The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-06-30 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
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SATURDAY MORNING, JUNE 30, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
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SAMUEL MYERS,
HAS FOR SALE,
AN assortment of BOLTING CLOTHS, just received from Amsterdam. June 27.
TURNPIKE SHARES.
Will be offered to the highest bidder, at the tavern of Mr. ZACHARIAS BROOKS, on MONDAY the 2nd day of July next,
THIRTY SHARES in the Manchester Turnpike Company, belonging to the estate of the late JOHN MACRAE of Petersburg. There have been Fifty Dollars paid on each of the above mentioned shares, and I shall sell and convey only my Testator's interest in said shares, leaving the purchaser bound to pay all previous and future requisitions over and above the amount herein stated to have been paid. Bond and satisfactory security will be required for the purchase money, payable twelve months from the day of sale.
The sale will take place between the hours of 11 o'clock in the forenoon and 3 o'clock in the afternoon.
JOHN M'RAE, JUNIOR, Executor of John M'RAE, deceased. Petersburg, June 15, 1804. tds-13
Latest Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON DATES TO THE 20TH APRIL.
Continuation of news by the armed ship Pitt, from Greenock arrived at New-York, with the Greenock Advertiser to the 24th April. This paper contains London accounts to the 24th April, (five days later than heretofore received) and Greenock to the 20th.
PARIS, April 2.
Vice-Admiral Truguet, who was at Paris on furlough, has received orders to repair immediately to Brest to take the command of the fleet there. All the accounts from the coast give reason to believe that the expedition will sail in a very short time.
Moreau has at last confessed that he conversed with Georges three times. The latter appears to be very much incensed against Moreau. Pichegru will not, it is said, answer any further questions, alleging that he has given an account of every thing that relates to himself personally, and that he has nothing more to add.
April 7.
The Ex-General Charles Pichegru has hanged himself in prison. The following are the particulars of the suicide.
On the repeated requests he made, and on giving his word of honour that he would not make any attempt on his life, Pichegru had obtained the dismissal of his guards during the night. Every morning an attendant in waiting came to light his fire with a bundle of wood. Pichegru on one of the preceding mornings, had laid aside a part of a fagot, by which he thought he might put an end to existence. In short, on the 5th inst. Pichegru, after having supped very heartily at eleven o'clock, went to bed about twelve. The attendant in waiting having retired, Pichegru drew from under his pillow, where he had placed it, a black handkerchief which he tied tight round his neck; the piece of wood which he had kept in reserve he then made use of to assist him in the project of suicide; he introduces this piece of wood into the two ends of the handkerchief where it was tied; he turns this little stick close to the glands of the neck as often as he thinks necessary to put a stop to respiration. When the point of losing respiration, he draws the stick behind his ear, and throws himself on the same side of his head, in order to prevent its shifting. Pichegru, naturally fat, full of blood suffocated by the full meat which he had just taken, and by the great pressure which he made, expires during the night.
Nextday, in the morning, the attendant came to kindle the fire; he looked towards Pichegru's bed; saw him, as he supposed, in a profound sleep, & retired to do his work. About half past seven the attendant again went up, again saw the head of Pichegru quietly resting on his pillow, and again went away, till fearing to interrupt his sleep. At nine o'clock he went up the third time and observed no alteration in the posture of the prisoner, who usually spoke to him when he was awake, the attendant began to be surprised at his sleeping so long, went up to the bed, and sees his face pale and distorted; he then moved the body and found it lifeless, and without motion. He immediately gives information to the jailor, who went that instant to inform THURLOT, the Judge and Solicitor in this important trial. Eight physicians & surgeons were employed to draw up the process verbal of the state in which the body was found, and this process verbal and the corps were brought before the Criminal Tribunal on the 6th, about one o'clock in the afternoon.
After the report was concluded, Citizen Gerard Commissary of the Government, spoke to the following purpose, addressing himself to the Magistrates and the Tribunal: "The publicity which you give to every thing connected with the conspiracy, formed against the life of the First Consul, completes the arrangements
which you have instituted. These arrangements have been pursued with all the activity and zeal of which we are capable. No effort has been spared to disappoint the success of a scheme of the most abominable nature; though the forms of legal proceeding have not been observed, you will have the most conclusive evidence of the conspiracy itself. One of the principal agents of the projected assassination dispatched himself in a manner contrary to all human laws. The evidence of his guilt, however, must forever affix a stigma on his memory. His contemporaries and posterity will say, Pichegru saw no distinction between his guilt and his infamy. He became a suicide. The magistrates appointed to inquire into the evidences of his crime, and to submit them to the proper tribunal have done their duty. I require that the body of Charles Pichegru be buried in the place usually appointed for the burial of the corpses of persons taken from the Temple, where there have been instances of suicide. His burial is to be made in the presence of a public officer and two servants of the Tribunal. I require further, that the process verbal of the opening of the body and the burial, shall be published in every part of the Republic where it may be necessary."
The Senate have it is said, requested that a new National Court of Justice be formed for the trial of offences against the safety of the nation and its head. It will, however, only have jurisdiction in case of future crimes, and not with respect to the late conspiracy. Such natives of France, in foreign countries, who wish to return, must now, it is said, be provided with a pass from the Grand Judge. Several ships of the line are to be built at Antwerp this year.
LONDON, April 13.
Lady GRANVILLE.—A dreadful accident happened early yesterday morning, in Manchester-street. About four o'clock, as the watchman was going his rounds, he discovered some smoke issuing from one of the windows on the second floor of Lady Granville's house. Being alarmed at the circumstance, the man knocked violently at the door. Some time, however, elapsed, before he succeeded in arousing the servants. On being admitted, the watchman, with others, got buckets of water, and proceeded up stairs, where, melancholy to relate, they found Lady Granville lying on the floor burnt to death, in a manner too shocking to describe. The room was not in flames when they entered; one of the chairs only was consumed, supposed to be that on which her Ladyship sat; a book was found partly destroyed. It is supposed that the unfortunate Lady had been reading in her apartment until that late hour, and that sleep overpowering her, the candle communicated to her clothes.
RUSSIA & GREAT BRITAIN.—Mr. Fox on the 19th April in the House of Commons put a question to the ministers relative to a negotiation between Great Britain and the court of Russia, on the subject of mediation with France. He had recently heard reports that important negotiations were on foot, and he wished to know whether or not this was fact.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, that he had promised already that the whole of the papers relative to this subject should be laid before the house, so soon as circumstances would permit. Reasons were still in existence which would render it ineligible to comply with the wishes of the gentleman at present.
BRITISH SUPPLY BILL.—On the 19th of April, the British House of Commons being resolved into a committee of supply; the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, moved the resolutions for granting to his majesty:
 1st. The amount of the estimates for the pay and cloathing of the Militia.  2d. 150,000l. for foreign and secret services.  3d. 412,000l. for claims of American Loyalists, pursuant to the 7th article of the convention with the United States of America.  4th. 11,000,000l. to satisfy the amount of Exchequer bills, outstanding and unprovided for, which had been issued under several acts of last session, on the credit of the aids of 1804.  5th. The annual sums to the British museum and veterinary college.  The resolutions were severally agreed to.
The coinage of money in Great Britain, amounting in the reign of Queen Anne, only to two millions sterling. That of the reign of George the First, was eight millions. That of the much longer reign of George the Second amounted but to eleven millions. In the reign of his present majesty, money has been coined to the value of sixty four millions sterling; and of this, thirty two millions within these last twenty years.
THE LOAN.—Yesterday, about three o'clock, Mr. A. Newland read a letter at the Stock Exchange, which the Governor of the Bank had just received from Mr. Addington, desiring him to cause it to be made known at the Stock Exchange, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would, on Wednesday morning next, at ten o'clock, be ready to treat with such gentlemen as were inclined to bid for a loan for the present year. Just before the announcing the letter from Mr. Addington at the Stock Exchange, an eminent Jew sold 120,000l. Consols for tomorrow, at 52 5-8; they instantly fell to 55 3-8. There are already the following lists for the ensuing loan.—Roberts, Curtis, Goldsmith &c. Sir F. Baring, Aytou, and Ellis: Mark Sprot, Hammond, &c. Sir R. C. Glynn, and the Bankers.
April 14.
The Hamburg Mail due on Wednesday, arrived last night. Though it has not brought any news from Paris of so late a date as that we received by the last Monitor, it has furnished us with some interesting particulars upon the internal state of France. Never during the most sanguinary period of the despotism of Robespierre, was the Police of Paris more tremendously active; its myriads pervade all places, swarm in all the Coffee-Houses, infest every place of public amusement, intrude into every hotel, and invade even the privacy and retirement of domestic life. Such is the condition of France under a man who boasts of having united all hearts, and of whose Government the Prussian Ambassador says, that it has concentrated men of all denominations and of all parties. Arrests are so frequent and numerous, that the usual places of confinement are inadequate to the containing the persons arrested. Private habits
tions have therefore been hired for the imprisonment, or rather the inhumation of the wretched victims of the Consular tyranny.
THE DUKE DE ENGHIEU.
Letter from Talleyrand to Baron Edlestein, Minister of State to the Elector of Baden. March 12.
"Monsieur Le Baron, "I had transmitted to you a note proposing to demand the arrest of the committee of French emigrants, sitting at Offenburg, when the First Consul, by the successive arrest of the banditti, whom the English Government has sent into France, as well as by the progress and result of the prosecutions instituted here, obtained information of the share which the English agents at Offenburg had in the terrible plot hatching against his person and the safety of France. He has also been informed that the Duke D'Enghien and General Dumourier are at Ettenheim. It being impossible they should be in that town without his Electoral Highness's leave, the First Consul could not see, without the deepest regret, that a Prince, to whom he has vouchsafed to shew the most conspicuous effect of his friendship, could grant an asylum to his most cruel enemies, and quietly let them hatch such unhandsome conspiracies."
"On this extraordinary occasion, the First Consul has thought proper to order two small detachments to arrest Offenburg and Ettenheim, there to seize the plotters of a crime, which from its nature, put all those who have been convicted of the same out of the law of nations. General Caulincourt has been, charged with the First Consul's orders for this purpose. You cannot doubt but he will when executing the same, shew every regard which his highness may desire. He will have the honour to hand to your Excellency this letter, which I am charged to write to you. Receive, Mons. le Baron, the assurance of my highest respect."
"CH. M. TALLEYRAND."
THE FRENCH PRINCES.—His Royal Highness Monsieur, brother to the king of France, was the only one of the French Princes who received information by the Hamburg mail of Tuesday last, concerning the melancholy fate of his relative, the late duke of Enghien. With agonized feelings he went in the evening to Wanstead-house to communicate the sad tidings. He was met at the door by the duke of Bourbon, who perceiving grief and sorrow marked on every feature, immediately anticipated the cruel fate of his son. Without hearing or uttering a word, he locked himself up in his study, and there gave a vent to his sorrow. His groans and sobs were heard by those outside, who in vain implored access, in order to administer consolation to his afflicted mind. Monsieur himself, though long versed in misfortunes, flood in need of friendly support, but with that laudable resignation which has always distinguished him, and summing up resolution, he entered the apartment of the Prince de Conde, and with apparent composure he thus addressed him—"You know, my uncle, I have to deplore the murder of a brother, of a sister, of a fifth-prince de Conde, judging what this preface led to, interrupting him, exclaimed—"My grand-son is no more; I have no more posterity!" So saying, he fell into the arms of the Chevalier de Coni, who attended Monsieur. Half an hour passed before he recovered, and burst into a flood of tears. Upon his recovery, he apologized to Monsieur for his weakness, assuring him they were the first tears he had shed since the murder of Louis XVI. The Prince, being extremely ill, was put to bed, and Monsieur passed the night at Wanstead-house in hopes of seeing the duke of Bourbon, who remained shut up in his apartment until ten o'clock on Wednesday morning, when he consented to see Monsieur; but when they met neither could utter a word.
Monsieur parted from him, went into his carriage, and the Duke retired to his chamber, where he remained yesterday morning inconsolable. The Duke and Prince are attended by a physician and a surgeon, who do not permit them to see each other. Monsieur was rather better on Thursday, and received the visits of the Duke of Orleans, of the Duke de Montpensier and of the Count de Beaujolais. This day the French Princes and those loyal emigrants who have the means of doing so, will go into mourning for the Duke of Enghien, this last royal victim of the atrocious monster whom Providence has so long suffered to chastise the world; and the next week funeral service will be celebrated in commemoration of the martyrdom of his royal highness. Last Tuesday Monsieur received a letter from his majesty the king of France, dated Warsaw, March 31.
His majesty had then heard of the attempt of the Corsican Uturper, through the medium of emigrants at Berlin, but nothing more. In that letter his majesty says, "I have written a long letter to the Duke of Enghien." Strange vicissitudes of human life! What a short lighted mortal is man! Upon that very day the Duke of Enghien was before the tribunal of blood, convened by a merciless Corsican in France, to murder one of its best and most virtuous princes. Yet the Corsican tyrant lives, and the good people of Paris go as usual to plays, to balls and puppet-shows!
A London paper of the 20th ult. states, that on the preceding day, a solemn service in honor of the late Duke of Enghien, was celebrated at the desire of Monsieur, brother of the loi-disant King of France. The Chaplain of his Royal Highness, pronounced a brief but beautiful sermon from the 21st and 22d verses of the 9th chapter of the First Book of the Maccabees.
And all the people of Israel wept for him with a foreweeping, and mourned many days. And they said, how is the mighty fallen, who made the people of Israel to dwell in safety.
The eloquent preacher, without entering into the particulars of the short but brilliant career of this amiable and much lamented prince, drew tears from every eye, by the unassisted piety of his sentiments, and his pathetic expression. He confined himself to a view of this young hero, as a model of fidelity and devotion to his King, at a time when fidelity was so rare in most continental countries among subjects, and loyalty among princes. He recommended resignation in suffering to the will of God, and confidence in the divine justice, which never fails to avenge the innocent and punish the guilty. The preacher frequently burst into tears, which interrupted his speech. It is impossible to describe the sensation produced by the following passage towards the close of the sermon:
"Speaking as I am, to Christian Princes, and to Chevaliers always faithful to the religion of their ancestors, as well as to the laws of honour, I will only call to your remembrance the last words of the hero whose untimely end we here deplore!— Oh, my God, preserve my King and deliver my country from the yoke of the foreigner! " He then added, "Let us all repeat this prayer to the God of Goodness:—May the Almighty save our virtuous King, and preserve his Majesty from those dangers which surround him!! At these words the audience were deeply affected and overwhelmed with grief. The chapel in which divine service was performed was exceedingly crowded. A great number of the British as well as French nobility attended on the occasion.
GENERAL PICHEGRU.
The process verbal upon the death of Pichegru, asserts that he strangled himself by a piece of wood which he had secreted from the fire-wood, and which he had twisted into the silk handkerchief he wore round his neck. After having so twisted it, he laid himself down, his left cheek resting upon the end of the piece of wood, in which attitude he remained till he died—so says the process verbal , but no one will give credit to it. He was privately murdered! Could he have died without a struggle? And would not a struggle have displaced the stick from the position in which it was found under his cheek? The Physicians and the Jailors all declared their opinion that he had strangled himself—they dared not deliver any other opinion. The centinel who kept guard at his dungeon door, says, that he heard during the night a noise, like that of a man labouring under great difficulty of breathing, but he took no notice of it. The servant who came to light the General's fire in the morning, observing that he did not stir, immediately went and informed the Officer of the Guard, who sent for a Commissary of Peace and a Surgeon. Not one of them thought of looking at the body, or of ascertaining, before they sent for surgical aid, whether the General was dead or not. There are several other suspicious circumstances; for some time before his death, the Paris Papers stated that he would neither suffer the wounds, he received in resisting the Gen d'armes that arrested him, to be dressed, nor would he take any nourishment. This was to prepare the public mind for the which had been determined upon by the despot—the death of his victim.
But why do we dwell so long upon these points? The character and conduct of General Pichegru give the lie to the assertion of his having committed suicide. He was a man, in him upon political subjects of exemplary piety, and of great morality. Is it to be credited, that he would in the last act, have belied the whole tenor of his former life? Must he not have courted a public trial? Could he have been disgraced by perishing upon the scaffold that had been dyed with the blood of Louis the XVIII, or by receiving death from the same Tyrant would construe suicide into a confession of guilt and a fear of submitting to trial? All these circumstances run with such force upon the mind, that the whole world will believe he was privately murdered by order of Bonaparte.
The day after Pichegru's murder, a pamphlet was published, entitled, "A Memorial concerning the Treason of Charles Pichegru, in the years 3, 4, 5, of the Republic," said to be drawn up by M. de Montgaillard, in the year 6. The whole of this was published by the Directory in September 1797.
As soon as Bonaparte had determined upon the assassination of the general, he caused this memorial, we suppose, to be printed, resolving to publish it immediately after that event had taken place.
As the memorial is generally believed, & has been asserted by a person who had the means of knowing it, to have been a forgery, the publication of it is not likely to diminish the regret which all must feel at the fate of such a man. It shews anxiety on the part of Bonaparte—it shews fear.
Gen. Angereau is said to be the first who gave the intelligence of the plot of Pichegru. He had been consulted upon it, but took time to consider. Meanwhile he heard of the arrest of Quenelle, and that the latter was to make some important discoveries. Angereau, alarmed at this account, immediately set off for Paris, and divulged all he knew to Bonaparte. The answers of all the accused persons, upon their several private examinations are said to be firm, manly and energetic, particularly those of the young Polignac, who has been calumniated in a London print, as guilty of a contrary conduct.
Georges, like another Quintus Curtius, says he has been resolved these ten years past to devote his life for the good of his country, and will die happy in confidence that he will leave behind him six hundred equally resolved to perish or destroy the Tyrant's government."
A London paper of April 18, says—"The reign of terror was never so potent and universal as at present, in Paris. None but spies are safe; and consequently every man to avoid denunciation, is obliged to become a spy. The most intimate friends are afraid to speak to each other: all is terror, silence, and suspicion. The infamous author of these horrors has withdrawn to Malmaison. All parties have reproached him with his acts of wanton cruelty. Even Fouche has remonstrated against it as an impolitic deed. The monster in his justification, says, he did it only to gratify the republican party in the armies. He has appeared once since, at the Theatre: but the moment he entered, half of the audience withdrew. This so much enraged him on his return to Malmaison, that he ordered seven of the persons arrested at Ettenheim to be shot at midnight. In the number of these unhappy victims was the Baronesse de Reich, a lady of 60 years of age. It is reckoned that, upon the whole surface of the French territory, not fewer than two millions of persons, amounting to one sixteenth of its whole population have been arrested: a great proportion of whom still remain in prison."
"Madame Recamier has been a whole day in confinement, in the house of the Grand Judge. Speaking of Pichegru, in a circle of five or six friends, she said, if he were in Paris, she should know it immediately.—This was reported by one of the company, to the Police, and a gens d'armes was sent to take her into custody. She was carried before Regnier, and interrogated as to the means by which she expected to acquire this information. To this she answered, that she had no particular means; and only presumed on the great resort of company to her house. After a long examination, she was released on account of the great services of M. Recamier to the state in the financial way. Germany is covered with spies and brigands in the employment of Bonaparte.—One of the gentlemen who arrived on Sunday from Stuttgart, says, at his departure Mr. Spencer Smith was preparing to leave that city upon his return to England. The Elector of Baden is deeply afflicted at the execution of the Duke of Enghien. He has never since appeared in public. A band of French spies, amounting to upwards of fifty, have been sent to the vicinity of Warsaw for the purpose it is supposed, of carrying off Louis the XVIII & the Duke of Angouleme. The mission of Generals Duroc and Rapp, to Berlin, is probably connected with some design of the Usurper upon the lives of those unfortunate princes."
* The character of this lady was given No. 10, of this paper.
A letter from Rome in the Clef de Cabinet , of April 11th, says, that "Madam Bonaparte, mother of the Princess Borghese, was soon expected in that city." The object of the old lady's journey may indeed be merely a visit to her daughter; but we recollect that at the commencement of the French revolution, the aunts of Louis the XVI, when they observed the storm gathering, wisely withdrew in time, and took up their abode in a country which was then in a state of greater tranquility. By these means they escaped the melancholy fate which awaited many of their friends and relations. Madam Bonaparte may have thought it prudent to follow their example. Diamonds and Jewels are easily carried, and would no doubt, be perfectly safe under a guard of hussars and gens d'armes.
It appears that Mr. Drake is not the only British envoy calumniated by the French. The Gazette de France of April 3, contains a following article, said to be dated from Carlsruhe:
"It is not a matter of indifference to France to keep a pretty watchful eye on Sir Spencer Smith, (we believe the gentleman alluded to, is only Mr. Smith) British envoy at Stuttgart. This minister daily receives foreigners, who come from the banks of the Rhine, and again dispatches them to different countries. We are assured he has very large sums at his disposal with which he pays secret agents, whom he sends to travel, variously disguised, along the banks of the Rhine, and who even pass that river in the night time to enter France, where these profligates can only be employed in hatching plots."
April 17.
The Paris papers of the 4th and 5th, which arrived late last night, have added little to the information of which we were previously possessed. Some more persons have been taken up; but no mention is made of Moreau or Pichegru; and the murder of the gallant Duke d'Enghien is still not officially avowed, though all the world are perished in the estimate.
No event that has occurred for a long time, has proved the prostrate state of Continental Europe, so much as the answers returned to the Usurper on the subject of the Grand Judge's Report against Mr. Drake and the British government. That which is asserted by the French government is immediately considered as proved, and the general tendency of all the answers returned by the Ambassadors at Paris, Russia and Austria excepted, is to inculcate a belief that Great Britain has been guilty of a most atrocious conspiracy against humanity, justice, and the most virtuous power in Europe.
It is scarcely possible we should think, but every one must see, that Bonaparte treats the different European Powers as the Pope did. The invectives of the Monitor are like the fulminations of the Vatican, and nations are fainting or cursed—blessed or excommunicated as they are agreeable or obnoxious to his Consular Holiness. And the nations of Europe submit! and they set an example to every one of their subjects of submission and resignation to any one who will be daring enough to rebel against his Sovereign, and whole rebellion and treason may be favored by fortune!
Yet never perhaps, was a better lesson held up to England. Is there one power, which approximating and comparing the different qualities of the two governments, who, knowing the characters of both, has dared to lay one word in favor of this country, or to fuggish a doubt upon the charges brought against us? Not one—and the devotion of these powers is not to a government founded on long prejudices and ancient attachments—it is not to a government that has grown with the oaks of the land, that has inserted its roots into the soil, whilst it has lifted its venerable head up to heaven:
Quantum vertice ad oros Asbereas, tantum radice ad Tartara tendit!
No—round such a Government we might have naturally supposed the Ambassadors of Europe would have rallied; against a conspiracy to overthrow such a Government, their indignation would have been dignified and manly.—But that a power soured and new as Bonaparte's—to be bottled and cemented in blood, should find none but anxious and eager admirers and supporters, equally degrades the moral as well as the political character of every State upon the Continent of Europe. The Austrian Government, who fought to restore the Bourbons—the Prussian, who pretended to do the same, and in whose territories the head of that house lingers out a life of sorrow and humiliation; yet of humiliation not embittered by remorse; of sorrow not aggravated by guilt: the American government, who owed its independence to the Bourbons; all these powers feled the third day after the murder of a member of that House, to express their attachment to the government, and to the man by whom that murder was committed; whilst not one of them appears to have taken one step in favour of the last hope of the hapless house of Conde.
And the Pope, the Viceroy of Heaven, pours forth the imprecations against the enemies of such a man, and prays for the preservation of a life so dear to the best interests of morality and religion! There are, it is true, degrees and steps in the different answers; some are more unqualified than others, but none of them is dignified; not one dares to demand or to wait for the proof of the charges alleged against us. Yet we must confess, that the reply

of the American Ambassador afflicted us the most, because we know the use to which Bonaparte will apply it. An Englishman, living once under English laws, takes upon himself to do that which no other ambassador, not even the timid Bavarian has ventured to do; he affirms at once, that the charges are proved, and pronounces a verdict of guilty without the examination of evidence or witness. Louisiana has been dearly purchased.
But it is not a Livingston or a Lucchefini—a Caprara or a Cetto, that can dim the star of this favored island.
A people at whose crimes the humane Bonaparte is shocked and confounded, will still continue to enlighten and benefit mankind—and to a nation of assassins the moral people of France will still be indebted, for preserving their children & posterity, from the most dreadful scourge that ever afflicted and thinned the human race. These answers to the Grand Judge's report, naturally induce us to recur to the report itself.
The blame attachable to Mr. Drake, seems to be a want of caution in the selection of his means, and of dexterity in the management of them. That the design of gaining over the armies, and of displacing Bonaparte, may be a heinous crime in his eyes, we can easily believe; but no one surely will contend that these are illegitimate objects of war. Does Bonaparte invade England to preserve or to overthrow our government; & has he not himself overthrown governments, not in the progress of a war, but during the continuance of peace? We pass over some silly parts of the correspondence about fine wax and sympathetic ink, but there is not the least hint, in any part of it, at the assassination of the despot; and that which has been charged upon us with such positiveness, and such solemnity, is not even glanced at by a spy, who is represented as the chief agent, in one of the most formidable conspiracies that ever existed; and who, being paid according to the importance of his discoveries, would not of course have concealed that which would have been the most valuable of all. Indeed, the spy proves, that assassination could not have been our object. The gaining over the armies is every where spoken of, and Mr. Drake is made to say, in many parts of his letters, that nothing can be done without the armies.
The atheistic Bishop, but honest and ingenious Talleyrand, has circulated through the Diplomatic Body at Paris, a note accompanying the report of Judge General Regnier, and surcharged with abusive lies on this country. The pack of ruffians are not entirely mistaken in expecting credit for what they assume; for several of the crouching plenipos have sympathized very indly with the infulted, anguished Cortican. Amongst these the American is somewhat distinguished. But Russia and Austria the two powers of real consequence, have merely taken the communication ad referendum . If all that part of the report that is forged were true, is there any plan of assassination made out? Or is it not merely a plan for gaining intelligence of the motions of the enemy, practiced in all wars, and by all parties, though in this instance provoked and procured by an emissary set on by the enemy himself. The British are no assassins; but the cruel Italian has, to a long catalogue of crimes, just added a deliberate assassination, and with a bad grace assuredly, charges it upon the innocent.
General Lafses, another of the soi disant diplomatic republics, who for the purpose of pillage, outrage, and smuggling, is quartered in Lisbon, has forced the Portuguese government to enlarge the columns of its scanty Gazette, for the admission of atrocious calumnies against the British Government and our Gracious Sovereign. Lord R. Fitzgerald, our Minister, has in consequence delivered a most complete refutation of these calumnies, if his government shall judge it worthy of them. We regret our inability from the length of the Gazette, to insert these two State papers in our present number. The French feeling sore at the report of movements on the Continent, hostile to their views, charge them as forgeries of English emissaries. It so happens, however, that they are wholly extracts from the Continental Papers, which are well known to be under an imprimatur , not certainly English.
The emperor of all the Russias has founded an University, on a very comprehensive and liberal scale in Lithuania, for the cultivation and diffusion of the Arts and Sciences in that part of the empire. Mr. Fletcher Campbell, a Scotch gentleman of considerable note as well as talents and accomplishments, has on commission, been beating up as it were, for recruits at Edinburgh, Aberdeen and Glasgow, to fill the new professorships. It may easily be imagined, which is in fact the case, that in a country where learning is so common, and the young men, from temper as well as necessity, so adventurous, Mr. Fletcher's labors have not been in vain.
April 20. In the house of Lords, on Thursday last, on a motion made by Lord Carlisle for the production of papers relative to the conveyance to India of intelligence of hostilities, the motion was carried against the ministry by a majority of one, there being 51 for the motion, and 50 against it. Ministry, however, recovered the majority on the next question, respecting the Irish Militia, and we are disposed to consider them as having been taken by surprise on the former subject. The removal of ministry, would, we presume be preceded by more unequivocal symptoms than an incidental circumstance like this. At the same time it is certain, that the opposition has of late been uncommonly busy; and it must be confessed have weakened Ministry; but they are a heterogeneous mass, composed of discordant materials, and we think, even if triumphant, could form no efficient Ministry, unless Mr. Pitt and his friends made a component part. It is above all desirable, that the factious scenes exhibited during the American contest, should not be renewed. At that period, the enquiry upon the continent at the arrival of each English Mail was, "Who is Minister this Post?"
STONE EXPEDITION. His Majesty's ship Immortalite , with the stone ships, bombs and cutters, under the command of captain Owen, failed from Dun-genesse on the morning of Thursday, the 12th inst. & anchored off Boulogne before the close of day. On their arrival, Commodore Morris made the signal for the boats of the blockading Squadron, (viz. Leopard, Euryalus, Leda, Serse, Chiffone, Autumn, Lark and Happy ) to assemble on board the Leopard , at 9 P. M. manned and armed. There had been a moderate breeze from E. N. E. all the day, but, as the evening approached, it gradually died away, and at midnight it fell calm, nothing, therefore, could be attempted—the ships which had got under way were obliged to anchor, and the boats returned on board. Had the breeze continued every thing would have seemed as favourable for the Expedition as its projectors could have desired.
desired. The spring tide was at its height at about one o'clock; the water smooth, the night extremely dark, and only ten of the enemy's gun boats without the harbour; but the Bolognese were doubtless fully apprised of what was going on, and well prepared for resistance, as we observed lights at their numerous batteries long after midnight, and the next morning we discovered that they had got out an additional force of ten brigs, and forty-two luggers, making in all sixty-two sail, which were moored across the mouth of the harbour in the strongest position for its defence.
The enemy's coast exhibits a most interesting scene of battle and exertion. They have now 109 vessels out of Boulogne, and about 50 more lying off Vimereaux: 25 of the former are brigs, yet the forest of masts does not appear to be thinned in the least. The calm continued the whole of yesterday, and the attempt to sink the stone ships must now at all events be deferred till the next spring tides; if not altogether abandoned.
The mouth of the harbour of Boulogne is perfectly dry at low water, and the foundation so hard that we often observe carts and wagons passing to and fro, and people walking across it at a considerable distance from the Pier Head; of course, should the stone mules be placed (the wooden case of the flims surrounding them being burnt, as is intended) they would lie exposed for some hours of the day and night, and could be easily blown by gun powder and removed piece by piece, so as most admirably to assist in the repair of the Pier Head, and in the construction of a formidable battery hard by at low water, at which the French are at this moment busily employed.
Should the stone ships take ground more remote from the entrance of the harbour, it is the opinion of many, that there would yet be ample space for the small class of vessels, which alone can enter this port, to find a ready passage at the proper time of tide as usual, and that artificial rocks would not occasion them the least hindrance or annoyance.
A letter from Cadiz, of the 26th of April, contains the following interesting news. We have seen the original, and we know it to be from a respectable quarter. [N. Y. PAP.]
"I am apprehensive this country and Portugal will not long remain neutral. There is a serious misunderstanding between them and the Court of London. The British Minister at Madrid no longer appears at Court, and is waiting the result of his complaints which he has forwarded to England. Sweden, Denmark and Russia are in coalition against France, in consequence, it is said, of a discovery that the threatened invasion of England was only held up to view in order to obtain a favourable opportunity of going against those powers."
GREENOCK, April 21. The following letter from Amsterdam was received in Glasgow yesterday, from which it appears, to be the determination of the French to exclude us entirely from the German market. "The French troops have taken possession of Meppen near Embden, belonging to the Duke of Arensberg, a great quantity of goods destined for Frankfort Fair and other parts, were ordered back to Embden, to prevent their being seized by the French. All goods that have to go to the interior of Germany by Embden, must pass through Meppen."
DUBLIN, April 19. We are authorised to say, the Bank of Ireland take and pay in change Spanish dollars at 5s. 11d. 1-2 each. The exertions of the Ordnance at the Tower is beyond all precedent. A manufactory of small arms has been recently established there under the auspices of Mr. Wellesley Pole, which already furnishes at the rate of above three thousand dollars a day. 100,000 dollars have been sent down to Birmingham by the Canal, to be converted into crown pieces, at least to receive the same impressions by the machinery of Mr. Boulton. This measure will tend to prevent the circulation of counterfeits; as the effect of Mr. Boulton's machinery cannot be easily imitated by any secret apparatus; and as no counterfeit executed abroad will be submitted to the new impression. But we much fear that the scarcity of silver will not entirely cease, till a happy change in the situation of the country shall make it eligible to remove the restriction by which the Bank of England is now prohibited from making its payments in money. It is, indeed, true, that the rate at which these dollar-crowns are to pass in circulation is such, as to leave small temptation to export or melt them down as bullion. The dollars now in currency weigh 402 grains. The proper weight of the crown piece, is 404 grains. It has been estimated that the diminution in the price of bread, for the present year, in comparison with what it cost in the late years of scarcity, is equal to an abatement of taxes and public expenses in general to the amount of thirty millions annually. The foreign goods imported into Ireland, and then re-exported, are of the total value of 3,000,000. One half of this re-exportation, or to the value of 1,500,000 sterling, is to Great Britain. American goods have not, in general, varied materially in price since February. Teas are in general higher than they were in the end of last month. India sugars, salt-petre, and various other East-India goods have also risen in price.
CORK FLEET—A commercial friend has obligingly favored the editors with a Trinidad paper, containing the following particulars of the loss of that fleet. (U. S. Gaz.) TRINIDAD, May 12. On Thursday arrived the brig Mary-Ann , from Glasgow and Cork (one of the Cork fleet.) The dreadful calamity that has happened to this fleet is of the most distressing nature. We have been favoured with the following particulars: Extract of a letter from a passenger on board the Thomas of Lancaster , dated at sea, 23d of April—Lat. 21, long. 32, 30. "We failed from Cork, under convoy of the Carysfort and Apollo , on the 28th of March. The fleet consisted of 69 vessels, including the men of war. We had a fine breeze from the N. E. the first two or three days; the wind then came round to the westward, and on Sunday the 1st of April, the day previous to the accident, we had it of S. W. by W. We had hitherto suffered a much more southerly course than usual, and this wind obliged us to either tack or to make Bill more so. The reckoning of longitude, this day at noon, differed considerably: some were in 9 d. 50 m. and others as far as 12 odd west longitude. The Carysfort calculated in the latter, but we have not ascertained that of the Apollo , which was the leading ship of the fleet, and made all signals. In the evening we anxiously expected a signal to tack: none, however, was made, and we of course continued with our starboard tacks on board: in the course of the night, the wind increased to a strong gale, and a very heavy swell set in from the westward. Our topfalls were handed about at three o'clock, the parrels of the main-top-sail yard having first given way—it was owing to this accident that our vessel was saved, for the men lent up to repair the damage discovered the breakers on the lee bow, much sooner than they could have been seen from the deck. The ship instantly wore, but in going round was struck by two of the breakers, which carried away part of our bulwark, and did some other damage to the rigging, &c. This was between three and four o'clock, when it was quite dark, and impossible to discover the fate of the other ships, except one, upon the rocks very near us, and she was constantly breaking over her. After we had wore, the Apollo passed on the opposite tack, a little to windward of us: she, however, did not observe our lights or the gun we fired: the flood on till gale of light, and soon after we heard six guns from her, fired most likely after she had discovered her danger, but discovered alas! too late to avert her destruction. She was observed the next morning on her beam ends, all her masts, except the foremast, gone. We had proceeded some distance from the coast before day light, but to those vessels that were nearer, a most deplorable scene was presented. Several captains counted 18 vessels on shore, some saw no less than 25, and one asserts he counted 28. We find there are 30 ships missing, including the Apollo . I have not been able to get a list of them, but you will receive a list of those that are saved and have joined the fleet, now under convoy of the Carysfort . The breakers were the most tremendous that I have ever seen, and I fear the crews of all the vessels that were on shore near the place we were at, must have perished. Poor old T. I. is in one of the missing ships, and in one of them I am told there were no less than twelve ladies."
Lift of the ships saved. Alfred, Lucretia, Dart, Isabella, Hero, Pomona, Mary Ann, Hermit, Liberty, and Diana, from Glasgow.—Leo, Sally, Maxwell, Alchymist, and Royal Edward from Liverpool.—Loyalty, Bristol, Martha-Brae, Simon, Taylor, St. Elizabeth, Clarendon, Ann, Rosetta, and Sally, from Bristol.—Parayon, and Thomas, from Lancaster.—Befs, and Erin, from Dublin.—Betty, Ayr.—Elizabeth, Boyd, and Garthland, from Greenock.—Active, from Cork.—Clamoryan, Mentor, John, and Ann, from Whitehaven.
Domestic Intelligence. AMHERST, [N. H.] June 19. GOVERNOR'S SPEECH. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Senate, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives. ON this annual meeting, designated by our Constitution of Government for the purpose of transacting such business as the public good may require, it must afford much satisfaction to the Representatives of a free people, that health and private felicity are so generally enjoyed throughout this State; and while, with grateful hearts, we acknowledge the kindness of Divine Providence in these blessings, may it be our pleasure, as it has become our duty, by the solemn obligations which we have taken upon ourselves, to use all the constitutional means in our power for promoting and preserving the civil and religious welfare of our Fellow-Citizens. A letter from the President of the United States, with an Act of Congress proposing an alteration, as it respects the choosing of a President and Vice-President, was laid before the Legislature, at their last session, and the consideration thereof postponed to the present. That system of Government was framed and adopted after much solemn deliberation—provision was wisely made for alterations, as time and experience might point out the necessity thereof—but the reasons for a change ought to be clear and strong; left, while endeavoring to avoid some apparent inconvenience, greater unforeseen disadvantages are produced; and by one change after another the Constitution be essentially altered, and the harmony of the system destroyed. In the course of the present year Electors are to be appointed for the purpose of voting for President and Vice-President of the United States. The act of the Legislature respecting Electors, passed in June, 1800, being temporary; it will be necessary that another act should be passed in the present session. The former act recited criminals and others, from the Legislature to the subject. When the hope of impunity is great, one means of preventing crimes is wanting. If some plan could be devised, and carried into execution, for confining criminals to labour, it might have a tendency to reform them; or at least those who were able to labour, might earn their living without expense to the public. A box, containing copies of Laws of the United States, was received in April last; they have been brought to this place to be disposed of, as you may think proper to direct. They are those passed at the first session of the seventh Congress, which session ended in May, 1802. The Laws since that time have not been received. It will afford much satisfaction to co-operate with you, Gentlemen, in such measures as are calculated to promote and secure the lasting welfare of our Fellow-Citizens. JOHN TAYLOR GILMAN. May 12, 1804. IN SENATE. The following resolve was laid on the table by Mr. STORER. WHEREAS, in the present prosperous state of our common country, many of the prefixes in the United States, are daily reaming with abuse and invective against the constituted authorities of our General Government, RESOLVED, by the Senate and House of Representatives, in General Court convened, That they view with regret and disapprobation the disparaging sentiments manifested through the medium of a free press, apparently designed to alienate the affections of the people from the General Government, and to abuse and vilify the President and principal officers of the United States. RESOLVED, That they congratulate their Fellow Citizens throughout the Union, upon the happy result of those measures of the General Government, which have secured to us those rights which were lately invaded, without an appeal to arms. RESOLVED, That they repossess full confidence in the present Administration of the General Government, and rest assured that such measures will continue to be pursued, as shall most effectually preserve the peace, secure the commercial rights, and maintain the general interest of the union; and having the fullest confidence in the justice and wisdom of the President of the United States, they do hereby express their unalterable determination to co-operate with the general Government, in all necessary and proper means to preserve the union, to establish justice, to insure domestic tranquility, to provide for the common defence, to promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of civil liberty. On motion of Mr. ALCOCK, that the foregoing address be agreed to and passed—the yeas and nays were required, and were, yeas 7, nays 5.
without the probable expense of blood, but without that profusion of Treasure, which has been expended in the purchase; and at the same time we consider the unwieldy and undefined territory thereby annexed to the United States, as deranging the relation of this State to the general body, and thus threatening in its final operation, one of the most fearful calamities, a total dissolution of that Confederation, on which we conceive our strength and safety essentially depend; and also as opening a door by its extension and unguarded frontiers to every invading foe.
3. Although we feel ready to exert whatever influence we possess against that perversion of a free press, by which the general or State government, or any particular member of the same are unduly stigmatized, and scruple not to declare our unalterable determination to co-operate in all measures which appear conducive to the public good; yet we are sorry to be compelled to say, that many measures of the general government will not permit us to repossess that entire confidence in its justice, benevolence or wisdom, which those resolutions express.
The above resolutions, we understand, passed the House, on Saturday, by a similar majority with the proposed amendment to the Constitution.—The yeas and nays on both these questions, will be given in a future paper.
Amendment of the Constitution.
On Friday last, the question for ratifying the proposed amendment to the Constitution of the United States came before the House of Representatives of this State. Its passage was opposed by Messrs. Prentice, Wilson and Chamberlain , with ability and eloquence; and advocated at great length by Mr. Bell , in a very able and ingenious speech. On the question being called, it was taken by yeas and nays, and were for the amendment 81, against it 73. It passed the Senate 7 to 5. The Governor had neither approved the Bill, nor returned it with his objections, on Saturday, so that its fate was not then decided.
There is now a bill before the Legislature for dividing the State into Districts, for the purpose of choosing Electors of President and Vice-President, and Members of Congress, which takes place in a few months. We think this will in some shape or other, finally pass.
British Anity.—We have been so much accustomed to the maritime influence of Great Britain and so familiarized to acts of contempt and outrage from officers of the "Defender of the faith," that the most signal ceases to excite surprise. The one which we are about to record is perhaps without a parallel in the annals of British insolence.—It calls for the strongest remonstrances from the proper authority; for an exertion of energy almost "beyond the law."
On Sunday afternoon the ship Pitt , Captain Campbell from Greenock, arrived at this port, with eighty-two passengers on board. The Pitt was boarded within the Narrows, and about half a mile from the quarantine buoys, by six armed boats, full of men, from the British frigate Cambrian of 44 guns and 300 men and the Driver Sloop of War of 18 Carronades—both from Halifax. The object of this amicable visit was an impressment of hands and a display of other acts of aggression confidedly within our jurisdiction . The Pitt was boarded in great pomp, and without a pang seventeen of her hands and one passenger were pressed!
British insolence, however did not terminate here. The visiting Health Officer, Dr. Baily, attempted to board the Pitt , agreeably to his duty, but was repulsed and driven off by the officers and men from the Cambrian frigate and Driver sloop of war, who were all armed and remained on board after the captives were carried away in triumph. Dr. Baily, unable to perform the duty enjoined by our laws, returned to the quarantine ground.
Mr. Squire, First Lieutenant of our revenue cutter Vigilant , was now dispatched to the Pitt , to do his duty as a revenue officer, but was also driven off with like indignity and contempt!
He now made a second attempt and approaching the Pitt , emphatically informed the British officers (who still remained on board) that he was a Revenue Officer of the United States, and was to do his duty as such. To this they replied— —n the Cutter, the Revenue officers, and the United States! and still refusing to permit him to board, he returned to his station unable to do his duty!
The officers of the Cambrian and the Driver took the command from capt. Campbell, and the Pitt is now riding at anchor just without the quarantine buoys. The Pitt , owing to the unlawful resistance, has not been examined by the Health, nor visited by the Revenue officers.
Dr. Rogers, the Health officer, has very properly and spiritedly protested against this outrageous conduct.
The above information is derived from an authentic source, and for its correctness may be implicitly relied on.
*The Pitt is a letter of mark. (Republican Watch Tower.)
We are informed that dispatches have been sent on to government respecting the conduct of the British officers toward the Pitt , from Greenock, accompanied by the protests of the health and revenue officers of the port; as also by affidavits proving the disrespectful and contemptuous terms in which the government of the United States, its laws and officers were spoken of at the time. The pilots, it is said, were ordered from on board the British vessels; writs issued against their commanders to be served should they be found on shore; and an order given by the Mayor to capt. Campbell of the Cambrian , to deliver up the men impressed. In the mean time, we are informed that the Pitt cannot be suffered to enter at the custom house, till these matters are adjusted.
The British ship Leander of 50 guns is rumoured to be in the sound. The Lilly sloop of war is hourly expected, having been seen by capt. Montgomery of the Hunters .
Upon application to the British Consul, for the release of the men impressed from the ship Pitt , founded upon the illegality of the proceeding, he immediately gave orders to that effect, and a boat went down last evening for the purpose of bringing the men up to town.
It is said that the French frigates claimed the privilege of 24 hours start, and that the Mayor applied to Col. Barclay, British Consul, on the subject, who declined any interference. The Captains of the Cambrian & Driver , their pilots having left them, got under way themselves and beat down through the narrows. Whether this was done to avoid any consequences that might result from the affair of the Pitt , or with a view to wait for the French frigates is not precisely ascertained.
The French frigates have come up to Governor's Island. And rumour adds, but without satisfactory authority, that Jerome Bonaparte has left this place by private conveyance on board some merchantmen, within the last two or three days.
It is said that his individual opinion was in favour of going at all events in one of the frigates, and taking the chance of combat if pursued. It is added that his youthful bride was decidedly of that sentiment.
The Pilots who were on board the British frigate Cambrian and sloop of war Driver , received orders yesterday not to conduct the said vessels out within 24 hours after the failing of the French frigates Didon and Sybille : in consequence of which they were put on shore, and the vessels proceeded to sea without pilots. The wind being easterly, they probably anchored last evening within the Hook.—And, what is very singular, shortly after the British ships WENT DOWN , the French frigates CAME UP from Staten Island, and anchored near the city—probably with an intention of making their escape through the Sound the first fair wind!
[N. Y. E. Post.] June 21.
We are informed that the men impressed from the Pitt , are restored. The British Consul, capt. Barclay, on application from the Mayor or on the subject, stated that he did not possess authority over the vessels of war, but wrote to captain Bradley, of the Cambrian , on the subject, recommending that the men should be immediately delivered up. This recommendation was accordingly complied with.
[N. Y. Morn. Chron.]
FROM THE ONTARIO REPOSITORY.
A commercial communication may from be expected between the Genessee country and Pittsburgh. The principles of exchange, will probably be salt, and iron wares. A settlement is forming at the mouth of Olean branch of the Alleghany river, where local, as well as general position, invites the establishment of a town.
The Alleghany, rising in Pennsylvania, runs northwardly into the state of New-York, where winding through the fourth part of the country of Genessee, it receives the Olean and other smaller streams, and returns into Pennsylvania. At Pittsburgh, it joins the Monongahela; their conflux is the beginning of the Ohio.
A road is said to be in considerable forwardness from Genessee to the forming at the mouth of the Olean—another from Angelica, is to fall into that from Genessee; so that there will shortly be a passage from different points on the North river to the Alleghany river. Travellers from the New-England states, and from Vermont, to the parts of Virginia bordering on the Ohio; to the states of Kentucky and Ohio; to the Indians and Mississippi territories, and to Louisiana, may then embark at the mouth of the Olean, with near 100 miles less land carriage, than by taking the
   YEAS NAYS     Messrs Gilman, Messrs Orr,   Storer, Taylor,   Bradley, S. Payson,   Waldron, Kimball,   Smith, M. P. Payson.   Alcock,   Allen.  
A dissent, with reasons, on motion, at the time, was presented by those who gave their nays, and entered on the journals as follows:—
1. In the present state of the public mind, it is, in our view, the evident tendency of the above resolution to increase the flame of party contention, which already threatens the destruction of our happy country.
2. It is our decided opinion, that the acquisition of New-Orleans which appears to be referred to in the above resolutions, might have been obtained, not only

circuitous route to Pittsburg, as heretofore. It is probable, also, that (for some time to come at least) the shortest road to New-Connecticut, will be this way. Not far from the source of the principal fork of the Olean, is the Oil Spring, which produces the Seneca Oil; so esteemed by the Indians, that, in the sale of their territory, they reserved a mile square to include the spring. Difficulty of access to this spring, has hitherto opposed a scientific examination of all its qualities. This obstacle will, in a great degree, be removed: the road from Genesee and Angelica passing near the spring. Hence forward, the curious may indulge their laudable disposition for research, and perhaps by their result, confer a benefit on society.
It is conjectured that a state-road, to strike the shore of Lake Erie some distance below Presque Isle, contemplated a few years since, must pass not far north from the Oil Spring, when the honourable the legislature shall, in their wisdom, enact a law for its establishment. The routes to the mouth of the Olean, are, by Albany, Utica, Geneva, &c. or by Newburg or Catskill, Oswego, Bath, Angelica, &c.
Besides the roads to the mouth of the Olean, there is one from Batavia, the seat of justice of Genesee county, which falls into the road from Genesee in the 6th township, 2d range, of the Holland company lands. From Ceresco in Pennsylvania, but 15 miles above the mouth of the Olean, there is a road by Pine creek, &c. to Philadelphia. The whole distance from Philadelphia, is but about 206 miles to the Olean. The importance of this situation, so convenient as a place of embarkation to the Ohio and Mississippi territories, can be best judged of by inspection of the map.
PHILADELPHIA, June 18.
A wretch who has been in the practice of going from house to house with crackers for sale, was detected in a theft yesterday morning, in the following singular manner: Going into a hatter's near the drawbridge, and finding no one in the store, he most impudently picked up a hat which lay on the counter, and put it into his basket; (a very large one, which we may suppose he kept for this especial purpose) but in his hurry to be off, did not observe that a ball of twine was attached to the lining of it. He had scarce left the store, when the owner came in from the parlour, and without seeing any person, observed his ball of twine in motion on the floor; upon going to the door, he had no difficulty in tracing the clue to the wretch's basket, where he not only found his hat, but several sets of knives and forks, which the villain had but a few minutes before stolen from an ironmonger the very next door. He is now "in durance vile," where we trust he will lay until justice and the offended laws are satisfied.
Two persons were arrested and committed to prison on Thursday evening on suspicion of counterfeiting Bank Notes. They were detected passing counterfeit notes of the Bank of the United States, and when examined, were found possessed of large quantities, to the amount of several thousand dollars. They are believed to be part of the Eastern gang. Ib.
GRENVILLE CAUSE.
RALEIGH, (N. C.) June 25.
On Wednesday last before the Circuit Court held for this district, came on to be tried the suit brought by the Earl of Coventry and others, the representatives of the late Earl Grenville, against Messrs. Collins and Allen of Edenton—the jury being sworn, the plaintiff's counsel stated their title as follows:—That in 1664 the province of Carolina was granted by King Charles II. to eight Lords Proprietors, of whom Lord Carteret afterwards created Earl Grenville, was one—that in 1729 seven of the Lords Proprietors surrendered their parts of the province to the Crown—that in 1744 the Crown and Earl Grenville divided the province, and one eighth part was allotted and set apart for Earl Grenville—that in 1763 Earl Grenville died, leaving Robert his son and heir at law, who took the title and estates—that in February, 1776 Robert Earl Grenville died, and by his will devised his estate to trustees in trust for Lord Carteret and others—that in 1796, Lord Weymouth one of the trustees, died; the demise was laid 1st, on the title of the surviving trustee; and 2dly, on the title of Lord Carteret; to prove the descent of Robert Earl Grenville the deposition of John Parkinson was read, and to prove the conveyances between the Crown and the Lords Proprietors, and Earl Grenville and the Crown, the original deeds were produced and read—here the Plaintiff's counsel rested their case.
The defendants' counsel then stated their defence to charge that the rights of the plaintiffs were lost by the change of government which took place on the dissolution of the royal government; that they thereby became aliens, incapable of holding land, and that this incapacity still exists.
2d. That by the declaration of Rights and the constitution of the state, the rights which the plaintiffs had before the revolution became vested in the collective body of the people of North-Carolina.
3d. That their rights were taken away by some of the acts of Assembly for confiscating lands, and for opening offices for the entry of vacant and unappropriated lands.
4th. That the defendants had been in actual possession of the land since the year 1787, under a grant from the state, without any adverse claim set up till the suit brought by the plaintiffs.
To prove the latter, the grant was read and a statement of facts tending to prove the possession. The plaintiff's counsel then tendered a demurrer to the evidence, and upon the plaintiff's admitting distinctly on the record that the defendants had been in the actual possession of the land from 1787, the defendants counsel joined in demurrer; whereupon the court discharged the jury from further consideration of the cause. The argument of the demurrer was postponed by the court till December term.
The counsel for Gen. Davie pressed for the trial of the suit brought against him, but the court directed it to be continued on the ground, that it was unnecessary to try that till the demurrer should be argued and disposed of.
Thus the truly important question how far the rights of Earl Grenville have been affected by the change of government, the laws of confiscation and the acts of limitation, is submitted to the decision of an able and enlightened court. We do not pretend to be acquainted with the legal principles on which the event of this question depends, but we flatter ourselves that the result will be favourable to the interest of the state. The importance of this controversy must be obvious to every reflecting mind; and we trust that as the Legislature will be in session before the argument will be heard, that they will yet lend their assistance to those who are defending her great rights and best interests.
We forbear to repeat any of the arguments which were used by counsel in discussing the propriety of joining in the demurrer to the evidence tendered by the counsel for the plaintiffs, because they had no bearing on the main question. We shall however use our best endeavours to furnish to the public a full and accurate statement of the arguments which may be used at the next term on the demurrer. [MINERVA.]
NOTICE.
THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfinished business of the said Office transferred to me; the Collectors of the Direct Tax and Internal Revenue, whose accounts have not been finally adjusted and paid, are hereby informed, that they are now requested to call at my office, in the city of Richmond, without delay, and pay the balances due to the United States.
JOSEPH SCOTT, Marshal V. D. (epid)
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND: SATURDAY, JUNE 30, 1804.
COMMUNICATED FOR THE ENQUIRER.
Vindication of Virginia.
NO. IV.
CONSTITUTIONAL REPRESENTATION OF SLAVES.—The constitution, the laws, or the administration of our government embrace few questions, more interesting in their consequences, and none more curious and difficult in their nature than the one which is here presented to our consideration. It appears to be one of those cases in the theory of representative government, on which politicians have not sufficiently reflected; on which the experience of nations has yet had no opportunity of deciding. Go back to the history of ancient times and examine the constitutions of those countries, which were denominated free; you will find that they partook of the democratic and not the republican form; that the people instead of employing representatives to manage their political affairs, were themselves, accustomed to guide the helm of government by means of General Assemblies. Come down to modern times, and survey the situation of existing nations, you will discover that the British Constitution, the very freest which Europe has to boast of, is eminently defective in the election of its representative department; and that for the purpose of proving how unequal was the representation in the different parts of the empire, some authors have asserted that of the 558 members, which composed the British House of Commons, one-ninth was elected by 364 persons, and one half by 5723 persons. Examine the state constitutions of our own country, you will discover no analogous illustration. The states, which contained very few slaves, would have scarcely regarded it as worthy of their attention to have calculated the number of black inhabitants, when they were about to adjust the number of representatives which should come from different districts or counties; and in those states, where this race of men has principally existed, the boundaries of the districts and counties, which obtained an equal number of representatives, have been arranged by the population or convenience of the whites, and not by the number of their tawny inhabitants. It was not until the important era arrived, when a general government was proposed for the American states; when a constitution was demanded, whose provisions should be equally adapted to the situation of those states which had slaves, and those that had none, that the important question was suggested, whether the Southern States should be represented in the simple ratio of the number of their white people, or whether they should derive any additional influence from their black inhabitants? This great question was suggested at a time when all the various provisions of a complicated system of government were about to be discussed, and when the public mind was thus expanded over such a variety of subjects, that the present question did not probably meet the satisfactory investigation to which its immense importance so justly entitled it. Since the adoption of the constitution, other topics have almost completely engrossed the public attention; and it has only been within the period of the few last months that the federal editors of the north have introduced it once more to the notice of the public. This subject at length assumes a form more official and more imposing. Mr. Ely a member of the Massachusetts legislature, has brought forward a series of resolutions, whose professed object is to obtain an amendment to the Federal Constitution. Without any experimental chart then, to direct us in this unknown quarter of political science; with scarce a single calculation of an experienced navigator to assist our progress, it will not be wonderful if this progress should be tedious, defulatory and uncertain. With all these difficulties then, amply spread before me, I should eminently mistake my own powers or the difficulty of the undertaking, should I adventurously soar to any higher object than an imperfect investigation of a few only of those points, with which this question abounds. These points will be found to relate to the principal arguments of Mr. Ely.
The scheme of our federal constitution is admirable and peculiar. Its influence extends only to general subjects; whilst it reserves every local concern to the more accurate superintendence of the state sovereignties. Whilst it exercises the power of operating upon individuals in general matters, it reserves to the states the inalienable and facted power of operating upon individuals in all local concerns. As each of those powers is equally necessary to the proper defence and general accommodation of the society, no provisions should have been omitted to guard the weaker against the stronger power; to protect the state sovereignties against the progressive encroachments of the federal government. That constitution however, would have obtained no effectual provision of this sort, which simply designated the general powers that should devolve upon the federal government, without allowing at the same time to the states, some particular controul over the federal head, in the exercise of those powers. It is from this cause that we discover in the present constitution, so many express privileges conferred on the state sovereignties. Each state has an equal influence in the federal senate. In the election of President, the votes of the states are not proportionate to the numbers or wealth of each state, but they are fixed in a compound ratio of their influence in the senate, and their influence in the house of representatives. Even in the election of members of the house of representatives, the distinction of states is to a certain degree preferred. A member of this body is not chosen for every 33,000 inhabitants that are in the United States, but for every 33,000 that are in each state: so jealous is the constitution of any tendency in the federal head to verge towards a consolidated government. No prudent politician will object to this jealous spirit of the constitution. Perhaps no one will deny that there ought to have been some particular body, in which all the states should have enjoyed an equal influence for the preservation of the state sovereignties. Few then will be prepared to object to that peculiar structure of the federal senate, by which all the states whether large or small, whether it be Virginia or Delaware, are reduced to the same level of political importance. So far then the federal principle of our government appears to have been vigilantly guarded. This was one of the great objects which the constitution was intended to accomplish. There was another, equally important, to which it should have aspired.
The states were not only entitled to all those constitutional provisions which might have preserved their independent sovereignty, but they were entitled to that relative influence in the administration of the government, which their different degrees of political importance would have conferred upon them. Delaware and Virginia were each of
them entitled to a constitution which should respect their sovereignty; but Virginia might have equitably claimed a share in the administration of the government as much greater than that of Delaware, as its own political importance was really superior. To carry this principle into practice, it would not have been sufficient that these states should have had an influence in the lower house proportional to their real importance; that Virginia should have had 22 members (for instance) and Delaware only one; but that her representation in the senate and her election for the President should have been in the same proportion. Should the larger states however have waived this privilege in the formation of the federal constitution; should they have permitted the small states to possess an equal voice in the senate; it will certainly follow that they have relinquished a right to which they were equitably entitled. The constitution has wily perhaps sacrificed this equitable claim to the general interests of the union. On the floor of the senate, a large state, such as Massachusetts, has no more influence than a small state, as Delaware.—But should we apply this equitable maxim, not to one or two, but to a combination of the states, we shall easily discover that the Eastern states, or those which have no slaves, have a decided preponderance over the Southern states, which contain the greatest number. The five Eastern states, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Vermont, are entitled by the last census to 35 representatives only; while the five Southern states, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, are entitled, agreeably to the representative rule of the constitution, to 55 representatives. On the floor of the senate however the five Eastern states have an equal influence with the five southern states. We thus arrive at the obvious conclusion, that the Eastern states have gained, and the southern states have lost a considerable influence by the present constitution of the senate; and consequently that the Eastern states have begun to recover by their equal vote in the upper house, that political importance, which they had lost in the lower house for the want of a Negro representation. Two additional considerations will demonstrate the extraordinary value of this senatorial influence.—1st. The constitution has conferred much more extensive powers upon the senate than upon the House of Representatives. They not only possess all the legislative powers, except the power of originating money bills, but they exercise also some of the executive functions, since they ratify the appointment of officers and the regulations of treaties; & they also exercise some of the judicial functions, since they have the power to try all impeachments. 2dly. The negro states are defined by the intrinsic structure of our society to advance much faster in wealth, population and importance, than the eastern states. The greater extent & fertility of their soil, and their genial climate, will be almost inexhaustible sources of population and treasure. The eastern states, exclusive of Rhode Island, contain about 43,365 square miles, while the southern states, exclusive of Georgia, contain not less than 138,000 square miles. On this basis, it would be easy to calculate how many more inhabitants the southern states are destined to produce in a few revolving years, than the eastern states. Having assigned such a proportion of this population to our tawny brethren, let it be one half, it would not require much mathematical acumen to demonstrate that, at no distant period, the southern or slave states will be able to produce a much larger census of free persons only, than the eastern states. Notwithstanding this increasing importance their relative influence in the federal senate will continue unaltered: & thus the constitution has conferred upon the eastern states an equal influence in one of the most important departments of the government, while their relative importance, their wealth, and even the number of their freemen, would be every day becoming less and less.
Who can compare these various facts together; who can balance the negro representation of the southern states, and the increasing number of their freemen, against the equal influence of the eastern states in the federal senate; and not perceive the full force of the remark which is made in the letter of Gen. Washington when president of the Convention to the president of Congress, that "the constitution is the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and concession, which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable." And with what pretensions to truth can Mr. Ely assert, that "the apportionment of the direct tax (is) the only compensation proposed by the constitution to the states not holding slaves?"
Objections however, may be offered against the first part of this reasoning. It may be said, that the southern states do not really possess greater political importance than the eastern states; that the fact must indeed be conceded, if the present number of representatives from these divisions of the Union, be taken as the standard of valuation; that this is not however, an accurate standard; that the census of the slaves should not be introduced for the purpose of swelling out the real importance of the southern states; that the only proper standard of national importance, is the number of free persons; and that if we graduate these two quarters of the Union by this new scale, we shall discover that the eastern are the large, & the southern are the small states; and that all the arguments which have been drawn from the equal influence of the states in the senate, may thus be directed against the southern inhabitants. Is this statement however correct?
Different political writers may invent and employ different standards for estimating the real importance of a nation. But none perhaps is more properly adapted to this purpose than the quantity of its productive labour; since productive labour is the source of all the wealth, arts and improvement which it possesses, and of the political influence which it exerts in other countries. The productive labour of the southern states, is different from that of the northern states.—Slaves supply the place of freemen. The labour of five slaves is computed to be equal to that of three freemen. Had the southern states then never introduced the use of slaves, it is probable that a number of white inhabitants, equal to three-fifths of the slaves, would have settled in the south. If the same policy were introduced at the present period, it is probable that a similar result would take place at no distant era.—If the productive labour of a country is thus made the criterion of its real importance, and if the productive labour of five slaves is equal to that of three freemen, no reliance is to be placed on the objections which have been offered against the preceding arguments. It will still be true, that the relative importance of the eastern and southern states is to be ascertained by the representative rule of the constitution—that the southern states are entitled to a greater share in the representation of the senate than the eastern states; and that if they are willing to resign this superior influence in the upper house for the sake of protecting the sovereignty of the states, they have a claim to some equivalent compensation in the lower house, dependent on their black population. Indeed, if this argument has any positive weight, it would be sufficient to support a more extensive
deduction. If it be true, the southern states should not only have had a certain number of representatives in the lower house proportional to their black population, because they had relinquished that part of their representative right in the senate, to which their superior political importance had entitled them; but they should have possessed independently of this compromising expedient, a greater number of representatives than the census of their free inhabitants should have entitled them to, because they possessed this superior political importance. If we apply this principle therefore in all its extent, we shall at last arrive at this conclusion, that the southern states are equitably entitled to a greater influence in the senate, in the house of representatives, indeed in all the departments of the federal government, than the eastern states have a right to; & that this influence ought to be as much greater, as the number of their members in the lower house is greater than the number of representatives from the eastern states: that is, in the ratio of 55 to 35.
A new view may be taken of this subject perhaps more interesting and appropriate than the one which has been already delineated. This view will serve to introduce another principle, on which the southern states may support their right of qualified representation, and it may serve to explain more distinctly another source of compensation, which the eastern states are permitted to enjoy. Taxation and representation should in a certain degree be commensurate with each other. That state should probably possess a greater number of representatives in the lower house, which makes the largest contributions towards the support of the government. This principle is certainly not republican or proper, when it is applied to the different individuals of a society. No rich man should be entitled to as many more votes than a man of moderate fortune, as his wealth is superior to that of the latter. But the case of two individuals is not sufficiently analogous to the case of two sovereign states. A wealthy individual, who should have several votes, would very frequently direct the votes of others to the objects of his choice. But "it is not probable that the richest state in the confederacy will ever influence the choice of a single representative in any other state."
In this country taxation would be nearly proportionate to wealth. Those states which are the most wealthy, will probably embrace more taxable commodities. Wealth would be nearly proportionate to labour. "The differences existing in the respective circumstances of the several states, are not so great" as to occasion any considerable difference in the productive powers of the same quantity of labour.
The labour of five slaves is computed to be equal to that of three freemen. From these maxims, will it not follow, that the representation from the different states, should "be apportioned among the several states,—according to the respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons,—three-fifths of all other persons"? Does not this abstract principle contribute then to give new efficacy to the representative rule of the constitution?—Observe too the compensation which this principle holds out to the eastern states. If the southern states are entitled to a greater share in the representation, because they contribute more towards the expenses of the government; do not the eastern states experience a proportionate diminution of the oppressive burthen of taxation? If the southern states pay more, do not the eastern states pay less?
The eastern states may, however, deny that the burden of taxation falls upon the southern states, in proportion to 3-5ths of their negro population. But a light sketch will be sufficient to demonstrate the accuracy of this ratio.
The taxes which the federal government lays upon the people must be either direct or indirect. If they are direct, they must, by the very constitution itself, be adjusted by this ratio. Mr. Ely however, contends that all the advantages of this provision have been lost to the eastern states by the repeal of the internal taxes. Had the politicians of the north, however, extended their reflections beyond the present condition of society, they might have easily foreseen that the circumstances of the times will probably call this clause into operation. Should a war arise, and block up our sea-ports, will not the principal resources of finance be found in the assessment of direct taxes? The inevitable progress of our country, too, by multiplying the number of agriculturists, and occasioning a greater employment of capital in manufactures, will lessen the demand for foreign goods. On the smaller quantity which is imported it will be impossible to raise an equal revenue; because an increase of the import would only serve to multiply the number of smugglers. Must not the revenues of the country be consequently drawn from internal taxes? and what tax can be more eligible than a direct tax upon land?
The southern states contribute more towards the payment of the indirect tax, than the eastern states; and the ratio of contribution is regulated by the number of their black inhabitants. The northern merchants who import the goods, advance the tax, but they afterwards recover their capital with a mercantile profit from the persons who purchase them. Whether the southern or eastern states then pay the greatest part of the indirect tax, can only be determined by another question; are these imported goods most abundantly consumed by the southern or eastern inhabitants? These goods are certainly cheaper in the eastern than southern states; because when they are transported to the latter, the price necessarily rises with the expense of freight, and sometimes of insurance. As far as this cause operates, the eastern states may be supposed to consume more than equal proportion of these imported commodities. But this cause is more than counterbalanced by another principle. The eastern states having less land in proportion to the number of their inhabitants, have more extensive manufactures: and thus they supply themselves with those commodities, which are imported from foreign countries. Hence a larger flock of goods is destined to the markets of the south. When they arrive, the purchase and consumption will be exactly proportionate to the wealth of the purchasers; and this wealth is proportional to the productive labour of the society. But it has been already remarked, that the labour of five slaves is supposed to be equal to that of three freemen. Hence the net amount of the imports, and the quantity of goods consumed in the southern states, will be in the compound ratio of the whole number of their white people, & three-fifths of their black inhabitants: and hence the southern states which have a greater number of representatives than the eastern states, will contribute to the expenses of government in a greater proportion. Each day will probably throw a greater proportion of this indirect taxation upon the southern states; as each day will increase the number of manufacturers in the northern part of the Union, while the great abundance and fertility of the land in the south will multiply the number of agriculturists. In '93 Connecticut and Massachusetts were supposed to contain on an average, as many as fifty-five inhabitants to every square mile while
Virginia perhaps contains at the present day, not more than 8 or 10.
As the southern states then contribute to much revenue to the support of the government; could it not seem equitable to allow them a proportional share of representation and influence in some of its important departments? Have we not then discovered for Mr. Ely an additional "compensation" produced by the situation of our country, "to the states not holding slaves, for this unequal principle in representation?"
In opposition to these two principles, arguments may be drawn from the theory of a republican government. It will be said, that the number of persons in each state ought to be the standard for regulating the proportion of those, who are to represent the people of each state; and that slaves are considered as property, not as persons. A celebrated writer, however, denied this last position. He lays, however, of both these qualities. "In being protected on the other hand in his life and in his limbs, against the violence of all others, even the master of his labour and his liberty; and in being punishable himself for all violence committed against others, the slave is evidently regarded by the law as a member of the society; as a moral person, not as a mere article of property. The federal constitution therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons & of property."—Again—"Let the case of the slaves be considered, as in truth it is, a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of the constitution be mutually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants; which regards the slave as divested of two-fifths of the man."
* Burgh's Political Disquisitions.
† The Federalist No. 54.
‡ Gallatin's View of Finances, p. 150
§ Morse's A. Geography, p. 255.
¶ Federalist.
JOHN HILL SMITH, will deliver an ORATION in the Capitol, on the 4th of July.
COMMUNICATION.
The following gentlemen are recommended by a number of Stock-holders of the Bank of Virginia, as proper persons to fill the office of Directors.
Abraham Venable, Wm. B. Giles, George Jefferson, George Tucker, Joseph Gallego, Edward Carrington, Benjamin Hatcher, Robert Pollard, Samuel Pleasants, William Mitchell, Joseph Selden, Jas. H. Leitch, John Harvie, James Brown.
Extract of a letter from Natchez, dated May 12. "A very heavy rain has lately swept away all the bridges in the country. Great damage has been done the crops. Property, including mills, cotton gins, slaves, cattle, horses, &c. has been destroyed to the amount of 100,000 dollars. Our country is rather gloomy at present—no circulation, and but little business."
We understand that Mr. John J. Murray, American Consul at Glasgow, Scotland, has requested leave of government to return home, not finding the climate of that country to agree with his health. [Ch. City Gaz.]
At the capture of Surinam by the British two of the Dutch forts were carried by storm. In one of a Dutch officer set fire to a magazine, and blew up himself and 30 Englishmen, including one or two officers.
We learn that a General Court Martial will assemble in this town on Wednesday next, for the trial of several officers under arrest. [Boston Gaz.]
ACADEMICAL EXHIBITION.
ON the 5th of July, seven of J. O'GILVIE's senior pupils, will pronounce original orations in the Capitol, for the purpose of exhibiting a specimen of their proficiency in those branches of literature and science, in the study of which they are at present engaged.
1.—LINN BANKS will deliver an oration, on an interesting principle in political economy.
2.—WILLIAM POPE, on the comparative advantages and attractions of History and moral fiction.
3.—CHARLES HILL, on the prospects of society in the United States.
4.—WILLIAM ROANE, on the connexion between chemistry and agriculture.
5.—RICHARD ELLIS, on the utility of periodical essays.
6.—THOMAS JONES, on Happiness.
7.—EDWARD GOODWIN, on Education.
The parents of the young persons whose education is submitted to J. O'GILVIE's superintendence, and the citizens of Richmond generally, are respectfully invited to visit the Capitol on this occasion.
P. S. The exhibition will commence at ten o'clock in the forenoon. June 30.
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND, MAKES BOOTS and SHOES to any Pattern or Fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported BOOTS and SHOES, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. June 30. (epidn)
AT A QUARTERLY COURT CONTINUED AND HELD FOR PRINCE EDWARD COUNTY, MAY THE 22D, 1804.
WILLIAM WHITE, & Co. Plaintiffs, AGAINST THOMAS GIBSON & ROBERT B. GIBSON, Defendants. IN CHANCERY.
THE defendant Thomas Gibson not having entered his appearance and given security according to an act of the General Assembly, and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant Thomas Gibson do appear here on the first day of August court next, and answer the plaintiffs' bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively; and also posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.—And the defendant Robert B. Gibson, upon whom an attachment for his contempt in not answering the bill of the plaintiffs hath been returned executed, still failing to answer the same, the court, this twenty-second day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and four, on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, doth take their bill for confessed, as to that defendant, and will proceed at a future day to decree the matter thereof, unless the said defendant Robert Gibson on or before the next term after he shall have been served with a copy of this order, shall cause to the contrary. A Copy. Teste, BENJAMIN WATKINS, (682M)—16

Miscellaneous.
ODE TO THE POPPY.
[Mrs. O'Neil, of Shanes Castle, in Ireland, is one of the most beautiful appearance, elegant accomplishments, fascinating manners and cultivated talents, was the author of several charming pieces of poetry which have not been published. She was the friend and correspondent of Mrs. Charlotte Smith, distinguished in the annals of female literature for her classical sonnets and interesting novels. We beg leave to present, to such of our readers as possess a delicate taste, a delicious regale in the Ode to the Poppy, which was sent by Mrs. O'Neil from Lisbon, to Mrs. Charlotte Smith in London, and inserted in one of the novels of the latter. What can be more natural, than for the pallid votary of sorrow, who seeks exemption from pain and finds it not, to celebrate the opiate qualities of that fawning weed, in sounds more musically sad than those of the dying swan? Such a tender strain of melancholy breathes through this little poem, that, we think, none of the readers of the description to which we have just alluded, will, without the keenest emotions of sensibility, contemplate through the medium of a sympathetic imagination, the fair form of that lovely lady, who described in such languid yet melodious notes the debilitating herb, which was rapidly gaining ground on the citadel of life, and to which she shortly afterwards fell a victim in the morning of her days. She died in Portugal and was buried at Lisbon about the year 1796.]
Not for the promise of the labour'd fields, Not for the good the yellow harvest yields, I bend at Ceres' shrine; For dull to humid eyes appear, The golden glories of the year, Alas! a melancholy world's mine! I hail the Goddess for her scarlet flow'r, Thou brilliant weed!
The two following anecdotes are taken from "Les Voyages de Suiffe," &c. The Swiss Tourists. By E. F. Lantier, author of the Travels of Antenor, &c.
Gibbon lived a long time at Paris; was acquainted with d'Alembert and Diderot, mesdames Geoffrin and du Bocage. He was much pleased with the society of this country, and was introduced to count Caylus, but could see him very seldom. "I attribute this," says he, "to his manner of life. He was distinguished for extreme simplicity and benevolence. He rose early; and his day was employed in examining the shops of the workmen. At six he returned, put on his night-gown, and shut himself up in his closet. With respect to Diderot, he told us a pleasant anecdote. "I was," says he, "in a small box, in the second row, at the French comedy, when Mahomet was acted. I saw Diderot in a box at a little distance. We bowed. At the beginning of the piece, I saw that he closed his ears with his fingers, without, however, looking from the actors, on whom he fixed his eyes with great attention. In the interval of the acts, he quitted this position, and returned on the appearance of the players; and this conduct he persisted in during the performance. I pointed out this singularity to the ladies with whom I was in company, who laughed heartily; but we could not guess at the cause of this singular mode of hearing a tragedy: yet, as Diderot was no fool, I supposed that he had better motives for his conduct than appeared to us. The next morning I eagerly sought him, to request the explanation. 'Did not your ladies,' says he, 'laugh at my expense, and suppose me a little cracked? They would have thought so with more reason, if they had seen me weep at the pathetic passages while my ears were closed: those near me, who had looked at me with surprise, when they saw my tears thought me mad. One of them could not help questioning me. I coolly answered, that every one had his own mode of hearing. What amused me most was the simplicity of some imitators, who were surprised at not being able to hear when their ears were closed.' For my own part, says he, if I had not known the face Diderot, I should have thought he had just escaped from the mad-house; but your conduct is not less enigmatical to me. I will explain it. To judge with accuracy of the pronunciation of the actors, you must hear the discourse without seeing the person; and I thought, that, to judge of the gesture and the action, we must look at the actor, without hearing the play. I have often frequented plays, and know the greater part of our best pieces. For this reason, I experienced to great emotion at the pathetic speeches, when the gesture and the action answered to the words. I have found however, by my experiment, that there are few actors who can bear this trial; and, were I to write my remarks, they would be greatly humbled. As a foundation for my experiment, I will tell you, that the author of Gil Blas and Tufareti, the celebrated Le Sage, was so deaf, in his old age, that it was necessary to put the trumpet to his ear, and bawl with the utmost violence; yet he went to plays, and lost not a single word. He even said that he could not so accurately judge of comedies, and the performance of the actors, as since he no longer heard them; and I am certain, from my own experience, that he spoke the truth."
*We remember having been at a play with one of Mr. Bradshaw's friends, dumb, deaf, and consequently, till under his care, dumb. He understood every word, and distinguished accurately every word spoken with propriety.
A short anecdote descriptive of the simplicity and integrity of the Swiss mountaineers.
"Here is an anecdote, as singular as it is interesting, which happened during the first years of liberty. A peasant, named Frantz, came one evening to look for Gaspard, who was mowing a meadow, and said, "My friend this is hay-barnet. Thou knowest that we have a dispute about this meadow: we know not to whom it properly belongs. To decide the question, I have collected the judges at Schwitz—come then, to-morrow with me, before them." "Thou feist, Frantz, that I have mowed the meadow, and must make the hay to-morrow—I cannot be absent." "And I cannot fend away the judges, who have fixed on the day: indeed, we should have known to whom it belonged before it had been mown." They had some little controversy on the subject; and, at last, Gaspard said, "I will tell thee what thou shalt do: go to-morrow to Schwitz—give the judges my reasons and thine—and I shall have the trouble of going myself." On this agreement, Frantz went to plead for and against himself, and drew out the reasons on both sides as well as he could. When the judges had decided, he went to Gaspard—"The meadow is thine—the sentence is in thy favour; and I with thee joy!" Frantz and Gaspard continued friends....People the earth with such men, and happiness will dwell there."
A late Plinian professor of astronomy was once addressed in company, as the Plinian professor. This, most probably, nettled him. A gentleman sitting by, archly observed, see! how that little b stings the professor.
EXTRAORDINARY ANTIDOTE, TO THE BITE OF A RATTLE-SNAKE.
BENJAMIN ALDER, who lives near Shark river, Monmouth County, New Jersey, was bitten the second of May last, by a Rattle-Snake with three rattles, as he was flopping to pick up some chips. The snake fastened its fangs in his finger until he lifted it near three feet from the ground. The wound bled, and in a few minutes began to swell and pain him up to his elbow. He went to a place where bricks had been made, and mixed some of the Clay with his Urine, and applied it to the wound. In half an hour the pain ceased, and he has not suffered any further inconvenience from it. [Trenton pap.]
The 6th number of this paper contained an "Extract of a private letter from the life of France, 8th Vendemiaire, year 12," relative to the fate of the celebrated La Peyrouse. The reader will find this statement contradicted in the following letter.
Translation from the Publiciste (a Paris paper) of the 11th March, 1804, received from captain Richardson.
Meissrs. Editors, There is so general and so lively an interest felt for Mr. De La Peyrouse, that we are naturally led to give a favourable reception to every document we receive relative to his expedition, and even to publish any fact without examining the worth of them; and this without doubt is the motive that has influenced the editors of the Journal du Commerce to publish the letter of their correspondent at the Isle of France, which you have reprinted in your paper of the 15th instant. If the particulars of that account gave any hopes of the preservation of that illustrious and unfortunate navigator, I should have some scruples in returning them; but reason and common sense alone are interested in the discussion which I submit to you, and I lean to the opinion that their rights may be defended whenever they are not in opposition to any other proposition or feeling which is flattering to us.
To speak in plain language, the whole narrative ascribed to the Portuguese ship is an absurdity. The author (whoever he is) of this story, in order to rid himself conveniently of La Peyrouse's 2 vessels, casts the Alrolabe on the rocks or shoals, and then sets fire to the Bouffole. He extinguishes the fire it is true, but the Bouffole has by that time become unfit for sea; this however does not prevent M. de La Peyrouse from reaching New-Zealand. But when he is once there, although his crew is enlarged by a part of the Alrolabe's company, he does not (as Captain Cook formerly did) set himself about bettering his situation; he does not even think to avail himself of the remains of his vessel to construct another with—no, he flatters himself that a vessel will be sent to him from Europe, and waits patiently for that vessel NINE YEARS, without any attempt to do any thing for his own preservation. At the end of nine years, however, he loses all his patience, and then he thinks fit to take advantage of the remains of the Bouffole. Late any seaman, any man of common sense, in what state those remains would be at the end of that time? I ask, if that were the conduct of M. De La Peyrouse, whether he were not the most thoughtless and madman (and I might say the greatest) imaginable, and whether it is probable that his companions would have endured such a continued inactivity in him.
But now the story wears a different aspect. The Portuguese, who gives us this news of M. De La Peyrouse, is obliged to prolong his life as much as possible, but must make him perish at last. Of course, the inhabitants of New-Zealand, who are his friends for nine years, become angry with him, either because he was going to leave them or because he had some of their trees cut down; and we all know that trees are very scarce in a country whose forests are as ancient as the earth itself! War is then declared, and the author of the narrative takes care to dispatch all the French except one, who is left to relate the fact. But who is the lucky man for this honourable mission? The astronomer of M. De La Peyrouse, whom the author calls M. de L'Agelet, but whose name was Dagelet, a man in years, small in stature, and of very delicate health. Behold then M. L'Agelet throwing himself into a canoe and reaching alone, and without provisions, the rock on which he was picked up! And this rock was discovered as they were coasting near the Philippine Islands! Take a chart Meissrs. Editors, and cast your eyes over the distance from New-Zealand to the Philippines (it is in the latitude of only 45 degrees) and you will see that the passage which our astronomer is said to have made, would be a greater miracle than all that were ever performed by the Apostle of India, the great St. Francis Xavier.
But here I stop—Any observation is unnecessary after this—when we have such correspondents in the Isle of France, we ought to read their letters with more attention before they are published, and not renew to our purpose the grief of those who had lamented Mr. De La Peyrouse and his unfortunate companions. I have the honour to be, &c. C. V.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER. Abingdon, March 27, 1804.
"Your's of the third ult. only reached me last post. I shall answer your queries as briefly as now occurs to my memory. You already know the situation of the salt works in a marshy valley, on the waters of the north fork of the Holstein, and within one mile of said river, which, in freshes, is navigable to the ocean, were there a lock to permit the passage of boats on the forge-dam of David Ross, esq. near its confluence with the other branches of Holstein. Watanga, &c.—A considerable portion of Virginia being thereby shut out from commerce, the said state, in order to open this source to her western citizens, and enable them to partake of the general benefits resulting from the procuring and possessing of N. Orleans, has appointed commissioners to arrange measures with the state of Tennessee, for the passage of boats through the said dam, which is within the limits of that state. The depth of my salt-well is about 205 or 210 feet. The water rises about 130 or 140 feet in the well, and comes in at the bottom through saltish calcareous earth, and veins or lumps of transparent substances similar to flintglass. The strength of the wa-
ter is from 4 to 7 for 1, that is, from 4 to 7 gallons of water, will make one of salt. The size of the well is about 10 feet square in the clear: it was dug rather larger to admit that size after cribbing, as the calcareous earth being strongly impregnated with saline particles, rendered it dangerous to leave the sides without support, being liable to be affected by wet or damp weather, notwithstanding their hard rocky appearance when digging; a reliance on which induced dispensing with cribbing after the first twenty feet, until ninety feet, when in wet weather the former apparent rock got soft and gave way, and thereby much retarded my operations; after remedying that, I afterwards had it secured as they proceeded with cribbing, and afterwards strengthened by internal frames, continued from recommencement after first caving till conclusion in 1799, when I obtained water, being 2 years and 7 months in digging, attended with 5000 dollars, expenses, exclusive of well-diggers and attendants, a blacksmith was necessary on the premises to keep their working implements in order. The price of salt by the waggon load and retail, is 3 dollars 33 1/3 cents per Cwt. equivalent to 1 dollar 66 2/3 cents per bushel of 50 lbs. wt. for clean dry salt; damaged and dirty salt, from 66 to 100 per measured bushel.
On contracts for sales of 1000 bushels or upwards, a reduction is made. The quantity of salt made per day is from one to 200 bushels, which leaves a surplus over the demand, they are only worked in the day, not having yet adopted the mode of working at night, but should the consumption or demand justify the extension of the works and necessary expenditures, there is believed to be water sufficient for 1000 bushels per day. The expenses in making a small quantity being much greater proportionally than a large, when the demand increases to require the daily quantity now made, it will reduce the price, which from the great expense in erecting and carrying on in so small a scale from what might be done, cannot yet be accomplished in justice to the proprietors, but the present prospects of navigation will much assist and facilitate that period. Exclusive of the great advantages to the farmer, in opening a market for their surplus produce—for want of which, agriculture, in this quarter, has hitherto been much cramped, and manufactures and commerce depressed."
[Philadelphia Gazette. Extra of a letter from a gentleman at Stroudpton, in the county of Norfolk, to his friend in this town, dated June 6, 1804.
"ON Monday last, between the hours of eleven & twelve, A. M. we experienced a small shower, accompanied with considerable thunder and lightning. Previous to the shower, when the clouds had not much collected, and the thunder rolled only at a distance, we were alarmed with a sudden and tremendous peal, which seemed to burst upon the house over our heads. Most of the family were extremely agitated, and my little daughter was fainting. After attending to her a few minutes, I went out expecting to discover some effects of the lightning. I examined the house and out buildings, but made no discovery. Soon however, I cast my eye towards the little thicket of houses near the meeting house, where I observed a collection of people, in apparent commotion. Apprehensive that some person might be injured, but unwilling to leave home, on account of the situation of some of the family, I sent a boy to make inquiry. He returned with the information that Mr. LEWIS JOHNSON was struck with lightning, and supposed to be dead. Immediately ran to the place where he was, (the distance being between forty and fifty rods) on my arrival was told, that he was dead. I found that they had actually closed his eyes, and, as usual, they were preparing to put on a bandage to support his jaw, which was fallen. They had sent for Dr. Adams, but he had not arrived. Recollecting to have seen an account of the efficacy of cold water, when applied to persons apparently killed with lightning, I caused a similar application to be made; which succeeded beyond my most sanguine expectations. A bucket of water was thrown upon him—it was repeated—he soon exhibited signs of life and began to gasp. At this moment the Doctor arrived and opened a vein in his arm. The application of cold water was still continued, not less than six buckets were poured upon him. Symptoms of returning life increased. In about half an hour he spoke; & in an hour walked, with assistance, into the house. Complaining of extreme chillness, he was wrapped in flannel, and laid on a bed. From the moment of his resuscitation he was exercised with violent pains in his breast, back and limbs, particularly in his joints. These pains continued, without intermission, during the day and following night. But being again bled, and taking cooling physic, the pains, on Tuesday morning, began to abate, and have since continued gradually to decrease. He is now in a state of convalescence, though extremely feeble, and not entirely free from pain. The hair on the back part of his head was considerably singed his skin in several places burnt. The shoe on his left foot rent in pieces; but his clothes received no injury. From the facts above stated it appears, that the copious application of cold water was the means, in the hand of Divine Providence, of rescuing Mr. Johnson from a premature grave, restoring to his family their head and support, and to society a useful member. [Bost. Pall.]
BY AUTHORITY. [LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.]
AN ACT
For imposing more specific duties on the importation of certain articles; and also, for levying and collecting light money on foreign ships or vessels. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That from and after the thirtieth day of June next, the following articles, in addition to those already exempted from duty, shall, and may be imported free from any duty, namely, rags of linen; of cotton, of woolen, and of hempen cloth; bristles of swine, regulus of antimony, unwrought gold, unwrought bullion, and the bark of the cork tree.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That from and after the thirtieth day of June next, the duties now in force upon the articles herein after enumerated and described, at their importation into the U. States shall cease, and that in lieu thereof, there shall be therefor laid, levied, and collected upon the said articles, at their said importation, the several and respective rates or duties following, that is to say: On foreign caught dried fish, fifty cents per quintal.
On salmon one hundred cents per barrel; on mackerel sixty cents per barrel, and on all other pickled fish, forty cents per barrel. On cables, tarred cordage, white lead, red lead, almonds, currants, prunes and plums, figs, raisins imported in jars and boxes, and muscatel raisins, two cents per pound. On all other kinds of raisins, one cent and an half per pound. On tallow, yellow ochre in oil, anchors, and sheet iron, one cent and a half per pound. On Spanish brown, dry yellow ochre, flit and hoop iron, one cent per pound. On starch, three cents per pound. On hair powder, glue, and leins, four cents per pound. On pewter plates and dishes four cents per pound. On unstarched cordage, two cents and a half per pound. On quicksilver, six cents per pound.
On Chinese cassia, and gun powder, four cents per pound. On cinnamon and cloves, twenty cents per pound. On mace, one dollar and twenty five cents per pound. On nutmegs, fifty cents per pound. On black glass quart bottles, fifty cents per gross. On window glass as follows:—On all not above eight inches by ten, one dollar and sixty cents per hundred square feet not above ten inches by twelve, one dollar and seventy five cents per hundred square feet, and on all above ten inches by twelve two dollars and twenty five cents per hundred square feet. On legs, two dollars per thousand. On kid and Morocco shoes, fifteen cents a pair. On foreign lone fifty cents per cask, containing sixty gallons, and on Sicily wine, thirty cents per gallon.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That an addition of ten per centum shall be made to the several rates of duties above specified and imposed in respect to all such goods, wares and merchandise as aforesaid, as shall after the said thirtieth day of June, be imported in ships or vessels not of the United States.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the duties laid by this act, shall be levied and collected, in the same manner, and under the same regulations and allowances as to drawbacks, mode of security, and time of payment respectively, as the several duties now in force on the respective articles herein before enumerated: PROVIDED HOWEVER, That no drawbacks shall be allowed on the exportation of foreign fill, or fill oil, or of playing cards.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That all duties and drawbacks, which, by virtue of this act, shall be payable and allowable on any specific quantity of goods, wares and merchandise, shall be deemed to apply, in proportion, to any quantity greater or less than such specific quantity.
Sec. 6. Be it further enacted, That a duty of fifty cents per ton, to be denominated "light money" shall be levied and collected on all ships or vessels not of the United States, which after the aforesaid thirtieth day of June next, may enter the ports of the United States: PROVIDED HOWEVER, That nothing in this act shall be so construed as to contravene any provision of the treaty or conventions concluded between the United States of America and the French Republic, on the thirtieth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and three: AND PROVIDED ALSO, That the said light money shall be levied and collected in the same manner and under the same regulations as the tonnage duties now imposed by law.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the person exercising the powers which, under the Spanish government, were vested in the intendant of the province of Louisiana, shall until a district court of the United States, shall be established in the territory of Orleans, in conformity with the provisions of the act entitled "An act erecting Louisiana into two territories; and providing for the temporary government thereof," have and exercise, in all cases whatever arising within the said territory under the laws regulating and providing for the collection of duties on imports and tonnage, or under any other revenue laws of the United States, the same jurisdiction and powers which by law, are given to the district and circuit courts of the United States. And the powers to remit fines, penalties or forfeitures, and to remove disabilities, which, by law are vested in the secretary of the treasury, may, and shall in all cases of such fines, penalties, forfeitures or disabilities incurred within the territory of Orleans, and until a governor of the said territory shall be appointed and shall enter on the functions of his office, be exercised by the person exercising the powers which, under the Spanish government, were vested in the governor of the province of Louisiana; and the said powers to remit fines, penalties or forfeitures and to remove disabilities, may and shall in like manner, be exercised by the governor of the said territory, from the time when he shall enter into the functions of his office, in conformity with the provisions of the said act, until the end of the next session of Congress, and no longer.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 27, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
SPRING GOODS.
WILLIAM TEMPLE HAS just received, by the ship Rebecca from London, and Yorkshire from Liverpool, AN ASSORTMENT OF GOODS. Suitable to the season, which he will dispose of on the usual terms. Richmond, May 9th. (1)
ELLIS & ALLAN,
Have received from London, Liverpool and Bristol, A NEAT & VALUABLE ASSORTMENT OF
SPRING GOODS.
"THE London Critical Review or Annals of Literature," from the year 1791 till 1803, bound in boards, 39 vols.—And 30 Numbers of "Ladies London Magazine." June 13. (3w)
FOR SALE, A
TRACT OF LAND
IN Powhatan county, on Appomattox River, where it is navigable, known by the name of M c Call's Quarter, containing 420 acres: this land lies about four miles from the Court House, and is well adapted to the culture of Tobacco, small grain and corn. Maj. John Archer, who lives near the land, will shew it to any person who may wish to purchase. If it is not sold before the 1st of September next, I shall sell it upon that day to the highest bidder, at Woodson's Tavern, near the premises. John E. Price. Richmond, May 30, 1804. [1aata5ina.]
GENERAL OFFICE OF ASSURANCE.
Richmond, June 11th, 1804. TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN. KNOW ye, that whereas a sufficient number of the members of the Mutual Assurance Society against Fire on Buildings of the state of Virginia, under the twentieth article of the Rules and Regulation of the said society, have requested that a General Meeting of the society should be called in the month of July next, and previous to the payment of the quota called for becoming due. The members of the said Mutual Assurance Society are hereby called on to make a general meeting, that is, a majority of the members to be present in person or by proxy, duly authorised for the purpose, on Monday the 30th day of July next, at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, at the hour of twelve o'clock. law 3w] W. FOUSHEE, President.
WILLIAM McCABE, WATCH & CLOCK-MAKER
BEGS leave to inform the citizens of Richmond, Manchester, their Vicinities, and the public generally, that he has commenced business in the house opposite Capt. Richardson's, and four doors below the Cross-street leading from Byrd's Warehouse to Mayo's Bridge—where all kinds of work in his line will be thankfully received, and executed with fidelity and dispatch. Orders from the country will be punctually obeyed. RICHMOND, June 9th, 1804.
THE SUBSCRIBERS,
Living on Shockoe-Hill, near Mr. Daule I L. Hylton and Mr. Benj. Mulby. RESPECTFULLY inform the citizens of Richmond and its vicinity, that they have lately commenced the
CARPENTER & JOINER'S BUSINESS; and are now ready to undertake any business in their line.—They trust, from their particular attention, and faithful performance of every thing they undertake, to merit public patronage. WILLIAM K. LEE, JOHN S. LEE. May 23, '04. (5)
Mediterranean Passports.
NOTICE is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean passport issued to vessels of the United States: that from the 8th day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which the may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange: and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use. Department of State, 29th of May, 1804. The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. June, 2.
The following Six Hog-Heads of TOBACCO,
now lying in Dyer's Ware House, will be sold according to Law: 1800, January 10th—Judith Kelly, marked I. K. No. 5, Gross 1111, Tare 114, Nett 997. 1801, January 9th, do. do. No. 10, Gross 1190, Tare 118, Nett 1077—January 23, William Diggs, marked W. D. No. 17, Gross 1165, Tare 120, Nett 1045—Do. John Brent, marked I. B. No. 21, Gross 1033, Tare 137, Nett 946—January 30, George Brent marked G. B. No. 25, Gross 1179, Tare 146, Nett 1033. March 13, Spencer George, marked S. G. No. 43, Gross 1052, Tare 106, Nett 946. THOMAS HURST, Wm. MEREDITH. Inspectors. May 19.—law3m.
At a Court of Appeals held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, the 21st May, 1804.
ORDERED, that the following Rules be published in the Richmond Gazettes, for one month.
NOVEMBER 18th, 1803.
RULE.—In all cases whether of appeal, writ of error or other wise, the Court will proceed to a hearing at the term to which such case shall be returned or sent up, unless good cause shall be shown to the contrary.
MAY 15th, 1804.
RULE.—A clear and concise state of the case of each party in an appeal, writ of error or supersedeas, from a decree of the high court of Chancery, or any District Court in Chancery, or from a judgment of the General Court, or any District Court in which a demurrer, special verdict, case agreed, demurrer to evidence, bill of exceptions, or point reserved, shall constitute a part of the record, or exhibits in the cause, with the points insisted on, signed by his counsel and printed, or fairly transcribed, the expense whereof shall be taxed in the bill of costs, shall, after the end of this present term be delivered to each Judge, time enough before the hearing of the cause, & that no error, other than such as shall be pointed out, and insisted on in such statement, on the part of the plaintiff or appellant, shall be (without leave of the court) admitted as a ground for argument on the hearing of the cause, or for reversal of the decree or judgment sought to be reversed. And that all depositions and exhibits, accounts and articles intended to be relied upon or objected to in the argument, be particularly noticed in such state and recited, and a reference thereto in the official copy of the record in the cause made.
MAY 21st, 1804.
RULE.—That after the end of this present term, all cases depending in this Court, which shall be ready for hearing in pursuance of the rule of this court, made on the 15th day of this present month, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand on the docket. TESTE, J. BROWN, c. c.
THE Court of Hustings of the City of Richmond have established the following rules concerning applicants for licenses to manufacture Tobacco within the said City; viz. "All Applications to the Court for Licenses to manufacture Tobacco, must be made one month at least, previous to the time of granting thereof, and the name or names of the applicant or applicants entered on the Records of the said Court, and inserted in all the Newspapers published in the City of Richmond."
IN PURSUANCE WHEREOF, PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, That from the Records of the said Hustings Court, it appears that DANL. TRIPLETT and JOHN WIDEWILT intend to apply to the next succeeding Court for Licenses, severally, to Manufacture Tobacco within this City. By Order of the Court, AND W STEVENSON, D. C. (admljuly) June 23.
CAROLINE SPRINGS.
THE subscriber intends to open a TAVERN at the Caroline Springs, on the first day of June next; and hopes, from the pleasant and healthy situation, exclusive of the Medicinal qualities of the waters, that it will be a place of general resort. The Springs are situated about 56 miles from Richmond, 18 from Port-Royal, 12 from the Bowling-Green, and 14 from Fredericksburg.—The roads leading to them are remarkably good—they are surrounded by an agreeable and respectable neighbourhood.—There are out-houses for the accommodation of those who wish to live separate from the Tavern.
The subscriber flatters himself, that his documents will not only operate on invalids, who, in the sickly season, attend the Springs for the sake of having their health restored, but will also be felt by those whose only object is the enjoyment of company, as it may be safely said the society will be equal to any in the country. No exertion will be wanting to make every thing perfectly agreeable. ANN GATEWOOD. Fredericksburg, May 19. 3/37y
An Apprentice to the Printing Business wanted at this Office.