Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-07-26 00:00:00

press monopoly. Its success has surpassed that of every other attempt, and exceeded the expectations of its authors. But a higher price than had usually been paid for waste lands by the first inhabitants of the frontier became an unavoidable ingredient of a system intended for general benefit, and was necessary in order to prevent the public lands from being engrossed by individuals possessing greater wealth, activity or local advantages. It is believed that nothing could be more gratifying to the purchasers, and to the inhabitants of the western states generally, or better calculated to remove popular objections, and to defeat insidious efforts, than the application of the proceeds of the sales to improvements conferring advantages on the nation, and an immediate benefit to the purchasers and inhabitants themselves. It may be added, that the United States, considered merely as owners of the soil, are also deeply interested in the opening of those communications, which must necessarily enhance the value of their property. Thus the opening of an inland navigation from tide water to the great lakes, would immediately give to the great body of lands bordering on those lakes, as great value as if they were situated at the distance of one hundred miles by land from the sea coast. And if the proceeds of the first ten millions of acres which may be sold, were applied to such improvements, the United States would be amply repaid in the sale of the other ninety millions.
(To be continued)
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
To the people of the U. States.
I am one of those, who believe that you are the true and absolute proprietaries of this country, that you have a right to promote and are in duty bound to maintain its happiness. This may appear to be self-evident, and so simple, that it may produce a smile, when I lay it down in such form as a preliminary article. Yet the proposition does not appear to me unnecessary at a time, when some at least seem to reason too much on the ground of external matters.
The present circumstances of the human race are certainly unprecedented. There is nothing like the situation and prospects of the nations of the earth, in the history of the world. It is a season for self-examination—for an examination into all our concerns—for a deliberate consideration of the past and present, in order that we may make the best of what is to come. Let us be wise and just, and fear not.
Foreign proclamations, orders and decrees, suspend nearly all our trade, and jeopardize the remainder. Our persons are not safe, when out of our territory.
No relaxation from the dictation of these proclamations, orders, and decrees, nor from detentions, arrests and seizures have yet occurred. On the contrary they are increased, multiplied and extended, on the express plea of mere interest, power, revenge, and mutual destruction of belligerent by belligerent.
No American will deny that arbitrary and illegitimate regulations, of some or other of the belligerent powers, produce the seizures, which occur, of our persons, and property which take place abroad. Who then of the foreign powers have thus offended against our rights, interests and persons, committing thereby vast wrongs, and setting an evil example to the world? This is an all important subject of examination, because it will teach us, by the evils already committed against us, not to depend upon reason and justice from the same quarter, without a firm conduct.
It is intended to examine and consider the evidences of hostility, rivalry, and encroachment upon our rights, interests, and national standing wherewith England has enriched and aggrandized herself, injured and insulted us, and brought like treatment upon us, both by her own foreign allies, and her foreign enemies.
The ruling power in Great Britain manifestly lies in its two houses of Parliament. In that place the most open reprobation of the treaty of peace of 1783 took place. The ministry that made it, was violently expelled from office, and the most extreme dissatisfaction was manifested at the limits and boundaries agreed upon between us and them. The treaty was ratified, it is true, but the western posts were detained with the intention to dismember our country. The following statement, admissions and assertions made in print by the late Alexander Hamilton, esq. prove the fact. In the 4th paragraph, and 3rd, page of Mr. Hamilton's pamphlet, under the signature of Camillus in the year 1795, he states & asserts, that "there is just ground, of suspicion, corroborated by various concurrent circumstances, that Great Britain has entertained the project of contracting our boundaries at the Ohio." This (says Mr. Hamilton positively) has appeared.
"1st. In Canada." "2d. At the British garrisons." "3d. At the Indian towns." Hence our Indian wars and expenses; and loss of Indian trade. "4th. At Philadelphia"—the seat of our government, where Mr. Hamilton lived and was in the secrets of our councils! "5. "At London" the seat of the British government. This testimony is solemn and conclusive. Spain, we know, adverted to this conduct and to these views of the British government in her councils, operations and plans. England thus contributed to mislead Spain, or to confirm her in her injudicious projects of the same kind.
In a printed statement prepared in Canada by Isaac Ogden, Esq. for the information of the British Prince Edward, to show the whole scheme in America and the best plan of British conduct therein, it was proposed and recommended to hold Canada as a rod over the United States. This state paper was published of course by the permission of the British prince or government.
British agents and emissaries have been intruded into our Indian country to the in-
jury of our trade there—to the increase of our expenses—and so to accomplish the end of expensive and bloody wars. The English were therefore accessories before the fact: and as their dead bodies have been found with fraudulent colors on them, they have been partakers in the crime. They have waged war against us in these cases to dismember our empire and to monopolize trade, before the dawn of the French revolution.
The English government in 1786 made a treaty of commerce with France, whom they call their natural enemy and agreed that French ships should protect their enemies' goods . This they refused to us always—and with particular expressions and intentions; for the report of 1791 to their privy council, after referring to this British concession to France, states that it should never be conceded to the U. S. of America, that free ships should make free goods, thus acting less beneficially towards us than towards their oldest, nearest, greatest and 'natural' enemy. Hostility to our commerce, navigation and seamen was the plain and undeniable reason: and in the same spirit they have at all times impressed our sailors and passengers, and foreign sailors of every nation aiding our trade and navigation.
The English have taken (and often knowingly) American and other seamen foreign to G. Britain, neutral and belligerent, from our ships, and forced them to their guns, subjecting us thereby to quarrels with other powers, and deep crimination, personal and public. This is a real and most offensive cause of the dissatisfaction and conduct of France and Spain towards us. England knowing this well, evades all cure, all measures of remedy or precaution to this hour.
England in November 1792, broke the ice in the case of perverting neutrals, their rights and their commerce to the injury of those neutrals and of one of the powers at war. England then neutral, issued a proclamation, in opposition to their own laws and to their treaties with France and the neutrals, restraining neutral ships from carrying British and neutral goods to France; though they were allowed to go at the same time to the ports of Austria and Prussia, who were at war with France. This was the first aggression. Like the first blow in the case of an affray, it threw "the breach of the peace" upon the head of G. Britain. It justified France in retaliation. It rendered retaliation a measure of self defence. It was the real incipient cause of the present oppressive mass of anti-neutral proclamations, orders and decrees. For it and many other acts of the same nature and tendency in the remainder of 1792 and in the beginning of 1793, France on the first day of February of that year declared war against England, stating her abuse of neutrals to the intentional injury of France, as the cause. Thus France at first fairly took remedy on England, and did not retaliate upon us. Our vessels went and came unobstructed by France, and our seamen passed through all seas unimpressed by her. She did not attempt to search our vessels for American, or British, or French, or other seamen. Even their own French seamen were suffered to be employed in our vessels, which were protected, as to France, by the law of nations, though we had not one armed ship on the ocean, and though the navy of France disputed the empire of the seas with that of England until the action of June, 1794, between D'Ovilliers and Howe. The British officers, long before that time, had impressed Americans, English, Danes and other foreigners out of our vessels, so as deeply to wound and highly to incense France. This conduct produced the French order to treat Americans (neutrals) found in the British sea army (their men of war) fighting against their neutral duties, against France as pirates. This irritation, this quarrel, this act of remedy or retaliation, England brought on us—and continues to give cause for it. Our wounds are very deep and desperate, and require the probe of truth. We are disgraced forever—perhaps ruined, if we are not bold in truth—undaunted in veracity and justice.
In the month of January, 1793, England, at peace with France, set her cruisers to take vessels of Hamburg, Denmark and Sweden, in their voyages from Hamburg to France! As these neutrals suffered England to treat them so, France, trembling under the fear of famine, ordered retaliation on England by war and on those neutrals, by taking their cargoes into France, but she ordered those cargoes to be paid for, and did pay for them; and ordered further, that when England would desist from thus abusing and perverting neutrals to the ruin of France, her cruisers should desist from retaliation. It is however a real and important truth, that France did not order any of our vessels to be thus carried in.
On the 25th March, 1793, England and Russia (joined afterwards by Spain, Austria and Prussia) undertook the monstrous, insolent, unjust, unlawful, irritating and ruinous act, of a solemn treaty engagement to prevent all benefit of neutral trade to and from France, as a measure of ruin and insult to belligerent France, and of utter perversion and abuse of neutrals, and destruction of their commerce and rights .
France was to lose all advantage of neutral supplies and all advantage of sales to neutrals, and all advantage of the revenues arising on neutral imports and exports: and neutrals were deprived at once of all benefits from French supplies and consumption, and from French commerce. The principles of this treaty were death to neutral agriculture and trade.
The words and meaning of the treaties of March (and postea) in 1793, made by England with Russia, Spain, Prussia and Austria, are so strong, so full, and so comprehensive, that if we take all the subsequent retaliating decrees of France, of Berlin, Milan, Bayonne, &c. they do not go further; nor so far.
In the month of May, 1793, the French government took a deep alarm for their subsistence. Foreign war and internal revolution oppressed them at that time, and they found that the great maritime powers, Britain, Russia and Spain, and the neighboring people of the Netherlands, Germany and Spain, all combined to keep from them supplies of provisions, by land and sea, by prohibiting their own supplies from being sent to France, and by engaging to use all their endeavors to prevent supplies of bread or any thing else being sent to that devoted
country. Alarmed, injured, insulted, and vitally endangered by this unlawful violation of their rights as belligerents, and by this abuse and perversion of the neutral trade, supplies and rights, France, more to save herself from ruin than in revenge or retaliation, ordered the cargoes of the same neutrals, thus unlawfully prohibited their ordinary trade with her unblocked ports, to be carried into France; not as prize , but to feed her people and to be paid for at the prices of the ports of destination. If there were any thing either unjust or unkind in this act, it is plain and undeniable, that the treaty of England with Russia and her anterior practices from the 15th of November preceding, brought it on. France, left to fair neutral trade, and not seeing the neutrality of other states borne down, would have had no occasion for this measure. She had a better right to take the cargoes of neutrals (paying fairly for them) to feed her children, than Britain had to prevent the neutrals from independently going to trade in innocent goods with France, in order to starve her. The retaliation of such a measure on England, (France indemnifying the neutrals) was agreeable to the known law of nations. But the question is— who produced this retaliating measure of the French government? The answer is— England . She is the committer of the original aggressions on neutrals, and the cause of the defensive retaliations of France.
In June, 1793, England, provoking the continuance of such measures of France, and avowing it to be in execution of her March treaty with Russia, issued her June orders of council, to stop all cargoes of provisions bound in neutral vessels to France. It was done to defeat the French struggles for liberty, and American independent trade and navigation. She had before stopped other neutrals. England vaunting in that "superiority at sea" which her Russian treaty gave, and which has aggravated the rage of her enemies, and bent upon the monopoly of commerce, put forth these orders of June, 1793. To complete her deliberate sins against neutrals and against her belligerent adversary, Britain secured an indemnity to her ministers for any order of council, however contrary to the law of nations, the common law of England or the parliamentary statutes. The 26th section of the Enlistment act of the 17th of June, 1793, indemnifies their ministers for every possible violation of neutral rights and trade, under orders of council; and for every possible violation of the usages of war among belligerents under those orders. The constitution of England was thus changed—destroyed—in order to destroy her enemy, who is pretended to be an aggressor on such a lawless and despotic enemy, by a much later decree of November, 1807. In this attempt to destroy an enemy, neutrals are attempted to be deprived, during the whole war, of all the protection of the law of nations—the law of morals. The base vote of a Tudor parliament, that an executive proclamation of the king of England could repeal its acts, was to be realized as to us, or would be, if we suffered it. Americans! Never go to sea on such mean conditions. Probe now to the bottom this cancer on your honor—your interests—your independence.
The heart sickens with indignant agitations, when the insolent and pernicious perpetrator of such gross aggressions, basely insults our wrongs by pretending to a right of retaliation. 'Tis time for these things to end. The autumn of 1793 exhibited one more gross violation of neutral rights by the British government. All neutral supplies for the French colonies even of innocent goods destined to unblocked ports to which we could trade by the French peace— Arrêté of August, 1784, were directed to be seized by the secret order of the British king in council of the 6th November, 1793! and all French colonial produce, though neutral property, even in the vessels of the allies of England, warring with France, were so authorised to be seized by the same order of council! Mad and despotic Britain! 'tis by such acts, repeated often till the summer of 1806, that you brought upon yourself and upon the neutral world the Berlin decree of the 11th of November, 1806. Your subsequent acts of 1807 have brought on the Milan and Bayonne decrees, and the American states, too effectively embargoed by these inter-tuptions of neutral trade through your aggressions and the retaliations of your foes, are rendered forcibly a country of agriculture and manufactures alone .
Americans, consider for yourselves the historical truths here offered to your view: ask yourselves, whether France, in peace, ever arrested your commerce with England against French laws, as England did by you and France in 1792? Ask yourselves, whether it is proved on such authority as that of Hamilton, that France in 1795 formed the project of dismembering your country, as Britain did? Ask yourselves whether France, in 1793, agreed with Russia to aggress upon you in a manner unexampled, by engaging to deprive you of all commerce with England?
It is very true that France has made many severe decrees, deeply affecting neutral trade. Heaven knows, that we do not mean to countenance France in any wrong; but England has unfortunately pressed upon your consideration the doctrine of retaliation upon belligerents, and the right of one power at war to draw from neutrals those benefits, which the other belligerent habitually takes, and which the neutral is unwilling or unable to prevent. This Chapter is delicate in the extreme. 'Tis fitter for men in power correctly to consider, than for me to discuss in this place. 'Tis one, however, which conscience may not evade, nor prudence overlook . 'Tis a time to examine and consider all truths, and to act firmly by the rule of right. The wrong doer must be brought to a proper course, or the plough and the hoe, the anvil and the loom will be our sole employments .—Commerce is suspended till Britain returns to the law of nations—the law of morals. Till then England and Algiers—Scotland and Tunis—the united imperial kingdoms of the British isles and the piratical states of wretched Barbary must occupy the main. Britons, frown not! 'Tis your government, who have made this miserable condition of the commercial world. It cannot be concealed—it cannot be denied. England has made a Tophet of the ocean. She has destroyed the trade of the world by her attempts to monopolize the whole. She owes her greatness to the import of materials she
can no longer procure by her interdicted trade—to manufactures she can no longer sell—to a navigation which has nothing to carry—to trade which is annihilated—to a navy which has nothing to conquer—to a surrounding world, which has shut her from its dominions.
JURISCOLA.
FROM THE MONITOR.
AMERICAN GROUND.
The dispatches by the Osage, although they have inspired us with no hope of amelioration of the policy of foreign powers towards the United States, enable us, nevertheless, to understand more clearly the nature of our own situation, as well as the probable views of France and Great Britain with regard to this country.
France and her allies at this moment have little or no external commerce; nor, in truth, is trade of that kind so essential to them as it is to Great Britain. Agriculture and internal traffic, constitute the basis of all their financial systems. Hence foreign trade, with them, is not a primary consideration in their fiscal arrangements. It is at all times the effect of a war between Great Britain and France, that the external commerce of the latter is cut up and destroyed during the continuance of the war. And not only can it be annihilated with respect to French bottoms; but whenever Great Britain chooses to violate the laws of nations, by infringing upon neutral rights, her immense naval force enables her to prevent all intercourse between France and nations who take no part in the war. It must be recollected that Great Britain is not vulnerable to the French power by any direct medium except that of a navy; and this France has not got. The business of France, therefore, was, to find out some indirect mode of reaching and injuring her antagonist. In all their European wars, down to the year 1807, the British had been enabled by coalitions, subsidies, and otherwise, to keep open a channel on the continent of Europe, thro' which they could pour in their manufactures and produce, and were thus enabled to support the war by the profits of a trade carried on during the war in their own or in neutral vessels, even with their enemies: for, the goods once introduced on the continent, would readily find their way into every quarter. Bonaparte saw and felt the evil to himself; but, at the same time, was aware of his incapacity effectually to obstruct, unless he could, by a deep and well laid stratagem, induce the British government unconsciously to co-operate with him. The Berlin decree, for which English orders had previously furnished ample pretext, was an experiment that has certainly fulfilled more than the French emperor's most ardent expectations. That decree was never carried into effect against neutrals (as has been proved by British merchants strictly examined at the bar of the house of commons) before the English orders of council were issued in November last; and, indeed, Napoleon could not have executed that decree against the Americans, who were the principal neutral, without risking a war with us, which it was far from being his desire then to provoke. Misconstruing Bonaparte's intention, and excited by the unceasing clamors of the West India planters, the English ministry, under the influence of the right honorable Spencer Percival, chancellor of the exchequer, induced his majesty to pass those fatal decrees, which completely threw the commercial world upon a new axis. 'I think I can prove, sir, (says Mr. Brougham, speaking to this point) that we ourselves, blinded and alarmed by the empty menaces of the enemy, which we had often before experienced to be ineffectual, terrified by vain fears which we could not describe, and arguing from the very uncertainty of the darkness in which we were, that some evil was impending, we knew not what, countersigned all the decrees of the enemy; backed their futile threats with our solid orders; carried them triumphantly into execution by our all powerful navy, and reduced the commerce of the country to that state, to that pitch of degradation to which he, our inveterate enemy, had wished, but in vain wished by those decrees to reduce it; and to which, by no earthly power than our own could he have succeeded in bringing it.'
The peace of Tilsit, and the seizure of the Danish fleet in fact, shut British bottoms out from the continent; and there was no other means of intercourse, generally speaking, than by American vessels. The obnoxious orders of council restricted the latter from proceeding to the ports of France or those of powers dependent on and in alliance with her; this brought the Berlin decree into full play, which was rendered still more severe by that of Milan; and the emperor of the French triumphed in the complete success of his scheme. Without an efficient navy, and without incurring the necessary and enormous expense of one, he has placed the commerce of England in a situation the most humiliating, and by a singular dizziness of apprehension on the part of the British ministry, has actually succeeded in making the British navy fight the maritime battles of France .
From such a situation we look in vain for Napoleon to dislodge himself. He sees very plainly that he has every advantage on his side. To relax his decrees with regard to the United States, whilst the orders of Great Britain are in existence, could be of no possible service to France, whilst it would be of immense benefit to her enemy. Nor would it suit the views of Napoleon just now to declare war against us; for in a war with the Americans he has nothing to gain; but it is his interest to embroil us with Great Britain; for then he would have in us an active friend, and still enjoy all the advantages over the British which he does at present. This view of the case designates at once the cause of that mongrel kind of conduct which Bonaparte observes towards us.—The information by the Osage, induces a belief that he is disposed, still further to aggravate the United States, not a war with himself if he can help it; but it is very certain, that at this time he would choose hostilities with America in preference to annulling his decrees, because his great interests consist in adhering to them as long as he can induce the English to persist in the rigid excursion of their orders of council.
Great Britain, on the other hand, relies upon commerce for the maintenance of her government and all its expensive appendages. The facility of raising loans depends upon that source; and, in truth, her whole system of revenue, directly or indirectly, is bottomed upon it. She cannot exist with splendor for any long period of time without an extensive and flourishing trade. Deluded by a fallacious view of things and believing that the continent of Europe either could not or would not do without large supplies of colonial produce and British manufactures, even if it had to accept them by vessels direct from England; she rashly promulgated and acted upon her orders of council, and thereby rendered our flag obnoxious in all the ports of Europe, whose sovereigns are hostile to Great Britain; and by doing so effectually stagnated her own trade, which had before been briskly carried on, notwithstanding the war, in a circuitous and lawful manner, by our bottoms.
Thus situated, the British ministers would gladly remove all difficulties to a proper and pacific understanding, which exist between the United States and Great Britain, were it not for certain expectations entertained upon their part. They have been persuaded from the writings and conduct of particular persons among us, that the people of this country would not submit to the embargo; that they would revolt; that there was a probability that the government might be subverted, or that a division of the Union might be effected, if the cabinet of St. James would only adhere pertinaciously to its measure; and that, at all events, the perseverance of Great Britain in her unfriendly conduct to America could not fail of producing the most salutary effect for England in the approaching presidential election. This opinion of the British ministry is grounded upon the publications in the opposition prints, and upon Mr. Pickering's letter in particular. There is also good reason to believe, that letters have been sent to the ministerial party in England by persons in this country, advising them to yield nothing to the present American administration, and flattering them with the hope that a radical change of politics must be the consequence on this side of the water.
In these circumstances, the course of conduct to be pursued by the people of the United States is as lucid as a ray of light. On either hand we are presented with an enemy, if we choose so to consider it.—France cares very little for our friendship, as it regards herself; but values our enmity as it relates to Great Britain; whilst the latter estimates our enmity as essential to her vital interests, but in the expectation of a revolution among our citizens in her favor, rejects the olive-branch that we have so often presented to her. Against France it becomes us to assert our dignity; against England to maintain our unity, our independence, and our character as a free people. The aggravations of France are wounding to our sense of national honor; those of the British insulting and degrading to every noble passion of our nature, because it presumes upon our want of fortitude and virtuous principles. We are a peaceable nation; we must therefore preserve a pacific posture as long as it is tenable, consistent with our interests and rights. We are also a gallant nation; we must therefore make war when peace is no longer reasonable or to be tolerated. In any event, the embargo is a wise measure. If we can refrain from war, it acts as a girth which binds our most valuable resources to the country. It will also act positively upon the enemy, by which, in due time, he must undoubtedly feel the want of our friendly offices. If we make war, the embargo is one of those middle measures which breaks the dreadful shock in rushing from a state of peace into a state of desperate hostilities.
The French emperor may learn hereafter, that it is of some importance to be on good terms with us: And as for Great Britain she will understand (I hope it may be too late for her) that she has woefully missed a figure; and that her ministry have been the dupes of a few men in this country who are themselves deluded by a monstrous despotio visus in politics. Europe may rely upon the fact, that 6 months have familiarised men's minds to the embargo; and that it is becoming more popular every day.—I am not in the habit of praising my countrymen; but I will venture to say this much of them; that all attempts to induce them to rebel, all endeavors to subvert the government, to divide the Union, or to force upon them a president against their own inclinations, will be by them resisted with unbounded indignation and at the peril of their lives.
* The reader may recollect the Instructions issued in April last to English ships of war, not to molest American vessels found at sea without regular clearances, &c. They were no doubt framed to encourage insurrection here, and to assist the Pickering Junto—but they have produced no effect.
BOSTON, July 14.
We have been favoured by a friend with a Halifax paper of June 24. It contains a proclamation of Gov. Prevost, dated June 23, declaring "that neutrals shall have the same privileges that British subjects have in trading to the ports of Halifax, Shelburne, Liverpool and Digby, in the Province of Nova Scotia. This proclamation to be in force for four months from the date." This appears to be intended as a lure to the American merchants, and shews that our embargo has not operated so favourable to the inhabitants of that province as has been reported.
