the payment of a debt due to Messrs. Buchanan and Pollock, of the town of Petersburg; WILL BE SOLD, on Thursday the 4th day of May next, at the house of the said John Bibb, to the highest bidder, for ready money,
Two Tracts of Land, Lying and being in the county of Charlotte, one containing one hundred and sixty five acres, it being the tract on which the said Bibb resides, and the other one hundred and fifty acres, it being the tract purchased by him of Benjamin Sublitt, Senr. lying on the waters of Cub Creek.
Henry A. Watkins, Wm. M. Watkins, Thos. B. Manlove.
March 23d, 1809. 4w
Sales at Auction.
ON Tuesday the 11th inst. at 10 o'clock Will be Sold, without reserve, at the store of the second tenement of Col. Mayo's Brick building, immediately opposite the late store of the Subscribers, their entire Stock in trade, consisting of a General Assortment of
GROCERIES AND OTHER GOODS, AMONG WHICH ARE Brown and Lev. Sugar in hds. and bbls. Prime Green Coffee in Tierces and bbls. Imperial and Young Hyson Tea, of the latest and best importations, Salt in Sacks; Glass, Stone, and Queen's Ware; Cotton and Wool Cards; A quantity of Bar Iron; New England Rum in barrels, And many other valuable articles. Also a handsome Blooded Mare. The sale will continue from day to day, until completed.
TERMS.—For all sums under Fifty dollars, cash—over Fifty dollars, and under 100 dollars, sixty days credit;—& over 100 dollars for 12 months.—Notes negotiable in the Bank of Virginia, with approved endorsers will be required.
Shapard & Luke. April 5, 1809. 2t In the mean time S. & L. are selling off on low terms.
TO RENT
TILL the 1st of October next, the Tenement lately occupied by the subscriber on Shockoe Hill. It is a very pleasant situation, nearly adjoining the Capitol Square; and the buildings are well calculated for the comfortable accommodation of a large family. Apply to ARCHIBALD BLAIR, Esq. the owner of the property, near the place, or to
SAMUEL PLEASANTS, jr.
LOST
In the late Fire of Richmond, the following articles, viz. 5 Silver Spoons, marked with the letter B A Silver Tumbler A large pair of Flanders Linen sheets marked L. W. 5 Bed Blankets (woolen), 5 Chairs 2 Arm chairs A large flat Trunk, containing sundry articles, such as a large blue Umbrella, Papers, &c. A small Box, containing Sundry Toys A Band Box, containing a pair of black cloth Breeches not quite finished And a small Basket in which there were two silver Tumbrels, several pair of scissors, needle cases, &c. The above articles were saved, and carried into the Garden back of my late dwelling house, and on removing the same to the falling garden, were missing.
I do therefore hereby request that should any person find among their own things the above articles or any of them, they will be so good as to deliver the same to the subscriber.
LEWIS WERCQ. April 6, 1809. 3
Fifa & Casa Executions,
For sale at this office.

One Thousand Pounds WANTED,
FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer September 8 1809. tf
IN COUNCIL,
January 20, 1809.
PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive for manufacturing three hundred and ninety Rifles during the present year, being the number directed by law to be provided annually, including the deficiency of last year. Extract from the minutes.
DANL. L. HYLTUN, Clerk of the Council.
TO Mr. Joseph Reynolds, who resides out of the commonwealth of Virginia.
Take notice, that we shall on the second day of the circuit court to be held for Henrico county, at the capitol in the city of Richmond, which will commence the 2d Monday in April next, move said court for a commission to take the deposition of Isaac Davis, who resides in the state of Tennessee. Your ob't. Serv't. Robert Davis. Waddy Turner.
March 9th 1809. 4w.
MAITRESSES
OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond.
J. S. Pleasants.
May 31, 1808. tf
NOTICE.
By virtue of the last will and testament of Pleasants Younghusband, dec.
