Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1800-09-12 00:00:00

The VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[No. 42 OF VOL. VIII.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
Price No. 75
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR.
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FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 12th, 1800.
[12 1/2 CENTS SINGLE]
To the Citizens of Virginia.
WE had presented to you, for your consideration, at the next choice of electors, a Ticket, which we thought unenforceable;—founded on a law, which we believed to be constitutional and wise. But the committee, intrusted with the ticket prepared by the minority of the late assembly, have not hesitated to impeach the one, as being an invasion of ancient usages and established rights; and the other, as an attempt to influence your votes by great and imposing names.
It is not for us to detail the reasons, which produced the law. These, we presume, have been already explained by its makers, who are now daily with you; whose conduct has been recently submitted to your approbation or disapprobation; and most, if not all of them, so far as their inclination led them to a re-election, have again received the suffrages of their county or district; or are succeeded by patriots, not less distinguished by their attachment to that law. The free and unbiased sense of the people confers the highest sanction on the acts of their servants.
But we discern not, what ancient usage has been violated; what established right overthrown. By the federal constitution it is consigned to the discretion of each state to prescribe the mode of choosing electors, and thrice Virginia has preferred elections by districts, while several other states have either adopted a general ticket, or through their legislatures have appointed electors. The unanimity known to exist in favor of him, who filled the executive chair, for the first eight years, created an indifference to the mode. The third and last election discovered that Virginia, whose weight on such an occasion, ought to be proportioned to her population, might, against the will of a majority of her citizens, be reduced, through the means of district elections to that of states, greatly inferior on the scale of representation, but more judicious in the concentration of their power. Where then is the ancient usage which thwarts this arrangement? What established right is impaired, when a constitutional discretion is exercised by following "the example" (which is avowed by the committee to be a just motive) of those who seek an advantage over Virginia? Is not the objection to this law of national self-defence, although unintentionally indeed, yet directly a branch of that system, which would prostrate Virginia at the feet of any combination of the other states, if a combination can be conceived? Upon this head she has candidly and amply unfolded her views in the subjoined preamble: "Whereas until some uniform mode for choosing a President and Vice-President of the United States, shall be prescribed by an amendment to the constitution, it may happen under the law of this commonwealth for appointing electors for that purpose that a choice may take place contrary to the will of a majority of the United States, and also contrary to the will of a majority of the people of this state, which would be inconsistent with the true intent and meaning of the constitution of the United States; and although this commonwealth is willing to accede to any reasonable and proper amendment of the said constitution to remedy the said evil, yet forasmuch as it ought in the mean time to be counteracted by every constitutional regulation within the power of the legislature until it shall be so removed."
The mere act of recommending electors is so obviously the right of every citizen, and a recommendation from those, to whom the people have confided their interests and are best acquainted with the candidates, is so plainly fit in itself, that the imputation of an attempt to influence, must exist if any where, in the names which our ticket exhibits. There is indeed an influence in their names: an influence, which we dare to avow: an influence, in which we glory. It is derived from that republican zeal, which delights to honor those who deserve well of their country. If among them be men, who have been foremost in the political career; they have struggled to keep alive the flame of republicanism; if their objects have been "vast," it is, because they have embraced the rights of the people; not the arrogant pretensions, or usurpations of individuals; if their passions have been roused, their enthusiasm was dignified by the course, which it pursued; but it never was degraded by any irritation unbecoming free and submissive citizens. We thank Heaven that the "highest state employments" have now for the first time only been converted into topics of reproach; but if it were true, that they generate jealousy and hatred to the rival authorities (as they are called) of the union, the danger of those rival authorities, hating the states , is much nearer at hand; and it is the more incumbent upon the people of the states, to provide by the exercise of powers, referred to them by the constitution, for the support of the rights of the states. But who are the few (for they are but few) thus alluded to? Men, tried and approved for half a century in public service; unsurpassed in talents, and in knowledge; unquestioned and unquestionable in virtue; independent in fortune and place; too happy to profit from confusion, and unambitious, except to retain the favor of their fellow-citizens, which has followed them through a long life. Can their voices be gained, but by evidences of genuine excellence? Can they have an interest distinct from that of the people?
We insinuate nothing against the opposite ticket. Let the contest be considered as it really is, between Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. The former you know to be a sincere and enlightened republican; whose greatness has been promulgated through the unavailing calumnies of his enemies, though he stands unshielded by a sedition law. Strenuous then ought to be your solicitude at the approaching election of a chief magistrate. Unbounded ought it to be, if fleets, armies, taxes, and the destinies of the federal government depend so much upon him, as the committee are pleased to intimate. Under these impressions, ask yourselves, for whom you ought to vote? Consecrate your reverence for the memory of Washington, not by employing it as an engine of election, but by declaring, that even his name shall not prevent the free use of your own understandings. As a friend to liberty, we believe Jefferson second
to no man, and the experience of no man has afforded better lessons for its preservation. If the sense of Virginia be with him, the mode which shall draw it forth deserves praise, and the meaning of language must be perverted if the will of the majority constitutionally expressed, upon a subject of expediency and tending to give Virginia her constitutional weight by means formerly and at this moment practiced by other states, shall be deemed persecution. The committee complain not that the privilege of voting has been wrested from them; but that they are deprived of an opportunity of wielding it in such a manner, as to destroy the effect of the like privilege in the majority.
Dreading nothing from truth, the friends to the Republican Ticket defy the hostility, displayed against the character, which they defend; and offer him to your selections, as the ablest guardian of your peace, freedom, and constitution.
Philip Norborne Nicholas, Chairman.
Meriwether Jones, Samuel Pleasants, Jun., Joseph Selden, Gervase Storr, } Committee.
John H. Foushee, Secretary.
Richmond, July 7th, 1800.
Republican Ticket.
   DISTRICTS. ELECTORS.     New-Kent, Henrico, Charles City, James City, York, Warwick, and Elizabeth City, George Wythe.   Accomack, Northampton, and Princess-Anne, William Newsum.   Hanover, Caroline, and Louisa, Edmund Pendleton.   Fluvanna, Albemarle, Amherst, and Goochland, William H. Cabell.   Madison, Orange, Culpeper, and Spottsylvania, James Madison, Jr.   King & Queen, King William, Essex, Middlesex, Gloucester, and Mathews, John Page.   Norfolk, Nansemond, and Isle of Wight, Thomas Newton, Jr.   Suffolk, Southampton, Surry, Prince-George, and Greenville, Carter B. Harrison.   Brunswick, Dinwiddie, and Mecklenburg, Gen. Joseph Jones.   Amelia, Nottoway, Chesterfield, and Powhatan, William B. Giles.   Prince Edward, Buckingham, Cumberland, & Lunenburg, Creed Taylor.   Halifax, Charlotte, and Pittsylvania, Thomas Read, Sen.   Bedford, Campbell, Franklin, Henry, & Patrick, George Penn.   Richmond, Northumberland, Lancaster, Westmoreland, and King George, Walter Jones.   Prince William, Stafford, and Fairfax, Richard Brent.   Fauquier and Loudoun, William Ellsbery.   Bath, Botetourt, Rockbridge, Greenbrier, Kanawha, and Monroe, Andrew Moore.   Hardy, Hampshire, Pendleton, Randolph, Harrison, Monongalia, Ohio, Brooke & Wood, Gen. John Brown.   Wythe, Montgomery, Washington, Russell, Lee, Grayson, and Tazewell, Gen. John Preston.   Frederick and Berkeley, Hugh Holmes.   Rockingham, Augusta, and Shenandoah, Archibald Stuart.  
LATEST
FOREIGN NEWS.
From the London "Star" of the 7th July, received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser, by the Liverpool Packet from Liverpool, in 50 days.
FRANCE.
ARMY OF ITALY.
Turin, 7 Messidor, June 26.
The Army of Reserve and that of Italy form no longer but one and the same, under the name of the Army of Italy. General Massena is Commander in Chief of the whole. Gen. Berthier has arrived at Turin, to organize the Government of Piedmont. General Suchet took possession of all the fortifications of Genoa on the 4th. The whole of the artillery we left there remains, together with some pieces belonging to the Austrians. The English were only able to carry off ten pieces, which were stationed upon the Mole. The Austrian troops which formed the garrison of Genoa marched out on the 4th and 5th, at four in the morning—M. de Hohenzollern, who commanded in Genoa, conducted himself with openness, dignity, and honour.—Savona and Ceva are occupied by the French army.—The Chief Consul arrived here to-day. He alighted at the Citadel, which he inspected, and having surveyed
it, immediately departed. We have found there immense magazines. In one alone there are more than 8000 pair of blankets for the hospitals. The Citadel of Turin is superb—it contains more than 300 pieces of cannon. It is calculated that the artillery of all the places surrendered by the convention of the 7th Prairial amounts to more than 2000 pieces, and the gunpowder found in them to two millions of pounds.
Army of the Rhine.
Letter from General Moreau, commander in chief of the Army of the Rhine, to the minister at war.
Neresheim, 5 Messidor, June 24.
"I send you a copy of my dispatches to the Chief Consul, respecting the battle of Hochstedt. Gen. Kray abandons Ulm. This success is of the highest importance; but it was an arduous task to obtain it. Represent to yourself a river passed without boats, without bridges, in a word, only by swimming and courage.
(Signed) "MOREAU." (A true copy) (Signed) "CARNOT."
Copy of a letter addressed to the Chief Consul, by Gen. Moreau, commander in chief of the Army of the Rhine.
Head-quarters, 3 Messidor, June 24. "At length, citizen Con-
shall compel General Kray to abandon Ulm, his chief support. A decisive success has just procured us the double advantage of almost deciding on the fate of Germany, and of vindicating French honour from a defeat at the beginning of this century. I fondly hope, that it will have some influence in the negotiations which your victories in Italy are on the point of opening. Observing that the Austrian army kept close to its camp at Ulm, which gave it the advantage of easily debouching on both banks of the Danube, while it consequently prevented us from making any material progress in Germany; and not having been inclined to give battle at Blaibouren, lest the enemy should avail himself of my movement, in order to advance upon Memmingen, connect himself with the Tyrol, and send down into Italy a corps of troops that might have much embarrassed you, I determined to make Gen. Lecourbe execute several manoeuvres upon the Lech, in the hopes that I should thereby force gen. Kray to march, to protect Bavaria, but he continued to manoeuvre in our rear. The battle of the 16th (June 5) which he lost, obliged him to repass the Danube—I then formed the project of passing that river below Ulm, that I might thus separate him from his magazines at Donauwerth and Ratisbon, and by this means, compel him to withdraw, or come to a battle. This movement was both difficult and dangerous, as we had neither bridges nor boats, the enemy having destroyed the former, and sunk the latter. I reinforced gen. Lecourbe's corps with five battalions and five regiments of cavalry; and I charged him to take possession of one of the bridges on the Danube between Dillingen & Donauwerth. Lecourbe executed this movement with an intrepidity worthy of the highest praises. After having secured the posts of Landberg and of Augsburg and left in them a sufficient force to protect his rear against the corps of the Prince de Reuss, stationed in the Tyrol, and whom gen. Nanfouit and Molitor have defeated every time he attempted to debouche, he advanced towards Dillengen, Blenheim, and Hochstedt. I advanced the right wing of Gen. Grenier's corps to the Danube, at Ginzburg, and the left to Kilsendorf. General Richepanfe, placed upon the two banks of the Iller, covered the road from Ulm to Memmingen, and protected our communications with Switzerland, which were much threatened by detachments of the enemy. The three divisions of reserve, under my immediate command were between the Kamlac and the Mindal, destined to support the attacks of general Lecourbe, in case it should succeed, and the attack which gen. Grenier was to make upon Ginzburg, in case the former should fail.
The army was situated on the 29th Prairial, (June 18). After several actions, in which the enemy was compelled to fall back upon Ulm, General Lecourbe, on that day, made some demonstrations on the bridge of Dillingen, and in consequence of the report made by his reconnoitering parties, he determined seriously to attempt the bridges of Grensham, Blenheim, and Hochstedt. Eighty naked swimmers, armed with muskets & knapsacks, which were sent over after them, in two very small boats, took possession of the villages of Grensham and Blenheim, and made themselves masters of some pieces of cannon, which were manned by
* See Preamble to General Ticket Law, passed 24th of January, 1800.

who had passed over on ladders upon the walls of the bridge; all of them maintained their positions with extraordinary courage, while a number of sappers and bridge-builders were employed, under the enemy's fire, in repairing the broken bridge, over which a force was passed to oppose the reinforcements which the enemy were marching towards the point, where the object of the attack could no longer be doubted. The 9th demi-brigade passed over after the two pioneers, and boldly maintained themselves in the village of Gremheim, of Ebingen, Langen, and Schwaningen, where General Marescot was slightly wounded; but the demi-brigade would have found it extremely difficult to maintain these positions, notwithstanding the exertions of the most heroic courage, were it not for a very vigorous attack of two squadrons of the first regiment of carabineers, who were conducted by Citizen Grimblet. They had just passed, one by one, over the bridge of Gremheim; they were joined by some hussars, belonging to General Lecourbe's corps; they overpowered a body of the enemy's cavalry three times their number, took six pieces of cannon, 250 horses, and several stands of colours; 4 pieces of artillery, which the enemy sent as a reinforcement, were also carried away; the whole of the corps that came from Donaustadt was almost destroyed. The brigade of General Laval set out in pursuit of them; it remained to make head against the corps that was coming from Hochstedt, Dillengen, and Lavingen. After several charges, in which the carabineers, the cuirassiers, the 9th and 6th of the cavalry, and the 9th of the hussars distinguished themselves, we took 2000 prisoners, several pieces of cannon and stands of colours. The enemy's forces had been considerably encouraged; the troops from Ulm began to arrive, but the bridges of Dillengen and Lavingen being re-established, the divisions of Decaen and Grandjean were enabled to join with their cavalry, and to concur in a last charge of about 4000 horse, drove the enemy beyond the Dretz, and left us masters of the position of Gundelsingen. The 6th of the chasseurs, the 13th cavalry, the 4th hussars, and the 11th chasseurs, particularly distinguished themselves in that affair. The rest of these divisions, and that of General Lecourbe, rapidly crossed the Danube, and on their arrival formed themselves so as to be able to repulse the attacks which we presumed the enemy would attempt the next day. General Grenier had likewise prepared himself to pass the Danube at Guntzburg; but the enemy, who had antecedently cut down some arches of the bridge, had covered the part which remained on his side with straw, tar, and other combustible materials, that were to consume it at the moment of our attack. This the enemy did not fail to execute: the moment they saw our swimmers plunge into the water. Some of the latter had the hardihood to attempt extinguishing the fire, but it was impossible.
The next day the corps of Gen. Grenier advanced to Lavingen. Gen. Richepanse made preparations for investing Ulm, as soon as the hostile army should abandon it. These battles took place on the two famous theatres of Hochstedt. Gen. Lecourbe, who displayed upon this occasion the most distinguished courage and talents, was perfectly well seconded by Generals Gudin, Montrichard, Despagne, Laval, Schiner, and Putois. The corps of cavalry conducted by Generals Hampsolt and Denigne have done prodigies of courage. The conduct of the swimmers, commanded by Citizen Degrosmetri, is a trait of intrepidity of which there are few examples. Citizens Caban and Galbori superintended the operations of the artillery and the engineers, and displayed equal skill and bravery. The Chief of the Staff will send you a more detailed account of this affair. He will particularize all those to whom I have given advancement and marks of honor. I will send you the colours by Citizen Vadelay, aid-de-camp to General Lecourbe, and by the officer who commanded the swimmers. The 10th and 37th light brigade, the 1st battalion of the 46th, and the 1st battalion of the 57th and 58th; in a word, the whole of the troops who were engaged in this battle have given reiterated proofs of intrepidity. The loss of the enemy, without including the killed and wounded, is about 5,000 prisoners, 20 pieces of cannon, and 5 stands of colours. The following day the 6th regiment of chasseurs took a convoy of waggons loaded with corn. Kray has just quitted Ulm, and is reported to be advancing to attack us. We intend to have him half the way.
(Signed) MOREAU. A true copy. (Signed) CARNOT, Minister at War.
Telegraphic dispatch of 10 Messidor, June 29, on the line from Strauburg, Huningen.
"The chief of the staff of the army of the Rhine, to the minister at war." "The army continues to conquer; the enemy has been compelled to remove from before Ulm."
NOTICE.
WHEREAS I undertook in conjunction with Robert Craig and Archibald Campbell, to act as a trustee in the disposal of James Kyles's property, for the benefit of his creditors, and whereas from sundry circumstances it has become very inconvenient for me to act as a trustee in the said affairs: Therefore I do hereby relinquish my right as a trustee in the said case.
William Paterson. Mar. 4th, Sept. 8th, 1800.
From the (FREDERICKSBURG) GENIUS of LIBERTY.
Reflections in reference to the next Election of a President and Congress of the United States.
LYCURGUS—No. X. [Concluded from our last.]
PERICLES. People! why do you complain? What more can be done for you, than is already done? We have disbanded the army—we have postponed the building of six seventy-four gun ships—and we do not purpose to renew the sedition law.
PHOCION. There ought to be some fixed principles of government, that the people may not be harassed and distracted by a succession of intricate pretexts. If a portion of the army is disbanded, another portion is retained and the evil is growing; and tho' a portion of the army is disbanded, the taxes are increased. If it would be criminal to continue the sedition act, it was criminal to enact and enforce it. If the law for building the six ships was intended to be deserted, it ought to have been repealed: And if a temporary alteration of these measures is owing to the present state of public opinion, and a present disposition to court it, the same sentiment which invented, would certainly revive them. Why do I say revive? Are not these measures yet alive, vigorous, and growing?
PERICLES. A national debt is a national blessing. The people are naturally illiterate, and ought to be made to work, not only to maintain themselves, but those also who are too good to work. Taxes will force them to work, and are highly beneficial in this point of view. They contribute to preserve good order, by repelling the intolence which the common people never fail to shew, if they are allowed to thrive. Tax them well, collect rigidly, and they will be meek and lowly. A national debt ties all those who hold it, to the will of government, by the cord of interest. It bestows strength, influence & patronage upon a government, by providing a faithful band, ready to support all its measures—to defend all its errors, and to share in all its good fortune.
PERICLES. The constitution of America is egregiously misunderstood. It is a continuation of the constitution of England, "A senate, consisting of all that is most noble, wealthy, and able in a nation, with a right to counsel the crown at all times, is a check upon ministers, and a security against abuses."
It is probable that Cicero entered more largely into an examination of monarchical republics, than any other antient writer. His decided opinion in favor of three branches is founded on a reason that is unchangeable. "If Cicero & Tacitus could visit the earth, and amir's Defence, 8. Jans's Defence, 4."
learn that the English nation had reduced the great idea to practice, and that the Americans, after having enjoyed the benefits of such a constitution a century and a half, were advised by some of the greatest philosophers and politicians of the age, to renounce it, what would they say? That the Americans would be more reprehensible than the Capadocians, if they should listen to such advice." "Congress will always be composed of members from the natural and artificial aristocratical body in every state, even in the northern, as well as in the middle & southern." "An army is a great point gained by the aristocracy, and a great advantage towards the selection of one, in case of convulsions and confusions for monarchy. The general will naturally fall in with the views of the aristocratical body." "There is but one expedient to prevent this body from invading liberty. To make it a branch of the legislative; to erect a first magistrate, with all executive power; to give him a negative over all laws, and to have a house of commons, who may withhold supplies from the crown." As therefore the Americans have never renounced the English system of government: as they would be highly reprehensible to renounce it; as three branches (such as Cicero contemplated, which contained a crown of nobility) are founded in a reason which is unchangeable; as congress will always be composed of a natural and aristocratical body; and as the only expedient yet discovered for preventing this body from undermining liberty, is to make it a branch of the legislature, & to have a crown above it, this inference follows, that the measures complained of, are strictly analogous to the form of our governments. This is analogous to the monarchical republic of England, and experience has shewn, that similar measures were suitable for that—"For the truth is, that instead of the trite saying, "no bishop, no king," it would be a much more important truth to say, no people, no king, and no king, no people; meaning by the word king, a first magistrate possessed exclusively of the executive power."
PHOCION. We are then fairly at issue, and the public judgment will settle the controversy. That must declare whether it is true that we have never renounced the English system of government—that the distinction between our elective and their hereditary principle, is immaterial; and that measures suitable to secure one, are proper to support the other.—Tacitus and Cicero, upon a visit to the earth, would probably concur with the greatest politicians and philosophers of the present age, in admiring the system of representation invented and perfected by the moderns;
and if they were told, that the people of America, after having for a century and a half, enjoyed the benefits of governing themselves, and after having successfully finished an eight years severe war, to preserve that self-government, were about voluntarily to renounce the cause of so much happiness, in favor of the English system, which they knew to be a source of infinite misery, what would they say? That if the Americans should be guilty of such conduct, it would prove that human folly is more than a match for human reason. "The truth is," says Mr. Adams, "that the people in America have ever governed. All the weight of the royal governors and councils even backed with fleets and armies, have never been able to get the advantage of them, who have always stood by their houses of representatives in every instance, and carried all their points." After the acknowledgment of this truth, how can he ascribe the hundred and fifty years happiness of America to the English system? Why was America happy? Because the people governed—because they defeated royal governors and councils backed with fleets and armies; and because they carried all their points. The alternative to be considered is, whether we shall live happy another hundred and fifty years, by adhering to the representative government of the people, or substitute for it, those royal governors and councils backed with fleets & armies, to the inevitable defeat of which our former happiness was owing. They were defeated by the unanimity arising among us from their being foreigners. If congress will ever be composed of an aristocracy, the people should be more watchful and assiduously apply the remedy of rotation. If an army is a great point gained by an aristocracy, because it tends towards monarchy, the people ought to elect men who will prevent an aristocracy from gaining this point, to prevent the introduction of monarchy. If the wisdom of an aristocracy conceives an army and a king to be points gained, to yield it both, and moreover to combine it in an independent legislative branch, would leave it no other point to ask for. To yield all, leaves nothing to secure. To yield most, as an expedient to secure little, is nearly as great a folly. The ambition of man in general, and of an aristocracy in particular, is only controllable by the expedient of election, whereby the people can exert their strength without disorder. For the truth is, that hereditary power, or power independent of the people, couched under the name of king, magistrate, or lord, instead of creating a
people, will diminish their rights. It would be strange if an exciting people should be persuaded to make a king, under the idea that a king only could make a people, just as idolaters make a god and then acknowledge that they were created by him; and this too, after having forbidden their chief magistrate the exclusive exercise of executive power, lest he should make himself a king. Fellow citizens, judge between us.
Between these rival principles, America is the umpire. Her fate is involved in the judgment she shall pronounce. She exhibits to the world the august object of a nation presiding over its own destiny, and she ought to meditate upon the sacred duties she has to fulfil under every impulse of virtue, and with every effort of reason—Perpetual glory, or eternal disgrace, will attend her decision. Something has been done in these papers, towards a candid exhibition of political principles—but much remains to do. The effects of certain measures upon the state of property, and of its accumulation in few hands upon manners and government, are subjects of primary importance. Other measures may be less abstractedly compared with our system of government, than has yet been done. Some have been omitted which ought to have been considered—and the consequences which have ever been produced by an expensive or profuse administration, deferre to be well weighed. I swear to you, my countrymen that I have hitherto laboured according to my honest convictions in search of truth, without any selfish view, and that the same honesty shall ever guide my labours.
LYCURGUS.
LATEST European News, Received by the ship Cleopatra, Capt. Robertson, 37 days from Portsmouth, arrived at Charleston.
STRASBURGH, July 6.
We have received the important intelligence that our troops, after having taken possession of the Bishopric of Eichstett, have entered the Upper Palatinate, and compelled Gen. Stizzaray's corps to retire to Legtenfeld. Our soldiers display a courage and energy of which history can furnish few examples. They pursue the enemy wherever they appear, and continually compel them to retreat without daring to risk an action.
PARIS, July 8. The Minister at War to the Prefects and Generals.
Paris, July 7. Citizens—The chief consul, in the name of peace, requested your utmost solicitude with regard to the departure of the conscripts who have not obeyed the voice of honor. When before the opening of the campaign the chief consul proposed peace to several powers, those powers then elated by some advantages they had gained, wished doubtless to make a last effort in order to profit by their momentary success, or, at least, to try what our new government could effect. Notwithstanding that this government has received in so short an interval, that confirmation which other governments have required ages to obtain; now, while Europe beholds the pledges of its force and its wisdom; while victory and fortune crown its efforts; while victorious armies defend it, and repeated declarations of assent from the whole nation have highly consecrated it; these same powers will surely not reject a peace which is offered to them anew, on conditions which their reverses have not rendered more severe. Should, however, the obstinacy of the vanquished disregard the moderation of the victors; notwithstanding the cries of their people, should these deluded governments not yet become tired of remaining in the pay of a power which traffics in the blood of men and the miseries of all nations, for the purpose of aggrandizement; should they venture to prolong hostilities from which she alone profits, a last effort must be made, and we must command that peace which we now offer.
It is necessary that the enemy should know that this blow is about to be struck; it is necessary that they should choose either peace or a terrible and decisive irruption. A second army of reserve is organized at the same place whence the first took its departure. Old corps are assembling there, tried warriors command them, and young conscripts crowd to join them from all parts of France, where honor, a love of national independence, and a desire of peace, are not empty words. They glow with the wish of joining their brethren, whom glorious achievements have already placed on a level with the ancient favorites of victory. They are eager to contribute to the termination of the war, to see service, and to assist in some grand exploit, that they may not one day have occasion to blush in the company of those heroes who will people our communes. Generals and prefects, cite this example to those youths whom a shameful idleness and an unpardonable indifference, more than
a dread of arms, still retain in their habitations. The French youth is entirely war-like; to arouse them, it is sufficiently merely to talk of dangers and glory. In the army every conscript soon becomes a veteran. The regret of quitting his family is the sole sentiment which stops him. Inspire a more powerful sentiment, the love of country, and these same young men will no longer think but of returning victorious. They will return, and peace will accompany their steps; it is already more than half conquered. One effort more, if it be necessary; it will be short and easy, if it be but general; it will be rendered unnecessary, if we are seen in an attitude to make it; and the hands which still wield the sword, will drop it, in order to sign a treaty of friendship. I salute you.
CARNOT.
LONDON, July 14.
On Saturday the Hamburg mail due last Sunday, and likewise a messenger, arrived; and in the afternoon of yesterday that due on Wednesday last, with a second messenger. It appears by the letters from Vienna of the 25th, that the Courier from General Melas did not reach that capital till the morning of that day. It seems very strange that the accounts of the battle of Marengo and the Convention by which it was followed should have been so long delayed. The particulars of that decisive event and of the convention were but imperfectly known. The letters speak of the armistice and the conditions of it, as requiring ratification. Buonaparte, however, took care that there should be no delay in the interpretation of that document. We have found nothing in the German papers that can throw any light upon the determination of the Court of Vienna. Ministers must have received information by the Messenger from Lord Minto. On Saturday it was reported that the Emperor had refused to treat. As the dispatch of Gen. Melas was so long in reaching Vienna, it rather seems improbable that the resolution of the Court of Vienna could have reached town by the first mail, as the Cabinet could not be expected to decide extempore on so important a matter. Ministers here, however, must have it now, and it cannot long be concealed.
The accounts from the Danube serve to explain many things which the French official dispatches leave uncertain respecting the operations in this quarter. It is singular indeed that the German accounts always confirm those of Moreau's in their fullest extent, often stating the loss of the Germans greater than represented in the French dispatches. Some people imagined before the battle of Nueburg, mentioned in Moreau's letter, the French must have been defeated at Nordlingen, &c. There is not the least foundation for that supposition. It appears that as soon as the French crossed the Danube on the 19th, Gen. Kray broke up from Ulm, and commenced his retreat. He had the advantage of a day or two's march on the French, taking his route northwards to Franconia and Bavaria, and leaving the enemy in his rear. By a circuitous round, and describing a kind of semi-circle upon the Danube from Ulm to Ingolstadt, the cover of the latter fortress was of signal service to Gen. Kray. The latter, indeed, seemed averse to the battle, and was more desirous to avail himself of the support of Ingolstadt to secure Bavaria. What would be his course after the defeat he sustained at Nueburg, does not appear; the German accounts do not reach so far. He is undoubtedly inferior to the enemy, for in the battle of Nueburg, but a part of the French were engaged—a whole division being left to blockade Ulm, and another sent to Munich. As soon as General St. Suzanne makes some progress on the side of Franconia towards Bavaria, general Kray will be obliged again to quit Ingolstadt, and retreat towards Bohemia. In this state of things, whatever may be the determination of the Baron Thugut and his Colleagues, amidst the ruins they brought down upon the fortunes of their misguided master, there seems little prospect that the Imperialists will be able to make a vigorous defence if the campaign is continued; that they should be able to act on the offensive again, seems impossible. Throughout Germany the universal wish is for peace, and it is thought unavoidable from the desperate state of the Austrians in every quarter. Even before the last reverse, the states of Austria strongly petitioned the Emperor to conclude a peace.
It is reported by the Mail, that a number of British forces had arrived at Genoa; all accounts concur that a strong body was expected to co-operate with the Imperialists in Italy.
July 15.
We yesterday received Paris Journals to the 11th inclusive. There are no farther official advices from the army of the Rhine. The private accounts from the neighbourhood of the scene of hostilities however give that full and complete confirmation to the modest statements of Moreau, which they have uniformly received during the campaign. The object of the passage of the Danube at Dillengen, on the 19th June, is stated by general Desfolles in a very long detail of these transactions, to have been to compel general Kray to quit Ulm, which the former manoeuvres, however successful, had not been able to effect. Moreau, previous to that day, being ignorant of the entire success of the army of Reserve, was afraid to penetrate too far into Bavaria, lest general Kray should be able to recover his communications with Prince Reuss in the Tyrol, and thus should be able to connect his operations with those of Melas in Italy. The passage of the Danube, however, by
Adams's Def. p. 15. § 363. Adams's Def. p. 71 Adams's Def. p. 372 § 373. p. 117. Adams's Def. p. 87.

which general Kray was cut off by his magazines, at last produced the effect, and the Austrian army was obliged to ascend the Danube, to seek from the fortress of Ingolstadt that support which they had derived from that of Ulm. The French army immediately blockaded the latter, and Moreau was at liberty to penetrate into Bavaria without apprehension. Of the loss of the respective armies in the action at Nueburg, and the preceding skirmishes, there is as yet no account. The Austrians were at first successful, but the French, being reinforced, drove them from all positions, as well as the ground they had gained.
By the last letters, which come down to the 31st, it appears that general Kray does not feel himself secure at Ingolstadt; his head-quarters had been removed to Reichsburg. It is said that Lecourbe has again marched to the left bank of the Danube, & is to advance by Eichstadt, in the Upper Palatinate, towards Ingolstadt, on the left bank. Another division is said to have taken Neustadt on the Danube, above Ingolstadt upon the right bank. If these reports are correct, it seems to be the intention of the French to threaten general Kray's communications with his rear, and to drive him likewise from Ingolstadt. Many think, indeed, that he has no alternative at present but to retreat into Bohemia, and that if he remains at Bavaria, his army, much dispirited and disorganized, will be entirely ruined. If he is so pressed at present, indeed, what must be his situation when general Sufanne comes through Fianconia on his flank. That general had made every preparation for his expedition, and was to set out on the 9th of July. It is said that he carries with him a quantity of siege artillery. It is reported too that Ulm is to be immediately besieged in form.
The elector of Bavaria, according to a variety of reports, is about to open negotiations with Moreau.
The King of Prussia is to employ his influence in favor of the elector, and the Baron Heyman is at Munich for this purpose. The Duke of Wirttemberg is still, it is said, inclined to warlike measures, but some accounts state that his troops with general Kray, are more inclined to peace. The neighbourhood of their own country presents strong temptations to desertion from a beaten army and a declining cause.
The French papers do not yet contain anything official or specific respecting the answer of the Imperial cabinet to the dispatches from Marengo. It was reported yesterday, with confidence, that the Emperor of Germany had not accepted Buonaparte's offers. This we believe to be the truth; but it is not the whole truth. He is said to have answered, that whatever his sentiments respecting the offers of the chief consul were, he could not come to a decision without consulting his ally the King of Great Britain. If this be the substance of the answer, the matter still remains doubtful. Such a reply may be dictated by a wish to fulfil his engagements with this country, and may be compatible with a desire of peace. If well improved, indeed, it opens the way to a general peace. On the other hand, it may be a juggle employed by the Imperial ministers to gain time, and to make preparations to ward off the ruin which impends. If it be a mere diplomatic evasion, it will soon be found that it will not succeed. Baron Thugut has not to deal with men of his own stamp. He was well matched with Rewbell and Barras, but he is not fit to contend with Buonaparte and Carnot.
A letter of Carnot, the minister at war, throws some light upon the question. In an address to the prefects and generals of departments, dated the 7th, on the subject of the military conscription, he expresses a hope that the powers at war with France will not refuse the peace which has been offered; peace too on terms not more rigorous than the republic had proposed to Austria triumphant. It will surely be admitted that there is some moderation in this conduct, and it is the moderation of sound policy. Buonaparte knows that unequal terms, dictated by force, are not likely to lead to a permanent peace, and his anxiety to treat on equitable conditions proves his sincerity beyond a doubt.
It is probable therefore, that the Court of Vienna will listen to negotiation, unless a frenzy reigns in the Councils of that Cabinet which defies all common sense and all just calculation. If moderate terms of peace are rejected, or if a miserable intrigue grasps at negotiation merely for procrastination, it will be unfortunate for Europe. It seems agreeable to every probability, that the next offers of peace will be made at Vienna. The French are preparing to strike a terrible and decisive blow; measures are clearly unfolding, which will render the attempt to march into the heart of the Austrian states not only practicable, but in a great measure safe. Not only are the leading armies in the best possible order, but a second line of armies is almost ready to cover their advances and to reinforce their ranks. The strength of the French in Italy is very great. The army of Moreau is likewise powerful, and if Ulm and Ingolstadt fall, Kray will not be able to keep the field. Not only is there a new army at Mentz, but Angereau is organizing a very strong force on the Lower Rhine. The Army of Reserve at Dijon already, it is said, is 65,000 strong; and is increasing daily. The greatest exertions are employed to forward all the conscripts; and the late victories will facilitate these levies. Thus will the French government be in possession of an immense military force to execute the gigantic plans it has conceived. It will soon appear that if the Hereditary States of the Empire are invaded, there will
be a second line of armies to support their movements, protect the rear, and facilitate the convoys, supplies, &c. of the advancing legions. How the Emperor thinks of resisting this force is inconceivable, particularly if the motives of his perseverance will not stand a rigorous examination.
The states of Austria, even before the defeat at Marengo, were clamorous for peace. Hungary is discontented with a war in which it feels a less interest than any of the emperor's dominions. After an incessant war of fourteen years, men are difficult to be obtained. The armies in the field have suffered very much; those of the French are improving. The new levies of the emperor will require a great deal of time to form good troops; and if the war continues, the attack will be made without delay. In the debasement of their coin the emperor has adopted the most wretched measure of finance that can be imagined, one that produces the utmost want of money. Not the millions of this country can supply an exchequer so exhausted, and repair credit so broken. Upon the whole then, it seems clear that the emperor must make peace, and it seems most reasonable to impute the equivocal nature of his answer to a desire to preserve some semblance of choice in the alternative he adopts, as well as fidelity to engagements so recently contracted, not to an obstinate determination to prosecute a hopeless cause, and to tempt almost certain destruction.
PARIS, June 30. It is said, that towards the close of the battle of Marengo, Melas, surrounded by fifteen or twenty thousand Austrians killed or wounded, sent a messenger to Buonaparte, with these words—"For God's sake, Sir, put a stop to this carnage, and I will consent to whatever you desire."
PHILADELPHIA, September 5. The election at Portsmouth, New-Hampshire, for the next Congress was as follows—for the anglo-federalist , 93 votes each, for the republicans, 208 each.
REPUBLICANS. ANGLO FEDS. Nahum Parker, Abiel Foster, Joseph Badger, Jun. Joseph Pierce, Levi Bartlett, Samuel Finny, Michael M. Clarry, G. B. Upham.
CHARLESTON, August 29. We were yesterday favored with a part of the papers which were received by the Cleopatra; their contents are very important. General Moreau, by his masterly manoeuvres, has compelled gen. Kray to leave Ulm; in a letter from him to the chief consul, dated the 22d of June, he gives a detailed account of the battle of Hochstedt, which took place on the 16th and 18th of June. Finding that general Kray kept close to his camp at Ulm, Moreau formed the project of passing the river below Ulm, that he might separate Kray from his magazines at Donauwerth and Ratisbon, and by this means compel him to withdraw, or come to a battle: this he represents as a difficult and dangerous movement, as he had neither bridges nor boats. Gen. Lecourbe commanded the army appointed to this business; he made his attempt at the wrecks of the bridges at Grenheim, Blenheim and Hochstedt; eighty naked swimmers, with muskets and knapsacks, which were sent over with them in two very small boats, took possession of Grenheim, and made themselves masters of the cannon, which were manned by artillerymen, who had passed the wreck of the bridge on ladders: these maintained their situation until the bridge was made passable, when the army passed, and met the Austrians on the famous plains of Hochstedt, where, after a well fought battle, victory declared in favor of the French. Five thousand prisoners, twenty pieces of cannon, and five stands of colours, remained in the hands of the victors; the killed and wounded were in considerable number. On the 19th, gen. Moreau passed the Danube at Dillingen, when another battle was fought, in which the Austrians lost 7000 killed and wounded, 6000 prisoners, 2000 cannon, &c. General Kray escaped with 1.5 before Ulm. Moreau continued to press Kray, who was in full retreat. On the 24th of June, he sent a flag to gen. Moreau, to inform him that the chief consul had concluded an armistice, which he supposed was general; but general Moreau having no information on the subject, would not stop his course. Kray's misfortune at this time appears to be owing to his permitting the French to cross the Danube with a small force, which had neither bridge nor boats. He was thus cut off from his magazines, and all direct communication with the interior of Germany. His head quarters were at Eissingen; he is represented to be upon ill terms with his general officers.
On the 25th of June, the Austrians completely evacuated the Grison country, and retired into the Tyrol, afraid lest the French should cut off their retreat. General St. Suzanne was at Mentz, forming a new army of 30,000 men, who, it is said, are to enter Franconia, which is the only retreat left for Kray.
A telegraphic dispatch of the 29th of June, states that the French continued their victories over Kray's army.
RALEIGH, September 2. A. Henderson, Esq. is elected Member of Congress for Salisbury District. David Stone, Esq. is elected for Edenton District.
THE VIRGINIA ARGUS. RICHMOND: Friday, September 12, 1800.
NEGRO STEALING! (From a Scots Correspondent) Some weeks ago, the readers of the Virginia Argus, were informed of certain discoveries which had been made in Richmond, respecting this detestable practice. We have now some farther particulars to communicate. The black man, Cato, whom we formerly mentioned as stolen from the State of Delaware, was not, as we had stated, carried to Petersburg; but to Lexington, in Rockbridge county. One of the magistrates of this city has received from the State of Delaware, full documents concerning his freedom, and this gentleman has some days ago dispatched a person to Lexington to bring him to this city. There are, however, it is believed, several kidnapped negroes in Petersburg.
Wright and Reynolds, whom we formerly spoke of as actors in this diabolical business, are now in jail in Delaware State. The pitcher goes often to the well, but it always breaks at last, says the proverb. These Ruffians had recently (and in the night time) broke into the house of a free negro in the State of Delaware. They carried off his wife and three children, thrust them into a carriage, and were driving with them towards the Maryland line; when behold! the woman, with one of her children, broke out of the carriage, and the horse, in a fright, run off, and overset and broke it. One of the children was almost killed. But the delay and confusion produced by this accident gave time for discovering and apprehending the villains. We hope that they will be rewarded with the halter, which they so exceedingly deserve. There is reason to think that the redoubtable CARTER has, before this time, been apprehended in Maryland, as a partner in the conspiracy. His father-in-law, is one Lynch, who has a house in the State of Maryland, within one mile of the Delaware line. Reynolds and Wright were chiefly employed as kidnappers. Lynch received the prisoners, and Carter was entrusted with the sale. One part of their scheme was to buy up, at a cheap rate, slaves whose time of servitude was near expiring. For these, as in the case of the two women formerly mentioned, they paid perhaps fifty or sixty dollars; and then hurried them out of Delaware State, and sold them in some one of the southern States for perhaps three hundred dollars. The whole plan was arranged with perfect regularity between Wright, Reynolds, Carter and Lynch; who, like the actors in a play, had each a several part, assigned them to perform. Carter, when examined by the magistrate, confessed that, within these few years past, he had brought from the northward not less than two hundred slaves. There can be no doubt but that every one of them was kidnapped; because to buy them at the full price of a slave in Delaware, in order to sell them here, would be a losing game. We have already in Virginia an abundant proportion of this precious breed, without taking such atrocious methods to increase them. There is one Benjamin Drew, who resides at Southampton, near the mouth of James River. This man has frequently brought large cargoes of slaves from the northward. He lately said these very words to one of his acquaintances, who had lent him five hundred dollars, and who wished in payment, to buy four boys from him. "All the slaves I bring here are free; so you must have none of them." The gentleman, within these fourteen days, told the anecdote to one of the magistrates of Richmond, upon whose authority we repeat the particulars. When Mr. Drew brings home a human cargo, he does not expose the people near a town. He pushes his boat or sloop into a creek that runs from his corn plantation to James River. There, his customers from North-Carolina resort, and bargain with him in privacy and security. It is but a very short time since one of our correspondents saw a vessel coming into James River, full of blacks. In all probability they had been cramped; as THOUSANDS of others have been, within these five last years. More upon this subject shall, in due time, be communicated to the readers of the Virginia Argus.
Richmond Jail, September 10th, 1800. The printers of the Petersburg Republican, the Baltimore American, and the Wilmington Mirror, are requested to reprint this narrative.
From the (N. T.) Mercantile Advertiser. Our London advices, published this morning, are one day later than those by the Julia. They are to the 7th July, inclusive. The report which prevailed in London on the 5th and 6th, that preliminary articles of peace had been concluded between
France and Germany, remains unconfirmed. That such an event would take place in a few days was the general opinion. Moreau, it will be seen, has defeated Kray, and threatens the invasion of Austria. This battle which must have been uncommonly bloody when the Imperialists are stated to have lost 5000 men in wounded only, was fought on the spot where the Great Duke of Marlborough gained similar laurels in the year 1704. It is conjectured, by some of the London editors, that a pacification between the French Republic and the House of Austria, will have a powerful effect in restoring the general tranquility of Europe.
From J. Russell's Commercial Gazette. BOSTON, September 1.
On Saturday the ship Argo capt. Rich, arrived here in 37 days from London. It was hardly to be expected that an arrival direct from London, in a short passage, & furnishing papers 16 days the latest, should not have something highly interesting to the American public:—But such is the fact; with the exception of one or two particulars:—The first is, that the Emperor of Germany has rejected the pacific proposition made by Buonaparte; and has determined to try the issue of a war through the campaign.—Great efforts were, therefore, making throughout the Empire to reinforce the armies, which are to be commanded by Prince Charles. A convention has also been entered into between the Emperor and Great Britain, to carry on the war; and for the latter to furnish the former with a loan of two millions Sterling; which has been granted by the British Parliament. Hostilities had not, however, recommenced in Italy and, perhaps, it is essential to mention that the Convention was done at Vienna the 20th June; whereas the intelligence of the armistice of Alexandria did not reach that capital until the 25th. The armistice of Italy, had not been extended to Germany, where Moreau was daily acquiring new conquests on the Danube; & Kray displaying his talents in effecting honourable retreats.
We have scoured every English and French paper received by this arrival, for tidings of our Envoys, in France; but we have not found a syllable. A gentleman who left Paris, the 26th June, saw Judge Ellsworth, the day before and had some hours conversation with him. As was to be expected, nothing transpired from any of the Commissioners unofficially; all the reports respecting the negotiation have their origin in the whims and fancies of Exchange politicians, and would be thought Quixotism. If, however, our readers wish to know in what point those reports most concurred in, it is that the most perfect harmony subsisted among the Commissioners of both nations; and that an honourable accommodation would be the result of their conjoint efforts. It was true at the sailing of the Argo from London, two reports of the nature of those mentioned above, were in circulation: One, that the treaty with the United States, had been signed, and that the Envoys were to sail for the United States in all August, the other, that the negotiation had entirely broken off.—The patience of our readers therefore, must experience further trials, before they attain information on this subject which can be relied on. By the Austrian accounts of the terrible battle of Maringo; it will appear, that though victory eventually followed the Gallic standards, the Imperial arms suffered no diminution of glory.
From the Independent Chronicle. On Saturday afternoon arrived here the ship Argo, Capt. Rich, 37 days from London. By her papers are received to the 21st of July, 16 days later than before received: their contents, however, are not of so important a nature as we might have expected. His Britannic Majesty, on the 15th of July, in a message to the House of Peers, laid before them the copy of a Treaty which had been signed on the 20th of June, 1800, at Vienna, between his Majesty's minister to that court, and the minister plenipotentiary of the Emperor of Germany, duly authorized for that purpose, in which it is agreed—
That in order to relieve the pressing necessities of the finances of his Imperial Majesty under the enormous expenses already incurred, and which remain to be incurred during the present campaign, his Britannic Majesty shall advance to his above mentioned Imperial Majesty by way of loan the sum of 2,000,000 Sterling. This sum shall be divided into three parts, and paid at three different periods preferably in specie: to that the first third of 666,666. 13s. 4d shall be paid in the first days of the month of July; the second third of the like sum in the first days of September; and the remaining third in the first days of the month of December.
Their Imperial and Britannic Majesties mutually promise each other to carry on the war against the French Republic, during the present campaign, with all possible vigour, and to employ in it all their respective means by land and sea, concerted together, as occasion shall require, on the most advantageous manner of reciprocally employing their forces by land and sea to the support of their operations against the common enemy.
Their Imperial and Britannic Majesties engage during the whole continuance of the present Convention not to make a separate peace with the French Republic, without previous and express consent of each other.
The duration of the Convention is fixed for the term of one year, to be computed from the 1st of March, 1800, until the end of February, 1801. We find nothing in these papers respecting American affairs. The present silence which has been observed by our Congressmen, leads us to think that all that has been said about the progress of negotiations is altogether conjecture, and that all our expectations must remain unfulfilled. For further intelligence, we must defer to the present to the subsequent details, which an air built will permit.
The Charleston City Gazette of the 20th ult. says— "We have collected nothing more respecting our envoys, than that captain Robinson says they were still at Paris. If we may argue from circumstances, their mission either has, or will terminate peaceably, as several American vessels were disarming in London."
Yesterday a court of oyer and terminer for the county of Henrico commenced at the Courthouse in this city, for the trial of about forty negroes (slaves) for treason.
These deluded wretches, together with many others not yet apprehended, (perhaps to the number of several hundred) had meditated an attack on the whites generally, whom they meant to massacre indiscriminately, thereby to obtain their liberty and possess themselves of their masters' property.
The most clear and positive evidence was produced against six of them who received their trials yesterday; they were convicted and sentence of death passed on them; to be executed this day.—The court we learn will set until the whole are tried.
One of the principals in the above conspiracy, GABRIEL, the property of Mr. home, Proffer, is still out. We understand that the Governor has issued a proclamation offering a reward of three Hundred Dollars for ap, redeeming him.
PARIS, July 8. The Americans who are in Paris, met on the 4th of this month, to celebrate the anniversary of the independence of the United States. At this meeting many toasts were given in honor of our invincible armies, and to the speedy re-establishment of good harmony between the two republics.
The Americans viewed with much emotion gen. La Fayette, who was present, and who so powerfully contributed to the establishment of their independence. They viewed him the most impressive marks of respect and attachment.
WILL BE SOLD To the highest bidder, on the 18th day of October next, on the premises, at three months credit, for ap-proved notes.
Two unimproved LOTS, In the city of Richmond, v.z. LOT No. 485, commencing at the foot of the James river canal bridge, and with Mr. Samuel Parsons' enclosed lot, No. 485, which lies opposite to said Parsons' dwelling house—And No. 489, lying on the main street, adjoining the canal square on one side, and the creek that passes between said lot and the lot that Mr. Straas lives in, on another side, and lot No. 415 on the other side. Sept. 11, 1800.
Mr. Reuben Winfrey, of the State of Georgia.
SIR, As you do not reside in this State, and have not any known agent to whom a personal notice can be given, you will be pleased to take notice, that I shall proceed at the dwelling house of Thomas Shelton, in the town of Westminster, and county of Amherst, and state of Virginia, to take the deposition of Samuel Shelton, William Blackey, and Elizabeth his wife, and others, on the eleventh day of October next, beginning between the hours of eight in the morning, and five in the evening of that day, which said depositions are designed to be read as evidence in the Suit in Chancery depending in the County Court of Buckingham, in the State of Virginia, wherein you are plaintiff, and I am defendant.
Samuel Winfrey. Buckingham County, Vir. September 6, 1800.
Notice is hereby given, THAT I shall petition the next General Assembly of Virginia, to pass an act to sell the Lands whereof Nelson Thompson died possessed of, lying in the county of Albemarle, for the benefit of the Heirs of the said Thompson; as I wish in a short time to move out of the State, and find it most for the advantage of the Heirs to dispose of the said Land in stead of the personal property, for paying off the claims against said Estate.
Sarah Thompson, Adm'x. September 2, 1800.
ADVERTISEMENT. This is to notify, that all persons indebted to the subscriber are for war and iron making payment to any but the subscriber himself, or those empowered to receive the same, by the special order of the subscriber, as payment made to any other after this date, will not be deemed good, and the after settlement will be pleadin bar. No debt will be allowed unless paid by me or my signature is annexed. Daniel Gordon. Manchester, September 8, 1800.