The following paragraph from the same paper is in the true style of the federal papers in this country. "Reasoning from present appearances, and from the violent measures of the French Government, America cannot be long in determining the line of conduct she has to adopt. Napoleon has ordered the confiscation of all American property in the ports of France—and, were it not for the general friend of the world, Great Britain, the whole United States would soon be confiscated, with as much ease as a single ship or cargo."

PHILADELPHIA, July 19. The latest advices from England indi- cate a disposition to what Mr. Windham would call a negative peace; or a peace like a war; military stores and a particu- lar species of equipment, little calculated for war in the West Indies, but well cal- culated for war on a marshy continent, which had been shipped on several trans- ports nominally destined for Antigua, had been disembarked, and the transports sent upon other service. A gentleman who writes to his friend in this city, supposes that the stores were originally destined for Florida, and infers from their being withdrawn, that the British government have "resolved not to eat us for the present."  Aurora.
WASHINGTON CITY, July 18.
Extract of a letter of 14th April, from Tan- giers. "Seventeen American vessels have late- ly anchored at this port, from England, provided with licences to take cargoes in Spain and return. I was extremely sorry to see so many engaged in that hazardous trade. The consequences have already justified my apprehensions. Seven of them at Alicante and two at Malaga, have been detained by the Spaniards or taken by the French privateers, and I much fear but few of the others will escape sharing a like fate." July 22.
The President of the United States left the City on Wednesday for Monticello. The Secretary of the Treasury has also left the city for New-York.
The government schooner Hope, capt. Woodward, sailed yesterday. She carries out two messengers, capt. Haley to France, and Mr. Atwater to England. Capt. Haley will be landed at Havre-de-Grace, while Mr. Atwater will repair to England. On the return of Capt. Haley from Paris, the Hope will sail for England, whence she will return to this place with captain Haley and Mr. Atwater. Nat. Int.
25 Dollars Reward
WILL be given for apprehending and deliver- ing to the subscriber, or committing to jail, so that I get her, a runaway negro woman, nam- ed
Ann or Annaca,
Who eloped on Sunday morning last—She is a remarkable likely young mulatto woman, about 19 years of age, rather above the middle stature, more of a bright mulatto than otherwise, is un- commonly straight and well made; she has a full face, and when she speaks, seems inclined to lip though hardly obvious, and as if her tongue was too large for her mouth. She has a variety of clothes, and therefore it is unnecessary to at- tempt a description of them. It is uncertain where she will take herself, whether to Richmond or elsewhere. She has lived in Richmond in my tavern for several years, and has extensive ac- quaintance, having always been in a tavern.
Parke Goodall.
Hanover, 23d July, 1808.
FOR SALE,
The Tract of Land,
IN Charlotte county, whereon the late John Gar- den, decd. lived, containing 680 acres, more or less. This land lies on the road leading from the courthouse to Booker's ferry on Staunton river, about 12 miles from the former and 6 from the latter place. The land produces corn and small grain, and a considerable part good tobacco—the plantation thereon is sufficient to work 6 or 8 hands, and under good fences. The improve- ments are, a store room, on the road, 32 by 18 feet, a counting house at one end with a fire place; a lumber house 18 by 16 feet, both in good re- pair; a dwelling house a small distance from the store, two rooms with fire places below and two rooms above stairs, a cellar under the same, a kitchen and meat house, stable, &c. a good peach and apple orchard near the dwelling house. This place will be profitable to a merchant or tavern keeper, and will suit a private family. It may be purchased cheap for cash, or on short credit. If not sold by the first of December, it will be rented for one year. Application may be made to either of the executors.
Catharine T. Garden, Ex'x. Francis Scott, } Executors. Jos. W. Scott, }
July 25, 1808.
1m4m*
Four Dollars Reward.
STRAYED from the commons of this city, a- bout six weeks ago,
A Reddish Coloured Cow,
with very little (if any) white on her; she has short crooked horns, was in remarkable good order, when she strayed away. It is most proba- ble she is gone down the country, as she was raised by Mr. Pierce of Drummonds creek, James City county. Any person that will deliver her to me in Richmond, shall receive the above reward, or whoever will give such information that I may get her again, shall receive two dollars reward.
Peter Aubray.
Richmond, July 20th, 1808.
(2*)
ALL persons having claims against the estate of DANIEL TURNER, deceased, are hereby requested to make them known to the county court of Caroline, on or before the second Monday in October next, as the court will, on that day, proceed to make an order for the dis- tribution of said estate, and this advertisement will be plead in bar to the recovery of any claims that may be thereafter exhibited.
Philip Samuel, D. S. for John T. Woodford, S. C. C. and committee administrator.
July 25.
wt 10 O.
Notice.
ALL persons having claims against the es- tate of CHARLES F. BATES, decd. are requested to make them known, that provision may be made to meet them. Those indebted are earnestly solicited to make speedy payment, as it will be extremely unpleasant to be compelled to resort to coercive measures. Col. HEATH J. MILLER is authorized to transact and settle all business relative thereto.
Mary H. Bates, adm'x.
Goochland, July 18th 1808. 3w
Wirt's Speeches.
The Editor of the Argus has lately published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the trial of Col. AARON BURR, and others—With a portrait by St. Memin.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
TUESDAY, JULY 26, 1808.
One of the objections of the Enquirer of the 19th inst. in regard to the federal con- stitution, escaped our notice, or rather we expected that its answer would have been drawn from the other observations:
It supposes the extreme possibility of the person who is voted for as president, to be under some constitutional disqualification, as that he is not of the age required, that he is not a natural born citizen, nor was not a citizen at the time of the adoption of the constitution, nor has been fourteen years a resident within the United States. The en- quiry then results, if the person voted for is thus disqualified, what is to become of the vote? and who is to determine? It can- not be doubted without offering violation to the elective franchise, but that every per- son having a right to vote, has the right of disposing of that vote as he may think pro- per, whether it is to throw it away, or not to vote at all. Suppose that one of the can- didates should be actually disqualified, and he should receive the greatest number of votes, there can be but little doubt, but that the question of disqualification would belong to the judiciary, and if that body should de- cide accordingly, the votes for such disqua- lified candidate, would not be considered as bad, but as thrown away; and we are in- clined to think that the other candidate next in number, would be to all intents and pur- poses, elected. What we understand by a bad vote, is, that the person giving that vote, does not possess the required qualifi- cations. If the vote is bad ab initio , it is im- material for whom he votes, it cannot be- come valid, and so on the other hand, if the vote is good ab initio , no matter for whom it is given, it cannot be rendered bad. If it be essential to the freedom of elections and the right of representation, that the people may elect whom they please, and that the person thus elected should not be constrain- ed in his vote by any other power, it surely would amount to a destruction of both, to decide that the elector has not the right of throwing away his vote, by voting for any person either morally or physically disqua- lified. To say otherwise, is to give shape and direction to the elective freedom, and prescribe conditions repugnant to the nature and liberty of free suffrage.
The Democratic Press has declared itself in favor of Mr. Madison. It fully appears from every account that Mr. Clinton stands no possible chance. We can but hope that his false friends who have supported him by extravagant adulation and the deepest ca- lumnies against Mr. M. will stop their mouths of slander.
They must perceive that the expectation of success is idle and vain, and that there can be no encouragement to their vehement abuse and foul detraction.
IN COUNCIL, June 28, 1808.