WILL BE SOLD,
To the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 13th of June next, at the courthouse of Botetourt county, being court day,
One Tract of Land,
Containing 254 acres, more or less, it being the same tract of land deeded to Pleasants Younghusband by Thomas M'George and Judith his wife, as by indenture bearing date the 2d day of July, 1800, on the following terms, to wit: one third cash, one third in twelve months, and the remaining third in two years. Bonds with security, to carry interest from the date if not paid in three months after they become due, and a deed of trust on the land to secure the two last payments, will be required.
ELIZA T. YOUNGHUSBAND, Administratrix. SAMUEL P. PARSONS, Adm'r. With the will annexed. 2d mo. 17th, 1809. tds
WANTED TO PURCHASE, 10 or 15 Young Negroes. Enquire of the Printer. November 30 1808. tf
NOTICE
It is hereby given, that I forewarn any persons or persons from trespassing on the shore from the upper lock gates belonging to the Columbian Mills, and from thence below, to where the water from the basin comes into the river. Any person offending herein will be dealt with according to law.
SAMUEL LEECH, Acting for John Granberry. Columbian Mills, } Jan. 27. 1809. }
A Bank Note
OF ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS, taken from a black boy, who called himself James Smith, and says he found it in the street - not thinking it proper to let the boy keep it - I detained it for the proper owner, who may have it, on giving satisfactory evidence of his or their right to it and paying the expense of this advertisement.
JOHN McDONALD Richmond, March 10th, 1809. tf
Clover Seed.
The Subscriber has just received a large quantity of Fresh Clover Seed, WHICH will be disposed of at the lowest market price. Application to be made near the Basin, or at the store of Thomas White.
John J. Johnson, Flour Inspector. Richmond, Feb. 23d, 1809. 6w
For sale or Rent,
A N eligible situation for a Tavern and Store, situated 17 miles above Manchester on the Buckingham road - known by the name of Hall's-Borough; the survey contains 114 acres, with a good dwelling house, store house and out houses. For terms apply to Jacob Packler. Richmond 12 Jan. 1809. tf
For sale at S. Pleasants's printing office, HENING'S New Virginia Justice,
CONTAINING The Duties of a Justice of Peace, &c. together with a variety of useful precedents, adapted to the laws now in force. Also, forms of conveyancing, such as deeds of bargain and sale, lease and re-lease, mortgage, trust, &c.
EARLY FRAME AND MARROWFAT PEAS,
Of the last year's growth, for sale at this office. March 1, 1809.
THE IMPORTED HORSE
PAUL,
Formerly St. Paul, is a beautiful sorrel, 15 hands, 3 inches high, remarkable for his elegance, beauty, strength and fine bone, WILL STAND the ensuing season at my plantation, in Powhatan county, on James river, 3 miles above the Manakin Town ferry, and about the same distance below Jude's ferry to cover mares at twenty-five dollars the sea on but may be discharged by the payment of eighteen dollars, or the price of eighteen bushels of wheat at Dover mill to Goodland county, if paid by the first day of December next, with half a dollar to the groom. As good and extensive pasture as any in Virginia, gratis and mares fed with corn at the market price, if the money is sent with them, and the greatest attention paid to the mares, but no liability for escapes or other accidents. The season will commence the first day of March, and end the first day of August.
This beautiful horse Paul, was raised by the Prince of Wales, and got by his horse Saltram, who was got by Kelly's Eclipse, his dam Virago, by Snap; Paul's dam Purity, was got by Matchem; her dam the Old Squirt mare, of as great fame as any mare in the kingdom. Paul's colts are equal to any in Virginia, and he is a sure foal getter. Several of his colts may be seen at his stand.
Tho's Harris, Jr. Millwood. Powhatan county, Feb. } 28 1809. ep2mwt1jn
To Rent,
TWO TENEMENTS, One formerly occupied by Mrs. M'Lane, with a good garden, smoke house and stable - possession may be had the 7th March. The other is a small house with a garden - possession may be had immediately. Both houses are on Shockoe hill. THOMAS ELLIOTT. February 16, 1809.
