The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-02-14 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1809.
[No. 90.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
JOHN KING, has just received an additional supply of Fancy and other GOODS , which he will sell at his usual cheap rates for cash. February 7.
WILL BE SOLD , to the highest bidder, on Thursday, the 23d of February next, at the late residence of Major Robert Mabry, deceased, the tract of LAND , whereon Nathaniel Felts now resides, containing one hundred and twenty six acres. Terms of which will be made known on the day. Also, several NEGROES , a valuable stock of HORSES , among them is a handsome STUD , six years old, by Saltram, several valuable brood MARES , GELDINGS & work HORSES , stock of CATTLE , several articles of household and kitchen FURNITURE , a parcel of DRY GOODS , and sundry other articles too tedious to enumerate. A credit till the 25th of December next, on all sums above ten dollars. Bond and approved security will be required before the property is removed. The subscriber earnestly requests all persons having claims against the estate, to make them known as early as possible, that provision may be made for their discharge; and those indebted to the estate will be so good as to come forward and make payment, as the situation of the estate will not admit of any indulgence. At the same time & place, will be sold, several valuable brood MARES , COLTS and work HORSES , some CATTLE , several articles of household FURNITURE , belonging to the estate of Rebecca Mabry, deceased. If any person has any claim against her estate, they will please to come forward and present them. GEO. MABRY.
Administrator with the Will annexed of Robert and Rebecca Mabry, deceased. South-Hampton, February 7.
ON Thursday, the 16th day of March next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, in the town of Manchester, at the tavern of Zachariah Brooks, upon a credit of twelve months, the following PROPERTY , belonging to the estate of Wm. Friend, deceased, viz. twelve or fifteen likely SLAVES , consisting of men, women, boys and girls, a WAGON and harness, a GIG and harness, sundry articles of husbandry, a few valuable Books, & a handsome Fowling Piece. Bond and approved security will be required of the purchasers. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor.
At the same time and place, will be sold, on a credit of twelve months, sundry articles of valuable mahogany FURNITURE and PLATE , the property of Mrs. Ann Friend. All persons having claims against the estate of Mr. Friend, deceased, are again invited to bring them forward properly authenticated, and those indebted thereto, will please make payment without delay. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. February 10.
THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. February 10.
IRON-MARINE —As sole proprietor of the WORKS at the head of the navigation of James River, formerly Rumsey's , I have formed a company of three wealthy men, on safe and sure principles, for carrying on an extensive business thereat; and from the quantity of the metal, & advantages of the property, count on great profits. I have a fifth interest yet to dispose of, to a man of monied capital, disposed to take an active part in this concern; which I doubt not will be able to supply the Public Armory with Iron-Plate, ready drawn into scalps for muskets, &c. and far superior to any hitherto worked there—constituting of itself, a sufficient object for such an establishment. Any such gentleman, desirous of joining, will please signify his wish by letter, directed (post-paid) to the subscriber, near Charles-Town, Jefferson county. F. FAIRFAX. Richmond, February 10.
N. B. Mr. Williamson, Master-Armorer, at the Factory in this city, is able, from actual trial of his Iron, to give the most satisfactory account of its quality.
THE Subscriber will practice LAW , in the Superior and Inferior County Courts, of King & Queen, Essex and King-William. Those who favor him with their business, may rely on his attention and punctuality. G. R. TRANT. King William, Feb. 10.
FOURTEEN thousand eight hundred and seventy acres of LAND , for sale on Seneca creek, in the county of Pendleton—By virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed by Robert Buckley to Richard Gaines, to secure the payment of the sum therein mentioned, I shall, on the 17th day of March next, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, sell to the highest bidder, for cash, the aforesaid land being in one entire tract. An unquestionable title will be made to the purchaser. HARRY GAINES, Trustee. February 10.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on raising the Embargo and authorizing Letters of Marque and Reprisal—Continued.
MONDAY, Jan. 30.
Mr. Rhea (F.) With more embarrassment of mind I attempt to make some observations on the subject before the committee, than at any time heretofore, when I have had the honor of submitting any observations on any subject. During the present session of Congress. The reason is, that it is not determined what measure shall be submitted for the embargo, if it shall be raised. It affords me great pleasure to hear the gentleman from N. Hampshire, (Mr. Durell) so positively contradicting an assertion which he read from a newspaper. What the gentleman said ought to be taken for a good omen, portending that the new citizens in the Eastern States, who have been disposed, some how or other, not to pay proper respect to the embargo laws, are returning to the practice of those principles of correctness on which the safety of this nation depend. This is in union with my own opinion respecting the citizens of that section of the Union. Notwithstanding all that has been said about insurrection and opposition to the laws so as to endanger the U. States, I cannot induce myself to consider it in a serious point of view; positive facts must be proved to me, before my belief of such things shall be had. My confidence in the great body of citizens of the Eastern States is
not done away, and I believe there is in the same state a sufficient quantity of force to suppress any attempts which may be made against the union. And when it comes to the point, there is reason to believe that patriotism similar to that which influenced the Western states in the case of Burr, will also influence our brothers of the Eastern. My vote in this case shall not be influenced, nor is it influenced, by any thing that hath been said to be done respecting the embargo laws in any of the Eastern States; all such influence is disavowed by me. In this case and every other my vote shall be given according to my understanding what is the real interest, and will best promote the honor, rights and independence of the United States.
Mr. Rhea said, that for some days he had been of opinion that a commercial non intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies, and all other powers having in force orders and decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the U. States, might have been the most proper measure to have been adopted in the then state of things, in place of the embargo; and that under that non-intercourse the United States some time longer, might have glided along. But in the language of the gentleman from Connecticut, "the burying hatch gone by;" the opportunity for that system, it is apprehended is lost. Let it be observed that a commercial non-intercourse system, is not a system of submission to the edicts of either G. Britain or France. Great Britain doth not command the United States to abandon the ocean, or not to trade with her; no such thing. G. Britain declares her ports open to the vessels, and produce of the U. States; either for internal consumption, so far as it is necessary to supply her market, or for exportation. Great Britain declares that for that liberty, tribute or duty, call it what you will, must be paid. France doth not command the U. States to abandon the ocean, or not to trade with her. France declares American vessels, which have been visited by British armed vessels, or have been in British ports, or have British merchandise on board, or British licences to trade, shall be subject to capture and condemnation. Certainly then the opinion that a commercial non intercourse between the U. States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and all other powers having in force orders and decrees, violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States would be submission to Great Britain or France, is not well founded.
Great respect ought to be paid to the observations of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) who was of opinion that the embargo ought to be raised forthwith; there can be no doubt that if the embargo laws are forthwith repealed, the great quantity of produce which is said to have passed into Canada, being there detained for some time by the ice, for that reason may not get to market as soon as other produce shipped from the U. States. Notwithstanding the force of these observations they do not contain sufficient reason to repeal the embargo laws so soon. Let it be considered that the ports of Baltimore and Philadelphia are by the rigor of the winter now locked up, and probably will continue so for some time. In that condition may several other ports in the U. States be; if then the embargo laws are forthwith repealed, you will give a decided advantage to those ports which are open or continue always to be so, either in the Southern or Eastern States. This would be partial and unfair, and in operation unjust. If the embargo is raised, let it be at a day so distant, at least, that the merchants in every part of the United States may have notice; and not only so, but that the day on which the embargo shall be raised, may be so distant, that there may be every reason to conclude that the natural frozen embargo which now exists shall also be taken off from every port in the U. States. If the merchants are to start their vessels as for a race, let them all have opportunity of a fair start, and let not some of them have time to run over half the course before others of them can get away from the starting place.
I will not vote (said Mr. Rhea) to fill up the blank with the words "the first day of June," for reasons to me equally cogent. The embargo hath now continued for more than twelve months, and the great body of the citizens have with true magnanimity and patriotic love of country, bore up under and supported it notwithstanding its accompanying privations. An embargo of the same nature and extent, in all probability, would, in the term of six months, have shaken any other maritime nation to its centre. It was left and remained for the sovereign people of the U. States in their neutral capacity to manifest to all other nations an hitherto unexperienced firmness under an embargo of such duration and extent. This embargo and the firmness with which it was supported, will be a grand land mark to future generations, by which to steer their political course.
Mr. Rhea said, it had been his opinion, that the embargo if it had been universally regarded with that respect which it ought to have been, would have operated as an impenetrable wall of defence to the U. States, until those days of trouble, in which the nations in Europe appear to be executing vengeance on each other, had passed over. It certainly would have had that effect, if patriotism and love of country had universally prevailed over love of money. The United States are a new nation, composed either originally or personally, of emigrants from almost every European nation. This nation doth not owe its origin to any one European nation, and neither of these nations hath any right for that cause, to claim or demand any peculiar favor. The United States are three thousand miles distant, for removed in the depths of the wilderness, from the bloody wars of Europe, it might therefore have been most proper, and most consistent with their safety to have been contented at home, and patiently endured the privation of foreign superfluities, even without the constraint of an embargo, for some time longer, and if possible, until those days of European affliction had passed over. There is now on hand, it is presumed, a vast quantity of produce. The agricultural
interest hath, to its great disadvantage, endured for a sufficient length of time, the great depression in the price of produce; if then the embargo is designed to be raised in time for the produce to get to market, it ought not to be delayed until the first of June. On the fourth day of March next let the embargo be raised. There will be sufficient time for the merchants in every part of the United States to be informed of that event. On that day, there is reason to believe, the natural embargo being frozen, which now exists, will be taken off. On the 4th day of March next another administration will come into power and it may be most proper and convenient that that administration shall commence its career with a new order of things. The U. S. have abstained from navigating the ocean a considerable length of time. Lest, then, it may be believed, that there is an intention to abandon it altogether, on the fourth day of March next, let the navigation of the ocean be resumed, and on that day, and forever after, let the U. States assert and maintain their right to navigate the ocean, the great common and highway of nations, freely, and agreeably to the laws of public reason.
When I contemplate, said Mr. R. the great danger to which the sedating citizens and commerce of the U. States will be exposed on the ocean, it is with great reluctance indeed I agree to raise the embargo. Great Britain with steady policy for centuries past hath been endeavoring to acquire the dominion of the ocean & monopoly of commerce. To these two idols, dominion of the ocean & monopoly of commerce, an immense portion of human blood hath been poured out in nation and nation, and the commerce of every maritime nation hath been sacrificed. G. B. after various efforts & struggles, hath at last acquired the favorite object; in other words, hath by main force seized upon and usurped the dominion of the ocean, the common property of all nations, and by her laws hath virtually declared that no nation shall buy or sell unless he property or merchandise shall be stamped with her mark. The decrees of France are also arrayed against the commerce of the U. States and threaten destruction to every part of it that shall come within their grasp. In this state of things, if the embargo be raised, there can be but one opinion as to merchant vessels, and that is, that if they may be designed to put to sea, they shall be authorised in the first instance, to arm. On the subject of war, nothing hitherto hath by me been said. I desire to avoid war if possible & therefore will not take war into consideration at this time, and why shall the United States forbear longer than the fourth of March next to resume the navigation of the ocean? Hath not all negotiation with Great Britain and France failed? With Great Britain it hath run down to a mere dispute about words. It appears by the late dispatches from the minister of the U. States at Great Britain, that the question of negotiation now is whether such words were spoken, and if spoken with what understanding; this certainly is descending into the abyss of humiliation. I cannot forbear, (said Mr. R.) expressing a wish that our ministers were on their way home, although they might experience severe weather on their passage.
We have been told that the British fleet is a barrier; it is admitted that it is a barrier, a barrier against the freedom of the ocean, against the freedom of commerce, and against the commercial rights of nations.
We have been told that Great Britain is fighting for her existence; in what manner doth that respect the United States? The U. States cannot be charged with the cause of her quarrel. But Great Britain is contending against a power, who appears to desire the dominion of the continent of Europe. Let it be so, that will not avail or help the position of some of the greatest, best, and most honorable and patriotic men of G. Britain, have said, that if the power of France is arrived to transcendent greatness, G. Britain may thank herself for pushing France to that state of greatness. Let G. Britain restore the many thousand seamen, citizens of the U. States whom she holds in slavery, to their country. Let Great Britain indemnify for the many millions worth of property of citizens of the U. States, by her unjustly captured and condemned. Let G. Britain rescind and repeal all her edicts, proclamations and laws, which violate the lawful commerce and rights of the U. States. Let G. Britain declare that the ocean shall be free, and that the commerce of the U. States shall travel unimpeded on the highway of nations.
Let Great Britain make reparation for her many violations of the sovereignty of the U. States, and after these things are all performed, and justice done to the U. States, then let gentlemen tell us that G. Britain is fighting for her existence.
There was a time when Great Britain had it in her power to have conciliated & secured to herself the friendship and affection of the U. States; a time, when after the fire of the revolutionary war had been extinguished, the U. States were blooming into commercial existence, then was the time for G. Britain to have taken the Hercules in her arms, and to have cherished him as a brother; by so doing she might have had a brother, indeed who would have stood by her in the day of trouble. On the contrary G. Britain hath been studiously, anxiously, and industriously careful to alienate the friendship and affection of the U. States. Let the whole conduct of Great Britain towards the U. S. since the treaty of peace, be attended to, and then let the unimpassioned and impartial observer say whether G. Britain hath not been industriously careful to alienate the friendship and affection of the U. States from herself.
Let the impartial witness judge in this cause, and he will pronounce sentence against Great Britain. Great Britain by violence, hath rent asunder those bonds of social friendship which might have connected her and the United States for ever. But, sir, we are asked, why shall we arm? Who is our enemy? These questions may be answered by asking two other questions, viz. Why shall we not arm? Who is our enemy? Sir, it appears as if the whole world was arrayed against the United States. Let any gentleman take the map of the world, and put his finger on the spot, designating the place, where dwells a nation the avowed friend of the United States. It will give me great pleasure indeed, to be so informed.
And here, said Mr. Rhea, I will take the liberty to observe, that it is time, and it is right for the United States to look over the world, and if possible, ascertain the fact, whether there be that nation, and if that nation can be found, I shall have no hesitation to take her in my arms, to call her friend and brother, and to make with her a treaty of everlasting amity, love and friendship.
Mr. Cook—Mr. Chairman, I am opposed to filling the blank for repealing the embargo on the first day of June next, and to issue letters of Marque and Reprisal at that time because, sir, this is a government of the people, and their voice is not at present for war. You have too long interposed the embargo as a shield to our citizens against British depredations—they have lost their war-pulse—they must again suffer, to again will them up to their former spirit. This being a government of, and from the people, whose servants we are, it is our duty to advance their interests and to enforce the general will of the nation. Not, sir, that the embargo laws cannot be executed by the arm of this government. I unhesitatingly declare, that this government can be supported; and your laws can, by the strong arm of government, be enforced. But, sir, it is true policy to enforce these laws? I do presume it is not, as it may produce a civil war, the worst of all wars. The embargo has been sufficiently tried, and the experiment has proved, that it is not sufficiently coercive to induce the belligerents to abandon their orders and decrees. Why then continue it to the injury of our own citizens, and especially those who are our best citizens, our friends who are most disposed to support a administration and our laws?
Sir, I lament that the public sentiment and opinion on the subject of foreign aggressions is different in the different sections of our country. The south say, embargo or war—and the north and east say, no embargo, no war. I applaud the resentment of the people of the south and highly revere their high sense of honor. I lament, that this difference of opinion exists; yet, as it does exist, we must take things as they are, and legislate accordingly. The genius and duty of republican governments, is to make laws to suit the people, and not to attempt to make the people suit the laws. In monarchies, the people are drilled to suit the laws flowing from the despot—but this never should be attempted in a republican government, the strength of which is the love and attachment of the citizens. Sir, you cannot make war which will promise a successful issue whilst the country is disunited. The people must, with one voice, unitedly call for war from every section and village of our country. Then, indeed, we may venture on war. The people must urge us info war; we cannot drive them into a successful contest. No, sir, you know the attempt is futile, it is idle. Sir, as I consider myself a representative of the people, I view it as my duty, at this eventful moment, to make known to you what I do conceive to be (not the universal) but the general opinion and wishes of your citizens of all politics in the northern states. I will not be answerable for the correctness of these opinions and wishes of the people. No, sir, I could, in some instances, wish they were more consistent and less governed by the cupidity of gain. Yet, sir, their opinions arise from their local situation.
The nature of man is the same everywhere; surrounded by the same objects, their opinions, sentiments and conduct will be the same. Place the people of the south in the same situation and surrounded by the same temptations, and pressed with the same losses, and their conduct would be the same as those of the north. Sir, from the communications I have received from the north, and from other sources of information, I believe that I shall be able to state their opinions and some of the reasons on which their opinions are founded. To comply with their wishes, we must repeal the embargo laws at as early a day as will comport with justice to all the merchants of our country. Let all have an equal chance to be first in the foreign market, and perhaps the first of March will be as early a day as will comport with this necessary provision. As a substitute for the embargo, they mean non submission . Their voice is, "arm in defence of natural and national rights." They wish for liberty to arm and defend against an infraction of our indisputable rights on the ocean. This defensive arming they wish to see regulated in such manner as shall preserve peace, if possible, and to do away (as far as is honorable and politic) every unnecessary cause of collision with foreign powers. To do this, will it not be wise, considering France and England as equally offending us, to put our relations with them on exactly the same basis? Inhibit by law the exportation of all contraband go from our country, and permit none but real citizens of the United States to navigate the vessels of the United States.
These restrictions which indeed would not injure our fair trade, but would expel from our country, the demoralizing dregs of jails and men of war, would serve in a great measure to prevent collisions, and to secure to our own citizens, the reward of their own enterprise. To resist in such a manner as to induce a change in our favor, let us increase, and perhaps, double the duties on all imports from the offending powers; and reduce the duties on goods from other quarters.
These, and other retaliatory measures may be adopted, expressly to be only contemporaneous with the present piratical systems of the Europeans. And, sir, if laws be necessary to prevent our citizens from selling measures for slaves, by the purchase of British decrees, enact laws the most penal, and even the most sanguinary against such traitors, against their country's rights. Our merchants, whose all may be the forfeiture of a much longer continuance of the embargo, or a declaration of war, lament that the violators of our constitutive rights , their allies and satellites, constitute almost all the commercial world with whom they have been dealing. They, therefore, deprecate all measures tending to a war with so many nations, as utterly destructive to trade. At least they pray for a suspension of the calamities of war, until the course of events may justify us in choosing a single enemy to contend with; at present so equal are the conqueror and the king in the cradle of plunder, that no selection can be made; for it would be absurd to aid one for the same abuses which induced us to fight the other.
Sir, I know some would resort to non-intercourse; but if we do, I fear that the same spirit which has defeated the embargo, will defeat the laws of non-intercourse, and we should be obliged soon to repeal them also. The spirit of trade is active and ever busy, and it must have vent. The late forbearance of Great Britain has increased the clamor for a reneval of trade, and for a speedy repeal of the embargo. You know, sir, that of about five hundred and ninety vessels which have sailed since the embargo, by permission, only eight or ten have been captured. This affected forbearance of the British, may lead to more numerous captures, when we generally resume the use of the ocean. Our merchants may again experience their treachery; and nothing short of a renewal of British spoliation will again drive the New-England merchants to the feet of government, with takers of lives and fortunes for the support of war. If our vessels are permitted to arm and defend rights wholly indisputable, it cannot be called submission , for it is its entire opposite. But I have already declared, that a further continuance of the embargo, now its coercive effects are despaired of by seven-eighths of this house, will be submission.
Nor are we any way answerable for the consequences to either of the offending powers; they deserve nothing but war from us; yet if the policy we may adopt should press harder on one than on the other; if we study nothing but our own interest wholly disregarding of them, we must be exonerated from the reproaches of the candid. I wish Americans would look more at home , and less to foreign nations, for motives of government.
Sir, it is said, that by filling the blank with the first day of June, with the substitute of letters of Marque and Reprisal, we should thereby hold out a threat which might induce a recession of orders and decrees. As war would inevitably be the consequence of a persistence, I believe that such a threat would have a directly contrary effect; and as I am adverse from an expensive war, which neither promises us honor nor riches, so am I against continuing the embargo until that time.
Sir, I hope I shall not be misunderstood. I speak of opinions and sentiments, not as I wish they were, but as they really are. Reflections from gentlemen of the south, against the commercial and gain-loving sentiments of the north, will only serve to disunite at a time, when the chain of our union ought to be brightened.
Sir, all such reflections, all rantings, aspersions and personalities, should be carefully avoided by the real friends of the Union. We from the north fight our enemies, but we reason with our friends. We conclude that a man has either lost or expended all his reason, when he attacks the person of his opponent instead of his arguments, and we carefully distinguish between the calm voice of reason, and the rent of passion and prejudice. I trust we shall here unite and save our country.
Mr. Eppes said he understood that the only question at present was, with what day the blank in the resolution should be filled. It was not his intention on this question to enter into the merits of the proposition. But as his friend (Mr. Nichols) who offered the resolution was not in his place, and he found no gentleman had attempted to assign any reasons in favor of the day which he had proposed, Mr. Eppes said he would offer a few observations in support of that day. In the course which I pursue on this floor (said Mr. Eppes) I am not to be driven from that line of conduct which I consider best, be the feeling of any portion of the people of this country; and whilst I will ever manifest a proper respect for the opinions of men in any portion of the country, I will never shrink from that course which I consider calculated to promote the interest of the great body of the people. I have no apprehensions, whatever course be taken, that we have any thing to fear from insurrection and rebellion, and I believe that the people of the Eastern Country, when they see the charges made against them on this floor and elsewhere, will feel no other sentiment than indignation that men can rise and denounce them not only as likely to rebel, but as actually in a state of rebellion. I ask gentlemen who believe that the people either are or will be in a state of rebellion, to produce the evidence in support of the charge. Do you know, sir, that force has been opposed to the execution of your laws in any portion of this country? If the people in any portion of it has raised the standard of rebellion, if men as enlightened as the Americans, really cannot bear the laws of their own government, I ask gentlemen to point out the particular cases which justify the assertion. I believe that no such opposition now exists, and I express with confidence, if any such does exist, that we have no information of any kind which can be relied on on that point. It does not appear to me that the feeling which has been manifested in regard to this measure, affords any just ground on which to legislate? We are to consider what course is best calculated to promote the interest of the country, and that course we ought to pursue—if men in any section of the Union will oppose the laws of their country, we have force enough to put them down; and I will never shrink from using it. This much I say, at this time, because the opposition to the law was the first ground taken, in opposition to the first day of June. Another ground is, that the fixing on that day will interfere with the rights of those who succeeded us—I do not consider this to be the case. We were called here to exercise our judgment as to the good of the people. The legislature can never die; and when the next Congress meet, if any circumstances shall have occurred which shall induce them to change the course contemplated, our acts will not at all affect the course which they may think proper to pursue. I believe, sir, that every member in the House will do me the justice to say that I never have concealed my opinion of the situation of the country. In

must be secured, that our situation is serious; and it will be so, as soon as the people are placed in such a situation that they must either abandon their rights or enforce them by physical strength. It has been said, the war is not the greatest evil which could occur. Sir, I consider it the greatest evil which could befall our country, except a surrender of our rights or independence, and that I believe to be a greater evil, because there is nothing in this world worth preserving, if we lose our freedom and independence. But if this country is to adopt the principles of the wandering Jews of Europe, if we are to suffer ourselves to be stripped and robbed without resistance, and obtain our livelihood by mean or dishonest practices, it is proper that we should put ourselves under the care of some European power for the protection of those rights which we have not the spirit to defend. If we postpone the repeal till the first of June we shall have an opportunity of again hearing from the different powers of Europe; and of knowing what may be the operation of the public dispatches. We shall know whether they will withdraw their orders and decrees, or whether appeal to arms. I have always thought that when the embargo should be removed, war must be the result; and if I am disposed to postpone for a period an event which will always be awful to a country like this, gentlemen will do me the justice to believe, that I am not less willing than themselves to maintain the rights of the country. It will give us one more chance for peace; and notwithstanding the opinions which have been expressed, I declare to God that I am anxious for peace. But when the question is between peace and a surrender of our rights as a nation, I am in favor of war. I am willing to take this one chance of peace, and for that reason I am willing to postpone the period of issuing Letters of Marque and Reprisal, till the first of June. I have another reason. When this nation tries its strength, I am not willing that it should do it unprepared. I have no idea that war can be carried on without men. How are you to fight, sir? Are you to arm your merchant vessels—to let your vessel sail with all their canvass stretched, to British ports, to take licenses, pay tribute and pay tribute and disgrace their country? The arming your merchant vessels will have the appearance of resisting taxation without doing it. What would be the consequence of our vessels going out armed for their protection? You might as well nail your embargo law to their masts, and suppose it will protect the merchant vessels, as to think of doing it by arming them. The situation of the world forbids the idea that we can force a trade against Great Britain. We must raise men and prepare to attack her where she is vulnerable; and when we have done this we may remain quiet, till it is time to commence operations. Another objection has been made to inserting so late a day as the first day of June. It is this; that we give notice to the belligerents, that on a certain day we mean to make war upon them. When we come to examine this objection, sir, it is nothing. Have not gentlemen declared in their places that Congress is to be convened to exchange war for embargo? Have they not made preparation for an extra session for the purpose? The British and French governments are as well convinced of our determination, as they can be by any resolution we may pass. It cannot be an offence therefore, for the postponement till that day is evidence of a desire for peace. We have withdrawn from the ocean our commercial capital, and 50,000 citizen mariners, from a desire for peace. Whenever then the embargo be repealed, it is war, if the obnoxious edicts be not repealed, and I am willing to postpone this charge a few months, that we may not disgrace ourselves to the world, and make ourselves ridiculous at home, by going to war without men. And while I make this declaration I wish gentlemen distinctly to understand me, that I never will submit to the edicts of the belligerents; and also, that I will forever vote against the removal of the embargo during a continuance of the belligerent edicts, unless those who wish to remove it will substitute war for it. And this determination I will maintain, even if it drive the whole country to rebellion. Even if driven from my seat at the point of the bayonet, I never will surrender the rights of my country by a removal of the embargo without an efficient substitute. (Debate to be continued.)
TUESDAY, Feb. 7, 1809. Mr. Macon presented a petition of sundry inhabitants of Washington county, Mississippi territory, praying for a right of pre-emption in their favor—also that a free navigation of the Mobile may be secured, so as to prevent the payment of foreign duties. The first part was referred to the committee on public lands; and the latter part to the secretary of state to report thereon. Mr. Poinsett presented a petition from some inhabitants on the Tombigbee praying for pre-emption rights. Referred to the committee on public lands, together with a petition of Samuel Mims, representative of Wm. Clark, praying the continuance of a title. Mr. Southard presented a petition from the associates of the Jersey company, praying that the town of Jersey may be established as a port of entry. Referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures. Mr. Nicholas from the committee of the two houses appointed to ascertain and report a mode for examining the votes of President and Vice President and of notifying the persons elected of their election—and to regulate the time, place and manner of administering the oath of office to the President, made a report in part thereon. The following resolution was proposed & agreed to: Resolved, That the two houses shall assemble in the chamber of the house of representatives on Wednesday next at twelve o'clock: That two persons be appointed tellers on the part of this house, to make a list of the votes as they shall be declared: That the result shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall announce the state of the vote and the persons elected, to the two houses assembled as aforesaid, which shall be deemed a declaration of the persons elected President and Vice President—and together with a list of votes, be entered on the journal of the two houses. Ordered, That Mr. Nicholas and Mr. Van Dyke be appointed tellers on the part of this house, and that the clerk inform the senate thereof. Mr. Durell presented the petition of Thos. S. Person praying arrearages of a pension—Referred.
Mr. Durell moved, that the petition of the Sassehambridge company be referred, which was done. Messrs. Day, Marion, Dana, Rowland and J. K. Smith were appointed.
Mr. Deane presented a petition from Bristol, Massachusetts, which was referred. The House resolved itself into committee on the unfinished business. Mr. Sloan, Mr. Cook and Mr. Lyon spoke, after which the question on the amendment to strike out from the resolution the words "Letters of Marque and Reprisal against Great Britain and France, &c." was taken and carried—Ayes 57—Nays 39. The committee then rose, and obtained leave to sit again. And at about a quarter before 4, the House adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 8. Agreeably to the order of the House yesterday, they proceeded, in conjunction with the senate, to an examination of the electoral votes for President and Vice-President of the U. States. Previously to the entry of the Senate, Mr. Randolph wished to know who was to preside during the meeting of the two houses? Whether the president of the Senate or speaker of this house? He never could consent to surrender the right of the House by having the chair given up, merely because the Senate were to attend here to witness the counting of the votes. The words of the Constitution on the subject are as follows:—"The president of the senate shall, in the presence of the senate and house of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted."
After some conversation on the subject, Mr. Nicholas moved that a message be sent to the senate to inform them that this house is now ready to attend them in opening the certificates, and counting the votes for president and vice-president of the U. States in pursuance of the resolutions of the two houses of Congress on the 7th inst. and that the clerk of the house do go with the said message. Mr. Davenport was in favor of the motion.
Mr. Randolph observed that some sort of courtesy was due to the senate by the house, but he was not willing to make it at the sacrifice of the rights of this House. To some gentlemen it might appear unimportant, but it was not so in his view of the subject. He wished it not to be entered on the journal of the senate as a right which they possessed. In every thing that relates to the privileges of the house, he would stickle for the ninth part of a hair. It was well known that encroachments, inch by inch, had been made on legislative privileges in Great Britain, until they became nearly extinct. These imperceptible encroachments may, one by one, eventually deprive the house of its rights and dignity; because power begets power as money begets money. As one body relaxes, so the other may and does frequently encroach. The president of the senate is to count the votes; but it is not thence implied, necessarily, that he is to preside at the sitting of the two houses in this hall. If he comes into this house, he shall come here on courtesy; he shall not assume your chair as a matter of right, but he may be invited to it as a matter of favor. A committee ought to be appointed to announce to him as a matter of courtesy, (if he is to preside) that it is the will of this house to invite him to preside. He would squabble forever before he would yield an inch of the privileges of the representatives of the people.