Whereas various reports have been pub- licly circulated alleging that the arms made at the Virginia Manufactory of arms, are in many essential points of view defect- ive and unfit for use, and particularly that the said arms are so liable to burst, as that the ordinary use of them is unsafe; and whereas such an evil, if it exist, requires an immediate remedy, and if those reports be calumnious, justice to the officers, who superintend and conduct that institution, & justice to our country, forbid that prejudi- ces, such as those reports have excited should longer be imposed upon the public mind against those officers, and consequent- ly against the character of the institution itself: and it being the bounden duty of the Executive to provide the remedy or pub- lish the vindication proper as may be. It is therefore unanimously advised, that the Governor request the following gentlemen, to wit, General James Wood, Colonels Edward Carrington and Robert Gamble, and Majors Joseph Scott, James Gibbon, John Ambler and William Wirt, or any three of them, to attend at the armory, at such time or times, as may suit their own convenience, to cause to be proved under their inspection, and in such manner as they, in their judgments, shall prefer, and moreover, critically to examine, by taking to pieces and inspecting their component parts, so many of the arms there manufac- tured as may be sufficient to make a fair experiment and correctly to ascertain the quality of the said arms generally; also to make an accurate comparison of the said arms with the arms now in our possess- ion, made at other manufactories for- eign and domestic, to wit, the French arms, Wheeler's, McCormick's, Miles's, Haz- lett's, and the British Tower guns—by in- specting, examining and proving, in like manner, and with the same proof, an equal number of each of the said several sorts of arms; and to report to the Executive the result of their several examinations, and proofs aforesaid: for which purpose, it is advised that the superintendant of the ma- nufactory of arms be directed to cause such a quantity of Balls to be moulded, as the said gentlemen, or any three of them, shall require, to be employed in the said proofs, to attend them when they re- quest it, and to notify to the Governor the
time when the inspections and proofs are to be commenced in conformity with this advice.
Extract from the Journal. DANIEL L. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council.
No. 2.
IN COUNCIL, July 23, 1808.
The governor laid before the board a re- port of the gentlemen appointed to prove and examine the arms at the armory, by the advice of council, dated June 28, 1808; which report was read and attentively con- sidered, in conformity with the recommen- dations expressed in the said report, and is as follows:
Pursuant to a request of his excellency, the Governor of Virginia, with the advice of Council, we the undersigned, have atten- ded for several days, from the 29th of June, to the 2d instant inclusive, at the Public Ar- mory, and had proven, under our immedia- te inspection, agreeably to the mode, and with the same proportions of powder and ball, as appear by the communications of the Secretary of War, to be now in practice in the armories of the United States, par- cels of the public arms now on hand in Rich- mond, as exhibited in the annexed tables A and B, shewing the results thereof; also in another mode other sets of certain arms appearing by table C.
The several parcels of muskets were ta- ken in our presence, and according to our directions, from the several deposits, indis- criminately: The muskets of the three first years make, we consider as rather light in the barrel, having been made, we are in- formed, to bear a degree of proof, then in practice in the principal armory of the U- nited States at Springfield. But the man- ner in which they have now stood the en- creased degree of proof since adopted, shews that they may be relied upon as good arms, except as to those made in 1804. It will be seen by the tables, that every par- cel tried of that year's make, have failed more considerably than any others, which we attribute to two causes—1st. they are lighter in the barrel than even those in the preceding years—2dly. We think it proba- ble that the iron is of more brittle quality, and although we have no reason to doubt their standing the proof in practice when they were made, as well as they might safely be used in service; yet as it is essen- tial that full confidence be felt in the arms placed in the hands of soldiers, we beg leave to suggest the propriety of recalling to the armory, all those of that year's make, now out, subjecting them in detail to the proof now in practice; and thus ascertaining by actual trial, those that may be confided in. The reason given by major Clarke (the su- perintendant) for the arms of 1804, being more light than those of Anterior dates, is, that he found they could be made so much lighter and yet bear the proof then requir- ed at Springfield; and he deemed it an ob- ject to have them as light as they could with safety be made.
Since the year 1804, the improvements in every part of the musket are obvious; and those manufactured in 1807 and 1808, considering the proportions of the barrel and great improvement in the lock, we deem superior to the British Tower mus- kets, or any other now in use. Upon the whole, we are of opinion, that the arms of the Virginia Manufactory (except as to those of 1804) upon a critical examination and comparison with those imported, and others purchased from factories within the United States, have a decided preference; The barrels, upon the proof we have given them, having been found generally at least equal, and those of 1807 and 1808, superi- or: and the locks in all, are, in our opinion, in every part decidedly better.
It is probable that many of the failures complained of in the muskets which have been distributed, may have arisen from ex- cessive and unusual modes of proof; for the strongest and best musket that ever was made, may be charged with an unreasona- ble quantity of powder, and hard ramming of the ball, so as to burst, as appears by the trials in the table C, where it may be seen, that even the Tower muskets were not equal to the shock. We further beg leave to ob- serve, that frequent proving, even with proper proportions, should be avoided, as every trial so much beyond the usual charge for service, has an injurious effect on the barrel, and will eventually cause it to burst, although at first of the best description.
In further pursuance of the request of the Executive, we, with much deference, offer the following observations:
1st. In making good barrels, much de- pends on the quality of the iron, which ought to be chosen with great caution. If hard and brittle, it is not likely to stand the proof lately adopted; if soft and malleable, it will stand every proper degree of proof. In the choice of iron we have no reason to believe there has been any mistake in the Virginia Manufactory, except as to the arms of 1804.
2dly. Very long bayonets will probably be found inconvenient in service, they will be much in the way in movements through woody countries, and under attack, are more easily parried and passed, than those of more moderate length. Would it not be well to conform to the length of bayonets most generally made in the factories of the United States.
3dly. The pistols made in the manufac- tory are, we think, well executed, but too large.
An uniformity of arms of every class throughout the United States, for which ammunition is to be prepared, is very im- portant; as suitable supplies on all occasi- ons, and in all situations, are thereby ren- dered the more certain. We conceive it would be well to obtain from the Secretary of War, a pistol and a bayonet, as samples. The calibers of the muskets are already nearly conformable in size to those of the United States; and being but a very small degree larger, cartridges of the U. States laboratories, will never be found inconveni- ent for them.
4thly. We have every reason to believe the swords manufactured, from the mode in which they are tried, before polished, and from the trials we saw made of some of them, are to be relied upon as of good quality; but we beg leave to suggest the propriety of differences of size and weight, so as to be suited to the different sizes and strength of the men, who are to use them. We prefer the pattern lately received.
Before we dismiss the subject, we feel it a public duty, as well as doing an act of common justice to the superintendant and officers employed in the armory, to state our own impressions as to the mode of con- ducting the business of the institution. We consider the machinery as well calculated to save manual labor, and that it has been executed in a style which does honor to the projector; that the divisions of labor are judicious and proper: they not only tend to great savings in the expense, but to the exact uniformity of all the component parts of the musket and pistol. As far as we have been able to judge, from our own observa- tions, we have discovered great zeal, capabi- lity, activity and industry as well in the su- perintendant as in the other officers em- ployed. We have received much satisfac- tion in the opportunity this occasion has af- forded us of becoming acquainted with the interior of this institution. Could it be sup- ported by funds adequate to its capacities, and continue to be conducted by the abilities now employed, we see no reason to doubt, that upon a judicious application of the pro- duct, every purpose of the state may in a few years be accomplished, and that fur- ther advantages may arise by sales of arms to other states.
Signed,
JAMES WOOD, E. CARRINGTON, RO. GAMBLE, J. GIBBON, JOSEPH SCOTT, JOHN AMBLER.
Richmond, July 22d, 1808.
TABLE A.
   Description of arms. 1st trial 2d trial   No. tried. No. that stood. No. tried. No. that stood.     French, 20 17 17 17   British, * 20 19 19 19   Wheeler's, † 20 19 19 19   Miles's, 20 20 20 20   M'Cormick's, 20 20 20 20   Hazlett's, 20 19 19 19   Armory of 1802, 20 17 17 17   1803, 20 19 19 18   1804, 20 13 13 13   1805, 20 22 18 18   On 2d trial 1 was mis- sing accidentally, 1806, 20 19 18 18   1807, 20 20 20 20   1808, 20 20 20 20  
REMARKS.
The first trial was made with 1-18 part of a pound of powder and ball, that gave 14 and 1-2 to the pound. The powder was London FF—2 and 1-2 grains wt. of which, propelled a weight of 2 lbs. 1-2 oz. to the height of 8 inches perpendicular—except as to the arms marked thus *, which from the size of the calibre, had 1-13 of powder, and balls 10 and 1-2, and those marked thus † 12 and 1-2 to the pound.
The second trial, the powder the same; but the quantity was 1-21 of a pound, to a ball of 14 and 1-2 to the pound...except that those marked thus *, had 1-15 of pow- der and balls to them, as well as to †, the same in the first trial.
TABLE B.
   Description of arms. 1st trial.   No. tried. No. that stood.     Armory arms only. 1802, 20 20   1803, 20 20   1804, 20 15   1805, 20 20   1806, 20 20   1807, 20 20   1808, 20 20  
REMARKS.
This trial was made with the same pow- der, and the same quantities of powder and ball, as in the first trial of table A. The arms were a fresh selection; and the object was, to ascertain whether the failure in those of 1804, upon the first trial, had been accidental, or might probably be ascribed to general defect in the arms of that year.
TABLE C.
   Description of arms. 1st trial 2d trial   No. tried. No. that stood. No. tried. No. that stood.     French, 21 19 19 19   British, * 19 14 14 14   Wheeler's, † 19 17 16 1   Miles's, 20 13 13 13   M'Cormick's, † 21 19 19 19   Hazlett's, † 20 20

Mount Comfort, FOR SALE. SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post office at Montague's Tavern—there are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered—The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen, a Kitchen, Smoke-House, Stable, Ice House, &c. on the Hill—And on the river bank, a store house, with a commodious Store and Counting-Room and an excellent Granary—all of which—except the Stable—have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands as good, if not the best view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock, and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble—It is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, where it is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually—it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character—I would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on, or exchange for other lands without improvements. For farther particulars apply to Reuben M. Garnett, or to
Carter Wood, Mount Comfort, tf June 1, 1808
MATRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond.
Joseph Marx & Co. Have on hand an assortment GERMAN OZNABURGS, TICKLENBURGS, DOWLASS, and TOWELLING, by the bale, box or piece. COGNAC BRANDY and MOLASSES. SACK SALT, coarse and fine. Which they will sell for cash, tobacco, or approved paper. Richmond, April 28, 1808. tf
Penitentiary Store. SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808. tf
To Aaron Burr, Esq. SIR, TAKE NOTICE that I shall apply on the fifth day of the August term of Henrico county court, which commences on the first Monday in August next, to award commissions to take depositions in Kentucky to be read in evidence in three suits depending in said court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant. Your obedient servant, Robert Miller. July 5, 1808. 4w
To Aaron Burr, Esq. SIR, TAKE NOTICE that I shall apply on the 5th day of the August term of Henrico county court, which commences on the first Monday in August next, to award commissions to take depositions in Kentucky to be read in evidence in a suit depending in said court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant. Your obedient servant, Henry Schroeder. July 5, 1808. 4w
Gallego, Richard & Co. HAVING NO LONGER ANY CONCERN IN THE  Columbian Mills, COMMONLY CALLED  ROSS'S MILLS, Inform their friends and the public in general, that any WHEAT sent to them by water, from the upper country, will be received at THEIR MILLS ON THE CANAL; and any wheat sent them by LAND, will be received at a convenient lumber-house contiguous to their counting room. Richmond, July 11, 1808. 2m
TO RENT And possession given the first day of October next,  The Tenement, OCCUPIED by Alexander Plainville, next door below Samuel Pleasants' Book-Store. For particulars, apply to WILLIAM COOK. Richmond, 1st July, 1808. (tf)
The Register of Arts, OR A COMPENDIOUS VIEW OF SOME OF THE MOST USEFUL MODERN  Discoveries & Inventions. BY THOMAS G. FESSENDEN. Just received and for sale at this office, (PRICE THREE DOLLARS.)
A PROCLAMATION. BY THE GOVERNOR OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA, WHEREAS it is represented to the executive, that Henry Thacker, David Thacker and Elisha Thacker, late of the county of Louisa, and who were committed to the jail of the district court held at Charlottesville, charged with highway robbery, have escaped from the said jail on the night of the 19th instant; and whereas it is also represented to the executive that Reuben Marshall, late of the county of Albemarle, who was committed to the jail of said county, charged with maiming and putting out the eyes of Francis Taliaferro, has also, on the night aforesaid, escaped from the jail of the said county of Albemarle; I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of one hundred dollars each for apprehending and conveying to the jail of the district court aforesaid, the said Henry Thacker, David Thacker and Elisha Thacker. And I do also hereby offer a reward of one hundred and fifty dollars to any person or persons who shall apprehend and convey to the aforesaid jail of the county of Albemarle, the said Reuben Marshall. And to the end that the laws may be duly executed, and justice administered by the punishment of such crimes as the culprits aforesaid are charged with, I do moreover enjoin all officers, civil and military, and exhort the good people of this commonwealth to use their best endeavors to apprehend and convey to the jails respectively as aforesaid the said Henry Thacker, David Thacker and Elisha Thacker, and Reuben Marshall. Given under my hand with the seal of the (L.S.) commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 25th day of June, 1808. Signed, Wm. H. Cabell.
Henry Thacker is slender, about 25 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, very narrow faced, as are also the other two, all three being brothers. David Thacker is very slender, about 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high. Elisha Thacker is also very slender, and perhaps about the height of David. Reuben Marshall is an active fellow, about 36 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, black eyes and light hair, and tolerably proportioned. He speaks quick, is impudent and subject to drink hard.
MYER MARKS, Respectfully informs the Parents & Guardians of Children, that he has  OPENED  A DAY SCHOOL, In the cross-street leading to Court's Ferry, a few doors below Joshua West's coach shop, where he will teach READING, WRITING and ARITHMETIC. He assures those who think proper to favor him with their children, that the strictest attention will be paid both to their morals and education. His School room is in a pleasant and healthy situation. The terms are such, that he believes will meet with the approbation of all. English Grammar will be taught. Richmond, July 8, 1808.
RICHMOND  Turnpike Company. AT a meeting of the directors of the Richmond Turnpike Company, on Thursday evening the 7th of July, 1808. Resolved, That all shares of delinquent stockholders in this company, be sold at the Swan Tavern in this city, on Monday the 15th day of next month, at 5 o'clock, P. M. without reserve, and that the same be published in all the newspapers of this city. Resolved, That a call of 5 dollars on each share of the stockholders in the company be made, to be paid to the treasurer on or before the 15th of next month. Teste, N. Sheppard, Clk. Richmond, July 10, 1808. 15A
Five Negro Slaves, viz. Beck, Maria, Milley, Sam and Aggy, conveyed to the subscribers as trustees, by Col. Wm. Cannon, to secure a sum of money due by him, to Daniel Bagby and Robert Hill's representatives and others, as is in said deed expressed. As the subscribers are only trustees, they will convey only such title as they have by virtue of such deed. William Guerrant. Thomas Pittman. New Canton, June 25, 1808. tds
A Tract of Land, Lying in the county of Henrico, containing 86.34 more or less, it being the land purchased by Mrs. Mary White of Philip Turpin, and adjoining the lands of Elisha Harwood and Joseph Price. Isham Goddin, } Trustees. W. M. Lewis, } July 8, 1808. 3w
Twenty Dollars Reward. RUNAWAY from the subscriber some time in January last, a negro man named BILLY. He is a middle aged man, and about the common size. The third finger of one hand is cut off and has five or six large marks across his breast. It is supposed he will make to the neighborhood of Williamsburg. He was purchased of Mr. John P. Shields of Richmond, by the subscriber, who resides in Giles county, who will pay the above reward and all reasonable expenses, to any person who will deliver the negro to me, or secure him in any jail, so that I get him again. All masters of vessels and others are forewarned from harboring or carrying him out of the state at their peril. JOHN TONEY. June 29, 1808. 3t
A NEW WORK. Just received and for sale at this office, (PRICE THREE DOLLARS.)  The Register of Arts, OR A COMPENDIOUS VIEW OF SOME OF THE MOST USEFUL MODERN  Discoveries & Inventions. BY THOMAS G. FESSENDEN.
The Register of Arts, OR A COMPENDIOUS VIEW OF SOME OF THE MOST USEFUL MODERN  Discoveries & Inventions. BY THOMAS G. FESSENDEN.
Penitentiary Store. THE subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary, offers for sale the following articles, the manufacture of that institution, at very low prices for cash only at retail, and at 90 days credit at wholesale, for approved endorsed negotiable notes.  CUT NAILS.    Wholesale prices  Retail prices.    30y  10 cents. 14 cents per lb    4  12 1-2 13 1-2    6  11 1-2 12 1-2    8  10 1-2 11 1-2    10  10 11    12  10 11    20  10 11    Slating nails  11 1-2 12 1-2    CUT BRADS.    8dy  10 cents. 11 cents per lb    10  9 1-2 10 1-2    12  Do. Do.    20  Do. Do.    SPRIGS.    30y  39 cts. per lb. 50 per m.    4  22 1-3 67    6  17 84    WROUGHT NAILS and BRADS.    6dy  13 14 per lb.    8  12 1-2 13 1-3    10  12 13    12  11 1-3 12 1-2    20  11 12    30  11 12    Spikes of all sizes same price as 30dy. nails. Broad and narrow Axes, Hatchets, Hoes, Plough Shares and Coulters, Hinges, Wedges, Hammers, Fenders, Traces and Stretchers, Tin Ware, &c. &c.
Boots and Shoes. Fair tops, back straps, $ 9 Ditto 8 Suwarrows, 7 Half Boots, 5 Plantation and light fine shoes, 10 3/4 a 12 3/4 Do. second & third qualities, 7 3/4 a 9 3/4 Negro shoes (strong) 6 3/4 a 7 3/4 Girls do. 4 3/4 a 4 3/4 Boys do. 3 3/4 a 6 3/4 Childrens' shoes, 3 3/4 a 4 3/4 Fire Buckets $ 4 3/4 a $ 5 per pair Bridles, Sursingles, Whip thongs, Spur leathers, Hame strings, Back Bands, Leading, Garden, Hambo and Fishing lines. Any of the above articles made to orders left at the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle Tavern. D. J. BURR
April 26, 1808. (2aw1m lawtf) The Shoes are reduced much below eth former price.  JUST RECEIVED, A few hundred barrels cut & whole Herring Antigua Rum by the hogshead & Best Green Coffee by the bag. FOR SALE BY C. H. SAUNDERS, 2d June, 1808. w3m
THE HOUSE & LOT, LATELY occupied by Mr. Hezekiah Mosby pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family—Possession may be had immediately Thomas Elliott. Richmond, 27th May, 1808. 1a1ff
TAKEN UP By Thomas Weaver, in the lower end of Prince Edward county, on the waters of Sandy river,  One Sorrel Mare, Much worked, a star in her forehead and shod before; hanging mane and long tail, about 10 or 11 years old, some white hairs on her back; appraised to fifty dollars by us. Given under our hands this 4th day of April, 1808. Abraham Foster. Josiah Faulks. John T. Ligon. July 3, 1808.
A valuable tract of Land, Formerly the property of William A. Atkinson, dec. well improved, containing by estimation 290 acres, lying on the stage road, two miles above the courthouse—it is in a healthy situation, and a respectable neighborhood. A further description is deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed the purchaser will first view it. Bond and approved security will be required of the purchaser. The Commissioners. July 3, 1808. w5t
Nicholas Hallam, A FEW DOORS ABOVE THE SWAN TAVERN HAS FOR SALE, on equally good terms as sold in Richmond, 360 wax and fair Calf Skins, } Philadelphia manufacture. } First quality Cossack boot legs } do. do. Long, three quarter } and half, draft, calf } skin and Cordovan, do. } Calf and Cordovan roundings } and binding skins } Bridle leather, &c. &c. } Boots and Shoes. }  Nails of all kinds. Family Bacon, Butter, Cheese, } Lemons and Apples. } A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF  WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES. Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. April 12. 1awtf
Virginia, to wit: At a court of Appeals held at the capitol in Richmond, the third day of June, 1808.  GENERAL RULE. —After the end of this present term, all causes depending in this court, shall be called in the order in which they stand upon the docket: and such as may be ready for hearing pursuant to the former rules of this court, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand upon the docket, until the whole shall be gone through—and the causes which shall be passed over, shall, unless for some very special reason appearing to the court, be put at the end of the docket of each term. Ordered, That the above rule be published in at least three of the newspapers printed in Richmond, once a week, until the first day of October next. A Copy—Teste, J. Brown, C. C.
Fifa & Casa Executions, For sale at this office.
In Council, July 16, 1808. PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly intitled an act, to amend an act for appointing Electors to choose a President and Vice President of the United States, It is advised that the following persons be appointed and commissioned in the respective counties, and corporations of Richmond, Williamsburg and Borough of Norfolk, for the purpose of executing the said law, viz.
 Accomack, Thomas M. Bayley, George Layfield and Parker Barnes.  Albemarle, Nicholas Lewis, George Divers and Rice Garland.  Amelia, Edmund Harrison, John Lane and Daniel Hardaway.  Amherst, Samuel Meridith, Wm. S. Crawford and John Camm.  Augusta, Chapman Johnson, Chesley Kinney and James Cochran.  Bath, Samuel Vance, John Wilson and John Berry.  Bedford, Jabez Leftwich, Charles Clay and Daniel Pegram.  Berkeley, Joel Ward, Erasmus Grant and William Sommerville.  Botetourt, Martin M'Ferran, Charles Beale and Elijah McClanahan.  Brooke, John G. Young, John M'Corrick and James Blaire.  Brunswick, Thomas Macklin, Philip Claiborne and Aaron Brown.  Buckingham, Archibald Austin, Bolling Branch and Anthony Dibrell.  Campbell, John Dabney, William J. Lewis and Thomas S. M'Clelland.  Cumberland, William Daniel, John Hatcher and Charles Woodson.  Caroline, Richard Hawes, George Buckner and William Anderson.  Charles City, John Bradley, James Walker and John Christian.  Charlotte, Joseph Wyatt, Williamson Price and William L. Morton.  Chesterfield, Thomas Goode, Isaac Salle and Thomas Watkins.  Culpeper, Moses Green, John Roberts and Aylett Hawes.  Dinwiddie, Williamson Coleman, Archibald Thweatt and John Wilder.  Elizabeth City, George Wray, Augustine Moore and Thomas Jones, jr.  Essex, Tunstall Banks, James Webb and Threshley Rennolds.  Fauquier, Augustine Jennings, Thomas Hunton and Richard H. Foote.  Fairfax, Thompson Mason, George Summers and George Graham.  Frederick, James Singleton, Henry St. George Tucker and William Castleman.  Franklin, Henry Callaway, Moses Greer and Benjamin Cooke.  Fluvanna, John Quarles, William Pasteur and Matthew P. Haden.  Giles, George Pearis, Andrew Johnson and Thomas Shannon.  Gloucester, Thomas Baytop, Richard Jones and William P. Byrd.  Goochland, Nicholas M. Vaughan, James Carter and Archibald Perkins.  Grayson, Martin Dickinson, John Fielder and Enoch Osborne.  Greenbrier, Jas. Anderson, Oliver Towles and Ballard Smith.  Greensville, Lewis Dupree, Joseph Wilkins and Francis Hill.  Halifax, John B. Scott, Berryman Green and George Carrington.  Hampshire, John Higgins, William Donaldson and Francis Murphy.  Hanover, Nathaniel Pope, William Pollard and Thomas Waite.  Hardy, John L. Schen, George Stump and Henry Judea.  Harrison, Johnathan Ratcliff, George Arnold and William Bartlett, sen.  Henrico, Major William Price, William Young (Brooke) and George Savage.  Henry, Joseph Martin, George Walter, jr. and Patrick H. Fontaine.  Isle of Wight, Jos. Barber (Everett's Bridge) Emanuel W. Iles and Andrew Woodley.  James City, Champion Travis, William Lightfoot and Robert Greenhow.  Jefferson, Ferdinando Fairfax, Jacob H. Manning and George Hite.  Kanawha, John Reynolds, Morris Hudson and Charles Venable.  King & Queen, Anderson Scott, John Hoskins and William Fleet.  King George, William Hooe, Theodosius Hansford and Lawrence Berry.  King William, Walter Hawes, Hardin Littlepage and John Lord.  Lancaster, Martin Shearman, William Gibson and William Kirk.  Lee, Peter Fulkerson, Joshua Ewing and Hiram Craig.  Loudoun, John Littlejohn, Armistead Long and Fleet Smith.  Louisa, William O. Callis, John Poindexter and Henry Pendleton.  Lunenburg, Waddy Sneed, Joseph Yarborough and Robert Chapell.  Madison, Abraham Maury, William Mallory and Benjamin Cave.  Mason, William Owens, William Sterritt and John M'Culloch.  Mathews, Hundley Gayle, Tho's Brooke and Levin Gayle.  Mecklenburg, Abraham Keene, Thomas A. Jones and Grief Green.  Middlesex, Thomas Muse, Thomas Healy, jr. and Richard M. Segar.  Monongalia, William John, Benjamin Reece, and William G. Payne.  Monroe, John Byrnside, William Graham and Benjamin Hall.  Montgomery, Daniel Trigg, Charles Taylor and James P. Preston.  Nansemond, Lemuel Ridderick, Fisher Dashiell and Richard Yarborough.  Nelson, London Cabell, Shelton Crosthwait and Nelson Anderson.  New Kent, William Chamberlayne, John Saunders and Edmund Parke.  Northumberland, Thomas D. Downing, Hiram L. Opie and John H. Fallin.  Norfolk county, James S. Matthews, Daniel Bedinger and Bernard Maginian.  Northampton, Caleb Fisher, Hezekiah Pitts and Caleb B. Upshur.  Nottoway, Francis Fitzgerald, Edward Bland and Peter Randolph, jr.  Ohio, Thomas Evans (merchant, Wheeling) Joseph Tomlinson and John Morgan.  Orange, Robert T. Moore, James Barbour and Belfield Cave.  Patrick, Samuel Staples, Gabriel Penn and William Carter.  Pendleton, Robert Davis, John Slavin and William McCoy.  Pittsylvania, Isaac Coles, William Tunstall and Joseph Carter. 
 Powhatan, Samuel Pleasants, James Poindexter and Frederick Woodson.  Prince Edward, Peter Johnston, John Purnall and Thomas Green.  Princess Anne, Lemuel Cornick, John Read and Tully Robinson.  Prince William, John Bronaugh, James Kempe and Stephen French.  Prince George, Thomas H. Cooke, George Ruffin and Miles Selden, jr.  Randolph, Robert Maxwell, Nicholas Gibson and John Currence.  Richmond county, Peter Rust, Ezekiel Levy and Vincent Branham.  Rockbridge, James Caruthers, John Leyburn and Andrew Read.  Rockingham, George Houston, Benjamin Harrison and Daniel Smith.  Russell, James M'Farlane, Nathan Ellington and Harry Smith.  Southampton, James Gee, Henry Trivzant and Griffin Smith.  Spottsylvania, David C. Kerr, Hugh Mercer and Robert S. Chew.  Stafford, Col John Cooke, Hancock Euace and Travis Daniel.  Surry, Nicholas Faulcon, James B. Edwards and Charles H. Graves.  Sussex, Benjamin Wyche, William Massenburg and John Jarrott.  Shenandoah, Philip Williams, Jacob Rinker and William H. Dulany.  Tazewell, James Thompson, Samuel Bard and George Peery.  Warwick, William Digges, Thomas Pescud and Matthew Wills.  Washington, Francis Preston, Robert Preston and Henry St. John Dixon.  Westmoreland, Alexander Parker, Samuel Templeman and Richard E. Parker.  Wood, John Stockley, James G. Laidley and Thomas Taveney.  Wythe, John Montgomery, John Stonger and Joseph Kent.  York, William Howard, Samuel Shields and Peyton Southall.  Richmond City, Alexander Quarrier, Benjamin Tate and John H. Foushee.  Norfolk Borough, Richard E. Lee, Robert Brough and William Lindsay.  Williamsburg, James Semple, Robert Anderson and Littleton Tazewell.  Extract from the Journal. DANL. L. HYLTUN, Clerk of the Council.
In Council, July 8, 1808. THE Governor laid before the board a letter from John Claiborne Esq. resigning his seat in the Congress of the United States as a representative of the district composed of the counties of Brunswick, Lunenburg and Mecklenburg. Whereupon, it is advised, that writs of election be issued to the several Sheriffs of the counties aforesaid directing them to hold elections in their several counties, to supply the vacancy aforesaid, on their several court days in September next. Extract from the Journal. DANL. L. HYLTUN, Clerk of the Council.
Buckingham County, June Court, 1808. George Anderson, (who sues for the benefit of George Carson) Plff. vs THEODORE SCRUGGS and William Palmer, Defendants. ON the motion of the plaintiff by counsel and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant Scruggs is not an inhabitant of this state, It is ordered and decreed, that unless he shall appear here at September court next and answer the bill of the plaintiff, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to him and decree the matter thereof accordingly, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy—Teste, R. Eldridge, Jr. D. C.
Military Lands IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY. THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio. Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers, state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds—For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to William Du-Val. Buckingham, January 20, 1808. wtf
Assize of Bread For the City of Richmond, from the ninth instant until further notice. Superfine flour being five dollars per barrel, viz. A single loaf made of superfine flour to weigh 30 oz. for 4d. 1.2. Ditto common flour 32 oz. for 4d. 1.2. Double the above weights respectively, 9d. DAVID BULLOCK, Mayor. July 4th, 1808. w4t
SALES AT AUCTION.  WILL BE SOLD, On Friday the 29th inst. at 5 o'clock P. M. an unimproved  Half Acre Lot, Fronting the street leading from the brick row to the residence of Mr. Joseph Gallego, and immediately in the neighborhood of Judge Taylor, known by the No. 718—Also, part of the LOT on which Mrs. E. Page resides. One third of the purchase money to be paid in 60 days, and the residue in 6 and 18 months. Prosser & Moncure, auct'rs. Richmond. July 20, 1808. tds
THE public is hereby cautioned against taking an assignment of my Bond or note of Fifty Dollars, from George Parish, or trading in any manner for the same, as said Parish is justly indebted to me in a sum of greater amount than said bond or note. John Underwood. Goochland, July 18th, 1808. (3)
Pamphlets, CARDS, HANDBILLS, LAWYERS, CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANKS, &c. ARE NEATLY AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE.