The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-02-02 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING. SUBSCRIPTION TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twenty-eighth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now provided a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received, he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD.
N. B. The deduction for Storage and shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
NOTICE.
THE subscribers hereby give notice, that they are desirous to purchase Wheat, Corn, Flour, Barrels and Staves, and that they are now ready to contract to furnish Meal, Hominy, Ship Stuff and Bran, at certain prices for the year, and that for the present quarter ending the 1st of March the prices will be for 50 lbs. of Meal, 3s. 6d. and for 50 lbs. Hominy, 3s. 3d.
They hereby solicit all those indebted to them to make payment as fast as possible, as their situation does not enable them to grant such indulgence as heretofore.
They have also still on hand a large assortment of IRISH LINENS, which they are anxious to dispose of.
THOS. RUTHERFOORD & Co.
January 1, 1803. (1 ill. a)
CITY OF RICHMOND.
In Common Hall, Jan. 17th 1803.
WHEREAS the present funds of the corporation are not adequate to the expense of erecting a WORKHOUSE for the city, which would combine within itself all the conveniencies which a well regulated institution of this kind would require; having a regard to the future population of this city, yet it is wisest and expedient that the funds now destined for this useful institution should be laid out in such a manner as to answer the present purposes of the corporation, and to admit such future additions as the increasing population may require. Your Committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend it to the consideration of the Common Hall, to call in the aid of those who have experience of such institutions, and to offer a premium for the best plan of a Workhouse, which will be so contrived as to admit of being erected in parts, as the funds of the corporation will from time to time afford.
Resolved, therefore, that the committee appointed to prepare a plan of a Workhouse be discharged from further proceeding therein, And that the Mayor be requested to give notice in the newspapers, or otherwise, that the sum of thirty dollars will be given by the corporation, as a premium to the person who shall produce to the Hall, on the third Monday in February next, the best plan of a Workhouse, constructed as above mentioned, and to be approved of by the Hall, estimating the cost at four thousand dollars.
Teste ADAM CRAIG, C. C. H.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers. The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required.
WILLIAM DAVIDSON.
Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (1 ill.) N. B. For sale, PLASTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
EDUCATION.
ANN & GOODWIN, begs leave respectfully to return thanks to her friends and a generous public, for the liberal encouragement she has met with during her residence in Richmond, and takes the liberty of informing them, that her SCHOOL will open on Monday, the 15th of February, at the house lately occupied by Mr. Hays' schoolmaster deceased, where she can accommodate half a dozen young ladies with board, &c. for terms apply as above. Her pupils will be taught the English language grammatically, Writing, Arithmetic, Needle Work, &c. on the following terms, viz. small children 6 pounds a year, young ladies who engage in all the above named studies, 8 pounds per annum and 2 dollars entrance.
Richmond, Jan. 20, 1802.
WANTED.
A person, who is an Affluent in a Store, A person acquainted with plain open Accounts. ** No objection to attend a Bar of a Tavern. Richmond, Dec. 27th.
JUST PUBLISHED
AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND THREE PENCE THE CONDUCT OF MERIWETHER JONES, IN A SERIES OF LETTERS, ADDRESSED TO THE PUBLIC, By JAMES T. CALLENDER.
MANY gentlemen, when subscribing to this paper, have enquired for complete sets of the Recorder. These are not to be had. But this little publication will, in some measure, supply the want of them. Besides the seven letters to Jones, the last of which has run through every state, and every second newspaper in the union, the collection contains many other articles. Among these are, Defence of Aaron Burr—Mr. Samuel Coleman, No. 1.—Defence of Timothy Pickering—A little more about republican economy—with a variety of small pieces.
WILLIAM MOFFET,
HOUSE CARPENTER, JOINER, &c. from LONDON, and the CITY OF WASHINGTON, offers his service to the public. Please enquire at Mr. LUSTIG's carpenter shop, near Barn's Warehouse. N. B. Also for sale, at the above shop, a large number of DOORS, SASHES, &c. Richmond, Jan. 19th, 1803.
WANTED, AS AN APPRENTICE
To the Printing Business, A Young Lad, from the Age of Eleven to Fifteen Years. Enquire at this Office. Nov. 1-10 1802.
50 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUN away from the Subscriber in this city, in May last, a Negro man, named BAILOR. A black complexion, about Twenty-Six or Seven Years old, about Five Feet Seven or Eight. Formerly belonged to the estate of HENRY and TOBACCO, was secured on the Blacksmith's trade. Was purchased at Public Sale, last Spring. Who ever secures the said Negro, and lodges him in Jail, shall have the above reward by paying to William Fulcher. THOMAS MOORE. October 30th, 1802.
FISH.
A QUANTITY OF HERRINGS and SHAD, for Sale, By FRANCIS HYLAND. Richmond, Nov. 24, 1802. (1 ill.)
NOTICE.
In the matter of JOSEPH ANTHONY, BANKRUPT. THE subscriber being duly appointed assignee of the estate and effects of Joseph Anthony, bankrupt.
All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any of his effects, are not to pay or deliver the same to any person or persons than the subscriber, or to such as shall be duly authorised by him.
RICHARD DENNY, assignee.
Richmond, Jan. 10th, 1802.
TO BE RENTED.
THAT large and convenient BRICK TENEMENT in this city, lately occupied by Mr. Remy Lucas, as a Tavern and Boarding-House, situated on the corner of the Main-Street; and that leading to Col. Mayo's Bridge. The central situation thereof cannot fail (if rented by a gentleman qualified for the purpose) to ensure a considerable number of respectable boarders; or it is an eligible residence for a genteel private family. The premises may be entered, on the first day of March next, or immediately, as circumstances may suit, for terms apply to ROBERT GAMBLE,
Who has for sale a handsome assortment of CARPETS and CARPETING, and genuine PORTWINE, in pipes and quarter casks.
WANTED.
TO hire for the present year, a NEGRO MAN, who understands PLANTATION BUSINESS. Likewise, a BOY of 14 or 15 years old, or a woman who has been used to out-door business. Enquire at this office.
United States of America, Fifth Circuit, Virginia District.
December 9, 1802. Henry Banks, Plaintiff, AGAINST David Campbell, Wm. M'Whann, administrators of Patrick Carnes, dec'd. John M'Queen, and James Warrington, Defendants.
ON motion of the plaintiff, it is ordered that one of the commissioners of this court do examine, state, and settle all matters and accounts between the parties in the cause, and make report thereof to the court, stating such matter specially, that either may require, or he think fit.
A Copy—Teste, WILLIAM MARSHALL, Clk.
Commissioners Office,
Richmond, Dec. 20, 1802. THE parties concerned, are desired to take notice, that I have appointed Tuesday, the 22nd day of February next, for carrying into effect the within decretal order, upon which day their attendance is required at my office, with copies of the court papers, and their accounts ready for examination and settlement. Wm. HAY, M. C. December, 22.
United States of America, Fifth Circuit, Virginia District.
December 9, 1802. IN CHANCERY. Henry Banks, Plaintiff, AGAINST Pheneas Miller, and Catherine his wife, who
was widow and executrix of Nathaniel Greene, dec'd. and who resided in the state of Georgia; Edward Rutledge, a citizen of the state of South Carolina; Jeremiah Wadsworth, a citizen of the state of Connecticut, which said Rutledge and Wadsworth, are executrix of the said Nathaniel Greene, dec'd. James Warrington, a citizen of the state of South Carolina, who is agent and representative of Harris and Blackford, late merchants of Charlestown in South Carolina; Ebenezer John Collett, of the kingdom of Great Britain, surviving partner of Newcomb and Collett; William Burnett, of the state of New Jersey, heir at law and representative of Isaac Burnett, dec'd. John M'Queen, who resides in some part of the kingdom of Spain; David Campbell, and William M'Whann, citizens of the state of South Carolina, or Georgia, administrators, &c. of Patrick Carnes, dec'd. and John Steel, esq. a citizen of the state of Pennsylvania, and comptroller of the treasury of the United States.
Defendants.
ON motion of the plaintiff, it is ordered, that one of the commissioners of this court do examine, state, and settle all matters and accounts between the parties in this cause, and make report thereof to the court, stating such matter specially, that either party may require, or he may think fit.
A Copy—Teste, WILLIAM MARSHALL, Clk.
Commissioner's Office,
Richmond, Dec. 20th, 1802. THE parties concerned, are desired to take notice, that I have appointed Tuesday, the 22nd day of February next for carrying into effect the within decretal order, upon which day their attendance is required at my office, with copies of the court papers, and their accounts ready for examination and settlement. Wm. HAY, M. C. December 22.
Richmond, (Vir.) Dec. 25, 1802.
The foregoing order relates to circumstances of very great importance, not only to the United States, but to all the parties. It has cost me a great deal of trouble, much expense and personal inconvenience to bring the case even to this state.
Some of the defendants have substituted calumny instead of apoplexy, abuse instead of thanks, and avaricious cupidity instead of truth and justice.
Many persons who will see this publication, will understand where the purposes to which the pursuit will be extended, among these there are some who will perceive that their interests or characters will be not only very nearly approached, but endangered, and that they may not hereafter plead surprise, the foregoing order will be published in several other papers, in different places.
The person who was most conspicuous in these transactions has been long dead. There were, and are, individuals who found it expedient, in order to succeed in their own designs, not only to draw a veil over the timely and important services which he rendered to his country, but also to smother the very recollection of them, by falsehood and imposture. He was dear to me. I owe to his memory a vindication, and though it has been long delayed, it has never been forgotten. But the following letter, written to him by General Greene, in the glowing warmth of truth and gratitude, will establish more than could be done at this time, by the publication of a volume, I shall at present be content with the impressions which it cannot fail to make.
Head-Quarters, Dec. 25, 1802.
Dear Sir,
The comfortable condition in which you have put the army from the large supply of blankets and clothing furnished it, claims my particular acknowledgements; for although I expect the public will make you a reasonable compensation yet as you were the only person who had the will and the means to serve us, our obligation is equally great. I am happy to find that most, if not all our officers, are likely to get supplies of clothing through your agency. Col. Carrington, who is appointed to make the contracts for the subsistence of the Southern army, also informs me that you have it in contemplation to engage in this business. Great as all our other oblige-

ions are, if you contract for the supplies of the army, this will be greater than all the rest, for the present mode in which we are supplied is truly distressing, both to the people and to the army. The manner of collecting by military parties, renders it distressing to the citizens, and from the uncertain collections, the army is often without any thing to eat. This is hard upon troops who have bled so freely for an oppressed people. I must beg you to hasten your proposals, and I flatter myself you will, from your attachment to the cause, as well as a regard for the army, serve the public on the lowest terms.
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
NATH. GREENE.
Mr. John Banks.
This, from a victorious general, to a young man of a warm and sanguine temper, was highly flattering.
It is farther added, that J. Banks made the contract—peace ended—he not only sunk a great deal of money by it, but died before his accounts were settled. General Greene administered upon his affairs, obtained possession of all his papers, besides very valuable landed estates in South Carolina and Georgia, which circumstances, with many others of great importance, are clearly stated upon the bill.
A copy of my bill of complaint and exhibits have been forwarded to the secretary of the treasury, accompanied by a letter which was dated upon the 15th of November, 1802, in which an investigation was requested. This mode was adopted, because it appeared to me that as the interest and honor of the United States were concerned, a direct application to him, was not only proper, but would facilitate the settlement and decision. It is, however, to be presumed, from the silence of Mr. Gallatin, that he thought otherwise. My next application, therefore, must be to Congress. In the mean time, it affords me pleasure, if such aid may be offered by Mr. Gallatin as may be reasonable. This application will be made during the present session, if possible, but at all events, before the end of the next.
HENRY BANKS.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States: he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stone ready for delivery; also PLASTER of PARIS ground and in the stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (f.)
NOTICE.
ALL persons having any claim on the estate of JOHN M'BRIDE, deceased (either by bond or open account) are desired to make them known to the subscriber, and all those who stand indebted to said estate are desired to come forward and discharge the same.
ALSO
On the 29th day of February, 1803, will be sold at the late dwelling house of said John M'Bride, deceased at 12 o'clock, all the personal property, consisting of Boats, Suits, Household Furniture, &c. belonging to said estate. A credit of six months will be given to all purchasers above ten dollars, giving bond and approved security.
MARY M'BRIDE, Adm'x.
Richmond, Jan. 26th, 1803.
The subscriber begs leave to inform the citizens of Richmond and public in general, that she continues to carry on the TRUNK making business, as usual, and flatters herself by her attention to merit the patronage of a generous public. At present she has on hand a quantity of Trunks, Portmanteaus, and Band-Boxes, which she will dispose of at low prices.
MARY M'BRIDE.
MR. JOHN CLOPTON,
Member of Congress.
No. IX.
SIR,
IN the course of these letters, I have summoned you to appear before the awful tribunal of your own conscience; and I have given you reason to suppose, that I have paid some attention to those sacred writings, upon which, not only the religion and morality, but the peace and rights of society depend. I should have been less severe in this, if it had not been notorious, that you not only avow yourself to be a zealous adherent to the Christian religion, but have attached yourself to one of the sects which has great pretensions to sanctity and zeal. Nor is this all. You have frequently mounted the pulpit as a preacher, and, in
this character have summoned your hearers to answer at the bar of their own consciences; you, therefore, have no right to complain if I treat you with equal freedom.
It is in the exercise of this right, that I call upon you to explain the paradoxical situation in which your political and religious character appears. It shall be my duty to state the facts. It may be your's to offer palliatives, if you can.
You know that Thomas Paine is an avowed infidel. You know that he is author of the book called the Age of Reason. You know that this had a considerable influence in producing that destructive state of demi-anarchy, which long existed in France. You know that Paine was very pressing invited to America, and that he has been most cordially and honorably received and patronized by the highest authorities of the country. All these things you justify and applaud; they assist in making up that assortment of facts, which you call republican principles, concerning the prevalence of which you express so much heart felt gratification, and yet, at the same time, you pretend to believe in and revere the christian religion.
In the course of publications like these I do not think that questions which either embrace or relate to religion should be pressed with earnestness. I have thought the introduction of these facts necessary, that your public character might be fairly weighed. No person who reads them will either deny or doubt their existence. But while I admit that every man should enjoy the freedom of opinion, particularly upon religious subjects, I never can tolerate or countenance those whose opinions and conduct have a tendency to overthrow all the pillars upon which the social order of our country depends.
It is impossible, Mr. Clopton, for any man to fill the two characters to which you aspire, though he should possess the most transcendant talents and the most artful address; but when attempted by you, it serves only to expose you to ridicule and contempt. Let me then advise you to make a stop, to take a calm view of those fine principles, and their tendencies, which you recommend with so much heart felt gratification. If you are really a believer, if you think that christianity ought to be countenanced and supported, if you find that your political pursuits and dogmas are in hostility with these opinions, then indeed it is time that you should not only make the confession, make a full disclosure of your errors, but also endeavour to make some atonement to society, by once more discarding the pomp and vanities of this world. If, on the other hand, you proceed as you have done, your character will certainly be plunged into irretrievable destruction.
Though I could say much more upon this interesting subject, I shall here leave it to the consideration of my readers, and turn to another which applies altogether to yourself. If in this I alledge any thing which is untrue, it will behove you to correct it, and will no less behove me to confess it.
In April, 1801, you were elected by the district as a member of Congress, to take the seat at the succeeding session. You were at that time a member of the executive council, and although you knew that it was expressly forbidden that any person should, at the same time, hold one office under the United States, and another under the state government, yet you contrived to evade this policy, and enjoyed the emoluments of your office as a counsellor until the meeting of Congress.
I have been told that this question was agitated among the counsellors, but in what way, or by whom, or what reasons were urged, either for or against you, I know not. This, however, I do know, that you continued to enjoy your salary; and this I shall always think, that your conduct was improper. Even if the nice constructions upon the law authorised it, you should have felt a sufficient portion of dignity to have refused the advantage. I am no less a stranger to the motives which existed with your colleagues, or other argus-eyed politicians to prevent
an enquiry in Congress. The whole has passed in silence, and every body may conjecture for themselves. But this silence does not acquit you, you had taken a solemn oath to support the laws and constitution of the state; you had taken a similar oath to support that of the United States. Your case was new, and although you might have believed that it did not infringe upon the authorities which you had sworn to support, yet you knew that there were many persons who entertained opposite opinions. Candour and the dignity of your situation ought to have urged you to demand an enquiry. If the law did not embrace your case, you risked nothing; if it did embrace it, you were, and are an intruder, and ought not to have broken a law so necessary for the preservation of our political rights, because it afforded to you an opportunity of getting a few hundred dollars. I know too little of the details of this interesting subject to say anything more. Enough is said to urge you to explanation and defence, but I expect neither from you. The case is not only indefensible as I have stated it, but would appear still more so, if it was further exposed.
Ye admirers and teachers of Christianity! Ye freeholders who will condescend to read and reflect! Ye men of candour and good intentions of all sects and all parties! Again and again I call upon you to behold the political character and portrait of your representative; the man whom you have authorised to discharge the highest trust which can be given by you to any man. I do not ask you to withdraw your confidence from Mr. Clopton because he is attached to any particular tenets, nor have I recommended the election of another who may profess different opinions. My object has been to shew that Mr. Clopton has no just pretensions to your votes. He appears to be actuated by views altogether interested and selfish, and these he has promoted by misrepresentation. Even Mr. Clopton's favorite, Tom Paine, has said, that when public servants misbehave, they ought to be cashiered. If this is not a case of that sort, in vain shall we expect to find one.
FEDERALIST.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
FEBRUARY 24. 1803.
THE editor of the Frederick Town Herald is hereby informed, that the letter containing the names and money of five subscribers, has been received at this office, and that these papers are regularly forwarded, including the publication of the 19th of January last.
WE had designed to insert various letters from subscribers, complaining of the stoppage of the Recorder. The length of our answer to Hay has compelled us to postpone them.
WE should thank Mr. Rind for sending us a second copy of that number of the Washington Federalist, which contains an account of the general stoppage of the Richmond newspapers to Washington in the beginning of Hay's business; as we wish to reprint the article, and have lost the paper.
A prosecution has been commenced against the printer of the Balance for publishing libels against the precious character of Thomas Jefferson. The attorney general of the state of New York behaved, upon this occasion, in a manner as impudent and despotic, as he possibly could do; and much exceeding any thing under the sedition act. As our paper of this day is chiefly filled with original matter, we cannot find room for a full account of this wonderful affair.
THE POST OFFICE.
AMONG the numerous faults that distinguish the federal constitution, one of the most provoking, although not the most conspicuous, is the establishment of a federal post-office. While the state governments cast their whole
importance into the hands of a federal Congress, they might at least have retained the management of the post office. If the postmasters of each state had held their offices under the discretion of the state governments, it is improbable that the establishment could have been converted so grossly, as it is, into the agent of the governing faction. During the monarchy of Mr. Adams, whole bushels of Jefferson newspapers were intercepted; and Holt, Duane, and Miss Smith complained to no purpose. During the reign of Jefferson we are sensible that we shall complain to quite as little purpose. If the postmasters had been accountable to the state governments, they would have paid more attention than some of them frequently do to the performance of their duty.
FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
It appears from the Ohio of George-Town, that Governor M'Kean of Pennsylvania, once attacked the liberty of the press, in the same unwarrantable manner, as the three justices of Henrico county. He bound over William Cobbet to his good behaviour, for a supposed libel on the king of Spain. The only difference between Cobbet and Callender was, that the former entered into the recognizance exacted of him, and the latter did not. What an inclination the democratical gentlemen have to trample on the press!
MORE ABOUT REPUBLICAN LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.
IN the early part of his reign, the king of Prussia expressed the utmost satisfaction, when, upon his invasion of Silesia, he saw his name to frequently in the newspapers. The whole series of his letters, as published by his confidential minister, forms as instructive a body of literary information, as has ever commanded the attention of mankind. The accuracy of the compilation is unquestionable. But Frederick lived long enough never to mention newspapers, unless as the vehicles of falsehood. He perceived, that every thing which he was doing, that every thing which he was suspected as capable of doing, underwent an absolute transformation in the German, the French, and the British newspapers. Frederick lived much longer than was necessary, in order to convince him that individual happiness does not absolutely consist in seeing one's name rattled through the pages of a gazette.
These reflections have occurred in consequence of the mountains of pieces which are at present, from all quarters, discharging themselves upon the devoted editors of the Recorder. From every state in the Union, wherein our newspaper has been permitted to circulate, from Delaware, from Maryland, from New-York, from North Carolina, from New England, with a long et cetera, we receive paragraphs, and columns, and pages, about bludgeons, and democratical principles. If the Recorder was destined to contain nothing else; if the communications of various and respectable men of letters were to be repulsed from our press, the solitary, weekly sheet of the Recorder, would not be able to contain the arguments of conviction that the post-office vents upon us concerning this new bludgeon republican system. By this, we do not mean to insinuate, that one person in five of the republican party approves of a club determination. Not an individual, out of forty in Richmond, wishes to be suspected, as concerned with it. But still, there is reason to fear, that even this free and enlightened nation contains a quantum of wrong headed people, that are able to break up its society, and to extinguish all the national objects of instituting the federal or state governments.
It is very proper, no doubt, that a private individual printer shall stand forward in the city of Richmond, and tell the republican citizens, that he has particular information to give them. But if the editors of the Recorder are to do this, at the hazard, and indeed,

at the utmost probability, of getting their brains knocked out, by walking fifty yards from their own door, do you think, that men, who have something to lose in the shape of property, are to be surrounded by bankrupts and ruffians; by place-hunters and gamblers! While we feel ourselves in such a state of superiority to the intima and madness of some Richmond democrats, is it to be supposed that without a reasonable pause, we are to bend under an extinction of civilized society?
While editors are compelled to keep their houses supplied with fire-arms, there cannot be a man in the union sufficiently ignorant or stupid to enquire about the state of the freedom of the press in the ancient dominion.
ANSWER
TO THAT PART OF THE SPEECH OF GEORGE HAY,
Which was inserted in last Wednesday's Recorder.
"Fret, till thy proud heart burst." SHAKESPEARE.
THE readers of this paper have been informed that it was our design to republish, from the Virginia Gazette, an account of the proceedings in this trial. The speech of Mr. Marshall must be postponed till the paper after the present. Large additions and corrections, have been promised to Mr. Wood's report. The spirited address of Mr. James Rind will come next in order. The hydrophobian savageness of Alexander M'Rae, may possibly fill and deform two succeeding columns of "The Recorder." The total extinction of intellect, which marks every sentence, may perhaps induce us to cast aside his inductive, and avoid so deplorable a prostitution of print and paper. If M'Rae had, indeed, been employed to expatiate upon the subject of intercepted letters to Oliver Wolcott, we should have republished, with attention, his remarks upon a subject, so familiar to his sagacity and experience. A short peroration from George Hay, following Mr. Rind, like a cat snapping at the heels of a stallion, will close this procession of legal abilities. In the mean time, it is the purpose of the present article, to give a Yorkshire hug to Hay's introductory harangue. In quotation, we shall be the less particular, because the piece itself, on which we are to animadvert, has appeared in last week's paper. He began, by observing, that the case was of the greatest importance to HIMSELF. This we firmly believe. If Hay had not been conscious of many cracks and leaks at the bottom of the vessel, he could not have been so feverishly afraid that he was on the point of foundering. When a man tells you that a column and an half of a newspaper can destroy his character, he tells you very plainly, that it has long since been in the last agonies of expiation. Long before this bludgeon affair, it was known, that three features predominated in the character of Hay. These were, pride, malignity, and ingratitude. An accidental absence of talent in the courts of Dinwiddie, of Chesterfield, and of Petersburg, had made Hay suspect that he was a man of abilities. A professed gamester must, of course, feel hatred for every person who beats him at the game. Of unthankfulness to his benefactors, Hay has given specimens, which, for their fakes, and not for his, we do not chuse to repeat.
This person proceeds to tell that if the licentiousness of the press could not be stopped, it would end in overwhelming all that was moral and virtuous. We suppose, that this general destruction was to be accomplished by the fatal pages of The Recorder. For an hundred and fiftieth time, we ask, we demand, what virtuous character has been destroyed by this paper? If sedition, and hypocrisy, if the grossest
breach of personal friendship, and of domestic confidence, form a department in the new code of morality and virtue, it is indeed true, that the Recorder has overwhelmed them. In the numerous and respectable list of the patrons of this paper, John Walker, of Albemarle, appears as one. A few weeks ago, he came down to Richmond, He brought along with him a celebrated correspondence, which The Recorder has more than once hinted at, as being on the point of publication. He shewed this to a number of gentlemen, several of whom we can produce in a court of justice. Mr. Walker was advised to postpone the publication. The reason we take to be this. It is still almost two years till the election of the next president. It was suspected that the horrible infamy of the contents of a part of this correspondence might have its edge blunted in eighteen months of newspaper repercuSSION. That the letters will be printed, first, or last, there can be no question. The destruction of such characters is what Hay refers to, when he speaks of the overwhelming all that was moral and virtuous. Did Juvenal overwhelm virtue, by exposing the vices of Nero and Domitian? or Junius, by holding up to scorn Burgoyne, the gambler, and compelling him to sit down INFAMOUS AND CONTENTED?
Hay has repeatedly acknowledged in court that he had been in the habit of calling Callender a scoundrel, and of saying that he should have been hanged before his sedition trial. He said that he would continue to use such expressions, and that Callender was welcome to speak in the same way of him; but not to print. This is the man, who affects to complain of being calumniated! He did not even hint that Callender had given him the smallest provocation. And as for printing, is not the press as free as the tongue? If a man lays, in conversation, that you are a rogue, are you not at liberty to print that he is a calumniator? To be sure the single tongue of George Hay is a very unequal match for the weekly circulation of fifteen hundred papers. But Hay should have considered this, before he forced a quarrel; and when you attack an adversary, he must be permitted to wield his strongest weapon.
Hay said that he was actuated by motives the most natural and honorable to the human mind, the protection of his own feelings, and those of his family. As for his family, their character has never been attacked in the Recorder; and it certainly never will. He needs not to tremble upon that score. And was it a natural and honorable motive, to pace about Richmond, reviling Callender, while the latter was doing every thing possible to serve and to flatter him? If it is natural and honorable to knock a man down behind his back, it is not the constitution, but the cudgel, that a citizen ought to study. He said that he both felt and was wounded by the slander of the Recorder. He might have foreseen that when he attacked both editors, he was to expect a retort. As for slander, he has never denied a single specific assertion that the Recorder made. Has he denied that he suppressed Coll's testimony? And that he did this for the blackest of purposes? We do not recollect that he has made such a denial. And if he did, it is of no consequence. The matter is upon record; and we shall publish a faithful copy of it. He complains that he was represented in the Recorder, as a murderer and an assassin. The united voice of America re-echoes to the charge. His name is too insignificant to detain public attention long. But, at present, he is held in more universal contempt and execration than any other man upon the continent. He stands, but not in the attitude of Shakespeare, or Patrick Henry, unrivalled and alone. Setting aside the pacific and virtuous characters, which are equally numerous in all parties, even the most abandoned ruffians in Richmond,* his probable
* Alexander M'Rae is an exception.
prompters,† his intimate companions, have found it advisable to desert him. It is true, indeed, that Captain Quarrier waited upon Hay, "in the name of fifteen respectable members of the assembly, and thanked him for having given Callender so sound a beating." This only shews what sort of characters the good people of Virginia do, sometimes, send to the assembly. It is no wonder that we have so many curious laws to blot and disgrace the statute book; when a number of the members of assembly suppose that a bludgeon is better than a law.
And was it for merits like those so much admired by Quarrier, that Jefferson's nephew, Peter Carr, and John Mercer of Fredericksburg, walked along with Hay to the court house, at a time when every decent man in Richmond shunned his company, when, provoked by the wanton insult of their laws, of their court, of their mayor, the whole body of our citizens had combined against him in one thunderclap of execration? Before our old friend John returns from France‡, we trust that his taste of society will undergo an improvement. At such a time, to walk with Hay to the court house was to proclaim approbation of his actions, and to sit down along with him in the embraces of dishonour! Is this the way that John supports the fame of his father? Or, if the departed spirit of the general could look back upon his son, with what sorrow would he behold that son the solitary companion of a gambler, a coward, and an assassin?
Hay said that he was solely restrained from punishing Callender as he deserved, with the apprehension that he should have given him a fatal blow.
The first question is who gave Hay a right of punishing at all? Is this the language of a republican, of a lawyer, of a member of the executive council? Or is it the language of a brute and a madman? What is the use of making laws, if every man is to make and execute laws for himself. When a robber, or a horse-stealer, comes to the bar, he endeavours to palliate or deny his crime? But here is a felon that comes forward to boast of his. He boasts of it, in a court of justice. He boasts of it, after an interval of almost three weeks, when his passions might have begun to cool. He boasts of it, while his throbbing heart was conscious that the thunder and lightning of universal abhorrence were rolling and flashing around him! Father of mercies! can such insolence and audacity exist in man? Can such a monster be a work of thine?
Hay frankly informs the court that he had not punished Callender as he deserved. In other words, Callender deserved an additional drubbing. "I have committed one robbery," says the felon, "and I have a title to commit a second. Admire my probity and forbearance." This is a fair translation of Hay's idea; and it forms the quintessence of brutality and blackguardism. It is not easy to conceive upon what principle the court suffered Hay to proceed in such a stile. The insult could hardly have been greater, if he had cast a handful of stones in their faces. Hay well knows that, for a tenth part of such stuff, Sam Chase would have sent him to jail.
As for the tenderness of Hay's attack, and his fear of giving Callender a fatal blow, it is an impudent falsehood. He struck as hard and as heavy as he possibly could do. C. was standing within the door of Mr. Darmstadt's store, where there was not room to give the bludgeon a proper swing. Hay did however very well. He beat in a coarse hat for some inches. He beat a hole through it; and the surgeon says that, if he had not providentially hit one of the thickest parts of the skull, that if the blow had varied two
† Peter Carr, the favorite nephew of THOMAS JEFFERSON, was Hay's principal companion during the late business; and one of his securities. ‡ He has been appointed secretary to Mr. Monroe, in his present embassy to France.
inches, he must have knocked out the writer's brains. This is that meanest of cowards, that blackest of villains, who glories in his crime, and who vaunts of his clemency. He says that he was not sent for from the other end of the bridge. He presses upon this point. He affirms that his meeting with C. was accidental. There was no meeting; for you do not meet a man, when you only come behind his back. This assertion is not English. But whether the meeting was by chance, or not, does not alter the case as to Hay. He had formed a deliberate design. He exults in the success of its execution. Hence it is of no consequence, whether the meeting, as Hay calls it, was accidental, or not. His denial, if true, or otherwise, can neither make a better, nor a worse of the story. Such is the logical acuteness of a lawyer, to whose abilities the preservation of property, and, in one instance, of life has been entrusted?
To be continued.
MATTERS of much greater consequence have prevented us from paying attention, as yet, to Mrs. Knight, and parson Courtey. We repeat that our narrative is correct, notwithstanding the woman's story. More of this in due time.
The following conclusion of a well written essay, respecting the late attack on the Freedom of the Press in Virginia, is taken from the Norfolk Herald.
Before the subject is dismissed, it may not be improper to bestow a few remarks on the proceedings of the court. The opening counsel for the prosecution seems well to have understood the temper of the court; he told the court that the defendants were infamous libellers, that they had libelled Mr. Giles, and many other virtuous characters which he forbore to mention, perhaps the learned counsel himself. A libel is a crime no doubt, but of which no man is guilty until he has been proven to be so. If a man (we will suppose of bad character) is prosecuted for a felony, will the court allow (without proof) the prosecutor to say the prisoner is a notorious felon—that he committed a felony at this place and at that place—the court would confine him to the fact at issue. A man's general bad character may be urged against him in a criminal prosecution, but particular offences, which constitute crimes such as he may be then charged with, shall not be imputed to him, unless proven to have been committed. Callender and Pace have not been by the sentence of a jury pronounced libellers. Callender individually has been, but perhaps Mr. M'Crea never heard of it; yet it is supposed Mr. Hay the prosecutor, could have furnished some information on this subject—or perhaps Mr. M'Crea knew the court of Henrico would have considered the crime for which Mr. Callender was punished as no crime. To libel Gen. Washington, Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Hamilton, with many others, was meritorious, and perhaps it could not be a pleasant duty to call that a libel, which the learned prosecutor had once advocated, and which Mr. Giles, and some other great and good men, it is said, have patronized and rewarded.
"Old men forget, yet shall not all forget, But thou of us and the deeds we have done."
It is to be lamented, that in this business the spirit of party seems to have found its way. For the honor of free government, let us hope that an adherence to principles, and not to the passions of the moment will yet prevail—and may the forebodings of the present king of England, when announcing our independence never be verified. He said, he hoped, that we might never experience what England had done; and that was "that monarchy was essential to liberty." Whether his wishes were sincere or not we shall not enquire, but we must clearly see, that if the spirit of party can bend the law to suit its own purposes, the day is not far distant when the agitations of conflicting parties must end, not in monarchy, but in despotism, the last desperate retreat of oppressed humanity. Let us turn our eyes to another country, and an awful illustration will be found. VIRGINIUS.

GENTLEMEN,
AS the period now approaches which will close the present Session of the Virginia Legislature, and as I deem it a necessary part of my duty to lay before you, such important subjects (consistent with the brevity of a letter) as have occupied our attention, I with pleasure take up my pen to perform that duty. Several petitions and memorials from different counties of this commonwealth, were in the early part of the session laid before the Assembly; those petitions were of the most momentous nature. The subject matter of their prayer was, that the legislature would call a convention to revise that instrument among us, commonly called, a constitution . Those memorials cited the defects of this instrument, declaring, that those defects were too obvious to require enumeration or criticism; and that it was unjust and improper to persist in known errors of any kind; but much more so in those which affect, not only the interest, but the most sacred rights of the people. They stated that the defects of the government were acknowledged by all; but some were hardly enough to express fears, that the people could not be trusted with this important subject of reform; and those very persons will not hesitate to declare, that all power originates from the people. And yet, in the next breath, they will assert, in the most absurd manner, that the people cannot be trusted with the exercise of this power. This is certainly destructive to principles of republicanism, and is the very essence of aristocracy; it is to deny the very first principles of a free and independent government. But this is easily accounted for. It is a fact which is too true, that in all governments, where abuses exist, some are interested in perpetuating those abuses; and this is the reason we fear that there are so many advocates for the present state of things; and whilst they nervously support, they have their eyes, their hearts, and affections fixed on some local or private objects at the expence of the general welfare, we as a nation have an indubitable and undeniable right, to alter, reform, or amend our system of government, whenever we shall find it inadequate to the purposes for which it was intended; and this ought not to be the work of convulsion or violence; but it is to be reduced to practice, at a time when we are tranquil and orderly; and perhaps we may never see a more fit time than the present to effect this great national and important change. The principle of consulting the people of this commonwealth upon this important subject, was, by the last house of delegates, decided by a very large majority, in favor thereof; the house of delegates postponed this subject the present session. A law has passed, changing the day of election, which is to be held in each county on their respective court days, held in April every year. So that our next election will be on the second Monday in April next. A law has passed, compelling the attendance of a witness before a single magistrate, by authorizing a magistrate to fine such witness, not exceeding two dollars for failing to appear according to summons, &c. By this law the witness is to receive twenty-five cents per day for his attendance; and if summoned out of his county he is in addition to receive 3 cents per mile, going and returning to be taxed in the costs, &c. only one witness is allowed to prove each fact. A law has passed more effectually to prevent vexatious suits, by authorizing the courts upon good cause being shown, to rule the plaintiffs, in all actions of trespass, slander, assault and battery to security for costs, or dismiss their suits. A law has also passed concerning constables. In June next the several county and corporation courts are authorized to appoint so many fit persons as they shall deem expedient, who are to give bond and security in the sum of 500 dollars each for the faithful discharge of their duty, and they are to be renewed every second year; their fees are from thence to be as follows:—for serving a warrant 30 cents, summoning a witness 25 cents, summoning a garnishee 25 cents, selling property under 5 dollars value, 25 cents; and so in proportion for other services. Let it be said to the honor of the people of Virginia, that they with promptitude, in their individual capacities, pay their taxes; whilst those who ought to guard their rights, are very often too profuse in dealing to favorites and friends the frugal savings of the laborious and industrious farmers and planters. A Bill, laying taxes for the support of government has passed the house of representatives, and is now before the senate. This bill went from us in the following shape, that is to say, on lands, for every hundred dollars value, agreeable to the equalising law 48 cents; for every slave above twelve years of age, except such as have been, or shall be exempted by courts, &c. 44 cents; for every stud-horse, or jackass, twice the price which such stud-horse, or jackass shall cover at, by the session, for all other horses, mares, mules, and colts, 12 cents each; for every ordinary licence, 12 dollars and 50 cents; for every four-wheel riding carriage, except phaetons and stage waggons, 1 dollar and 25 cents per wheel; for all phaetons and stage waggons 84 cents per wheel; and for every other riding carriage with two wheels, 42 cents per wheel; for all lots and houses in town, 1 dollar and 56 cents, on every hundred dollars of the rent, or yearly value thereof. For further particulars I beg leave to refer you to the time when we shall meet.
I am with all due respect,
Your friend and fellow citizen,
JOSEPH BILLUPS, Jun.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM A DELEGATE OF THE ASSEMBLY, TO HIS CONSTITUENTS.
SIR,
Richmond, January 28th 1803.
THE present Session of the Assembly is now about to close. I therefore proceed to give you the outlines of the proceedings, or at least such as most immediately affect the people at large. In doing this, I shall first give you an account of the salary of our Public Printer, as that is a subject which has claimed the attention of the public, I shall give you a particular relation of that business,—which is: that Henry Pace, a printer in this place, a few days after we met, offered to the assembly, to do the public printing for twelve hundred dollars a year; and to give good security for the faithful performance of the work. The assembly refused to read this proposal. A committee was then appointed to examine into the allowance heretofore made to the public printer. This committee reported, that Mr. Davis, the former public printer, had furnished them with an estimate, amounting to 2046 dollars, 66 cents; and that Mr. Nicholson, a printer, had furnished a statement, amounting to 1211. dollars, 66 cents; that in the opinion of the committee, the estimate of Mr. Davis, was entitled to more weight than that given by Mr. Nicholson; and that the salary of the printer ought to be continued as heretofore, at the sum of 2700 dollars. Seeing such a difference in the estimates furnished to the committee, I was led to make particular enquiry into this business. The result was, that I differed decidedly in opinion from the committee, as to the weight the two estimates were entitled to, I was convinced, that of Mr. Nicholson was made on a fair calculation, and that it was a very ample compensation for the duties of public printer. I was confirmed in this opinion by discovering that he had informed the committee, in writing, that he would do all the duties of that office for the sum he had stated; by which there would be saved to the people, a sum equal to 1483 dollars, 34 cents. This was not made known to the committee to the house. After getting all the information I could on this subject, I called up the report and proposed to amend it by striking out 2700 dollars and inserting 1700, by which we should have saved 1000 dollars; this was not agreed to, though the house agreed to insert 2400, saving only 300 dollars. A committee was then appointed to prepare a Bill to fix the salary of the public printer. The committee reported the sum that ought to be given; that, on the second reading, I proposed to amend the bill, by striking out that sum and inserting 2000, which was agreed to by a majority of one vote; it was then sent to the senate, when it was rejected in less than four hours, the division was eleven to six. Thus, that body rejected, off hand, a law, which had invited much attention, in the lower house, on a subject interesting to the public, and which would have saved us at least 700 dollars per year. The names of all the members who voted on this subject is recorded on the journals; so the people in each county can see the votes, and say whether they are pleased with the idea of giving at least 128 dollars 24 cents to any officer in government more than the duties of his office could be as well executed for.
THE MISSISSIPPI.
About six months ago, it was observed in this paper, that the first Consul would probably arrest the navigation of the Mississippi. It was noticed, that this would produce a painful blow to the federal government. The event has justified our apprehensions. There never was a plainer movement upon the draft-board, than that, which, in this instance, has been played by the first consul. There never was perhaps, a plainer movement to the destruction of his country, than what has been played by our republican president. Bonaparte had shown himself sufficiently irritated at the paragraphs of English newspapers; and, because this was the very shortest road to ruin, Mr. Jefferson has encouraged, or permitted, no matter which, Duane, Cheetham, and Mills Smith, to recommend the murder of the first Consul. The natural consequence of such stuff was, that Bonaparte published an immediate arrestment of the navigation of the Mississippi. And pray what are you to do? Our newspapers are impregnated with resolutions that have been taken, or that are about to be taken by Congress; but, if we had as complete a veteran army as that which gained the battle of Capræ, what use could we make of it? Supposing that we had completely cleared the two banks of the Mississippi, this does not give America the command of the navigation of the Western Archipelago? We presume, that there is not a man upon the continent, so ignorant of maritime affairs, as to fancy, that the United States are a match upon the water, for the French navy. Yet, our newspapers abound with paragraphs, telling that Congress are taking some resolutions concerning the Mississippi. It is of little consequence what resolutions they may think proper to take. This language may be offensive; but it is strikingly just. We have not a standing army. We have not a navy. In what manner, then, are we to resist the first Consul? And what do you think of our handsome paragraphs, which recommended the murder of this immortal man? Did ever the whole annals of folly produce a similar example? We believe that they never did. The Corsican stands at present in a most critical point. He informed the proud and inflexible government of England, that his name was not to be imported with in English newspapers. The freedom of the British press was relinquished. As soon as that intelligence reached America, the democratical printers of a democratical president, could find nothing better to do, then to recommend the assassination of one of the greatest benefactors that mankind ever saw. Infamy! madness! distraction, are words, that, in this instance, do not express our idea of the management of Thomas Jefferson! of what advantage would it be to us Americans, that Bonaparte should be put to death?
Mr. Jefferson's editors have advised the French nation to put an end to the first Consul. As a suitable return, Bonaparte shuts up the mouth of the Mississippi. Kentucky, Tennessee, the Ohio State, and the Natches, feel an immediate convenience in doing what the first Consul wishes them to do. In the mean time, our editors tell us, that Congress are going to take resolutions; and that the president is going to make them communications. He may communicate, and they may resolve, as long as the one, or the other shall think proper to do so. Whenever the United States can send a fleet of thirty ships of the line to the mouth of the Mississippi, such paragraphs may be worth a perusal. In the mean time, the less that we say about the business, so much the better.
THE PUBLIC PRINTER AGAIN.
THE readers of this paper have, in the course of the present summer, and last, heard a great deal concerning the salary of the public printer! It was affirmed, that in this single article, three thousand dollars might be saved. In consequence of the noise which had been made by the Recorder, a commit-
tee of inquiry was appointed. We shall next week publish a copy of the report which they made upon the subject. To this will be subjoined a paper subscribed by Mr. Thomas Nicholson. The Recorder had asserted that the same duties which at present cost the commonwealth twenty-seven hundred dollars could be very genteely discharged for twelve hundred. In perusing Mr. Nicholson's perspicuous and intelligent vindication of his professional character, it will be observed, that he undertakes to do the business for only three pounds ten shillings more than twelve hundred dollars . He is the oldest printer in Richmond. He did not proffer his advice, or information, to the committee. They first asked him for his advice, and then rejected it.
"It is needless," as Edmund Burke says, "to burn day-light any longer upon so plain a subject." Our inextimable republican majority had previously determined, that it was much better to give Mr. Jones twenty-seven hundred dollars for performing a specified piece of work, than to pay twelve hundred to any body else. It has been twenty times stated in The Recorder, that not the smallest atom of personal blame can be attached to Mr. Jones for his acceptance of whatever public money is destined to be cast away, by a virtuous, an enlightened, and a truly republican majority of delegates. So far from pointing at the probity or public spirit of Mr. Jones, the editors of the Recorder pledge themselves, that they are ready, upon a moment's warning, to accept any quantum of public money, of which the government of Virginia shall choose to make them a present. Six months, for instance, of the merchant-tax would make a tolerable compensation for a broken head, a left eye almost blinded, for a breast bone severely bruised, and for a variety of similar occurrences, that have already been laid before the public. The second six months of the income of the merchant tax, might form an endurable atonement for nine months of imprisonment. But we shall no longer attempt to be jocular upon the mode of expending the revenues of Virginia. The system is as plain as a pancake. The most stupid cornfield negro is precisely as capable as Mr. Giles, to comprehend the deliberate and finished fabric of public plunder. Triumphant factum has torn off her mask ; and, in defiance of public convictions, he is now splitting in the face of propriety, and trampling this mask under her feet. Principle, decency, the personal safety of an independent newspaper, have been deposited in their coffin, and are now in full march to an eternal grave. When a coward, a gambler, and something that is, if possible, still more contemptible and execrable, cannot answer one syllable that you are printing, he very manfully comes behind your back, and he is soon prevented by a coarse, high-crowned hat, from knocking out both your eyes with the first stroke of his republican bludgeon. He then applies to the mayor of Richmond to bind over to the peace the maimed victim of his cowardly revenge. He comes there, attended by a human being, who trembles, as the counsellor of state trembles, at my power of disclosing secrets. He comes there, attended by a being, whom in England, it would have been very possible to hang, or, at least, to send to Botany-Bay.
We shall, for this time, close our remarks, with observing, that the Recorder has never courted hostilities with any party, or with any person. We are in particular, extremely satisfied in announcing to our subscribers, that all personal hostilities are understood to have ceased between this paper, and the Examiner. A difference of political opinion and conflict of political sensibilities, will still, occasionally interest, or disturb, the attention of our readers. But, every thing concerning personal altercation is expected to be extinguished.
Mr. Jones is only receiving justice by our informing the public, that he disapproves of and regrets the unfortunate conduct of George May.