Mr. Smilie remarked, that as the two houses would be in convention, and as the constitution assigned the duty of counting the votes to the President of the senate, it was to be presumed that that officer was expected to preside; and the Speaker of this house could be considered in no other grade during the counting than any other member of the house.
Mr. Macon observed that he had understood that Mr. Adams, when Vice President, presided at counting of the votes previous to his election to the Presidential chair. He never knew before that there was a doubt as to its propriety. Mr. Lyon wanted to know what was to be done if there should be a proposition to make by any member of this house; could that proposition be made to a gentleman who was not its speaker? If this house were to go to the senate on such an occasion, they would go as spectators; and, consequently, the person who usually presided in the house where they convened ought to preside in such a case. He thought the speaker the most suitable character to preside in this case. The question being taken on Mr. Nicholas's motion, there were 98 in the affirmative.
Mr. Randolph now moved that the Senate be informed of the above resolution; also, that the House are ready to receive them, and that the President of the Senate will please to take the Speaker's seat for the purpose of counting the votes for President and Vice-President. This resolution was carried, and it was ordered that the clerk of the House go with the said message.
On the proposition of Mr. Van Dyke, it was determined that on the entry of the Senate, the members would receive that body standing and uncovered. At about half past 12, the Senate entered the chamber, preceded by their president pro tempore, (Mr. Milledge, of Georgia) who, having taken the chair of the Speaker, and the members of the Senate taking the chairs assigned for them on the south east side of the chamber, the tellers took seats in front of the chair. On behalf of the Senate Gen. S. Smith, and on behalf of the House Mr. Nicholas and Mr. Van Dyke.
Then the President of the Senate began to open the packets from the several electoral colleges, commencing at New Hampshire and proceeding southward. General Smith read the several returns and vouchers from the states, and the duplicates were examined by the tellers on the part of the House, the announcement of the votes being made by General Smith, which was repeated by the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Representatives. The tellers, after having counted the returns made by the several states agreeably to the constitution, reported to the President, who announced the same to the two Houses as follows: "From a report of the tellers for counting the votes given in for President and Vice-President of the United States, they appear as follows." He then read the returns of the several states as by a formal list appeared.
   PRES'T. V. PRES'T.   CHAMP. SMILIE.    N. Hampshire 0 7 0 7  Massachusetts 0 19 0 19  Rhode Island 0 4 0 4  Connecticut 0 9 0 9  Vermont 0 0 0 0  New York 15 0 1 0  New Jersey 8 0 8 0  Pennsylvania 26 0 20 0  Delaware 0 5 0 5  Maryland 9 0 9 2  Virginia 24 0 0 24  North Carolina 11 3 11 3  South Carolina 16 0 10 0  Georgia 6 0 6 0  Tennessee 5 0 5 0  Kentucky* 7 0 7 0  Ohio 5 0 0 3  Totals 122 47 61 13  
* One of the votes from Kentucky lost from the non-attendance of one of the Electors. Recapitulation of the votes of Electors for President of the U. States. James Madison 122 votes. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney 47 George Clinton 6 For vice President of the U. S. George Clinton 113 Rufus King 47 John Langdon 9 James Madison 3 James Monroe 3 After which General Smith said— "The whole number of votes being 175, 88 of which are a majority."
"FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, JAMES MADISON, of Virginia, has 122 votes, which being a majority of all the votes of the respective states, I therefore declare, that the said JAMES MADISON IS ELECTED PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES for four years, commencing on the fourth of March next.—And that GED CLINTON, of New York, having 113 votes, being a majority of all the votes of the respective states, I therefore declare, that the said GEORGE CLINTON IS ELECTED VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES for four years, commencing on the fourth day of March next."
The Senate immediately rose and retired in the same order in which they entered. After the Senate had retired, Mr. J. G. Jackson proposed a resolution to prevent intercourse, &c. with nations having in force edicts restrictive of the lawful commerce of the United States. This occasioned considerable conversation, and was opposed chiefly on the ground of a similar proposition being in the possession of a committee of the whole House. Finally Mr. Jackson withdrew; and the House adjourned. Monitor.
THURSDAY, Feb. 9. ELECTORAL VOTES. Mr. Macon moved to amend the journal of yesterday's proceedings, by inserting the letter of Mr. Walton the elector from the state of Kentucky, who did not attend to give his vote, stating the reason thereof. He stated his object to be to state on the journal the reason why one vote was deficient from the state of Kentucky, that it might serve as a precedent on similar occasions. For, if he were able to attend of any one or more electors, there should be a tie between any two candidates for the Presidency, it would be a matter of question whether their votes, although unable to attend at the time, ought not to be counted.
Some discussion took place on this point, it being contended by some gentlemen, that the house had no concern with the causes why any vote was not received, but merely to count those which came to hand. And that if it was intended to fix a precedent to govern future proceedings on this subject, it ought to be done with great deliberation. Mr. Macon's motion was negatived, Ayes 20.
NON-INTERCOURSE. Mr. Taylor said it would be recollecting that in the course of the public business of this session, a resolution reported by a committee on our foreign relations arising out of a motion of a member from N. Carolina, for the purpose of interdicting commercial intercourse with such belligerents as had in force decrees or edicts against the lawful commerce of the U. States had been agreed to and referred to the same committee, who had reported a bill for non-intercourse. This bill in fact however comprized but one half of the whole subject embraced by the words "non-intercourse." The bill as reported to this house provided for the non-importation of the goods, wares and merchandise, the growth and manufacture of these particular countries. That (said he) may be readily accounted for from the circumstance that the House was then actually engaged in passing a law for the enforcement of the embargo, the committee therefore having only in view the other part of the question, so as to complete a non-intercourse. After that bill was reported, a gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Rhea) in order that the whole might be incorporated into one, offered a resolution for that purpose. I did think it necessary at that time; but as the course of business seems to look towards a repeal of the embargo, in order that the whole subject of non-intercourse may be incorporated in the bill before the house, I move that the committee of the whole be discharged from the consideration of the bill, and that it may be referred to a committee, in order that it may be made in fact what the title imports it to be, completely a bill for non-intercourse between this country and those nations having in force decrees affecting our neutral rights. The committee of the whole was discharged from the further consideration of the bill, Ayes 72. A motion having been made that this bill be referred to the committee of the whole on Mr. Nicholas's resolution, was negatived, 56 to 43. It was then moved to refer the bill to the committee who reported it, & carried, 61 to 41. Much desultory debate took place on these motions, in which Messrs. Sloan, D. R. Williams, Upham, Macon, Dana, Eppes, Taylor, Nicholas, Van Horne and Smilie participated.
Mr. W. Alston moved that the committee, which now has under consideration the resolutions offered by Messrs. Nicholas, Bacon & Durell be discharged from the further consideration of them, and that they be referred to the same committee to whom the non-intercourse was just referred. Mr. Dawson seconded the motion, and Messrs. Smilie, Love, Holland and Rhea supported the motion.
The question was then taken on discharging the committee from the further consideration of them at half past 5 o'clock by yeas & nays as follows:—
YEAS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bard, Bibb, Blackledge, Bloom, Boyd, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Clay, Clifton, Cuts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durell, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Keenan, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Love, Mariani, McCrery, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, J. P. Moore, John Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rhea, (P.) Rhea, (T.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, Smilie, J. Smith, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehead, Wilbour, A. Wilson—65. NAYS—Messrs. Bacon, Bassett, Blake, Champion, Chittenden, Cook, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Elliot, Ely, Gardener, Gardner, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Hoge, Isley, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins, Kelly, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Lyon, Macon, Masters, Milner, Mosely, Mumford, Pickin, Quincy, Randolph, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Sloan, J. K. Smith, S. Smith, Stanford, Steadman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Taylor, Thompson, Trigg, Updegraff, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Horne, Van Reusselaer, D. R. Williams—55. Mr. W. Alston then moved to commit the resolutions to the committee to whom the bill on the subject of non-intercourse was referred. This motion was opposed by Messrs. Randolph, Lyon, Van Horne, Bacon, Gardener, Quincy & Milner; and supported by Messrs. Taylor, W. Alston and Holland. The motion was carried by Yeas and Nays, 55 to 56. Mr. Van Allen moved to refer to the same committee a resolution offered by Mr. Mumford at the commencement of the session for a partial repeal of the embargo, but the House adjourned before a question could be taken. The effect of the votes of this day, is to refer to the committee on our foreign relations, composed of Messrs. G. W. Campbell, Nicholas, Bacon, Taylor, Fisk, J. Montgomery, Mumford, Champion, and Porter, the several propositions for the repeal of the embargo, for arming the merchant vessels, for non-intercourse, for excluding armed vessels from our waters and for declaring the first capture made in violation of the neutral rights of the U. S. to be a declaration of war, &c. with leave to report by bill.
The chief argument in favor of this general reference was, that these propositions might be merged in one bill which should present a general system, and thus render less complicated the proceedings of the House on these resolutions. The main arguments against it were, that it would destroy all that had already been done in committee of the whole, and probably present a system at length to the House which would not be approved, and thus produce no other effect at this late period of the session than to protract discussion; and also, that it would encourage that speculation now going on in the mercantile towns, and be ruinous to many men of moderate capitals who had embarked their all in the purchase of produce, in the certainty that the embargo would be raised on the fourth of March.
to the able and inestimable coadjutors with whom it has been my good fortune to be associated in the direction of your affairs. That these measures may be productive of the ends intended, must be the wish of every friend of his country—and the belief that every thing has been done to preserve our peace, secure the rights of our fellow-citizens, and to promote their best interests, will be a consolation under every situation to which the great disposer of events may destine us. Your approbation of the motives for my retirement, from the station so long confided to me, is confirmation of their correctness. In no office can rotation be more expedient; and now I am admits the indulgence of age. I am peculiarly sensible of your kind wishes for my happiness in the tranquility of retirement. Nothing will contribute more to it than the hope of carrying with me, the approbation of my fellow citizens, of the endeavors which I have faithfully exerted to be useful to them. To the all-protecting favor of Heaven, I commit yourselves and our common country.
TH: JEFFERSON. February 3, 1809. WASHINGTON, February 9. The Vice-President of the U. States has arrived at New-York in good health. A special messenger will be dispatched from this city to-day or to-morrow to notify Mr. Clinton of his recent election to the same office.—Monitor.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONITOR. SIR,
Whilst traitors to the best of governments have sounded the tocsin of rebellion, it may not be improper to exhibit the opinions of rational foreigners as to the wisdom of the measures lately pursued by our general government. With this view I enclose the following extract of a letter written at Watton, in Norfolk, in England, on the 31st Oct. last. It not only states the effect of our embargo system, but the extreme corruption which pervades every ramification of the British government. I hope, sir, the publication of this extract will shame our discontented citizens into patriotism; if not, my disposition is sufficiently malevolent to wish all the enemies of republicanism compelled for one year to live under the British government, a remedy sufficiently severe I conceive, to root out every particle of Toryism from the American bosom.
With respect, I remain Sir, Your obedient servant, A NATURALISED ENGLISHMAN.
Extract of a letter dated Watton, 31st October, 1808.
"I think your Jefferson embargo system is a very wise one, such however is not the general impression, as our papers are filled with fictitious and complaints from your majority on that subject. We however are a little surprised that no complaints are transmitted concerning a want of manufactures. It appears evident to me that your embargo has preserved you from war, either with France or England, which must have affected you ten times more than the embargo. This latter measure we have sorely felt, though in small proportion to what we should have done, had it not been for the unexpected events in Spain. The French tyrant appears to have overshot himself there, though I give but little faith to the wonderful stories in our papers of 2 or 300 Spaniards defeating as many thousand French troops. Our wheat are very bad this year, I believe they will not yield half the flour per acre they did last year; nor will the acre yield so much by 2 or 3 bushels. I sold some last week at 50s. per comb, and it is just getting up. Barley is now at 22s. Gats 17s—White Peas 34s. 6d. per comb, and every thing must be higher if your embargo be continued, as our mean-chain must be supplied from home, here being nothing to be had from the Public. As we hear nothing of your wants, I presume your manufactures are fast increasing; whenever intercourse is again open, I trust your government will sufficiently protect them by duties: this is what our manufacturers fear, as thereby they will lose their best market. "I have not been in Norwich since the Blues and Whites lost their election in the choice of common councilmen; they have started three new candidates, and both sides have been canvassing and paying the free men who will go and live in the long ward. One noisy fellow who always hitherto has voted with the Blues and Whites, lately married, and soon after, unfortunately, had a bastard child sworn to him: to secure him the Orange and Purplex actually agreed to pay for the child, and he has promised them his vote. Already many thousand pounds have been spent on the coming election of common council for the long ward, & how much more will be, defies conjecture. With so much corruption, wonder not that I am completely tired of elections."
DOMESTIC.
The following is the answer of the President of the United States, to the resolutions and address passed unanimously, on the 23d ult. by the THOUSAND, and on the 31st by EIGHTEEN of the citizens of the city and county of Philadelphia.—Aurora.
To the citizens of the city and county of Philadelphia, in town-meeting assembled. In the resolutions and address which you have been pleased to present to me, I recognize, with great satisfaction, the sentiments of faithful citizens, devoted to the maintenance of the rights of their country, to the sacred band which unites these states together, and rallying round their government in support of its laws. After the infamous assault on our maritime rights, by the declarations of the belligerent powers, that we should navigate the ocean only as they should permit, the recall of our seamen, recovery of our property abroad, and putting ourselves into a state of defence should persevere on their part as far as the last appeal, were duties of first obligation; no other course was left us, but to reduce our navigation within the limits they dictated, and to hold even that subject to such restrictions, as their interests or will should prescribe. To this, no friend to the independence of his country could submit.
Your resolutions to aid in bringing to justice all violators of the laws of their country, and particularly of the embargo laws, and to be ready at all times, to assist in carrying them into effect, is worthy of the patriotism which distinguishes the county and city of Philadelphia. This voluntary support of laws, formed by persons of our own choice, distinguishes peculiarly the minds capable of self government. The contrary spirit is anarchy, which of necessity, produces despotism. It is from the supporters of regular government only, that the pledge of life, fortune and honor is worthy of confidence.
I learn, with great satisfaction, your approbation of the general measures pursued by the government, enumerated in your address. For the advantages flowing from them, you are indebted principally to a wise and patriotic legislature, &
to the able and inestimable coadjutors with whom it has been my good fortune to be associated in the direction of your affairs. That these measures may be productive of the ends intended, must be the wish of every friend of his country—and the belief that every thing has been done to preserve our peace, secure the rights of our fellow-citizens, and to promote their best interests, will be a consolation under every situation to which the great disposer of events may destine us. Your approbation of the motives for my retirement, from the station so long confided to me, is confirmation of their correctness. In no office can rotation be more expedient; and now I am admits the indulgence of age. I am peculiarly sensible of your kind wishes for my happiness in the tranquility of retirement. Nothing will contribute more to it than the hope of carrying with me, the approbation of my fellow citizens, of the endeavors which I have faithfully exerted to be useful to them. To the all-protecting favor of Heaven, I commit yourselves and our common country.
TH: JEFFERSON. February 3, 1809. WASHINGTON, February 9. The Vice-President of the U. States has arrived at New-York in good health. A special messenger will be dispatched from this city to-day or to-morrow to notify Mr. Clinton of his recent election to the same office.—Monitor.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONITOR. SIR,
Whilst traitors to the best of governments have sounded the tocsin of rebellion, it may not be improper to exhibit the opinions of rational foreigners as to the wisdom of the measures lately pursued by our general government. With this view I enclose the following extract of a letter written at Watton, in Norfolk, in England, on the 31st Oct. last. It not only states the effect of our embargo system, but the extreme corruption which pervades every ramification of the British government. I hope, sir, the publication of this extract will shame our discontented citizens into patriotism; if not, my disposition is sufficiently malevolent to wish all the enemies of republicanism compelled for one year to live under the British government, a remedy sufficiently severe I conceive, to root out every particle of Toryism from the American bosom.
With respect, I remain Sir, Your obedient servant, A NATURALISED ENGLISHMAN.
Extract of a letter dated Watton, 31st October, 1808.
"I think your Jefferson embargo system is a very wise one, such however is not the general impression, as our papers are filled with fictitious and complaints from your majority on that subject. We however are a little surprised that no complaints are transmitted concerning a want of manufactures. It appears evident to me that your embargo has preserved you from war, either with France or England, which must have affected you ten times more than the embargo. This latter measure we have sorely felt, though in small proportion to what we should have done, had it not been for the unexpected events in Spain. The French tyrant appears to have overshot himself there, though I give but little faith to the wonderful stories in our papers of 2 or 300 Spaniards defeating as many thousand French troops. Our wheat are very bad this year, I believe they will not yield half the flour per acre they did last year; nor will the acre yield so much by 2 or 3 bushels. I sold some last week at 50s. per comb, and it is just getting up. Barley is now at 22s. Gats 17s—White Peas 34s. 6d. per comb, and every thing must be higher if your embargo be continued, as our mean-chain must be supplied from home, here being nothing to be had from the Public. As we hear nothing of your wants, I presume your manufactures are fast increasing; whenever intercourse is again open, I trust your government will sufficiently protect them by duties: this is what our manufacturers fear, as thereby they will lose their best market. "I have not been in Norwich since the Blues and Whites lost their election in the choice of common councilmen; they have started three new candidates, and both sides have been canvassing and paying the free men who will go and live in the long ward. One noisy fellow who always hitherto has voted with the Blues and Whites, lately married, and soon after, unfortunately, had a bastard child sworn to him: to secure him the Orange and Purplex actually agreed to pay for the child, and he has promised them his vote. Already many thousand pounds have been spent on the coming election of common council for the long ward, & how much more will be, defies conjecture. With so much corruption, wonder not that I am completely tired of elections."
Letters have been received from Boston, which state, that an order had been received by the commandant at the fort from General Dearborn, instructing him to inhibit the passage of vessels, that considerable movement had been excited by the order; that the masters of the ships in harbor determined to wear their colors half mast high; that this was done by all the captains except one, who raised his flag to the mast head; that he was waited upon by a deputation of mariners, who advised him that unless he struck his flag by a certain hour, they would do it; that he persisted in his purpose until a large body of sailors boarded his vessel, seized him, pulled down and destroyed his flag; after which they conducted him to a remoter part of the town and set him at liberty. The letters add, that the same body of sailors in parading the streets came across a tender to the fort, having on board fresh provisions for the garrison, which they immediately seized and threw into the river, declaring that as the fort cut off their supply of fresh fish, they would not permit the soldiers to have fresh meat.
We shall offer no comment on these occurrences, as fuller information may prove them, as we hope it will, altogether untrue or greatly exaggerated. Such has in fact been the fate of the greater part of the alarming rumors lately circulated.—National Intelligencer.
On the subject of the preceding article, the Boston Federalist of the 31st ult. says, The commander of Fort Independence has received orders from the president, through Mr. Dearborn, secretary at war, not to permit any vessels to pass the fort outward, until the appointment of a new collector. In consequence no vessels are now cleared at the custom house. On Wednesday, on the
* A comb is 4 bushels † The opposition party to the court. ‡ The church and king party.

promulgation of this additional disagreeable information, many vessels hoisted their colors half mast, with a white in them, tied with a black ribbon. One vessel's colors which were hoisted entirely, were placed in the situation of others by some sailors who collected. There was, afterwards, a great crowd of sea-faring people on the long Wharf, and some inconsiderate proceedings were apprehended, but the day terminated in quiet.
For sometime on Wednesday, we understood, the persons assembled, refused to suffer provisions to be put on board the fort barge.
Charles the Fourth (late King of Spain) his Queen, and Godoy (the Prince of Peace) have been removed to the palace of Chambord, near Blois, 'till the seat of Navarre, near Bayonne, in Normandy, which belonged to the late Due de Bourbon, can be prepared for their reception. The Queen of Etruria and her young son are placed at a house in the village of St. Mandé, near Paris, under proper care. Ferdinand, and his two brothers, the Infant Charles Isidore, who is near 21 years of age, and the Infant Francis, who is about 16, continue closely confined in the castle of Valency. It was Bonaparte's intention, some weeks ago, to have removed Ferdinand to Paris, and he was taken out of prison for that purpose; but on the road to the capital, counter orders arrived, and he was remanded into confinement. Napoleon, doubtless, reserves him to be liberated, or not, according to circumstances and events. — London Paper.
WASHINGTON, February 10. The following resolutions, which have passed the Senate of New-York unanimously, and were pending on the 1st instant, before the House of Representatives, by whom they will unquestionably be adopted, reflect honor on their mover, De Witt Clinton, and the patriotism of the state of New-York. They please us, because they possess nerve, a quality most eminently required at this time in every public man. Let domestic treason realise that it will be crushed, the instant it lifts its hideous front, and it will shrink appalled into annihilation. There is not only nerve, but there is likewise magnanimity in the course of Mr. Clinton. It pledges him, as well as all the republicans of the state, to the principles of the new President; and is a most seasonable announcement to foreign powers that the little bickerings of republicans about the presidency are at an end, and that, on national concerns, the republican phalanx is undivided and indivisible. Public men, do your duty, and the nation will support you! — Nat. Int.
RESOLUTIONS.
"In Senate, Jan. 31st, 1809. "Whereas the unjust and multiplied aggressions of the belligerent nations upon our national rights; their obstinate refusal to render justice, and to listen to the most fair, friendly, impartial and pacific overtures; and their unrelenting perseverance in a system of violence, rapacity and insult, have rendered it the peculiar and incumbent duty of all good citizens, attached to the rights and honor of their country, to bury, in oblivion, all internal difference, and to rally round the standard of the government in opposition to the unjust pretensions, and atrocious outrages of foreign powers — And whereas, in defiance of every dictate of patriotism and every consideration of duty, the most unremitted and reprehensible attempts are making, with uncommon industry and malignity, and by every act of misrepresentation, to enfeeble and destroy the exertions of the general government, in vindicating our national rights and honor, by endeavoring to alienate the affections of the people, by opposing the authority of the laws, and by menacing a dismemberment of the union; and the legislature deeming it an indispensable obligation, at this critical and eventful period, to discountenance these daring and factious proceedings, and to bear testimony against the insolent encroachments or foreign nations, and being fully satisfied that the conduct of the national government has been calculated to secure the resources, to preserve the peace, to maintain the honor, and to promote the interest of this country: Therefore — (If the honorable assembly concurs therein.)
Resolved , That we repose full confidence in the wisdom, patriotism and integrity of the national administration; and that we will, at every hazard, and to the full extent of our faculties, support them against the unjust attempts of foreign powers; and if a state of peace shall be no longer a state of honor, and a continuance of aggression shall render an appeal to the sword inevitable, we pledge our lives and our fortunes in defence of the just rights of our injured country.
"Resolved , That we consider the union of the states as the palladium of our national safety, the guarantee of our national prosperity, and the pledge of our national glory; and that every attempt to violate or sever the ties which bind the confederated states together, ought to receive the most pointed reprobation, and the most decided abhorrence. And we earnestly exhort the good citizens of this state to be vigilant and active in discountenancing and suppressing all combinations and attempts to evade or violate the laws, to detract from the authority of the government, and to impair the stability of the union; and we solemnly conjure them, by the sacred principles of liberty and patriotism, to prepare themselves for the crisis which is probably approaching, and to be ready to co-operate with each other, and with the constituted authorities, in resisting and repelling the audacious aggressions of foreign nations.
Resolved , That his excellency the Governor be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions to the President of the United States as the sense of this state, and that our Senators and Representatives in Congress be, and hereby are requested to use every exertion to put the U. States in the best condition of defence, so that we may be fully prepared to meet the dangers which may threaten the peace of our country.
"By Order," "S. VISSCHER, Clerk."
RUTLAND, (V.) Jan. 25. Trial of the crew of the Black Snake.
Mott & Ledgard (and not Mudget, as stated in a former Herald) were convicted of Manslaughter, at the late Supreme Court held at Burlington — Mudget's trial was continued, as the jury could not agree upon a verdict. We understand the sentence of Court pronounced upon Mott & Sheffield (the latter of whom was convicted of Manslaughter in August last) was 50 lashes; stand in the pillory one hour, and 10 year's imprisonment at hard labor each. The sentence against Ledgard was the same, save the corporal part of the punishment.
AN EMBARGO IN CANADA!!
It is rumored, that one half of the immense quantity of pork, potash, wheat, and other produce which has been smuggled into Canada, from this and the adjacent states, has been deposited on a large plain, Lafayette , with an expectation that prices would still rise; and, that the owners have repeatedly attempted to make a sale of it, but the
British, or rather Canadians, refuse to purchase, and in the mean time object to its removal!! Perhaps this is nothing but a rumor; but this much we suspect is true, the smugglers have got monstrously bit in some way or other, for they have of late generally returned from the lines with something of a mortifying look.
ST. LOUIS, Dec. 7.
Extract of a letter received by Gen. Clark, from the sub-agent at Prairie de Feu. "I am sorry to inform you that on 15th inst. a certain John Ruffey was fired upon and killed, about 60 miles up the Missouri from this place; Ruffey belonged to Mr. McClelland's party of hunters. They were only two men in the canoe — the survivor was unable to ascertain to what nation of Indians the party belonged who perpetrated the outrage. On that subject there are various conjectures; some suspect the Kanzas, others the Tows, the Ottos, and Sioux and Panas. Murders will frequently occur until an example is made by exterminating some of these vicious bands.
FROM THE MISSOURI GAZETTE. We understand that a treaty has been lately entered into between the commissioners of the United States and the Osage nation, at Prairie de Feu, by which the Osages relinquish their claims to an immense tract of country, as a compensation for the robberies and outrages they have committed at different times on our traders, &c.
We confidently state from the best authority, and to their honor be it spoken, that the merchants of Baltimore, without even a solitary exception, have complied with all the provisions of the last supplementary act of the embargo. — Balt. Amer.
We have the satisfaction to state, that the merchants of Bath, Wiscasset, and Portland, have complied with the late law of congress; notwithstanding the opposition expected to it in those towns. — Boston Chronicle.
We mentioned in our last, that four vessels had escaped from Penobscot river. We learn since, that six others have evaded the embargo laws, and got off. — Boston Palladium.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, FEBRUARY 14, 1809.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
It is now four months since the session of Congress commenced, and the occasion of its being convened by the President some time before the period, to which it stood adjourned, will, I trust, be long remembered by every real American. It would indeed be insulting the feelings of the People, to suppose them callous to the injuries we have received from Britain, or to dwell on that atrocious act, which at once consummating her perfidy and our disgrace, combined in a transient and deceitful union parties of every denomination. Aulist the universal indignation it excited, faction was dumb, and the secret and domestic foes of our government only distinguished by their more clamorous professions of pretended patriotism. The Vernal press no longer belched forth its particular venom, and dared not outrage public opinion by palliating this last gross violation of national honor.
In this state of apparent unanimity, and mutually pledged to support the determination of government, we impatiently awaited the meeting of Congress in perfect confidence that its decision and firmness would restore us to the rank of Freemen, erase the blot our character had sustained, and no longer present us to the world, as slaves crouching to the rod and inviting insult. But, Alas! how have our expectations been answered, and what has this period of shameful humiliation produced! No measures of defence — no atonement for past injuries — no security against future — but an apathy disgraceful to ourselves and that Independence, which has been achieved with the best blood of our country.
I am not unconscious that this apparent disposition of Congress, and consequently of the public mind, has in part arisen from a natural cause and from circumstances peculiar to our own country. It is the nature of violent emotions to subside, and the ebullition of passion to yield to the influence of time, unless stimulated by some new cause. In the unceasing changes, to which the human heart is subject, I should indeed lament, if anger and revenge were its only permanent and fixed impressions. But there is a moral medium in the conduct of nations, as well as individuals, and a point beyond which patience becomes the meanest Cowardice. I know too, that peace, the parent of our present prosperity, which has given new Energies to Agriculture, Manufacture, Arts and Commerce — is deservedly dear to us all — but I hope we have not forgot how it was acquired, how only it can be preserved, and that the best mode to avoid is to be prepared for war.
I cannot therefore ascribe the present supineness and seeming tranquillity of our country to either a natural cause, or our political situation, but rather to a resurrection of that spirit which has long labored to prostrate us at the feet of Britain, and whose active partizans in Congress have paralyzed the efforts of their honest and unsuspicious opponents. Amidst the most conspicuous and indefatigable of this unnatural band, John Randolph stands pre-eminent. I cannot say "Charum et Venerabile Nomen," but certainly a composition, which defies all analysis, and which at once excites our admiration and contempt. The Administration of John Adams presented him to his partial country, engaged in a virtuous & successful struggle against domestic encroachment, and his exertions at that inauspicious period will not allow me to confound him with the Ephemeral beings he at present stands. They indeed might glide down the stream of Oblivion, or be remembered only with disdain, if his fall was not connected with their intrigues, and his apostasy with their infamy.
Without imputing to him the base motive with which he is charged, (a degree of liberality he never exercised towards his Opponents,) of expecting a diplomatic Mission and deserting the Administration on being disappointed, a short view of his character and political conduct, will be sufficient, independent of any private cause, to account for his change. Possessed of talents more brilliant than solid, he holds rather by courtesy and the bounty of his country, than the decision of cool dispassionate judgment, the reputation he enjoys. Unrestrained by those ties of decorum, which the world has long since consecrated; — regardless of the feelings of others and reckless of the wounds he inflicts — with a Magazine of venomous
Sarcasm and bitter Repartees at hand, even his want of humanity is with many a source of applause, and that, which would banish another from society, produces to him a perishable fame. Impetuous, hasty and overbearing, of vanity insatiable, and Ambition boundless, his very figure attracts attention, and we wonder why these destructive passions have not long since bowed to earth his frail, feeble and emaciated frame. An instrument in the hands of the political Body, but equally fit for assassination in the hands of party and faction; Nature never intended him for more than a Pioneer in political life, to adorn the threshold, like a Marble Statue; there to await those whom she had destined to enter the Temple of Fame. — To bless or scourge mankind. A dreadful station to a disposition, like his, and more intolerable, than the fabled lot of Tantalus himself. Unsatisfied with her decree and rejecting that share of approbation with which his country had rewarded his services; centring in himself all virtue, information and patriotism, his disgusting egotism wearied those, who wished to be his friends and prepared them to sustain his loss without regret.
In the sad reveries of fancied importance, he presumed to dictate to the administration, and sickened to find himself unregarded. — To this let me add, that the part he had now to act was far different from that in which he had shone, and by no means adapted to his temper. Among Brutes, some prey on each other and gluttonize on corruption. So amongst the human species, there are those whose cark and gloomy minds exist, but in the contemplation of human infirmity, and are only happy in exposing the errors or vices of their fellow creatures. The unprincipled Phalanx, once so formidable to the friends of Freedom, and which had for many years afforded full scope to invective and abuse; the true bent of John Randolph's genius was now dwindled down to a few wretches, too rotten and corrupt for his appetite and on whom he had batten even to satiety. In this state of mental irritation, a victim of self-love, — and ill-health, soured by private friendship from which his arrogance for ever excluded him; reduced to political insignificance by his own imprudence, shunned by his former associates and courted by his former foes; it is not surprising that he embraced the resolution of the fallen Angel "Better to reign in Hell, than serve in Heaven," and in a moment of desperation became the leader of those whom his soul disdained. The same talents however, which have elevated him to this infamous station, and the recollection of what he was and what he now is, while they distinguish him from his cations followers, must render his pang more acute; and were I his personal enemy, I should be amply satisfied with the anguish of self-condemnation under which he appears to writhe, doomed to the task of daily recantation, opposed with his own words and confounded with his own speeches, he shrinks with conscious sensibility from the lash of every puny whipster.
"Man but a Rush against Othello's breast. And he retires."
But a consideration of more importance than his flight or punishment, is the loss of some honest deluded men, who have accompanied this arch apostate; who, if they carried not talents, carried integrity to ranks where they have been seldom seen, and on the credit of their new capital enabled the bankrupt foes of government, to recommence their infamous intrigues. — It is to this monstrous coalition of turpitude and honesty, and haggard, hackneyed prostitution and profligacy, with inexperience and credulous probity, that we ought to attribute our present infatuation, which with childish folly, clings to the shadow of peace, when the substance has vanished. If it can be any gratification to John Randolph, I am willing to allow him the credit of this unnatural alliance, and the pre-eminent merit of creating a temporary schism between men, much better than himself, of having embarrassed the measures of government, and by a uniform opposition to the men of government, of being entitled to the unanimous applause of its foes. But I much doubt, whether a federal triumph, a Tory ovation or the hossoms of British agents and hiring priates, will recompence him for the loss of his own esteem.
Let him recollect too, the day of delusion will quick pass away, when will be added to the many who now execrate him, the few he has deceived; and, that he is responsible to his abused country, for its time wasted, and resources consumed in disgusting indecencies and insolent harangues. Where, but in his own disordered imagination, exists the resemblance between "a being, even below the scale of Kings;" and that man, who alike spurning his censure and applause, sits enthroned in the hearts of his grateful country? To what an exhausted state must he be reduced, when his own native faculty for abuse deserts him; and the indignant eloquence of Chatham, (hurled against the betrayers and plunderers of his country,) is piffered to disgrace his venom. — It is indeed the Ass in the Lion's skin — Little David without his sling, and his vapouring and strutting in the arms of Goliath.
Where is his proof of secret influence, domestic or foreign? Who are the back-stair Minions, who have shut the door and excluded from confidence this all wise and immaculate man? Shall we find it, in a suspicious intimacy with Mr. Merry, in the applause of Tories or the detestation of the friends of our revolution; and as for "Minions" Heaven must change both the minds and persons of the President's Constitutional Council to something more like John Randolph's own, to make them answer the description.
I am indeed astonished at the patience with which, congress has borne the insolence of this petulant man, from whose denunciations no age is a protection, no services a shield, and whose language is neither requisite to freedom of debate, or warranted by parliamentary decorum. When I look round the house and hear this being; whose existence appears the frail tenure of a day, and with false egotism, exclaiming "my life upon" this or that chimera of his heated brain, converting his colleague into a French Regent, and his knavish associates humming the phrensy and raving about Bonaparte's finger, I almost imagine myself in the regions of Bedlam, and its Maniacs in high debate. But when I recollect, it is to this body that the expectations of our country are turned at this crisis, I cannot but be alarmed. It is time this disgraceful scene should cease and the splenetic effusions of sickness or insanity — quip or passion no longer disgrace the floor of Congress. The two former are misfortunes and demand compassion and Medical aid; the latter are vices and deserve no mercy.
CITALIAN.
"THINGS TURNED TOPSY-TURVY" FEDERALISTS TURNED ANTI-FEDERALISTS — THE FRIENDS OF ORDER TURNED JACOBINS.
The age of wonders will never cease. Every day is continually bringing forth some new monster, some strange phenomenon, to excite our wonder and indignation. There was once a time, when the Federalists assumed to themselves the exclusive merit of the Friends of order and regular government . At all times, the name of a federalist has been synonymous with a friend to the obligation of the laws of the federal government. But these times are rapidly passing away like the dreams of the morning. — For what do we now hear?
Even tho' all the Federalists of the Eastern States, were the friends of the union of these states, they are maintaining doctrines and practices which will defeat the force of this Union. What is the language of their orthodox editors, as to the late embargo Laws? A writer for the Philadelphia Political Register avows, that an unconstitutional law "imposes no moral duty of obedience upon the citizen" — and then goes on to show that the "embargo law" is of that description. — The N. York Evening Post avows that "such acts would be of no binding force, and might therefore be lawfully disobeyed." — Disobedience in such a case would become a duty . — But what shall we think of the grave and reverend legislature of Massachusetts, who seem determined not only to declare that the law "is not legally binding upon the citizens of that state," but to enact a law, for the purpose of punishing any officer of the U. States, who should dare to carry one of its provisions into effect?
If these doctrines go into effect, the chain that binds together these states, will soon be dissolved. If it be at any time within the power of a state to evade the force of the general Government within that particular district, over which its own jurisdiction extends; if a partial will can, at any time, break the force of the general will; if the general government is thus compelled to consult the wishes of each state, before it dares to adopt any important law, the Union of these states will be like a rope of sand. He who maintains this doctrine, is any thing but a federalist and a friend of Order — he is at heart an anti-federalist and a Jacobin.
What if the Act proposed to the Legislature of Massachusetts should become a law? The state of Massachusetts will directly array itself in opposition to the laws of the U. States. According to this act, the collector of Boston may be called before Chief Justice Parsons, for having dared to execute the law of the U. S. — if he dares to plead this law as his justification, as it specially directs, it is to be held for nothing — the collector is to be punished with fine and imprisonment. The Legislature here expressly establishes a rival jurisdiction, not merely equal to, but paramount to the jurisdiction of the general government. But what says the Constitution of the U. S. on this very point?
"This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding."
And what says the 25th sec. of the Judiciary act of 1789, which is intended to provide for those cases, where there may happen to be conflicting jurisdictions? The assembly of Massachusetts is however about to establish a deliberate and wilful opposition to — The 25th sec. is in these words:
"If a fit judgment or decree in any suit, in the highest court of law or equity of a state in which a decision in the suit could be had, where is drawn in question the validity of a treaty or statute of, or an authority exercised under the United States, and the decision is against their validity; or where is drawn in question the validity of a statute of, or an authority exercised under a state, on the ground of their being repugnant to the constitution, treaties or laws of the United States, and the decision is in favor of such their validity, or where is drawn in question the construction of any clause of the constitution, or of a treaty, or statute of, or commission held under the United States, and the decision is against the title, right, privilege or exemption specially set up or claimed by either party, under such clause of the said constitution, treaty, statute or commission, may be re-examined and reversed or affirmed in the supreme court of the U. States upon a writ of error, the citation being signed by the chief justice or judge or chancellor of the court, rendering or passing the judgment or decree complained of, or by a justice of the supreme court of the United States, in the same manner and under the same regulations, and the writ shall have the same effect, as if the judgement or decree complained of had been rendered or passed in a circuit court, and the proceeding upon the reversal shall also be the same, except that the supreme court, instead of remanding the cause for a final decision as before provided, may at their discretion, if the cause shall have been once remanded before, proceed to a final decision of the same, and award execution. But no other error, shall be assigned or regarded as a ground of reversal in any such case as aforesaid; and in such cases the costs of the record and immediate respects the before mentioned questions of validity or construction of the said constitution, treaties, statutes, commissions, or authorities, in dispute."
The thing therefore is obvious. The doctrine and course of the Federalists is at war with all their professions and their very name.
But these men are just as inconsistent with themselves, as they are with the principles of the government. — Compare their doctrines in 1799 with their practices in 1809. No two things were ever in more direct opposition to each other. Then, they protested against the interposition of the state Legislatures, and clung to the courts of the U. States as the only tribunal to try the constitutionality of a law. — Now, they seem to be flying from these courts, to those very Legislatures, against whose jurisdiction they have so solemnly entered their protest. — Now, the federalists of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut are flying to their state Assemblies for redress — but mark the language, held by these men in 1799.
"The act of Congress passed on the 9th day of January" — says the late Report laid before the Senate of Massachusetts — is, "in the opinion of the Legislature, in many respects unjust, oppressive and unconstitutional, and not legally binding on the citizens of this state." — Well — and what said the same Legislature on February 9, 1799, in their reply to the resolutions of the Assembly of Virginia? Why — that "they deem it their duty solemnly to declare, that while they held sacred the principle that the consent of the people is the only pure source of just and legitimate power, they cannot admit the right of the state Legislature, to denounce
the administration of that government, to which the people themselves, by a solemn compact, have exclusively committed their national concerns. — That although a liberal and enlightened vigilance among the people is always to be cherished, yet an unreasonable jealousy of the men of their choice, and a recurrence to measures of extremity upon groundless or trivial pretences, have a strong tendency to destroy all rational liberty at home, and to deprive the United States of the most essential advantages in their relations abroad. That this legislature are persuaded, that the decision of all cases in law and equity, arising under the Constitution of the United States, and the construction of all laws made in pursuance thereof, are exclusively vested by the people in the judicial courts of the United States.
That the people in that solemn compact, which is declared to be the supreme law of the land, have not constituted the state Legislatures the judges of the acts or measures of the federal government, but have confided to them the power of proposing such amendments of the Constitution, as shall appear to them necessary to the interests, or conformable to the wishes of the people whom they represent.
That by this construction of the Constitution, an amicable and dispassionate remedy is pointed out for any evil which experience may prove to exist, and the peace and prosperity of the United States may be preserved without interruption."
And what said the General Assembly of Rhode-Island, at the same time, on the same occasion? Why — they said the very same things. They passed the two following Resolutions:
"Resolved, That in the opinion of this Legislature the second section of the third article of the Constitution of the U. States in these words, to wit: The judicial power shall extend to all cases arising under the laws of the United States , vests in the Federal Courts, exclusively, and in the Supreme Court of the United States, ultimately, the authority of deciding on the constitutionality of any act or law of the Congress of the United States.
"2. Resolved, That for any state Legislature to assume that authority, would be,
"1st. Blending together legislative and judicial powers
"2d. Hazarding an interruption of the peace of the states by civil discord, in case of a diversity of opinions among the state Legislatures; each state having in that case, no resort for vindicating its own opinion, but to the strength of its own arm.
"3d. Submitting most important questions of law, to less competent tribunals; and,
"4th. An infraction of the Constitution of the United States, expressed in plain terms."
The Legislatures of Delaware, Connecticut, New Hampshire and Vermont, and the federal Senate of New-York, acted in the same spirit. The courts of the U. States were every thing. The state legislatures were usurpers, if they but presumed to breathe an opinion on the constitutionality of a law of Congress. The Assembly of Virginia did nothing more than express such an opinion. But find that body gone out, as the legislature of Massachusetts is now doing; find they declared that the Alien and Sedition laws were null and void, and "not legally binding on the citizens of Virginia" — fancy judging from fact, can only conceive the lengths, to which the Assemblies of the eastern states would have pushed their resentments. Nothing less than the thunders of annihilation would have been hurled against the people of Virginia. — But if such would have been the language held at that time by the people of Massachusetts, what should be the language, which they ought now to take to themselves?
If the Legislature of Massachusetts be not satisfied with a naked declaration of the unconstitutionality of these laws, why not pursue the course pointed out by the Report of Virginia in 1800? Why not instruct their Senators, and obtain a union of the States, to obtain a repeal of the Embargo law? Why not attempt to amend the Federal Constitution, and deprive Congress of the power of enacting any Embargo law? — But this course will not suit the friends of order. — They are for resistance. Why do they not trust too to the virtue of Electing ? — No, no they are too good Federal Republicans for that.
We venture to assert, that Mr. Ebbes's speech represents the sentiments of a vast majority of the Republicans of this state. — We have not yet heard a single exception to the maxim — The Embargo as an efficient Substitute .
ATTENTION!!!
THE Members composing the REYNOLDS RIFLE VOLUNTEERS, are requested to meet at the Bell-Tavern, this evening, at half past 6 o'clock, on business interesting to the company. By order of the Captain. THOS. BURLING, Sec'y.
February 14.
TO THE PUBLIC — Whereas, in consequence of various supposed provocations, I have been induced, at sundry times, to utter and publish severe and unmerited strictures on the conduct and character, of my late partner, Mr. John Lisle, of this city. — I now feel myself called upon, in justice to that gentleman, and in conformity with the advice of my friends, thus to avow my regret at having been instrumental to the injury of his feelings or character. (Signed) MACALL MEDFORD.
Witness, GEORGE RUNDLE. Philadelphia, Jan. 28, 1809.
In consequence of the above, and the solemn declaration of Mr. Macall Medford, that he is unable to discharge the monies I claim of him, I have agreed to discontinue my pursuit of said claim, and my intention of prosecuting him for a libel.
JOHN LISLE, Late JOHN LISLE JR. Philadelphia, Jan. 28, 1809.
A YOUNG MAN, who can come well recommended, for industry, honesty and sobriety, that understands the management of Negroes, may hear of employment, on application at this place. February 14.
A long pipe clock CLOCK was stolen from a Gentleman's house, in the neighborhood of the Globe Tavern, on Friday night the 10th inst. with silver clasps, having, it is believed, the letter D on them. Whoever will give information on this subject, so that the Clock may be recovered, shall receive a very handsome reward by application at this place.
CASH will be given for four or five NEGRO MEN, and as many as a work HORSES. Apply to the Editor of this paper. February 14.
FOR SALE, a few hundred of the LAW ON EXECUTIONS, apply to this office.
NOTICE — Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES in moderate amount by JAMPSON MURRIS. Richmond, Dec. 14.

FOR THE ENQUIRER.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
When we take a cool survey of the disputes...
But why are there no popular prejudices in the present day, which posterity may in their turn be inclined to pity or deride?
Faction, that demon of republics, has assumed in our infantile government, a herculean strength. In our neighborhoods, our counties, our state, and our country all equally feel the effects of its baleful influence.
From a most impartial review of History and from considerations on the nature of man, I am convinced that the preservation of liberty and of national prosperity, essentially depends upon the preservation of Union among the people, of harmony in our councils.
A SON OF A SOLDIER OF '76.
Extract of a letter.
Notwithstanding all the noise made in this state, by Tories and their adherents, about the law to enforce the embargo...
POLITICAL.
MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Memorials, calling upon the legislature for their guidance and protection at this perilous moment...
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 7.
A committee was appointed to enquire whether any improper attempts have recently been made, in the congress of the United States...
THURSDAY, Feb. 2.
IMPORTANT REPORT.
The committee on the several Memorials from the People of a number of towns in this state...
RESOLVES.
Resolved, That the Act of the Congress of the United States, passed on the 9th day of January, in the present year, for enforcing the act laying an Embargo...
THE ACT.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
An Act to secure the People of this Commonwealth, against unreasonable, arbitrary and unconstitutional searches in their dwelling houses.
Whereas it is declared and provided in and by the fourteenth article of the declaration of Rights of the inhabitants of Massachusetts...
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT To revive and continue in force for a further time, the first section of the act, entitled "An act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the United States against the Barbary powers."
AN ACT For the relief of Edmund Beament.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled...
DELAWARE LEGISLATURE.
In the House of Representatives of the State of Delaware, the following Resolutions were adopted, Feb. 1st.
1. Resolved, That the measures pursued by the government of the U. States, have justly excited considerable interest in the U. States...
BALTIMORE, Feb. 9.
A Mercury new fledg'd!
Timothy, with British orders at his neck, and French decrees at his heels, was executed in effigy on Monday last.
PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 2.
TRIBUTE TO MERIT!!!
TAKE NOTICE.
On the 5th of Feb. a GIBBET will be erected at 3 o'clock in the afternoon...
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber, on the 29th day of January, 1806, by Richard Johnson...
FOR SALE, a likely Mulatto BOY, about 15 years of age, has been accustomed to house service. For terms apply at this office.
FOR SALE, a very likely Negro WOMAN, about 25 years of age, a good Sempstress, and used to the House--with her daughter...
NEW PLACE OF ENTERTAINMENT.
near the City of Richmond. The Subscriber now occupying that pleasant seat formerly the residence of William Alexander...
FOR SALE, a likely Mulatto BOY, about 15 years of age, has been accustomed to house service. For terms apply at this office.
PURSUANT to a deed of trust, executed to the Subscriber, by Patterson Fletcher, for the purpose of securing a sum of money...
VIRGINIA. To all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting. Whereas, by a certain indenture...
PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 2.
TRIBUTE TO MERIT!!!
TAKE NOTICE.
On the 5th of Feb. a GIBBET will be erected at 3 o'clock in the afternoon...
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber, on the 29th day of January, 1806, by Richard Johnson...
FOR SALE, a likely Mulatto BOY, about 15 years of age, has been accustomed to house service. For terms apply at this office.
FOR SALE, a very likely Negro WOMAN, about 25 years of age, a good Sempstress, and used to the House--with her daughter...
THE Plantation belonging to the estate of the late Alexander Banks, dec'd. containing by estimation, 132 acres, will be sold, on Saturday, the 18th of this month...
PRICHARD & ADAMS, at their BOOK-STORE, opposite the Post-Office, Richmond, offer for sale LEE'S Genuine Patent and FAMILY MEDICINE.
LEE'S ELIXIR, a sovereign remedy for Colds, Rheumatism, Catarrhs, Asthma, Sore Throat and approaching Consumption.
LEE'S WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES. This Medicine is superior to any ever offered to the public, being innocent and mild...
LEE'S GRAND RESTORATIVE, proved by long experience, to be unequalled in the cure of nervous disorders, consumption, lowliness of spirits, inward weakness, &c.
LEE'S ANTI-BILIOUS PILLS. Prepared by Richard Lee & Son, Baltimore. Persons willing to purchase this valuable Medicine...
LEE'S SOVEREIGN OINTMENT, for the Itch, which is warranted an infallible remedy at one application.
LEE'S CORN PLAISTER. DAMASK LIP SALVE. RESTORATIVE POWDER, for the teeth and gums.
THE ANODYNE ELIXIR, for the cure of every kind of head ache. INDIAN VEGETABLE SPECIFIC, a certain and never failing cure for venereal complaints.
NOTICE. I shall offer my services, the ensuing election, to the Freeholders of the Senatorial District composed of the counties of Albemarle, Amherst, Nelson, Fluvanna & Buckingham.