Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1804-11-10 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[Vol. XII.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1103.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum...paid in advance.]
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1804.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Advertisements, not exceeding a square in length, are inserted in this paper for seven-five cents the first time; three dollars for three weeks (6 times); and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents. Long ones in the same proportion—unless a special contract be made by the year.
Valuable Medicines.
PUBLIC confidence has never been more liberally and firmly reposed, and perhaps in no instance more justly, than it appears in the efficacy of HAMILTON'S WORM LOZENGES , prepared and sold, wholesale and retail, by RICHARD LEE , no. 56, Maiden Lane, New York. And in Richmond, (only) at S. Pleasants' Printing-office.
The proprietor has lately presented to the public eye the testimony of the Hon. A. C. Hanson, Chancellor of Maryland, the Rev. Mr. Molter, and of other distinguished and respectable characters. The following cases, of more recent occurrence, are now respectfully submitted.
Copy of a letter from Mr. Henry Ackerman, Brick-layer, Magazine-street, near Broadway, Jan. 24, 1804.
SIR—I would be ungrateful were I to withhold my testimony in favor of Hamilton's Worm Destroying Lozenges. I had been between five and six years past much indisposed, and latterly often tormented with severe griping and pains of the bowels, troubled with offensive breath, and with violent feverish fits, and other obvious symptoms of worms; but frequently hearing your Worm Lozenges recommended in cases similar to mine, I determined on a trial of them, as my last resource. The first dose evacuated twelve or thirteen feet of a tape worm, two other doses were taken which brought away a quantity of matter like broken skins and pieces of worms. I suppose the tape worm voided at different times must have exceeded forty feet. The almost incredible benefit I received from this medicine, induced me to give a dose to a child of mine who was pining and sickly: it produced the same good effect in this instance, expelling a worm of a different kind, from nine to twelve inches long, and at the same time restoring a good state of health. I remain, Sir, yours, &c.
HENRY ACKERMAN.
To Mr. Richard Lee.
FOR SALE AS ABOVE. Hamilton's Essence and Extract of Mustard.
A safe and effectual remedy for acute and chronic Rheumatism, Gout, Rheumatic Gout, Palsy, Lumbago, Numbness, White Swellings, Chubbiness, Sprains, Bruises, Pain in the Face and Neck, &c.
"AN OUNCE OF PREVENTION IS WORTH A POUND OF CURE."
For the prevention and cure of Bilious and Malignant Fevers is recommended
Hahn's Anti-Bilious Pills.
The operation of these pills is perfectly mild, so as to be used with safety by persons in every situation, and of every age.
Hamilton's Elixir,
A sovereign remedy for Colds, Obsolete Coughs, Asthma, Sore Throats, and approaching Consumption. To Parents who may have children afflicted with
The Hooping Cough.
This disorder is of the first magnitude, as it affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and in a short time entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are liable. The Elixir is so perfectly agreeable, and the dose so small, that no difficulty arises in taking it. From LUTHER MARTIN Esq. attorney general at the State of Maryland.
GENTLEMEN—I comply with your request in stating my opinion of Hamilton's Elixir. It has been used in my family for two or three years past with uniform success, whenever colds, coughs or similar complaints have rendered medicine necessary. I have myself found it an excellent and agreeable remedy for a very painful and troublesome affection of the breast, accompanied with soreness, and with obstructions and difficult breathing.
On these accounts, I do not hesitate to recommend Hamilton's Elixir as a valuable medicine, and deserving public attention.
LUTHER MARTIN.
HAMILTON'S Grand Restorative,
Is recommended as an invaluable medicine for the speedy relief and permanent cure of the various complaints which result from dissipated pleasures—venereal indiscretions—reflexes in climates unfavourable to the constitution—the immoderate use of tea—frequent intoxication, or any other destructive intemperance—the unskillful or extensive use of mercury—the diseases peculiar to females at a certain period of life—bad lyings in, &c.
Hahn's true and genuine German Corn Plaister,
An infallible remedy for corns, speedily removing them, root and branch without giving pain.
The Genuine Persian Lotion.
So celebrated among the fashionable throughout Europe, as an invaluable cosmetic, perfectly innocent and safe, free from corrosive and repellant minerals (the basis of other lotions) and of unparalleled efficacy in preventing and removing blemishes in the face and skin, of every kind—particularly freckles, pimples, inflammatory redness, scurfs, tetter, ring worms, sun burns, prickly heat, &c.—The Persian Lotion operates mildly, without impeding that natural, insensible perspiration, which is essential to health: yet its effects are speedy and permanent, rendering the skin delicately soft and clear, improving the complexion, and restoring the bloom of youth—ne-
ver failing to render an ordinary countenance beautiful, and a handsome one more so.
The Restorative Powder for the Teeth and Gums.
HAHN'S GENUINE EYE WATER, A sovereign remedy for all diseases of the eyes whether the effect be natural weakness or of a accident, speedily removing inflammations, defluxions of rheum, dullness, itching and films on the eyes; never failing to cure those maladies which frequently succeed the small-pox, measles and fevers, and wonderfully strengthening to weak sight. Hundreds have experienced its excellent virtues when nearly deprived of light.
Tooth-Ache Drops,
The only remedy yet discovered, which gives immediate and lasting relief in the most severe instances.
The Anodyne Elixir,
For the cure of every kind of head ache.
The Damask Lip-Salve.
Infallible Ague and Fever Drops,
For the cure of Agues, Remittant and Intermit-tant Fevers.
Thousands can testify their being cured by these drops after the bark and every other medicine has proved ineffectual: not one in a hundred has had occasion to take more than one, and numbers not half a bottle.
The Sovereign Ointment for the Itch,
Which is warranted an infallible remedy at one application, and may be used with the most perfect safety by pregnant women, or an infant a week old, not contain a particle of mercury, or any dangerous ingredients whatever: and is not accompanied with that tormenting smart which attends the exhibition of other remedies.
For the cure of a certain deplorable Malady.
The Indian Vegetable Specific.
The Medicines prepared by Richard Lee, have been in high estimation and general use throughout the United States, for upwards of six years; many of them are sold for less than the drugs of which they are compounded could be purchased at a retail price.
It is no inconsiderable evidence of their utility, that during the above period, numerous imitations of every article (the production of ignorance and inexperience, urged by envy and penury) have intruded on the public, seen a day and then perished; others now succeeded them, which in like manner are fast descending "to the tomb of the Capulets," while our remedies become more generally used, and acquire a daily accession of well earned celebrity.
To prevent the imposition of worthless or dangerous preparations, purchasers are requested to remember, that an engraved label, with the signature of Richard Lee's (to counterfeit which is felony) is affixed to each of his genuine medicines.
FOR SALE,
2,100 Acres of Land,
LYING in the county of Franklin, on Chesnut Creek. Said land is part of an order of council, formerly belonging to Woods & Weakly, and is well adapted to the culture of corn, wheat and tobacco, a great deal of excellent low ground that lays exceedingly well and not subject to overflowing—there is on said land two plantations in good repair, sufficiently large to work six or seven hands on each to advantage—On one of those plantations there is a framed dwelling house 40 by 24 feet, with three rooms below stairs and three above, with two brick chimneys; a barn 24 feet square with an excellent roof; a very good distillery 24 feet square with stone and brick chimneys; also, a large stable covered with shingles; other convenient houses suitable to the place, with an excellent orchard, 150 bearing apple trees, the fruit I think equal to any in the country; an excellent meadow in good order for saving hay—On the other plantation there is a tolerable good log bodied dwelling house 22 by 20 feet, planked above and below, with many other useful houses. The said land is situated about 70 miles from Lynchburg and 10 from Callaway's iron works. I would take some likely young negroes & horses in part of the purchase money. I deem it unnecessary to give any further description, as I suppose those who are inclined to purchase will view the premises. The terms will be made known and the land shown on application to the subscriber now living on the premises.
JOHN MARTIN.
October 26, 1804
ADVERTISEMENT.
WILL be SOLD, to the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 4th day of December next, on the premises, at the house lately occupied by George Parrott, dec. if fair, or the next fair day,
All the Land
Of the estate of Drury Ragsdale, deceased, directed by his will to be sold, lying in the county of Matthews, supposed to contain upwards of 700 acres; the plat and title papers will be shown on the day of sale. This land having been recently advertised, let it now suffice to say that there is but a small part cleared, the balance is loaded with valuable building timber and the soil very rich. Terms of sale, one third cash, the balance in two equal annual payments, upon giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid.
JOHN FOX, Adm'r.
with the Will annexed of D. Ragsdale, dec. October 25th, 1804. wids
Just received and for sale at S. Pleasants' Book-Store, Richmond.
REPORTS OF CASES,
Argued and adjudged in the Supreme Court of the United States, in August and December terms, 1801, and February term, 1803.—By WILLIAM CRAVEN, assistant Judge of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia.
Also—The LITERARY MAGAZINE, and American Register, for July and August, 1804.
BLANK BONDS
For sale at this office.
WILL BE SOLD,
To the highest bidder, on Tuesday the eleventh day of December next, at the late dwelling-house of Drury Ragsdale, dec. in King William county.
All the Personal Estate
Of the said deceased, consisting of Household and Kitchen Furniture, Stock of Horses, Cattle, Sheep and Hogs, a Coach and Gig in good repair, the Crop of Corn, Fodder and Shucks, Plantation Utensils, &c. &c.
A credit of six months will be allowed for all sums above ten dollars, upon giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid.—There will also be positively sold, for ready money, upwards of twenty SLAVES, among them are valuable house servants and likely boys and girls. The sale will continue from day to day until all is sold.
All persons having claims against the said estate are desired to bring them in before the first day of December next, else this notice will be pleaded in bar of all coming in after that day.
JOHN FOX, Adm'r with the Will annexed of Drury Ragsdale, dec. October 1st, 1804. wsw
There will also be sold, at the same time and place, 400 ACRES OF LAND, part of the tract whereon Barbara Ragsdale, widow and devisee of Drury Ragsdale, dec. now lives, who will make conveyance of the premises in fee simple. A part of the purchase money will be required on the day of sale, for the balance a credit will be allowed. The terms will be particularly made known on that day, or I would treat privately for said land, and conclude a Bargain previously. JOHN FOX, for Barbara Ragsdale.
PS There is among the slaves a valuable mancoola.
WHEAT FAN & WOVEN WIRE MANUFACTORY,
No. 7, Bridge-street, four doors north of Griffith's Bridge, Baltimore.
WHERE are made and sold, WHEAT FANS, first quality; ROLLING and other SCREENS, for wheat, barley, flax seed, &c; HAND RIDDLES and SIEVES, for coal, corn, barley, wheat, rye, oats, meal, brick dust, flax seed, clover seed, coke, lime, sand, &c; SHAKES for Indian meal; WIRE SIVES; WOVEN WIRE for windows, &c. &c.
AMOS SMITH, (Formerly WEST & SMITH.)
N. B. A good assortment on hand. Any of the above articles will be delivered in Richmond, (on short notice) at the same prices as at the manufactory (exclusive of freight) on the orders being left with
SAMUEL PARSONS & SON.
Near the Basin, of whom the prices may be known—who have now on hand, Wheat Fans, Wheat and Lime Sives, and Meal Sives, &c. of a superior quality.
11th Mo. 1st. 1804. wif
PROPOSALS
For printing by subscription, an accurate History of the
CIVIL WAR IN IRELAND,
IN THE YEAR 1798, &c.
Containing an impartial account of the proceedings of the Irish Revolutionists, from the year 1798, until the suppression of the same: with an Appendix to illustrate some facts; and a Preface, containing a reply to the observations of Sir Richard Musgrave, (who wrote the government account) on this work.
By the Rev. JAMES GORDON, Rector of Kilbray, in the Diocese of Ferns, and of Canna-way, in the Diocese of Cork.
THIS work shall be comprised in two neat 12mo volumes, and handsomely and correctly printed. Price to subscribers, in boards, One Dollar and Fifty Cents; neatly bound, One Dollar Seventy-five Cents. To non-subscribers, Two Dollars, which is only one half the price of the London copy.—It shall be printed on a new type, and on paper of a superior quality.
THE peculiar advantage which the present work possesses, is, that the author, tho' opposed by the force of Government, dares to come forward and state facts with impartiality, marking out his guide, whether exerting his lash on the oppressors of the Government, or the excesses of the Revolutionists. We here quote his own words: "To write a book determinedly and exclusively in favor of the ruling party, is an easy business: An author, with such intentions, will find no dearth of story, style or phrase. The fiery stream of volcanic matter will be poured copiously around him; and the only danger is, that he may, perhaps, be over-whelmed by the lava. Neither will he want purchasers among the dupes of his party, if his object be present gain, without regard to future infamy."
"Many of the violent partisans of the British government, have declaimed against my work; several of whom I have asked, whether the accounts were false? they answered no; but that they were such as a Protestant clergyman ought not to have published!"
The hearts of many respectable and brave Irishmen, must beat high at the recapitulation of those struggles, which have been made for the emancipation of their country; and, with such, this work will be deeply interesting. Those, approving of the rising of the people, will have an opportunity of seeing their side of politics ably defended, against the account published by the agent of Government, Sir Richard Musgrave, in a large quarto volume. And even those, who do not feel prejudiced in favor of either party, may view this publication as an impartial record of the distressing scenes occasioned by an attempt at a revolution.
* Subscriptions are received by Samuel Pleasants, Jr. Richmond.
James Williams,
ON the street leading from Shockoe creek to the Basin, fronting the Bell Tavern, intends to keep a BOARDING HOUSE, and wishes to take in 10 or 12 of the members of Assembly. Those who may favor him with their company may be assured of good accommodation and regular suppers on moderate terms. Nov. 5, 1804.
JUST RECEIVED,
At S. Pleasants' Book-Store, Richmond, a very elegant assortment of the best
PEN KNIVES,
Which will be sold by the dozen or single.
From the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
TO THE PEOPLE.
THE DEFENCE.
No. XIII.
Some notice may, in this place, be expected of the new duties imposed during the last session for the protection of the Mediterranean trade.
The propriety of the appropriation for this purpose has not been disputed. But it is said that the species of taxation resorted to is unjust and unequal; and that the necessity of laying new taxes, is an evidence of the inexpediency of abolishing the internal revenues in the year 1801.
We shall consider the last argument first. Had the internal revenues been continued, it will be allowed, there would have been no occasion for this additional taxation. But although their continuance would have superceded this necessity, it does not follow that their abolition was inexpedient. A decision on this point will be elucidated by a consideration of two questions; first, whether it was wise to continue permanent taxes, without any permanent objects, with the sole view to contingent events?—and, secondly, whether the internal taxes constituted a resource preferable to the new duties?
The existence of permanent taxes without permanent objects is among the most fatal expedients which the ingenuity of tyranny has ever devised. It destroys the responsibility of rulers to their constituents; it arms them with formidable powers, which may be used in subversion of the peace or liberties of nations; it is destructive of economy; and it is oppressive. Any one of these considerations would be sufficient to establish the danger of this policy; taken in connection they must flash conviction on every man jealous of his rights. That no permanent objects required the continuance of these taxes is manifest from the competency of the residuary revenue to all the regular purposes of the government, the increasing specie balance in the treasury having grown in a space of two years from 2,946,038 to 5,560,000 dollars; and from its further competency to meet all the engagements arising from the Louisiana purchase. The loss of the frigate Philadelphia was in every sense, in which it can be considered, a contingent event; one which no human prudence could foresee, or human prudence avert. To provide, therefore, for such an event, would have necessarily imposed a supernatural spirit of prophecy. It was right, therefore, in the year 1801 to repeal the internal taxes. Would it have been proper in the year 1804 to have renewed them in preference to the new duties? To show the folly of this measure, it is sufficient to say that the expenses of collecting a million, the sum appropriated to protect the Mediterranean trade, would have been about 240,000 dollars, while that attending the new duties will not probably exceed 10,000. In which case the tax instead of being a million would have been twelve hundred and thirty thousand dollars. The difference between these two sums is gained by the nation. Many other arguments, of force but little inferior, could be urged; but these alone are strong enough for our purpose.
With regard to the second allegation, that the new duties are unequal and unjust, nothing can be more false. They are laid for the sole purpose of protecting trade. Is it not just that trade should indemnify the expense? But, it is said that they lay an oppressive burthen on the Merchant. How can this be? The tax is not retrogressive, but prospective. The merchant may, or may not, according to his sense of interest import the goods that are taxed. If he does import them, he will be reimbursed by the purchaser not only the cost and the duty, but a profit both on the cost and the duty. This fact is so well understood in the mercantile world, that the enlightened merchant is always friendly to the imposition of moderate duties. It is, however, replied, that the addition of the new to the old duties, renders the existing ones immoderate, whereby the sale of the goods will be diminished, and consequently the mercantile profit, and smuggling be encouraged, to the injury of the fair trader.
Let us examine whether either of these effects is likely to be produced. The additional duty is that of two and a half per centum on all goods previously taxed ad-valorem. From official documents it appears that the average duty on articles charged ad-valorem is 13 and a half per cent; and that the aggregate amount of the duties received on those articles in the year 1802 was 4,193,472 dollars, & the value of those articles 31,706,161 dollars—The whole amount of importations of that year may be computed at forty-nine millions of dollars; and the duties amount to one million one hundred thousand; from which it follows that the value of the articles that paid specific duties was about seventeen millions, and the duties on those articles,
averaged about thirty-three per cent, which is more than double the average duty paid on articles charged ad-valorem. This conclusively proves that the addition of two and a half per cent. to the latter does not render it immoderate, inasmuch as it does not create a duty equal to that laid on goods specifically taxed.
With as little justice can it be contended that the additional duty will increase smuggling or diminish the profit of the fair trader by diminishing the sale of the goods taxed. To show this, it must be proved that those articles on which a higher duty is at present paid are smuggled, or that their sale is diminished. This has never been said.
The fact is that these new duties are among the most equitable that have been laid. They will operate principally as a tax on luxury thereby favoring the poor, and they will serve in some measure, to equalise the whole mass of duties. By the late system, some of the most important, and even necessary articles of consumption are taxed exorbitantly. For instance brown sugar pays a duty of between forty-five and fifty per cent. Spirits pay a duty of about thirty-five per cent. Salt pays a duty of above sixty per cent. Wines pay a duty of thirty three per cent. And teas pay a duty of one hundred per cent. The duties on these articles average nearly fifty per cent. and amount to above 4,800,000 dollars, which exceeds by six hundred thousand dollars the whole sum derived from articles charged ad-valorem.
CURIUS.
No. XV.
Having seen the manner in which the financial, the war, and the navy departments have been conducted, we are brought to a view of the operations of the DEPARTMENT OF STATE, more important, perhaps, in its effects than all the others. It is these operations that try the talents of the government, not on the limited theatre of the United States, but on the extensive theatre of the world. It is to them that we are indebted for the wise treaties framed, for the impolitic treaties avoided, for the faithful execution of the treaties that exist, for averting all just cause of complaint to foreign nations, and for the consequent preservation of peace and prosperity. In these operations the President is understood to participate as well in detail as in the outline; and although many of the subordinate measures are frequently taken by the secretary of the department without his advice, yet it is most consonant to the spirit of the government to consider him, equally with the head of the department, answerable for all its measures.
When Mr. Jefferson was elected President, he found the public opinion much divided on the extent to which prudence required the carrying our foreign relations. On the one hand the commercial part of the community, with a view to their own aggrandizement, espoused their extension to a very great length. Viewing the vast ascendancy of men of their profession in England from which country many of them had recently emigrated, and with which they were united by ties of interest, relationship and friendship, influenced by a blind spirit of imitation, they sought, in the conduct of that nation, models for the United States, without reflecting on the dissimilar situation of the two nations.
This class of men, though powerful from their wealth and numbers, would probably have but little influenced the national sentiment, had they not been joined by a body of citizens of no mean talents, who, from habit, prejudice or principle, were solicitous to draw the United States into a close imitation of Great Britain. This body was composed of men of advanced age, whose early associations and feelings had made them the strenuous advocates of the British system, and whose sentiments had become too confirmed, at the aura of independence, to undergo any radical change, & of those, who, from principle or ambition, were desirous of gradually building up a system of government more energetic in the Executive than that of the United States. This last description of men have generally denied their attachment to monarchy; but there is not a doubt that their principles necessarily lead to this result.
On the other hand, the great agricultural and manufacturing interests were hostile to an extension of our foreign relations—They believed that their own prosperity, and consequently that of the whole country, depended upon peace, and that peace depended upon our avoiding all unnecessary entanglements with European nations. Perceiving the invariable connection between extensive warlike establishments and the subversion of liberty, they were anxious to insure the latter by avoiding the former.
According to the preponderance of these conflicting sentiments the complexion of the government had from its com-

mencement varied; until, at length, parties were consolidated, and the federal side uniformly advocated, and the republican opposed the extension of our foreign relations. During the Presidency of General Washington there was but a small extension. It was during that of Mr. Adams that it became most alarming. Large appropriations were made for new embassies, and many indications exhibited of a settled plan to make the United States a party in the bloody scenes and senseless collisions of the old world.
It was the feeling excited by these measures, that in a lively degree produced the extrusion of Mr. Adams from the government, and the introduction of Mr. Jefferson. The sentiments of both these men were well known. It was known that the one was as hostile as the other was friendly to extending our foreign relations. Whatever may have been the previous temper of the people, it became unequivocally marked by the elections of 1800; and Mr. Jefferson entered into office, under an obligation, resulting no less from a clear indication of public opinion, than from a respect to his own sentiments, to avoid all unnecessary compacts with foreign powers.
It would open a wide discussion to enquire whether these expressions are sound. It is believed, however, if there be any political principle applicable to the United States, capable of demonstration, it is that it becomes her to stand aloof from foreign connections—Such was undoubtedly the solemn and deliberate decision of Washington, after administering the government for eight years. In his farewell address this conviction is expressed in an elevated tone of affection.
"The great rule of conduct for us," says he "in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.—Here let us stop."
"Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations of her friendships or enmities."
"Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation: when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel."
"Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalry, interest, humor or caprice?"
"'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliance with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let these engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them."
"Taking care to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies."
"Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a suitable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard."
Such is the emphatic advice of our departed friend; in correspondence with which the present chief Magistrate, on his induction into office, in enumerating what he considered the essential principles of
our government, and such as ought to shape its administration, declares as one, 'peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none.'
This is the cardinal point of the present administration with regard to our foreign relations; and it ought to be the cardinal point of every administration that aspires to the honor of being denominated republican.
To prove this, it is only necessary to take a concise view of the state of our foreign relations when the present administration came into office, and to compare it with their present situation.
During the stormy period of Mr. Adams's Presidency we were in a state bordering on war with the two most powerful nations of Europe, and through them with many of the minor powers. This was, in a great measure, the effect of the British Treaty, which while it failed to secure us the amity of Britain, drew upon us the resentment of France. In consequence of this embroiled state, the warlike measures of the government during the four years of his administration cost the United States about eighteen millions of dollars. Near the expiration of his Presidency a treaty was formed adjusting our differences with France.
This treaty has been observed with good faith, as have also all our engagements with other powers. Under this treaty, and the inexecuted treaty with Great Britain, various objects of great importance remained to be settled, which indeed, under the latter had been for some time entirely suspended. On the adjustment of these depended the recovery of large sums due to our citizens, and the assertion of rights which had accrued to us from the stipulations into which we had entered. To have failed in the attainment of these, would have been to have sacrificed the just claims of our citizens, and to have compromised the dignity of the government; by which the harmony between those nations and the United States would have been disturbed to probably a dangerous extent.
The administration has been charged with an extravagant friendship to France, and an inveterate hostility to Great Britain; with a settled purpose of courting the favor of the one, and of exciting the enmity of the other. Were this a fact, a golden opportunity presented for the gratification of this disposition when they came into power.—The recent treaty formed with France might have been seized as the pledge of a renewal of old friendships, and have laid the foundation for a commercial treaty interweaving the interests of the two nations. The dark aspect of our affairs with Great Britain and the uncertain issue of depending negotiations, would have furnished a plausible pretext for an alliance with France, in order the more effectually to coerce Britain into the adoption of just measures towards us. While, on the other hand, the inexecution of the treaty by Britain might have been embraced as justifying of a stern demand on our part, which, addressed to her pride, would scarcely have failed to produce a reply frustrative of all conciliation. The step, from this state of things, to war, would have been easy and natural.
This course not having been pursued is irrefragable proof that the motives ascribed to the administration were false.
One of the first measures of the administration was the suspension of the embassies to Berlin and Lisbon. Whatever may have been the object of these appointments, their natural tendency was to engage the United States in the competitions and quarrels to which Prussia and Portugal were exposed. With the former we had no commercial relations that justified the nomination of a minister, and the little consequence of the other nation in the scale of Europe rendered her the least worthy of preference. In addition to these considerations, many circumstances, attending the formation and progress of these missions excited a well founded alarm that they were principally intended as a cover to political negotiations with other powers. Be this as it may, their abolition was sufficiently justified by their uselessness, and experience has fully confirmed the measure, not the slightest injury having arisen from it.
It has been attempted by the opponents of the administration to make them answerable for the dereliction of the claims of our merchants on France for the spoiliations committed on their property; but the facts attending this transaction prove that the whole merit or demerit of this act is ascribable to the preceding administration and its friends.
On the 15th of July 1797, Mr. Pickering, in the name of Mr. Adams issued instructions to the ministers appointed to negotiate an adjustment of our differences with France. In these instructions, after dwelling, at considerable length, on the claims of our citizens, he adds.
"All these just demands of our citizens will merit your attention. The best possible means of compensation must be attempted. These will depend on what you shall discover to be practicable in relation to the French finances. But an exception must be made in respect to debts due to our citizens by the contracts of the French government and its agents; if they are comprehended in any stipulations; and an option reserved to them jointly or individually, either to accept the means of payment which you shall stipulate, or to resort to the French government, directly, for the fulfilment of its contracts."
Although the reparation for losses sustained by the citizens of the United States,
in consequence of irregular or illegal captures or condemnations, or for forcible seizures or detentions, is of very high importance, and is to be pressed with the greatest earnestness, yet it is not to be insisted on as an indispensable condition of the proposed treaty. You are not, however, to renounce these claims of our citizens, or to stipulate that they be assumed by the United States as a loan to the French government."
The envoys repaired to France, and the mission, it is well known, proved abortive. On the 3d of April, 1798, the president communicated to the two houses of congress, a copy of his instructions given to the envoys and of their dispatches. This communication was read with closed doors. In the house of representatives a motion was made to publish it; but this was deemed so imprudent by that body that the motion received the votes of but a few members. The friends of the administration, as well as its enemies, concurred in the opinion that while our differences remained unadjusted, it would be unwise to apprise our enemy of the extent to which, in order to insure an accommodation, our commissioners had been instructed to go. It would have been well if this caution had guided the deliberations of the senate.—But that assembly, actuated by the sole motive of vindicating and justifying the measures of the executive, and of holding up to reprobation the conduct of France, to the surprise of the house and of their country, at the very moment when the house, impelled by more magnanimous sentiments, had determined to maintain the secrecy of the communication, ordered it to be printed. By this spirited act, said their apologists, we will shew our countrymen that the Rubicon is passed: the timid accents of conciliation shall no longer annoy us. With this temper, Mr. Tracy announced the policy of waging a war of extermination, in which every man, woman, and child, in America, should be engaged against every man, woman and child in France; and, with a similar temper, the sedition act threatened with incarceration, and the alien act with exile, the person of every man that dared to impugn the motives of the government.
Thus stood the affairs between the two nations till a wandering impulse of patriotism induced Mr. Adams to name another embassy to France. What were the instructions given on this occasion do not appear. We may, however, reasonably infer that they did not materially differ from those we have already quoted. With such instructions, what could our envoys do? Had they demanded a full reparation for spoiliations, as a part of the treaty, would not the vigilance of the French government have confronted them with the previous declaration of Mr. Adams that it was "not to be insisted on as an indispensable condition of the proposed treaty." The declaration, by the highest authority, must be considered as a virtual abandonment of the claims; for it admits the formation of a treaty of friendship with France without any recognition of the obligation of the French government to satisfy them: and leaves this adjustment entirely to the chances of futurity.
Thus travelled, our envoys did their best. They negotiated a treaty, in which they did all their instructions required. They did more. They not only steered clear of a renunciation of the claims, but also paved the way to their ultimate adjustment by their recognition in the following stipulations:
"Art. 2. The ministers plenipotentiary of the two parties not being able to agree at present respecting the treaty of alliance of 6th February, 1778, the treaty of amity and commerce of the same date, and the convention of the 14th November, 1778, nor upon the indemnities mutually due or claimed; the parties will negotiate further on these subjects at a convenient time, and until they may have agreed upon these points, the said treaties and convention shall have no operation, and the relations of the two countries shall be regulated as follows, &c."
"Art. 5th. The debts contracted by one of the two nations with individuals of the other, by the individuals of one with the individuals of the other, shall be paid, or the payment may be prosecuted in the same manner as if there had been no misunderstanding between the two states.—But this clause shall not extend to indemnities claimed on account of captures or confiscations."
This treaty, containing these stipulations, was laid before the senate by Mr. Adams in the winter of 1800.—1. That body, then decidedly federal, refused to advise the ratification of the treaty unless the second article was expunged.—To prove this beyond all question, we shall give the votes on that occasion.
Messrs. Armstrong, Bingham, Chapman, Dayton, D. Foster, Hillhouse, Hindman, Howard, Latimore, J. Mason, Morris, Paine, Read, Ross, Schurman, Tracey and Wells voted for striking out the second article: and Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Cocke, T. Foster, Franklin, Greene, Langdon, Livermore, Marshall, S. T. Mason and Nicholas, voted against it.
The expunging this article was equivalent to the abandonment of the claims of our merchants for spoilted property; it being well established that silence respecting any claim existing at the formation of a treaty amounts to a relinquishment of it. Independently however of this construction of treaties, the 5th article, which forms a part of the treaty as ratified, expressly declares that that clause "shall not extend to indemnities claimed on account of captures or confiscations."
In this sense the treaty was understood by the French government, when received by them for ratification, as they declare in that very act; the expression is ben entendu —it being well understood that by the retrenchment of the second article the two nations renounce the respective pretensions that are the objects of it. Returned to the senate, with this ratification on the part of the French government, that body decided that it ought to be considered as fully ratified. On this occasion all the federal members, excepting Messrs. Wells, Hillhouse, Chapman and D. Foster, voted in the affirmative. And their vote would seem, from the open avowal of their sentiments, to have arisen from an indisposition to any treaty whatever with France.
CURTILUS. (Subject of foreign relations to be continued.)
GENERAL MOREAU.
A Gentleman who with his three sisters, were in prison in Paris, in consequence of their intimacy with General Moreau and his family, and who, on their being released, immediately fled to England, has favored us with the following curious and interesting particulars relative to the late pretended conspiracy.
[London Paper of Sept 15.]
When Moreau and Pichegru were first separately confined in the Temple, it was the intention of the usurper to destroy them privately in prison; but first it was thought advisable to sound the temper of the people and the army, and it was considered the safer plan to begin with Pichegru. In pursuance of this, a report was circulated that he had poisoned himself the night before. As this report produced little more than a subject of regret to some, and conversation and suspicion to all, the measure was decidedly adopted, and 4 Mamalukes were dispatched on the same night, who strangled the General with a stick, in the manner already described.
The murder of Moreau, however, required a greater degree of caution, and the agents of government began by spreading a rumor that the General was attacked by a violent and dangerous pugging, which was likely to prove fatal to him. This occasioned a very strong sensation among the military, and people of all descriptions; but that was not sufficient to put an end to the project, and the next day it was reported that he died of the complaint in the morning. It was then, indeed, that government had good reason for alarm.
A violent agitation was seen to pervade in all the streets and public places; the consternation became general; the soldiers began to assemble and deliberate in arms, and letters were written to communicate the intelligence to the different armies; when the whole was appeased by proclamation being made that the report of Gen. Moreau's death was false, and that he was still alive, and in good health.
While the General and the others were on their trial, the court was open to all persons who were inclined to resort there; but no person was allowed to take notes, but those professionally engaged in the defence or prosecution; and all who were present expressed their astonishment at the manner in which the account of the proceedings was garbled, mutilated and distorted in the Moneur , so as to be directly the reverse of the real state of the facts.
Moreau's Advocate afterwards annexed a faithful report of the trial, &c. to a life of Moreau, from his leaving college to his imprisonment in the Temple, written by himself. The price fixed upon it was 12 livres; but on the morning appointed for the publication, the eagerness of the people to see it advanced the price as high as six Louis each impression. All, however were disappointed; for as soon as the work was ready, the police rushed in, and carried away the whole of the publication and manuscripts, so effectually, that it is not supposed more than two or three could have possibly escaped them.
During the process of the General's trial, Madame Moreau secretly formed the resolution of appealing to the mercy of the usurper, and with that design repaired to the Thuilleries, where she waited for three or four hours in the antechamber, without being able to gain any access to the tyrant. At last having caught the eye of the Empress, the latter asked what was the purport of her visit? Madame Moreau replied, "That she meant to implore the mercy of his Majesty, in favor of her husband whom she tenderly loved, and for whose life she trembled, though she knew him to be innocent; & that she hoped his Majesty could not but be touched by the entreaties of a fond wife, who had already borne the General one infant, and was pregnant with another." The Empress regretted her inability to second her application, as she was convinced that any step that could be taken would tend more to irritate than to appease his majesty.
General Moreau was shocked when he heard of this application, and declared, that there was nothing in all these circumstances which grieved him so much as that his wife could have so mean an opinion of him, as to suppose that he would condescend to owe his life to so vile a tyrant." It is therefore totally false that the General wrote that crying letter to Bonaparte which appeared in the French papers; so far from it, as soon as it was shown to him, he wrote a direct contradiction to the libel, but could not find a printer in France who would dare to print it for him.
General Moreau never wrote any letter to Bonaparte on the subject, but one, which was after his sentence, and which was to the following effect, according to
the best recollection of our informant, who read it in the manuscript before it was sent off:—
"You are very well convinced that I am esteemed and beloved by the French people and the armies, because my conduct through life has uniformly deserved it of them. With that conviction on your mind, tyrant as you are, you know you dare not openly destroy me, because you dread the vengeance that would be taken for my blood. You also know that while I live in France, whether in prison or out of it, I shall ever be to you an object of terror and suspicion, and perhaps, sometimes the occasion of discontent and disturbances. Therefore, if it relieves you equally from all apprehensions on my account, and answers your purpose of getting rid of me, as well as my imprisonment would do, I am desirous of retiring to America, to reside there in future, on my wife's property. The orders you may give will be sufficient to inform me of your answer."
This was the only application made by Moreau himself, and though it was complied with by the Corsican, who was glad to get him away at any rate, yet it is feared that this seeming clemency will be no more than a short respite for the brave and illustrious victim of his tyrant's suspicions—for, ever since he quitted the temple, he is constantly subject to violent vomitings, straining, and various other complaints in the stomach, which are supposed to be occasioned by some slow poison administered to him towards the close of his confinement, which should it turn out to be incurable, must render the few days he has to number extremely miserable.
While the celebrated and gallant Georges was on his trial, the public accuser asked him—"What have you done with the portraits you had of the late King & Queen?"—The other, looking at him for a moment with a strong expression of the utmost contempt, abhorrence, and indignation exclaimed, villain! (scelerat) what have you done with the originals?" This public accuser was a fellow of the name of Thuriot, who had been very active and instrumental in promoting the murder of the King, and was one of the Judges or Jury on the trial of the Queen, and the unfortunate Princess Elizabeth. By the Parisians, whose opinions have of late taken a very different turn from what they had in the year 1793, he is better known by the name of Tue Roi (King Killer).—Georges then poured a volley of curses and execrations on them all, praying that they might themselves meet with the same miserable end they inflicted upon others, and be forwarded to their destination in Hell sooner than they expected. After this, he listened to the remainder of the proceedings with the same indifference & sang froid with which he met his fate, in a manner which created a respect for him even in the minds of those who were adverse to his principles and to his conduct.
NEW-YORK, Nov. 5.
The French frigates La Cybelle and La Didon left this port yesterday morning on their way through the Sound. The English frigates were at their moorings last evening at sunset.
Captain Daggett, of the schooner Fair Trader, on the 1st inst. in lat. 39, long. 73, 40, took off the crew of the schr. Jenny, Rhodes, from Richmond for Boston, laden with 1800 bushels of coal and 400 barrels of flour, which vessel had sprung a leak, and went down immediately after being deserted. Her sails, cable, and about 100 barrels of the flour were preserved.
WASHINGTON CITY, Nov. 5.
On the 2d ult. H. C. C. Claiborne, appointed governor of the territory of Orleans, took the oaths of office, after delivering a concise address, which shall appear in our next paper.
On Friday last the election for Electors of a President and Vice-President took place in Philadelphia. The number of votes was about 1500. There was no federal opposition.
NORFOLK, Nov. 6.
Colonel Burr left Richmond for the seat of government on Friday last. For more than three months of the last session of congress, the Vice-President of the United States found other employment, much more alluring than his duty, to occupy his time and attention. But now, when his ambitious hopes are all blighted; when he dare not presume to entertain any scheme of future aggrandizement; when he is sunk too low even to be used as the instrument of intrigue, much less as the principal; when he is contemplated as an object of abhorrence by the honest men of every party; now he finds it convenient to attend those functions to the discharge of which a misplaced confidence appointed him. The unwanted promptitude only bespeaks the restlessness which must pursue him. A consciousness that every man must view him as an exalted offender against the majesty of the laws of his country and of heaven, makes him jealous of the scrutiny of all he meets, makes a long residence in any one place intolerable. His days are spent in searching into the thoughts of men, to discover, if it be possible, one who can console him by an approbation of what he has done. It is impossible: he knows it cannot be approved: he knows it is not deserving of approbation upon any principle, even upon those of visionary and chimerical honor. The self conviction that not honor but revenge urged him to pollute himself with the best blood of the country, haunts

his waking hours, and, unless all shame and feeling have abandoned him, must render them sorely burthensome. But there is another season when reflection is more oppressive; that season when the thoughts are all concentrated; then, HAMILLON, then, in the still and contemplative hours of night, when none of the ordinary tumults of life intrude to break the chain of meditation, then, if he has any sensibility remaining, thou art fully and terribly avenged! How forcibly has the Roman bard, the scourge of vice in every shape, depicted the midnight operations of a conscience struggling under the weight of blood—
Node brevem si forte indulget cura soporem, Et toto versata torpet membra quiescent, Continuo resurgit, & violat numina aras, Et quod praecipiti mentem sudoribus urget TE VIDET IN SOMNIS! Tua sacra & major imago Humana turbat pavida, cogitque fateri!!! Yes, it is, it must be so: such is the fixed and immutable law of nature, and of the author of nature. Though he who has wantonly shed the blood of his fellow creature, may escape from the limited power of human ordinances, he cannot elude the perpetual jurisdiction of that awful tribunal, which has, for the wisest purposes, been erected in every breast. No—“WE STILL HAVE JUDGMENT HERE!”—Mr. BURN, however, in contempt of the public sentiment, is resolved to take his seat as President of the Senate. He who has spurned at the most sacred of all laws, is to regulate the deliberations of the first legislative body in the nation. He against whom a Grand-Jury has found a bill of indictment as a murderer, while that heavy accusation stands on record against him, is to reside over the highest court of justice recognized by the constitution.—To this humiliating dilemma, however is the Senate of the United States reduced.
DIED , yesterday, Cornelius Calvert, Esq. aged 81 years, an ancient and respectable inhabitant of this place. He was for the last forty years an alderman, and several times mayor of this borough.
The subscriber wishes to sell for cash, or on credit till the first day of January next, the Two Brick Tenements , Adjoining the house of Mr. Benjamin Mosby. JOHN PENDLETON. City of Richmond, Nov. 10th, 1804.
WILL BE SOLD, On Monday, the 19th instant, at the dwelling of the late Mrs. Milly Ellison, deceased, near the Coal Pits in Chesterfield, all the PERSONAL PROPERTY , Belonging to the said deceased—consisting of a crop of Wheat cleaned and ready for market, the crop of Corn, supposed about ninety barrels, together with the crop of Fodder, Horses, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, Household and Kitchen Furniture, &c—A credit of twelve months will be given on all sums over ten dollars, giving bond with approved security and bearing interest from the date, if not punctually paid.
GEORGE M. CREDDIE, Adm'r. Manchester, Nov. 7th, 1804.
For the accommodation of purchasers, the Corn will be put up in lots of ten barrels.
VIRGINIA: At a Superior Court of Chancery, held in Richmond, the 14th day of September, 1804. BETWEEN Charles F. Nash and Andrew Johnston, executors of John Nash, deceased, who was executor of John Nash, deceased, plaintiffs. AND James, Robert and Thomas Donald and company and Joseph Michaux, defendants.
THE defendant James, Robert and Thomas Donald and company, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this country: Upon the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiffs; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city.
A Copy—Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c.
At a Court of Directors of the Hospital for the maintenance and cure of persons of mangled limbs, held at the said Hospital, in Williamsburg, the 22nd day of April, 1804.
ORDERED, That it be notified in the Virginia Argus and Norfolk Herald, that at present, the cells in the Lunatic Hospital in Williamsburg, appropriated for male patients are all occupied, and consequently no more males will be received until further notice.
A copy—Teste, W. RUSSELL, C. L. H.
L. Joseph & Co. Respectfully inform their friends and the public in general, that they have just received a General Assortment of FALL GOODS, Also, a good supply of the newest and most fashionable FANCY GOODS, VIZ. Lace Cambricks, Black Lace Cardinals, Ladies' Fine Cotton Hosiery, Men's do do do, Dress Trimmings of all kinds, Ladies' Beltings of all colours, Do. cotton & silk Cords & Tassels of all colours, Do. white and Black Lace Veils, A good assortment black and white Laces, Plain and Tambour'd Muslin, Plain and Figured Cambricks, Dimities and Dimity Cambricks, India, Book and Jacquet Muslins, India Car-Bricks—and A good supply of Ribbons. The subscribers flatter themselves of selling their goods upon the lowest advance imaginable for cash. Richmond, 7th Nov. 1804. READY MADE PENS For sale at this office.
VIRGINIA ARGUS. RICHMOND: SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1804.
The Surrey Jockey Club Races commenced on Thursday the first of this instant, over the course at Surrey Courthouse. The first day's purse was won by Mr. Bird's b. c. Ranger, started by Mr. Goodrich, beating six others, three mile heats. Mr. Shackleford's s. f. Miss in her Teens, 4 years old, by Diomed, 1 2 2 Mr. Bird's b. c. Ranger, 4 years old, by Diomed, 2 1 1 Mr. Cocke's s. f. Diomedea, 4 years old, by Diomed, 3 dis. Mr. Johnston's b. c. Examiner, 3 years old, by Wild Medley, 4 dr. Mr. Harrison's b. c. Sun Beam, 3 years old, by Saltram, 5 dr. Mr. Butler's b. c. Lofty, aged, dis. Mr. Graves' s. c. Young Shirley, 5 years old, by Shirley, dis. The second day's purse was won by Maj. Browne's b. c. Crowing Cock, alias Overseer, started by Mr. Goodrich, two mile heats. Maj. Browne's b. c. Crowing Cock, alias Overseer, 3 years old, by Cormorant, 1 1 Mr. Butler's g. h. Dodge, 5 years old, 2 3 Mr. Johnston's b. c. Examiner, 3 years old, by Wild Medley, 3 4 Mr. Harrison's g. f. Virago, 3 years old, by Saltram, 4 2 Mr. Harris' b. f. Melvenia, 4 years old, by Lampighter, 5 dr Miss in her Teens was run upon by Ranger, in the second heat, but it was determined accidental by the stand. Diomedea was accidentally stopped in the second heat. CHARLES H. GRAVES, Sec'y.
EDMUND CURTIS, Esq. formerly a member of the Virginia Convention, for ratifying the Federal Constitution, is to succeed HUGH BROWNE TRIST, Esq. deceased, in the Collectorship of the Port of New Orleans.
We are authorised to say, that the account lately given of Prince Jerome Bonaparte and his lady being shipwrecked in the snow. Philadelphia, in the bay of Delaware, on their passage to Cadiz, is correct.—They embarked at Port Penn, and were landed, after being in imminent danger, at Pilot town—They arrived this day (31st Oct.) in Philadelphia, accompanied by Miss Spearand Mr. Pichon— Phil. Fed. & Com. Reg.
The man of honor, who estimates his life at the value society put upon it, and is willing to throw it away to prevent its forfeiture to justice, will rejoice to find the practice of duelling daily rising in public repute, until it has at last reached a class in society which it is highly honorable for him to imitate. The following anecdote is founded on fact. In a neighbouring town, two gentlemen of honor, descended from African parents, paid their addresses to the same noble beauty. The desponding swain, chagrined at the success of the more favoured lover had the temerity to assert, that the lips of the sable Venus possessed an uncommon tumidity, that essentially injured the contour of her countenance. This was too much for the favoured lover to bear: a challenge was given, accepted, and the time and place appointed for an interview. The challenger true to his appointment, was on the ground at the hour, with a pair of large horse pistols, and waited until the expiration of it; but melancholy to relate, his opponent did not appear! The slanderer had neither the candour to retract his aspersion, nor the courage to maintain it, but decamped by favour of the preceding night, and has not been heard of since. The conqueror now enjoys the smiles of his inamorata; threatens to post the adversary for a poitron as soon as he can find any one to write for him; and finds, by experience, that none but the brave deserve the fair. Providence Gaz.
The Grand Jury of Bergen county in the state of New Jersey, have found a bill of indictment for murder against Aaron Burr, for killing General Hamilton, in July, in said county.
From the (N. Y.) REPUBLICAN WATCH TOWER.
The following Extract of a Letter from the late General Hamilton, is found in the Liverpool Chronicle of the 29th of last August, thus introduced by the editor. We have been favored, through the courtesy of a gentleman in this town, with the following extract of a letter from the late General HAMILTON, dated New York, 1799, to a relation of his here who had requested to know some particulars of his life. We have no doubt but it will be perused at the present moment with lively interest.
“I came to this country at about the age of 16, and having always had a strong propensity to literary pursuits, by a course of steady and laborious exertions, I was able by the age of 19 to qualify myself for the degree of Bachelor of Arts, in the college of New-York, and to lay a foundation by preparatory study for the future profession of the law. The American Revolution supervened. My principles led me to take part in it. At 19 I entered into the American army as Captain of artillery, and shortly after I became by his invitation aide-de-camp to Gen. Washington; in which station I served till the commencement of that campaign, which ended with the siege of York Town, Virginia, and the capture of Lord Cornwallis's army. This campaign I made at the head of a corps of light infantry, with which I was present at the siege of York, and engaged in some interesting operations. At the period of peace with Great Britain, I found myself Member of Congress by the appointment of the legislature of this state. After the peace I settled in the city of New-York in the practice of the law, and was in a very lucrative course of practice, when the derangement of our public affairs, by the feebleness of the general confederation drew me again reluctantly into public life. I became a member of the convention which
framed the present Constitution of the United States, and having taken part in this measure, I conceived myself to be under an obligation to lend my aid towards putting the machine in motion. Hence I did not hesitate to accept the offer of President Washington, to undertake the office of Secretary of the Treasury.—In that office I met with many intrinsic difficulties, and many artificial ones, proceeding from passions not very worthy but common to human nature, and which act with peculiar force in republics.—The object, however, was effectual of establishing public credit and introducing order into the finances.
“Public office in this country has few attractions. The pecuniary emolument is so inconsiderable as to amount to a sacrifice to any man who can employ his time with advantage in any liberal profession.—The opportunity of doing good, from the jealousy of power and the spirit of faction, is too small in any station to warrant a long continuance of private sacrifices. The enterprises of party had so far succeeded, as materially to weaken the necessary influence and energy of the Executive Authority and so far diminished the power of good in that department, as greatly to take away the motives which a virtuous man might have for making such sacrifices. The prospect was even bad, for gratifying in future the love of fame, if that passion was to be the spring of action. The union of these motives, with the reflections of prudence, in relation to a growing family, determined me as soon as my plan had attained a certain maturity to withdraw from office. This I did in the year 1795, by resignation, when I resumed the profession of the law (as counsel) in New-York, under every advantage I could desire. It is a pleasing reflection to me, that since the commencement of my connection with Gen. Washington to the present time, I have possessed a flattering share of his confidence and friendship. In the year 1780, I married the second daughter of General Schuyler, a gentleman of one of the best families of this country, of large fortune, and of no less personal and public consequence. It is impossible to be happier than I am in a wife, and I have eight children; the eldest, a son, somewhat passed seventeen, who all promise well as far as their years permit, and promise me much satisfaction. Though I have been too much in public life to be wealthy, my situation is extremely comfortable, and leaves me nothing to wish but a continuance of health, with this blessing, the profits of my profession, and other prospects, authorise an expectation of such addition to my resources as will render the eve of life easy and agreeable, so far as may depend on this consideration.”
AMOROUS.— A Paris paper states that M. Pauli, originally from Switzerland, has constructed a balloon which can be directed at will by means of a simple mechanism, which elevates, depresses, and makes it move diagonally, advance, retreat, &c. at pleasure, and go several leagues in an hour without the slightest wind.
The aeronaut had made an experiment with his balloon at Sceaux on the 22d August, in the presence of numerous spectators. When arrived at the height of 500 toises, he made his machine describe a semi circle, he turned several times to the right, the left, &c. and directed it to the south west, instead of the southeast, to which point the wind blew. He advanced in that direction, to the chateau Osniville, a distance of five leagues, in less than an hour, though he had even descended twice to the earth in that interval. Mr. Pauli was received at Osniville by a numerous and brilliant assemblage of people.
It has been fully proved by experience that in the quantity and soundness of a crop of Indian Corn, much depends on the goodness of the seed; and as this is the proper season of the year to provide seed for the next spring's planting, I would propose the following method:—Select a sufficient number of the largest and best ripened ears, from the best land; strip off some of the outside husks, then pierce holes through the stems, and with strong cords or splints string them six or eight together, and run them on poles; in this order they may be hung up in the garret or loft of some out-building, until wanted for use.
[Doylestown, (Pen.) Sep.]
EGYPTIAN WHEAT. There are few countries from whence the patriotic and scientific traveller may not bring something to enrich or benefit his own. The peculiar qualities of the Egyptian wheat have long been unknown, even to the nations to which Egypt was formerly the granary; but one of the officers whom the desolating spirit of Bonaparte occasioned us to send there, has brought from thence a few grains of wheat, which are likely to supercede the culture of all others, not only in Ireland, but here. The stem, which for strength and thickness resembles the strongest reed, is about six feet high, having, when nearly matured, a top or head about twice the size of an ear of our wheat, together with smaller ears, branching something in the manner of oats. But what is most important, the stem is peculiarly nutritious, for horses, rendering unnecessary the use of hay and corn. It will not be matter of surprise that all the seed which Mr. Humphreys (a gentleman of Dublin, to whom it had been originally presented,) could be induced to dispose of last year, was purchased with avidity for ten guineas per stone of 14lb; nor that he has been offered, and refused eight thousand guineas, by one person, for a crop of nine acres, which is, or was recently standing. (London pap.)
The following mixture is in general use, and considered as very effectual to prevent
the blight in wheat, viz. a solution of a mixture of two parts of alum and one of blue vitriol.—In Yorkshire, an ounce of arsenic cautiously pulverised, is put into four pints of pure water, and an equal quantity of urine. The seed is immersed in this preparation till the downy substance at the extremity of the grain is saturated with the liquid. This process, however, requires the utmost caution. (ib.)
From the Boston Repository. Pray, Sir, how much wine can you drink at a sitting and not endanger your health? With segars and a good song occasionally, I think I can put three or four bottles under my jacket, in an afternoon and evening, and retire with decency.
Then I presume Sir, you are seldom mortified by the necessity of declining a sitting party, because you can't drink. O never; I have an excellent strong head, wine affects me no more than a cup of green tea does a lady. Indeed very much the same; it makes me a little gay and loquacious.
Strange perversion of reason; strange idea of glory, that a man should vaunt a real degradation of his nature! Is physical insensibility an honor? Is it real cause of satisfaction that by force of pernicious habit the principle of life is so far extinguished that the highest stimulants produce no derangement of the system?
The only difference between animate and inanimate matter is, that the former can be affected by such powers as wine, food and other stimulants, while the latter cannot.—He, therefore, who boasts that the strongest powers, scarcely affect the torpid fibres of his body, rejoices in the partial extinction of the principle of life. He seems to say, by long drenching myself with draughts of slow poison, I am at length so far dead, that I pour them down and experience no effect.
NOSMET.
Two tradesmen near Blackfriars had a difference on Tuesday night last, respecting a bet, which it was agreed was to be decided next day with pistols. They met next day near the Windmill, below Petty France, when the seconds had the good sense to drop the bullets into their proper place—their own pockets. One of the parties, who was let into the secret, dropt dead on the first fire! His opponent fled on the wings of fear, and next morning was proceeding in a post chaise to depart for Hamburg or America, when he saw his deceased antagonist very composedly serving his customers behind his proper counter.— London pap.
THE LECTURES on LAW and POLICE at the College of William & Mary will commence on the 20th of November.
Williamsburg, Nov. 24, 1804.
THE Commissioners appointed by Law to conduct the LOTTERY for the benefit of WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE, earnestly entreat all those, who have been so obliging as to aid in the disposal of tickets, and who may not have complied, as yet, with a former similar request, to lose no time in transmitting to the subscriber, by post, a return conformable to the mode, which, to obviate disappointment in the required information, is hereto subjoined. It will readily be perceived, that, until the information now requested be obtained, the drawing cannot commence. On the part of the commissioners, there will not be a moment of unnecessary delay; and they flatter themselves, that those who have been active in befriending the interests of the college, will use the requisite exertions to facilitate the performance of a duty, which they are solicitous should be discharged with the utmost promptness, as well as with the strictest fidelity.—It is hoped, the returns will be forwarded by the last of this month at farthest. Signed, at the request of the commissioners. J. MADISON, Chairman.
Mode of Returns. 1 2 3 Let this column contain the particular No. of each Ticket received, and from whom received. In this state the No. of each Ticket sold. In this state the settlement which has been made, and with whom.
NEW-YORK LOTTERY.
No. III. For the Promotion of Literature, Will POSITIVELY commence Drawing on the FOURTH DAY OF DEC. NEXT.
25,000 Dollars
HIGHEST PRIZE.
The Scheme contains 25,000 Tickets, of which 9,913 are Prizes, less than two and a half blanks to a prize—Deduction fifteen per cent.
TICKETS
And Halves, Quarters & Eighths,
ARE TO BE HAD AT
G. & R. WAITE'S
PERMANENT LOTTERY OFFICES,
No. 64, MAIDEN-LANE, & No. 38, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW YORK,
AT THE FOLLOWING PRICES.
Whole Tickets Dols. 6 50 | Quarters, Dols. 1 75
Halves, - 3 37 | Eighths, 1 00
Distant Adventurers, by inclosing United States, Philadelphia or New-York bank notes, may have tickets forwarded them by post, to any part of the Union, by G. & R. WAITE, with the utmost punctuality; and the earliest intelligence sent of their success.—Cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn.
For the satisfaction of the adventurers in Richmond and its vicinity, G. & R. Waite will forward to the printer of this paper, the Managers' Official List of Prizes, as soon as printed, where any gentleman can examine his own number.—Letters (post paid) will be duly attended to. New-York, Oct. 2, 1804. (Im)
IN THE PRESS,
And shortly will be published by S. PLEASANTS, jun.
Richmond,
ERSKINE'S
CELEBRATED
DEFENCE
OF
STOCKDALE.
Bail and Delivery Bonds
For sale at this office.
MR. PLEASANTS, WHEN you can find a convenient corner in your paper, please republish the enclosed most excellent SONG, composed it is supposed, by General WARREN, who fell at the battle of Bunker's Hill, in the year 1775; there by you'll much oblige A SUBSCRIBER. Nov. 6, 1804.
TUNE—BRITISH GRENADIER.
THAT seat of Science Athens, And earth's proud mistress Rome; Where now are all their glories, You scarce can find their tomb; Then guard your rights Americans, Nor stoop to lawless sway; Oppose, oppose, oppose, oppose— My brave America.
Proud Albion bow'd to Cæsar, And numerous Lords before, To Picts, to Danes, to Normans, And many masters more; But we Americans can boast, We never fell a prey; Huzza, huzza, huzza, huzza— For brave America.
Torn from a world of Tyrants, Beneath this Western Sky, We form'd a new dominion— And land of Liberty! The world shall own their masters here, Then hasten on the day, Exert yourselves, yourselves, yourselves— My brave America.
We led fair Freedom hither, When to the desert smil'd, A paradise of pleasure, Was opened in the wild! Your harvest, hold Americans, No power shall snatch away; Huzza, huzza, huzza, huzza— For brave America.
God bless this maiden climate, And through her vast domain, Let hosts of heroes cluster, Who soon to wear a chain; And blast the venal Tories, That would our rights betray: May Heaven preserve, preserve, preserve— My brave America.
Lift up your heads my heroes, And swear with proud disdain, The wretch who would enslave you, Shall spread his snare in vain. Should Europe empty all her force, We'll meet them in array, And shout, and shout, and shout, and shout— For brave America.
Some future day shall crown us, The masters of the main! Our fleets shall speak in thunder, To England and to Spain! While all the Islands, o'er the ocean spread, Shall tremble and obey, The Sons, the Sons, the Sons, the Sons— Of brave America.
TUCKER'S BLACKSTONE
This day is published and ready for delivery to subscribers, in Virginia, at S. Pleasants' Book Store, Richmond!
BLACKSTONE'S COMMENTARIES,
WITH Notes of Reference to the Constitution and Laws of the Federal Government of the United States, AND OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA: IN FIVE VOLUMES.
With an appendix to each volume, containing tracts upon such subjects as appeared necessary to form a systematic view of the Laws of Virginia as a member of the Federal Union.
By ST. GEORGE TUCKER, Professor of Law in the College of William & Mary, and one of the Judges of the General Court, in Virginia. One Hundred Dollars Reward.
RUN away from the subscriber living at the Seven Islands, in the county of Fluvanna, about the first of April, 1803, a negro woman named MOLL ; she is of a blackish complexion, large heavy eyes, very likely, about thirty years of age, of common size, and has an upper tooth cut on the left side of her mouth. I am told she has a five pass, and calls herself MOLLY MAYO ; she was raised in the county of Chesterfield at the coal pits; she has been carried up and down James river in the boats and has been seen at Ross's iron works in Campbell county, and at a place called Cotton Town a little above Lynchburg. I am induced to believe that she is either harboured by some person, or is carried off to Kentucky or Tennessee. I will give the above reward to any person that will deliver her to me or secure her so that I get her again; and if harboured or carried off, I will give One Hundred Dollars more in either case upon conviction of the same. THOMAS SHORES, Jr. Fluvanna Nov. 1st, 1804.
Ten Dollars Reward.
RAN away from the subscriber on Wednesday evening last, a negro woman named AGGY , about five feet eight or nine inches high, thin visage, likely, speaks remarkably quick, formerly the property of Wm. S. Slater of York county. She had on when she went away a blue half thick jacket, a green petticoat and old red cloak; (perhaps she may have changed her dress)—she has a small mark on the back of her neck. Whomsoever will deliver the said woman to me or secure her in jail so that I may get her again, shall receive the above reward from BENJ. WOLFE. Richmond, 6th Nov. 1804.
Forensic Eloquence.
Just received, and for sale at S. Pleasants' Book-Store,
THE SPEECHES
OF THE CELEBRATED IRISH BARRISTER,
J. P. CURRAN,
Accompanied with sketches of those trials for High Treason to which they belong.
This volume contains a short account of the history and present state of Ireland, with a Biographical sketch of Mr. Curran.
Also Mr. Grattan's Letter to the Citizens of Dublin; and Arthur O'Connor's Address to the Irish Nation.
Subscribers are requested to send for their Books.