IN COUNCIL, Feb. 21, 1809. THE LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR laid before the board a letter from Samuel Coleman, assistant clerk to the council, stating that the requisition of the advice of council of the 1st of January, 1808 and of the 19th of February of the same year, have not been sufficiently attended to and have failed to produce the contemplated effects and proposing that the subject of the said advice be reconsidered, and that the result of such reconsideration be published in the Virginia Argus, for the information of all concerned. Whereupon, it is advised, that extracts of the said advice, to wit:
"In Council, January 1, 1808." "That no commissions will be hereafter issued for the organization of any troop of cavalry or company of artillery, or of grenadiers, light infantry or riflemen of the respective battalions of the several regiments until a muster roll of such troop or company, as the case may be, shall be certified by the commanding officer of the regiment or of the battalion to which such troop or company may be attached or belong." - And,
"In Council, February 19, 1808." "That no commission shall be hereafter issued to fill any vacancy in any troop of cavalry or in any volunteer company whatsoever, until a certified roll of the said troop or company shall have been received from the commandant of the regiment to which the same may be attached, or of which it may form a part, showing that the said troop or company contains, at the time when it is proposed to fill such vacancy, at least the smallest number which by law it is directed to contain," be published in the Virginia Argus for two months.
"It is further advised. That to enable the Executive completely to carry into effect the fourth section of the act, "respecting the militia of this commonwealth," passed the 20th of January, 1807, the Lieutenant Governor be requested to direct the Adjutant General so to change the form of the regimental and brigade returns, as that the strength and equipments of any troop of cavalry or company of artillery, light infantry, grenadiers or riflemen attached to, or forming a part of, any regiment of the militia of this commonwealth, appear in such regimental and brigade returns; and that the commandants of such troops and companies be required to make duplicates of the returns required of them by law, to the commandants of the regiments to which they are respectively attached or belong, as the case may be."
Extract from the Minutes, DANL. L. HYLTUN, Clerk of the Executive.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, Mr. Giles' Speeches DELIVERED ON The resolution of Mr. Hillhouse, to repeal the Embargo Laws.
A Stock of Dry Goods, OF from 3 to 4000 dollars worth, are offered for sale on advantageous terms, for cash, produce, or on credit. Apply at this office. Richmond, March 16th, 1809. (tf)
For Sale at this Office, A FEW DOORS BELOW THE BELL TAVERN, [PRICE TWO DOLLARS.] A SYSTEM OF Military Tactics, CONTAINING THE PRINCIPLES
Discipline & Movements, CHIEFLY ADAPTED TO INFANTRY; WITH THE RULES AND REGULATIONS DESIGNED FOR THE FORCES OF THE UNITED STATES, TO WHICH IS ADDED THE VARIOUS FORMS OF REPORTS ILLUSTRATED BY 16 COPPER-PLATES, SHEWING UPWARDS OF ONE HUNDRED MOVEMENTS By DANIEL FISHER
Just received at this office, Part 2d of vol. 9th - or No. 18 of Dr. Rees' New Cyclopaedia. Subscribers to the above work are requested to apply their for books. Subscription still open.
Select Speeches.
Just received by S. Pleasants, Jr. RICHMOND, SELECT SPEECHES, FORENSICK AND PARLIAMENTARY, With Prefatory Remarks. By N. CHAPMAN, M. D.
In this selection will be found the most celebrated speeches of Lord Chatham, Edmund Burke, Lord Mansfield, William Pitt, the elder and younger, Sir. Robt. Walpole, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Fox, Mr. Curran, Mr. Thomas Erskine, Mr. Wilberforce, H. Grattan, &c. &c. The work is adorned with handsomely engraved portraits of Burke, Curran, Sheridan, Fox, and Pitt. tf
HOUSES and LOTS FOR SALE.
By virtue of the last will and testament of Robert Means, deceased, will be Sold, to the highest bidder, at public auctions, on Monday the tenth day of April next, the following LANDS and TENEMENTS, in the City of Richmond, that is to say: Some Wooden Houses and a piece of Land opposite to Crouch's Tavern, on the street leading up by the Governor's. Several Brick Tenements, on the cross street leading to Shockoe warehouse. A House and Lot upon the Basin. A moiety of another house upon the Basin, and the third of the lot belonging to it. The Tenement where William Robertson, Esq. now resides. The Tenement where the testator lived, and a naked Lot of Land adjoining to it. Part of a naked Lot of Land lying between the dwelling house of Augustine Davis and the Basin. The sale will commence at the house where the testator lived, and will be adjourned to the other tenements successively, until the whole are sold. 12 months credit will be allowed; the purchasers to give bond and approved security, together with a deed of trust upon the property, to ensure punctual payment of the purchase money.
DANIEL CALL, Ex'r. of the last Will and Testament of ROBERT MEANS, dec'd. Richmond, March 20, 1809. tds.
NICHOLAS HALLAM,
(NEAR THE SWAN TAVERN,) Is in hourly expectation of a further supply of the Best Philadelphia Leather, Which will be continued, and for sale, on equal terms as heretofore. Wax and fair Calf Skins First quality Cossack bootlegs do. do. Long, three quarter and half, draft, calf skin and Cordovan, do. Calf and Cordovan roundings and binding skins Bridle and seal leather, &c. &c. Boots and Shoes. Nails of all kinds.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES. Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. A new thousand wt. of Hams and Middlings BACON.
The above articles may be had low for cash, produce, or approved paper at short credit.
Mr. Benjamin Maxcy,
Of the state of Kentucky. BE pleased to take notice, that I shall on the second Monday in May next, take depositions at the tavern at Buckingham court house, in my suit in the superior court of Chancery, held at the City of Richmond for the Richmond District, wherein I am plaintiff and you, Benjamin Maxcy, are defendant, & that I shall continue to take the depositions on the said day of May next, and to adjourn from day to day for three days, until the whole are taken. John Pankey. w2m
February 8, 1809 At Botetourt January court, 1808. Samuel Ervine, Plaintiff. } Against, } Alexander & James Fulton, } In Chancery. & others, } Defendants. ON motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered that the accounts between the parties, be submitted to Patrick Lockhart, gent. Master Commissioner, who is to make his report to the next March court, giving notice of the time to the parties, he examines their accounts. A Copy-Test, S. BOWYER, D. C.
I SHALL attend at my office, in Fincastle, on Monday the 1st day of May next, to make a final report of the above business, when and where, the parties are desired to attend with the additional documents. PATRICK LOCKHART, Master Commissioner. March 9th, 1809. 3wks
RAGS.
THE SUBSCRIBER WILL PAY THE HIGHEST PRICE FOR LINEN or COTTON RAGS; (For the VIRGINIA MANUFACTORY.) AND will contract with country Storekeepers for all they may be able to collect, which will be paid for in cash, on delivery at my store, near the Courthouse; where may be had a general assortment of GROCERIES, BOOTS, SHOES, & PATENT NAILS.
WILLIAM FARR. Richmond, 22d Jan. 1809. w12m A FEW COPIES OF Burk's History of Virginia IN THREE VOLUMES, Are for sale at this office.
Guthrie's Geography, IMPROVED.
PROPOSALS by Jacob Johnson, Richmond, for publishing by subscription, a new geographical, historical, and commercial grammar, and present state of the several kingdoms of the world.
CONTAINING, 1. The figures, motions, and distances of the Planets, according to the Newtonian System, and the latest observations. 2. A general view of the earth, considered as a Planet; with several geographical definitions and problems. 3. The grand divisions of the globe into land and water, continents and islands. 4. The situation and extent of empires, kingdoms, states, provinces, and colonies. 5. Their climate, air, soil, vegetable productions, metals, minerals, natural curiosities, seas, rivers, bays, capes, promontories, and lakes. 6. The birds and beasts peculiar to each country. 7. Observations on the changes that have been any where observed upon the face of nature, since the most early periods of history. 8. The history and origin of nations, their forms of government, religion, laws, revenues, taxes, naval and military strength, orders of knighthood, &c. 9. The genius, manners, customs, and habits of the people. 10. Their language, learning, arts, sciences, manufactures, and commerce. 11. The chief cities, structures, ruins, and artificial curiosities. 12. The longitude, latitude, bearings, and distances of principal places from London.
TO WHICH ARE ADDED, A Geographical Index, with the names of places alphabetically arranged. 2. A table of the coins of all nations. 3. A chronological table of remarkable events, from the creation to the present time.
BY WILLIAM GUTHRIE, ESQ. The astronomical part by JAMES FERGUSON, F. R. S.
TO WHICH HAVE BEEN ADDED, The late discoveries of Dr. Herschel, and other eminent astronomers.
ILLUSTRATED WITH TWENTY-FIVE CORRECT MAPS. Engraved from the most recent observations and draughts of geographical travellers.
THE distinguished approbation which the public have shown to this work, as is evident from the many editions through which it has passed, from the rapidity of the sale of very large impressions, and from the increasing demand which continues to be made for it, affords, it may be presumed, a proof sufficiently satisfactory of its utility and excellence. In this edition, however, very considerable improvements and a variety of alterations and additions, have been made, of which it will be necessary to give some account.
In the first place a regular and uniform arrangement has been given to the several articles or heads which compose the descriptions of each country, with the addition of such as were found necessary to complete this uniformity. Some alterations have likewise been made in the arrangement of the several countries and kingdoms, which, except in one or two instances, where a somewhat abrupt transition was unavoidable, are treated of according to their contiguity of situation; an order which appears at once more natural and more adapted to a geographical work, than an arrangement derived from their supposed political importance, by which the reader is suddenly transported from Prussia to Spain; from Spain to Turkey in Europe; and from Turkey in Europe to Holland.
New tables have been given of the divisions of several countries, as of the provinces of Sweden and the governments of Russia. To the enumeration of the countries of England and Scotland are added the number of inhabitants in each, according to the returns under the late population act. A table is also given of the departments of France, including those into which the countries she has violently annexed to her territory have been divided, with the extent in square miles and population of each, as published by the French government. The new divisions of Holland, of the Italian Republic, or as it is now styled kingdom of Italy, and of Switzerland under its latest constitution, are likewise given; as also a new and complete account of the states, principalities, &c. of the German Empire, with their respective extent and population after the numerous and great changes they have undergone by the plan of indemnities lately carried into execution under the influence of France and Russia. General views are added of the dominions, revenues, and forces of the Austrian and Prussian monarchies in their present state, with additional separate descriptions of several countries appertaining to them; as Galicia, or Austrian Poland, Silesia, and Moravia.
Nor have our improvements of this kind been confined to Europe; the account of Hindostan, its divisions, &c has received a new arrangement, and been carefully revised, with a variety of alterations and additions. New and separate descriptions have likewise been given of the countries of Chinese Tartary, Tibet, Independent Tartary, and Asiatic Russia; as also of the settlement of the Cape of Good Hope (principally from the judicious Travels of Mr. Barrow) and of Louisiana lately annexed to the territory of the United States.
In the two last additions of this work, many important corrections and additions were made from the latest voyages and travels; among which may be enumerated sir George Staunton's account of the voyage and embassy of Lord Macartney to China; the embassy to Tibet and Ava, of captain Turner and major Symes; the travels of Mr. Park in Africa, with the geographical illustrations of his journey by that Mr. Brown in Egypt and Dar-Fur; and the voyages of the unfortunate French navigator M. de la Perouse, and captain Vancouver. In the present edition we have availed ourselves of the travels of Mr. Barrow in Southern Africa, and those of Mr. Hornemann, into the interior of the same continent; of those of Mr. Acerbi in Sweden and to the North Cape of Lapland; and of those of Mackenzie, Elliot, and Michaud, in North America. In fine, no publications on the subject of geography, and the present state of different countries of the world, have been published since the last edition, which have not been carefully consulted. As this work is historical as well as geographical, the perpetual changes of states and human affairs, especially those produced by the late revolutions which have convulsed Europe, have rendered some considerable additions and alterations necessary in the historical part.
Such have been made in this edition, and the history of each country is brought down to the present time; and the stupendous exertions and rapid conquests of the French republic have been faithfully detailed; while the calamitous events, which, in that distracted country have been the consequence of contending factions, an unsettled government, and a despotic usurpation, have been portrayed in their true colors.
In publishing this first American edition of Guthrie's Geography, no reasonable care or expense will be spared, to render it the most perfect edition of the octavo size that has yet appeared. Particular attention will be given to that part of it which relates to the United States; various errors respecting our country that occur in the best European systems, will be corrected; and in order to exhibit a more correct view of its present physical, commercial and political state, a considerable number of important additions will be supplied.
In making the various and important alterations and additions above enumerated, care has been taken by abridging and compressing some parts, and totally omitting others that had become obsolete, that the work which had already attained the utmost size consistent with the original plan, should be rather diminished than increased in bulk; at the same time the utmost attention has been exerted to give it, in every respect, a just and continued claim in the general notice and approbation which it has so long enjoyed.
CONDITIONS. The work will be handsomely printed on a fine paper and good type. The size is to be a large medium octavo, and to consist of about one thousand and fifty pages. The price of the work neatly bound, in two volumes, will be Five Dollars, payable on delivery.
Any person who may procure six subscribers, and become accountable for the money shall be entitled to a seventh copy, and in that proportion for any greater number.
The work will be finished in three or four months; and the publishers wish it understood that if the books do not agree with the proposals, the subscribers will be at liberty to decline their engagements. Second Month, 15th, 1809. wtf
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED. And may be had at Jacob Johnson's book store, adjoining the Market Bridge, PART 3, OF VOL. 1, OF HENING AND MUNFORD'S REPORTS,
CONTAINING The Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound, in calf.
Price to subscribers $ 5 - to non-subscribers $ 6. The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the prospectus.
Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, and receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. Richmond, Oct. 29, 1808. wtf
REMOVAL.
THE subscribers (in consequence of the late fire) have removed to a brick tenement belonging to Messrs. J. & R. Gamble, on the cross street leading to Mayo's bridge, opposite Messrs Brown & Rives's compting house, where they have for Sale a general assortment of
German Goods,
Consisting of Oznaburgs & Ticklenburgs, Bed Tyee, Dantzic Rolls, Damask Table Cloths, Brown Rolls, Looking Glasses, Sheeting, Liquor Cases, Dowlas, Quart, Pint and Half Platiilas, Pint Decanters, ALSO
Fresh Red Clover Seed. BOHN & HUBNER. April 3d, 1809. 6w
20 Dollars Reward
RANAWAY on Saturday evening last from the subscriber, a negro man by the name of Isaac, who formerly belonged to the estate of William Radford, deceased. He is well known about Richmond as a waggoneer, and lately as my Coachman. He has a very black complexion, coarse strong features, thick lips, prominent brows and is about five feet ten or eleven inches in height - he is between forty and forty five years of age.
It is suspected that he will endeavor to go up or down the river by water, as he made a similar attempt two years ago and was taken as high up as Lynchburg. All masters of vessels and others are forewarned from harboring or carrying him off on the severest penalty of the law.
Whoever will deliver him to me in the city of Richmond shall receive the above reward. John Mayo. Richmond, April 9, 1809. tf
To Rent,
A SMALL, but convenient brick house, with a garden stable, &c. Apply at this office. March 28th, 1809. 3t
Pamphlets,
CARDS, HAND-BILLS, LAWYERS, CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANKS, &c ARE NEATLY AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE.