The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-05-07 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY. SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
SATURDAY, MAY 7, 1803.
THE NEW EDITION OF THE REVISED CODE OF THE LAWS OF VIRGINIA,
BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUN. and HENRY PACE, Richmond, Virginia, Is now ready for Sale, at this Office.
THAT the public may be so far enabled to determine upon the merit of the work, it is thought most ad- visable to publish the
PREFACE.
By an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, dated December 28th, 1792, it was ordained, that a collection should be made of all such acts of the Assembly, of a public and permanent nature, as were then in force. For this purpose, several lawyers were solicited to superintend the compilation. Mr. Davis, then printer to the commonwealth, did not get the work completed till the close of the year, 1794. It, therefore, embraced all such laws, of a public and permanent nature, as were passed during the session, which commenced November 11th, 1794.
It was unavoidably to happen that this collection would almost immediately become defective; and that its defects were to increase annually, and without intermission. The new laws of the more important class were, for the most part, occupied in altering, or in repealing some of their predecessors. Hence, it was evident, that if a man of business was not regularly supplied with the additional laws, the Revised Code would be quite as likely to lead him into mistakes, as to give him proper information. The consequence was, that every practitioner of the law found it necessary to purchase, annually, the large folio pamphlet, containing the laws of each succeeding assembly. In the course of a man's life, these publications would have swelled into a library; and, what was extremely inconvenient, by far the greater part of them were laws of a local and private nature, which were totally useless, and a mere encumbrance to the practitioner in a court.
This Revised Code, with all its augmenting imperfections, had become extremely scarce. The original price was eight dollars. But it was almost impossible to obtain the book at any price whatever. The constant demand for the Revised Code induced the proprietors of the present work to publish proposals for a second, and improved edition, which was to bring down the collection so late as to the end of the session of December, 1801. In the former edition, therefore, the latest act of Assembly bears date 26th of December, 1794. In the present edition, the latest statute passed upon February 2d, 1802. This makes a difference of more than seven years; and these seven years appear to have been distinguished beyond every former period of the history of the commonwealth, by the multitude and importance of the laws which in that time were passed. To give a complete idea of this fact, we have only to observe, that the edition of Mr. Davis contained one hundred and eighty one statutes; and that the present contains THREE HUNDRED AND THIRTEEN. Of these, one hundred and thirty two were passed within those seven years. They compose, therefore, in point of number, more than two fifths of the whole collection. The other six laws, which make up the total additional number of one hundred and thirty two, had been passed long before the publication of the former edition of "The Revised Code." Some of them are of very considerable length. They were selected, and inserted by the special advice and desire of Governor Monroe. He was one of the gentlemen who had been appointed to revise the former edition; and it was his opinion that these six acts of assembly had been improperly omitted.
Exclusive of the index, the title page and preface, the present volume contains four hundred and fifty-four pages. Of these, the additional laws fill an hundred and twenty-four pages, which is not much less than a third part of the whole text. It is not necessary to say how much more convenient this concise and perspicuous arrangement must be, than to have the trouble of wading through seven folio pamphlets, in quest of a statute.
These details, without any comment of ours, abundantly prove, had, indeed, other evidence been wanting, the propriety and necessity for a second edition of this book. It is now, also condensed into a much more manageable size than it formerly assumed. No gentleman's pocket can, at least, in the present age, contain a folio volume; and much less would it contain the enormous appendix of seven folio pamphlets. In riding ten, or fifteen miles to a county court-house, a gentleman does not at ways think it worth while to take a portmanteau along with him; nor indeed is every portmanteau large enough to contain such mass of print and paper. Upon this account, the present edition has been reduced to an octavo size, and printed as closely as possible. Hence, a lawyer, when he sets out for the county court-house, will no longer be obliged to leave his eight
folios behind him, and, amidst a crowd of competitors, to solicit the unfortunate clerk of the court to let him have a sight of the Revised Code. He can now put his hand into his pocket, and take out a genteel, portable, octavo volume, which comprehends his former library, disencumbered of all its rubbish. The type on which the present edition is printed, is either the same, or almost exactly the same with that of the last, and most esteemed London edition of Coke upon Littleton. This circumstance is mentioned here, because a complaint had been made, in one of the Richmond newspapers, by some nameless writer, that the type was too small. You cannot, at the same time, enjoy the cool, bracing breeze of winter, and the verdant vegetation of summer. You cannot, in the same book, unite the advantages of a folio, and of an octavo. If this edition had been printed upon a type as large as that of Mr. Davis, it must have been one third part dearer than it is; for the volume, including the new index, and the bottom notes, positively contains one third part more of matter than the former edition. The price to subscribers, must have been raised to nine dollars; and to non-subscribers, to twelve dollars. Very few purchasers will regret that the publication can be had at a price so much more reasonable.
The former edition laboured under more than one material defect. It was often impossible to tell at what time a statute had originally passed. Put the case, that a deed was to be controled, which bore date in 1769. It is clear that this transaction could not be affected by laws made posterior to its date. It became a question how long the law had existed, or, when a predecessor to it, or to some part of it, had been passed in, perhaps, a different form. For instance, of chapter CXXVII, a considerable part appears to have been enacted at different periods; one part in 1766, others in 1769. In the old edition of the Revised Code, the law is dated December 26th 1792.
The bottom notes of the new edition give notice, that various parts of it were in force before, although the whole had been covered by the subsequent statute of 1792. The same notes give information, that this law has been amended by another, of 1801. Again, chapter CXXVIII bears date the 26th of December, 1792. But we learn that the first clause of the statute expired in 1762, that is to say, thirty years before. The second clause, which is by far the longest in the act, had been taken from a former statute, dated October, 1776. From not knowing how far back the force of these laws extended, the court was often call into irretrievable confusion. To discover how far back a statute extended, was often a work of great time and difficulty; and perhaps the requisite apparatus of old laws could not always be had. Gentlemen of the bar assure us, that the bottom notes, which are to be found at the foot of almost every page of this edition, are, themselves alone, fairly worth the whole price of the book. We have neither received, nor asked permission to publish the name of the supposed author of these notes. He is, however, a gentleman whose name has long been familiar to every lawyer in Virginia. He has long filled more than one interesting department in the system, and the science of jurisprudence, in point of legal knowledge and abilities, his reputation is inferior to none.
All the gentlemen of the law, with one voice, complained of the imperfection of the former index. A new one has been entirely written over again, and at a very considerable expense for the present edition. In the former, there were, under the letter A, only twenty five distinct heads. In this edition there are forty nine. In the former, letter S contained only twenty five heads. This has forty seven. These particulars are mentioned to show the superior perspicuity and completeness of the present index; and how greatly it must facilitate an accurate examination of the contents of the volume. The index contains twenty four pages. The text of the law, exclusive of the preface and title page, contains as above mentioned, four hundred and fifty-four; so that there is one page of index for about every six pages of text. A larger number of references would have been useful, and have served rather to embarrass than assist the reader. This laborious part of the work was drawn up by Mr. Thomas Davis, who had been employed as an assistant to the supervisors of the former edition. We have every reason to think that his performance will give entire satisfaction.
This volume, the index excepted, was completely printed and several months ago. But it was impossible to deliver the book until this time, because the bad state of Mr. Kind's health did not permit him to furnish the index sooner. This apology will no doubt be considered as sufficient for a long delay in publication, which it was impossible for the editors to prevent.
It would be the sum of invidious to exatiate upon the importance of a work like this; because it is plain, that every family in the commonwealth, should, if possible, possess a copy of it. To judges, magistrates, and lawyers, it is indispensably necessary; and every private gentleman, who wishes to understand either his own rights, or those of his neighbours, ought to be conversant with its contents.
Richmond, April 19, 1803.
TO LETT,
IN a very eligible situation for business, a large commodious WAREHOUSE, Counting Room and two large Cellars. Immediate possession may be had. Apply at this office.
Richmond, April 27th, 1803. (1f.) 23
PHILIP LARUS, DENTIST,
GRATEFUL for past favors, informs his friends and the public, that he intends again to practice in the line of his profession, and hopes by his assiduity to merit a continuance of their favors. Orders addressed to him, opposite the post-office, will be strictly attended to.
April 13, 1803. (4t.) 24
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, on Monday the 25th of April, 1803, about 15 miles above Cumberland court house, a Negro fellow named DAVID. He is a low well made fellow, about 30 years old, somewhat marked with the small pox, had on an old brown cloth coat, a striped cloth waistcoat, an old blue pair of calmer breeches, a pair of dark coloured striped stockings. I bought said fellow of Martin Turner, in Richmond, who bought him of Mrs. Sears. He has a wife in Richmond.
Whoever will take up said fellow and secure him so that I get him, and write word of it to Mr. MARSHALL, Tavern keeper, at Powhatan court house, shall receive the above reward with all reasonable charges, by
JAMES JONES.
All owners of vessels are cautioned against taking the above negro on board.
Richmond, April 28th, 1803. 4t. 25
A QUANTITY OF STONE LIME
In Tiers, for sale by
WILLIAM DAVIDSON,
Who has just received a large quantity of excellent IRISH POTATOES which he will sell cheap for cash.
Richmond, April 2d, 1803.
CITY OF RICHMOND,
In Common Hall, Jan. 17th 1803.
WHEREAS the present funds of the corporation are not adequate to the expense of erecting a WORKHOUSE for the city, which would combine within itself all the conveniences which a well regulated institution of this kind would require; having a regard to the future population of this city, yet it is safe and expedient that the funds now defined for this useful institution should be laid out in such a manner as to answer the present purposes of the corporation, and to admit such future additions as the increasing population may require. Your Committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend it to the consideration of the Common Hall, to call in the aid of those who have experience of such institutions, and to offer a premium for the best plan of a Workhouse, which will be so contrived as to admit of being erected in parts, as the funds of the corporation will from time to time afford.
Resolved, therefore, that the committee appointed to prepare a plan of a Workhouse be discharged from further proceeding therein. And that the Mayor be requested to give notice in the newspapers, or otherwise, that the sum of fifty dollars will be given by the corporation, as a premium to the person who shall produce to the Hall, on the third Monday in February next, the best plan of a Workhouse, constructed as above mentioned, and to be approved of by the Hall, estimating the cost at four thousand dollars.
Copy
Teste
ADAM CRAIG, c. c. h.
FOR SALE.
A few likely young
NEGROES,
For particulars enquire of the Printer. Richmond, March, 7th 1803.
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of Adams and Fisher was, on the 12th of last month dissolved by mutual consent. All those having claims against that concern, will apply to James Fisher for settlement, and those indebted will make immediate payment as no further indulgence can be given.
RICHARD ADAMS, JAMES FISHER.
N. B. James Fisher having purchased the flock of goods belonging to Adams and Fisher, intends carrying the business on for his own account. The affortment of goods is equal to any in that line.
Richmond, April 6th, 1803. (1f.)
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at any pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty five pounds of Meal, or ninety two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFORD.
N. B. The deduction for storeage and shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his sale of bunnels since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stone, as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill Stones ready for delivery; also PLASTER OF PARIS ground and in the done.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (1f.)
STALLION BEEVES,
Muttons, and 15000 weight of choice Bacon,
FOR SALE.
FOR cash, or respectable merchants notes at sixty days. I can furnish a purchaser with seven or eight bullocks as now in the state, perhaps, to a large herd as the cattle from the South Branch of the Potomack, but equally good. In preference I would sell them on the spot where they are fatted, but will drive them to Norfolk, Richmond, or Petersburg, if previously engaged by a butcher, or any other person inclined to buy, and as it may not be convenient to take, or pay for the whole at one time, a purchaser may have any part not less than ten if taken here, but if driven by my own people, they must all go at one time. I have also a number of exceeding fat muttons, and 15000 weight of choice bacon, the hams left-petted with particular care, and the whole made out of large fat hogs, and intended for the use of private families. Letters, post-paid, directed to me by mail to MARSHALLVILLE, MECKLENBURG county shall be duly noticed.
WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM, for
Sir PRYTON SKIRWITH, BARTON.

Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, March 9.
A most important message from his majesty was yesterday delivered to the two houses of parliament, of which the following is an accurate copy:
George R.
“His majesty thinks it necessary to acquaint the house of commons, that as very considerable military preparations are carrying on in the ports of France and Holland, he has judged it expedient to adopt additional measures of precaution for the security of his dominions. Though the preparations to which his majesty refers are avowedly directed to colonial service, yet as discussions of great importance are now subsisting between his majesty and the French government, the result of which must at present be uncertain, his majesty is induced to make this communication to his faithful commons in the full persuasion that whilst they partake of his majesty's earnest and unvarying solicitude for the continuance of peace, he may rely with perfect confidence on their public spirit and liberality, to enable his majesty to adopt such measures as circumstances may appear to require, for supporting the honor of his crown and the essential interest of his people.
“Ordered, That his majesty's said most gracious message be taken into consideration to morrow.
March 11.
The chancellor of the exchequer yesterday delivered the following message from his majesty to the house of commons:
George R.
“In consequence of the preparations carrying on in the ports of France and Holland while important discussions are subsisting between his majesty and the French government, his majesty thinks it due to the care and concerns which he feels for his faithful people to omit, no means in his power which may contribute to their security.
“In pursuance, therefore of the acts of parliament enabling his majesty to call out and assemble the militia of the United Kingdom, his majesty has thought it right to make this communication to the house of commons, to the end that his majesty may cause the said militia, or such part thereof as his majesty shall think necessary, to be forthwith drawn out and embodied, and to march as occasion shall require.
“G. R.”
The secretary at war rose and moved “That an humble address be presented, to his majesty, thanking him for his gracious communication and for his parental care in adopting measures for the security of the kingdom.”
The address was agreed to nomine contradicente , and was ordered to be presented to his majesty by such members of that house as were of his majesty's privy council.
Price of stocks, March 19, at 12 o'clock.
3 per cent. Consols 65 3-4 64 53-84 ditto, for acc. 65 3-4 65 1-2; 3 per cent. Reduced, shut; omnium, 13 12 3-4 disk.
FROM THE PHILADELPHIA GAZETTE OF FRIDAY, 29 ULT.
IMPORTANT.
Our correspondent, at New York have made us the following interesting communication.
NEW YORK, April 26.
Half past 12 o'clock,
Capt. Brown, of the ship Juliana, in 26 days from London, has just come up in a pilot boat; he brings London news to the evening of the nineteenth of March, containing the important intelligence that war was on the eve of breaking out between England and France. We have just time to enclose you an extract from the last paper.
“There is a report in the paper of the 19th, that France has embargoed all the English ships in her ports.
“The impress of seamen continues in all the ports of England. Dispatches were daily sent off to different places.
LONDON, March 19.
A cabinet council sat several hours yesterday, and a messenger, we understand, was dispatched to lord Whitworth as soon as the council broke up.
We communicated yesterday the substance of the conversation that passed between Bonaparte and lord Whitworth, on Sunday last, the imitating looks, the agitated manner, the angry tone of the former, the cool dignity, the firmness and the moderation of the latter. That our readers may not imagine we procured this information from a source
not perfectly authentic, we think it necessary to state here in the most distinct manner, that that intelligence rests upon the strongest foundation and that it is accurate in every part. We are enabled to make this assertion, by letters from two English gentlemen who were present at the audience on Sunday, who heard the conversation, and watched the looks and gestures of the first Consul.
As he retired from the audience chamber, he invoked, in a loud tone of voice, the vengeance of God on that power which should be the cause of the war; and having uttered these words he burst with the greatest rage through the folding doors of the chamber, before one of his pages could open them for him.
It appears from all the accounts that have been received from Paris, that Bonaparte was by no means prepared to expect such vigorous preparations on our part. As soon as the message arrived, a council of state was called, which sat from 7 in the morning till 11 at night. Couriers were immediately dispatched to Vienna, Berlin, Petersburg.
We have already said, that we suspect Bonaparte will do every thing in his power to procrastinate. Our ministers, however, we are glad to hear, are determined not to permit a lingering negotiation. The following observations in a paper connected with them coincide with those which we expressed in our paper on Thursday: “There is one event with respect to which his majesty's ministers, we have no doubt, will provide as far as such an occurrence can be provided against, by stipulation and agreement—they will not suffer the present crisis to pass without coming to some precise and specific settlement, upon all the objects now under discussion; and they are fully aware that nothing would be so disadvantageous to the nation as to permit the present negotiation to be spun out, and the objects of dispute patched up for the present. If any such attempt should be made, we are satisfied they are fully determined to resist it. Having armed, they will not disarm, without placing every point under discussion in a satisfactory state.
“We heartily wish we could trust as implicitly to the disposition of the first consul, as we are sure we may to that of his majesty's ministers—That without recurring to causes of discontent and disquietude, which may have taken place since the treaty of Amiens, without having recourse to mutual reproaches, circumstances may admit of conciliation, and that we may be able to look with confidence for the future—but if an inordinate ambition induces the chief consul of France to annex, continually new territories to the Republic, to extend his views to projects repugnant to British interests, treaties may be signed, but jealousies will exist, incompatible with the true spirit of peace.”
Government, we have been informed this morning, expect to receive a definitive answer from Bonaparte to night. Their ultimatum was dispatched on Tuesday last, and as we understand, an immediate reply was demanded, they are in expectation of dispatches to night or to morrow morning that will decide the question of peace or war.
Should war be declared, government, of course, will not let a French ship come out of any of the French ports.
The shipwrights and caulkers employed in the merchants' yards in the River, have made an offer to the admiralty of their services to be employed in any yard their lordships may direct, to assist in equipping the fleet. This offer is not accepted, the officers in the yards being equal to all their duty.
Lord Keith arrived at Plymouth on Thursday morning, and immediately hoisted his flag on board the Culloden, of 74 guns.
An English vessel arrived on Wednesday night from La Hogue. She sailed from thence last Sunday evening in consequence of the bustle and confusion that was going on at La Hogue and Cherbourg. She was about to load oysters for London, and was heaving out ballast for that purpose; but from the warlike appearance of affairs in that neighbourhood, the captain thought it most prudent to leave it as early as possible. Tickets were leaving at the houses of all those connected with the army, and the utmost confusion seemed to prevail.
The rumours of changes in the administration, are, we understand, unfounded. Earl St. Vincent, we rejoice to hear, remains in office.
The following notice was yesterday issued by Mr. Erving, the American consul:
AMERICAN CONSULATE.
London, March 18.
Official notice has been received from Lisbon, that his royal highness the Prince regent of Portugal has issued unlimited orders for the admission of foreign flour into the ports of that country, on paying a duty of forty rees, per alquier, or four hundred and eighty rees, equal to sixty cents, per barrel; and that vessels with clear bills of health, and whose crews are free from any sickness, shall no longer be subjected to quarantine.
NEW-YORK, April 29.
A letter from Liverpool, of a late date, from Rathbone, Hughes and Duncan, says,
“On the 11th instant, we transmitted you the king's message. On the 10th it was discussed in both houses of parliament, and an address from each was unanimously voted; but no information was communicated by ministers as to the points under discussion between this government and France; nor were any intimations given from whence to judge of our prospects in respect to peace or war.
“It was resolved, by the members of both houses, that the nation ought to be additionally prepared for the latter; and it was officially announced, that it was intended to embody the militia, and that a large vote for additional seamen would be proposed. The fact is, that a very considerable number have been already impressed, or voluntarily entered, and that great activity prevails in all the seaports for the equipment of a large naval force.
“For the present, the sale of foreign imports is nearly suspended, and it is probable no material occurrences will take place in our market till our prospects are more clearly ascertained.”
We have received a London price current of the 18th of March.
We have received from our correspondent in London, a regular file of the Morning Chronicle to the 20th ultimo. The paper of the 9th contains his majesty's message; in the 11th are two proclamations “for encouraging seamen and landmen to enter themselves on board his majesty's ships of war,” and “for recalling and prohibiting seamen from serving foreign princes and states; and for granting rewards for discovering such seamen as conceal themselves.” On the night of the 11th of the March, an interesting debate took place in the house of commons, on a motion for adding 10,000 seamen to the existing number. The chancellor of the exchequer declined entering, for the present, into any explanation respecting his majesty's message. The speech of Mr. Fox is very animated while he deprecates any rash measures to involve his country in war, he professes to yield to none in support of the dignity and honor of the British empire. The selections from the British prints will enable our readers to form their own judgment respecting the probability of a renewal of hostilities between France and England. G. Britain, by her warlike preparations, appears to assume a menacing attitude, to give weight to her negotiations with the French republic. Malta, in all probability, is the principal subject of dispute, which was not evacuated as late as the 20th of February, nor was there a probability that it would soon be given up. The chief consul is said to have expressed himself very warmly on this head, and desired his sentiments to be conveyed to the British minister, “That rather than suffer the English to retain possession of Malta, he would see them in possession of the Thuilleries.” To judge from the British funds, the last accounts do not indicate the immediate apprehension of hostilities. On the 18th of March some bargains for April were as high as 68, and after some fluctuation settled down to 67. No abatement, however, appears to have taken place for war in any department. The impress throughout the seaports was as warm as ever. During the press on the river Thames, a great number of our countrymen had been taken; Mr. Erving, our consul, had a long interview with the lords of the admiralty on this subject, in consequence of which all those seamen who could produce satisfactory testimonials of their citizenship of America, were ordered to be discharged. Several, however, it was said, had entered voluntarily. The East India expedition has failed from Brest; a confused report was in circulation, from Holland, of Portugal having ceded Macao to France. That settlement, says the Morning Post, in the hands of France, would be of far more detriment to England than Malta, as it would enable the French to cut up the China trade. It was further reported, that
France was negotiating with Holland to purchase the sovereignty of Batavia, and the other Dutch possessions in the East Indies. These, however, appear to be but vague rumors. The exportation of specie has been stopped by the French government; 600 Swis were sent out to Paris in St. Domingo. A war exists between France and Algiers, which may serve as a pretext for a large naval equipment destined for Malta or Egypt; to guard against which the impress in Great Britain may be a precautionary measure. A ship bound from France to New Orleans had been driven ashore near Shoreham, concerning which the most exaggerated reports had circulated of 100,000 stand of arms having been found on board, with green union standards for the malcontents of Ireland, &c. &c. &c. It appears neither arms nor colors that were improper, were found on board. This instance will convince us, how little reliance is to be placed on flying reports of the day. Of course, all the surmises respecting immediate war must be admitted with large allowances. We can trace nothing respecting the late expedition at Helvoet-sluis, destined for Louisiana. This object may be too remote under existing circumstances for the attention of Bonaparte, and the suspension may prove favorable to Mr. Monroe's mission.
PARIS, March 14.
There was yesterday, as usual, a grand circle at the Thuilleries. The ambassadors of the different powers were in the Saloon, with a numerous assemblage of strangers and ladies of distinction, generals, senators, tribunes, legislators, &c.
BONAPARTE entered with an unusual alertness of manners, and, after saluting the company, he addressed himself to lord Whitworth, in a tone sufficiently loud enough to be heard by all who were present—“You know my lord, that a terrible storm has arisen between England and France.”
Lord WHITWORTH.—“Yes, general Consul; but it is to be hoped that this storm will be dissipated without any serious consequences.”
BONAPARTE.—“It will be dissipated when England shall have evacuated Malta. If not, the cloud will burst, and the bolt must fall. The king of England has promised by treaty to evacuate that place, and who is to violate the faith of treaties?”
Lord WHITWORTH.—“(Surprised en finding himself questioned in this manner, and before so many persons) “But you know, general Consul, the circumstances which have delayed the evacuation of Malta. The intention of my sovereign is to fulfil the treaty of Amiens; and you know also—”
BONAPARTE.—“(With impetuosity) that the French have carried on a war for ten years, and you cannot doubt but that they are in a condition to wage it again. Inform your court, that if, on the receipt of your dispatches, orders are not issued for the immediate surrender of Malta, then War is declared—I declare my firm resolution is to see the treaty carried into effect, and leave it to the ambassadors of the several powers, who are present, to say who is in the wrong. You flattered yourselves that France would not dare to shew her resentment whilst her squadrons were at St. Domingo. I am happy thus publicly to undecieve you on that head.”
Lord WHITWORTH.—“But general, the negotiation is not yet broken, and there is every reason to believe—”
BONAPARTE.—“Of what negotiation do you lordship speak? Is it necessary to negotiate what is conceded by treaty—to negotiate the fulfilment of engagements, and the duties of good faith? [Lord Whitworth was about to reply, Bonaparte made a sign with his hand, and continued with a less elevated tone.] My lord, your lady is indisposed. She may probably breathe her native air rather sooner than you or I expected. I wish most ardently for peace, but if my just demand be not instantly complied with, then war must follow, and God will decide. If treaties are not sufficient to bind to peace, then the vanquished must be laid in a condition to offer injury.” This unexpected conversation terminated, if that term be allowed, where the discourse was almost wholly on one side.
Bonaparte afterwards walked up and down the hall, and discoursed with several persons with an assumed air of gaiety. To the English, however, who met his eye, his regards were limited to a cold salute.
This scene is so important in its nature and consequences, and at the same time so new in diplomatic history, that I have taken much pains to get at its details. The auditors were numerous and attentive; but some difficulty arose from the quickness of the sallies, as the reply did not always very graciously await the answer. Some traits of extreme vivacity on the part of the first consul, I do not choose to hazard. In other respects the text I believe, is faithful, and I leave it to you to make the comment.

French funds. 5 per cent. 58 58-113 24 59 13 44 60. Traveller office, London, March 19, half past three o'clock.
By a vessel arrived at Plymouth, from Cher- burg, an account is received of orders having reached that place on Sunday last, from Paris, for all wagons, carts, carriages and horses, to be put in requisition for the purpose of transporting troops and baggage; in conse- quence of which the greatest bustle and con- fusion prevailed at that place.
WILLIAM M'CAY, CLOCK AND WATCH MAKER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND,
TAKES this method to inform the public, that he has just received by a late arrival from Europe, a large and general assortment of GOLD and SILVER WATCHES. Among which are elegant repeating watches, lady's gold do. Also an elegant assortment of keys, chains, &c. He has likewise a few good CLOCKS for sale. All of which he offers to dispose of on as reasona- ble terms for cash, as they can be purchased in any part of the United States.
He returns his sincere thanks to his friends for the liberal encouragement he has met with since his residence in this city.
Clocks and watches repaired on the shortest notice.
May 6, 1805. wtw '05
TO RENT,
AND possession given the first of next month the upper part of the house occupi- ed by the subscribers, in which there are five convenient rooms, together with a good kitch- en and stable for three horses. There is a well of water in the yard.
Apply to THOMAS AND AMOS LADD. Richmond, April, 2d. 1805 tf.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE public are hereby respectfully informed, that we shall continue to furnish Meal and Hominy for next quarter at the same prices as the last, viz. for Meal per bushel of 50 lbs. 3s 6d. Hominy per bushel of 50 lbs. 3s. 3d. And they are requested to take notice, that these articles will only be delivered hereafter to tickets which may be had at our counting-house.
T. RUTHERFORD & Co.
March 31st. 1805.
THE MANCHESTER MILLS.
ARE now offered on LEASE, for 3, 5, or 7 years. The superior advantages which they possess over any other mills in the neigh- bourhood of Richmond are too evident to re- quire comment. For terms, apply to Mr. Samuel Jones, or to
JOHN MAYO.
Richmond, } April 19, 1803. } 6t. 't.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of return- ing his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MIL- STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Bal- timore, Peterburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers.
The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Peterburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be ta- ken to the above business, and short time re- quired. WILLIAM DAVIDSON. Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (tf.)
N. B. For sale, PLAISTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
MAY 7th. 1803.
Richmond, May 4, 1803.
Messrs. Pace and Callender, FINDING that my name has been introduced in the controversy between Mr. Skelton Jones and yourselves, and not know- ing to what extent, or for what purposes it
may be used, I think proper to say something for myself.
My letter, which has been published in the Examiner, was written soon after the unfor- tunate quarrel to which it relates, to a friend who resided in Alexandria, for the purpose of letting him know the truth . Since that time I have sought information from the sources where only it could be obtained, and I am thoroughly convinced that the statement alluded to con- tains the truth .
It is not for me to say what ought to be done in the Recorder, but there can be nothing improper in saying what I should do if the case was mine. I should most certainly publish the whole letter as appears in the Ex- aminer, and say that every impression of the facts which had been made to the contrary were erroneous, and thus put an end to the controversy with Mr. Jones, at least as to this point. Such is my veneration for candour, such my opinion of its general influence, that I think this very conduct would be better re- ceived by the public than to pursue the alter- cation further.
The public expect from the editors of the Recorder not only information concerning the political state of things, but likewise a dis- play of talents which it is well known one of the editors possesses in an eminent degree.
It is not my design to ask for any exemption, provided you meditate to involve me in the dispute with Mr. Jones, though my letter was written to a friend, and though I never ex- pected to become so conspicuous by its means, yet there is not a word of it which I will not defend.
I am your obedient Servant, HENRY BANKS.
WE accept of Mr. Banks's apology, for the letter to which he here alludes. That let- ter was published in the Examiner, of the 27th of April last, and was a defence of the conduct of Skelton Jones, with respect to the circumstances attending that most unna- tural and horrid murder of Armisted Selden. We can assure Mr. Banks, that with whatever horror we may look upon the proceedings of that event, as attached to Skelton Jones; that whatever exertions we had made to bring this culprit to that punishment which the laws of God and society demand, we never meant to bring Mr. B's name forward upon that subject. His friendship, to us, has been of that nature; his information of such services; and his abili- ties of such assistance towards promulgating the variety of matter contained in the Recor- der, that we must be the most ungrateful of mankind, to fall out with such a friend, only because he should once happen to differ with us in opinion.
We are extremely sorry that Mr. Banks should make use of the following words in the above letter, viz. "And not knowing to what extent, or for what purposes it [his name] may be used."
Mr. Banks well knows, that we never use the language of disrespect towards any charac- ter, but to such as have richly deserved it. We cannot suppose, then, that he could feel any ap- prehension of our attacking his name, to his injury, when he has often declared to us, that he stands upon an invulnerable ground. We must believe that he is dubious of the sincerity of the Examiner, who, in the fiery career of folly and ingratitude, may take an advantage, and bring forward the contents of that letter against its author, although it has such a strong appearance of serving their cause. He may suppose, that it will endeavour to de- stroy that fair fame, of which Mr. B. has so re- peatedly assured us; he is in possession. But this, we hope, may not happen. We should be sorry, for his sake, if it was.
With respect to that part, in the above let- ter, which advises us not "to pursue the al- tercation further," what follows will show whether it was the intention of the editors of the Recorder, again to stem the torrent of in- solent and unjust power. Of what avail can be the exertion of only two individuals, when it is the wish of a republican majority, that the lives of the people of this country should lie at the mercy of a few bravados; men who practice the art of firing at a mark, and which forms the only real business of their lives? It is impossible, you know, to make any sort of impression against savage horde. It is to little purpose that memorials are presented to assemblies, when those assemblies are formed chiefly with the counterpart to such materials. Nor would the most energetic, or masterly eloquence, that ever came from the mouth of a Demosthenes, make the least penetration on beings, who could support with arrogance and brutality, those crimes, against which God and nature cries aloud for vengeance.
It was understood, by the writer of this ar- ticle, that an application had been made to his partner, from a person interested in the late unhappy duel. The purport of this applica- tion was, to request us not to say any thing more respecting that affair; and he declared that his interest would induce the Examiner to do the same. We were the more led to give up to this request, inasmuch as it was represented to us, that by so doing, it would ameliorate the passions and folly of some mad-brained individuals, and induce that
re- storation of harmony to this city, for which all civilized society does most devoutly wish, and should enjoy. To convince Mr. B. of this our intention, to stand to our part of the promise, not a word was said in the following Recorder upon that subject. The conclusion of the memorial, as presented to the last assem- bly, could not be omitted in that publication, because the first part of it had been printed in the preceding one, and of course was to be continued. But we did not insert one word respecting the late duel. Nor should the me- morial have been inserted, but under such cir- cumstances. Not so was the conduct of the Examiner, in this business. In that day's pub- lication, appeared a whole page of fabulous stories relating to the duel, of which we had promised to take no notice; and of which it is believed, they had promised to follow our example.
This is merely mentioned, to shew Mr. B. that we did not mean to "pursue the al- tercation further." The world had enough of a subject upon the perpetration and deed of a wretched crime, for which Richmond society has had no justice done her, there is but one voice and one mind with good men upon the transaction of Skelton's affair; and it is not of any use to say more, after our saying and proving so much.
But we shall drop this subject, from very different motives than those of agreeing to at- tach the idea of innocence to the act of wilful murder. We drop it, for the present, with a firm conviction, that the time will arrive, when the citizens of the United States shall be no longer duped by the NAME of republica- nism ; when they will no longer suffer igno- rance and folly to trample on all laws, human and divine; and when those men, who respect the feelings, the rights, and liberties of a na- tion, shall be chosen by the voice of a free and enlightened people.
That day's Examiner did not merely bring forward a false and indicative account of the late duel; but it plunged itself into the most violent attack on one of the editors of this pa- per. It set out with asserting a notorious falsehood, and having so begun, it was natural that nothing else could be expected to the end of the journey. It set out with saying, that "it is seldom that we notice any thing which appears in the Recorder." The falsity of this assertion is too well known to the public, to require one word from us in contradiction.
The writer of this article perfectly agrees in sentiment with Mr. Banks, that the public expects from his partner-editor, "not only in- formation, concerning the political state of things, but likewise a display of talents which he is well known to possess, in an eminent degree." It was from a presump- tion and confidence of his abilities, that the senior editor of this paper took Mr. C. into a partnership with himself, and I hope and trust, that our subscribers can say, they have not the least cause of complaint on that head. All personal altercation cannot be more de- fied by Mr. Banks, than by ourselves. It has not been courted by us. We hope, there- fore, that the good understanding of the citi- zens of this state will set them against a con- duct so fulsome and uninteresting; that they will encourage only those papers which shall energetically discuss upon the character and conduct of men in power; and shew the treach- ery of those, whose only aim and interest is to deceive a people, and enrich themselves.
We have only further to say, that we do not take the above advice from Mr. Banks in any other way than what he could wish. His abilities are already acknowledged, and when he says, that "it is not his design to ask for any exemption, provided you meditate to involve me in the dispute with Mr. Jones," we cannot suppose that he means to attach his political fame to that of Mr. Jones's, or that he wishes to throw to us the gauntlet of defiance.
PHILADELPHIA, April, 23.
THE
BLESSINGS OF THE KINE-POCK AMONG THE INDIANS.
Extract of a letter from the rev. Dr. Ganti chaplain of congress, dated the 28th ult. to Dr. Waterhouse.
"I inoculated 12 of the Miami In- dians at the request of their chief, and sup- plied them with matter. About two months after they left Washington, I received a letter from their interpreter, informing me that the matter proved active, and that 300 had been inoculated and gone well through it; and that by the time I could receive the letter, dou- ble that number would submit to inocu- lation; so that it is probable it will ex- tend through all the neighbouring tribes."
FROM THE CHARLESTON COURIER.
IT appears by a letter from Washing- ton, that the president had got certain assurances from the French govern- ment, that they had the greatest desire to culti- vate a good understanding with the Ame-
rican government, and that general Victor, who is to command in Louisiana, had received instructions from the first consul, to pursue conciliatory measures, such as would conduce to the harmony and mutual improvements of the laws, rights and the rights of both countries, and to respect the rights, territory and persons of the people of the United States. We hope, and we are sure, that there are none in the United States who would rejoice more sincerely than we could, see in a retrospect of the con- duct of the French government, and particularly in that of Bonaparte, any one case in which verbal or written engagements, or even oaths, have been observed with fidelity, to justify our go- vernment, however well disposed for peace, in submitting to be cajoled by his assurances; or to use the French cant, whenever they were injuring and insulting any nation, in the person of its ambassador, his perfect assurances of high consideration. For our part, we declare, that having viewed the whole of Bonaparte's conduct well en- ough, we think, to make a tolerable estimate of his character, we consider the very profession of friendship, he has made, as a certain assurance of his bad intentions. He must be but a pal- try politician, and little read indeed in the human heart, who will not be more startled at it as a sentence passed upon the country, than rejoice at it as an omen of peace. Let us see what grounds we have for faith in France! Oh! if we had but half the faith from righteous acts in Christ, that we have for fear in France, we might hope to call down protection and blessings from Heaven!
When the French entered Holland, they issued a proclamation to this ef- fect:
"We consider you as friends and al- lies; we restore you to freedom, we seek to inspire you with confidence" &c.
And in less than two years they receiv- ed the Dutch of fifty-five millions of dollars; of a whole province; of their strongest barrier towns, and of a seaport. They placed the country under military commissioners and confiscated to their own use the whole of the Belgian cler- gy property, to the amount of 250 millions of dollars. So that the freedom they gave that country, according to promise, was to free them of
$5,000,000
250,000,000
Dolls. 305 000,000
When they entered Franconia, a pro- clamation, calling on the people for con- fidence, with other certain assurances, went before the army. And a volume is published in German, and translated into all the languages in Europe, of their murders, pillage, exactions and enormities.
In Lombardy, Bonaparte issued a pro- clamation.
"Nations of Italy, the French army is come to break your chains. The French are the friends of the people in every country. Your property, your customs shall be respected."
(Signed)
BONAPARTE.
In Milan he published another.
"Respect for property and personal security; respect for the religion of countries; these are our sentiments."
(Signed)
BONAPARTE.
Now, let us see how he made good all this! From the Milinese, a very small state, he at once exacted a contribu- tion of twenty millions of livres, or one million pounds of money; and after- wards other successive exactions to the amount of six millions pounds sterling. The churches were given up to plunder; every religious fund and every public treasure was confiscated; and the coun- try was made one scene of rapine and disorder. At Pavia, a garrison of French troops, left by Bonaparte, having wan- tonly destroyed the tomb of St. Augus- tin, which the inhabitants had always re- ligiously venerated, they collected around and took the garrison prisoners, but care-

fully abstained from offering violence to a single soldier. Bonaparte marched back and carried military execution over the whole country, burnt the town of Benasco, and put 800 of its inhabitants to death in cold blood, and then marching to Pavia, took it by storm and massacred the inhabitants.
Bonaparte signed a treaty with the duke of Modena, promising neutrality on the payment of twelve millions of livres. When that was paid, he arrested the duke and extorted from him 200,000 sequins; on this another treaty was signed called a convention de Surete, which of course was followed by fresh violations and exactions.
In breach of the treaty and rights of neutrality, he took possession of Leghorn to seize the British property lying there, and he made the duke of Tuscany pay the expence of his army marching thither.
When he entered the territories of Venice, he issued according to custom, a proclamation of certain assurance—
'Bonaparte to the republic of Venice.'
'It is to deliver the first country in Europe from the iron yoke of the proud house of Austria, the French army has come, &c. &c. Religion, government, customs and property shall be respected, all provided for the army shall be paid in money.'
This, like every other, was followed by infamous exactions. He established democracy, and with the new government made a treaty, by which money and naval stores to the amount of six millions of livres, and three ships of the line were given to him, in return for which he gave them certain assurances of friendship. This he performed in his own way, by handing them over in four months after, by the treaty of Campo Formio, to the iron yoke of the proud house of Austria.
In Egypt, his proclamation run thus.
'In the name of God, merciful and gracious—There is no God but God. He has no son or associate in his kingdom * * * *'
'The French adore the Supreme Being and honour the prophet and his koran.'
'The French are true Musselmans, not long since they marched to Rome and overthrew the pope, who excited Christians against Islam (Mahometanism.)'
He returns home, establishes popery, and at a solemn mass held on the occasion, in the face of that world who knew of his pretending to be a musselman, he takes the sacrament of the Lord's supper, as by Christ ordained, according to the rituals of the church of Rome. Infamous, abominable blasphemy!
After this authentic detail, are we justified in casting off all confidence in such a man's professions? Or will our executive be justified in reposing any confidence in them.
We are aware, because we hear it every day, and see it before us, that many men are obstinately averse to war, and would maintain peace at any rate; but have those persons duly considered war or peace in all their bearings and relations? War is a thing that relates to society, not to individuals, and if individual feelings or private self interest enter into the composition of a man's thoughts on these subjects, they cannot be correct. We must often venture like to save it, and to render it more secure, and to make it worth the having; and many men have lost their ALL by being afraid to venture ALL in its defence. One has a land speculation; another a commercial one. One is afraid that land will fall; another that insurance will rise. But this does not alter the real nature of the question; the question of war or peace extends to whole countries, empires, and regions. These see no further than the fence of their own estates, or the walls of their own warehouses; but let them put this question to their minds and hearts; and as they themselves are not concerned, perhaps their
judgment will not be warped, and they answer it fairly: would it not have been better for the places which I have mentioned to have risen en masse , opposed Bonaparte, and run the hazard of all the grievances, murders, oppressions, extortions, and plunder of war, in an honourable resistance, with a chance of succeeding, than endure them, as they did, with all the ignominy and infamy of cowardly, base submission; to arrogant, barefaced imposture; and surely it speaks enough of Bonaparte. What can we say; what could Shakespeare, Milton, and all the poets in one, imagine of arrogant imposture worse than his having the impudence, after what he has done, to hold out the language of promise and expect to have it believed. Alas, alas, farewell the dignity of manhood, it has surely fled from the earth, when the most that we can say under oppression, is "Let me, oh let me die in peace."
P. S. Does Bonaparte say a word about our right at New-Orleans. His assurances are a declaration that right does not exist. Having used the word oath in the outset of this writing, we think it right to observe, that Bonaparte, with his arms, imposed on the people and swore fidelity to that constitution, which he afterwards put down.
POLITICAL REVIEW.
From the London Oracle, of Feb. 4.
NOW, that Europe enjoys (by the blessings of Providence) some repose, a breathing time at least, from the dreadful work of carnage, and the destruction of the human species, the eyes of every politician are attracted to St. Domingo, now almost the only theatre of war. This island presents circumstances of peculiar interest to those, who look with philosophic and expanded views upon the great event and changes which take place upon the globe. This is an island favored by nature, more, perhaps, than any other which she raised above the ocean. In size, it is not much inferior to England, but in fertility of soil, incomparably superior. To any person who is acquainted with the riches, which its soil and climate produce, we will appear to state it very much within bounds, when we say, that upon an average one acre of ground in St. Domingo is capable of producing at least three times as much to the general stock, as one acre in England; and as produce and population nearly keep pace, we may therefore assert, that St. Domingo is capable of containing a much greater number of inhabitants than Great Britain herself. Its plains are the most productive and fertile which are known upon the earth, and its mountains, if we believe the histories of its first conquerors, are rich in precious mines. Such is St. Domingo by nature. We have now to consider what it has suffered from Europe. It was unfortunately the first country of the western world discovered by Columbus, and by him surrendered to European avarice, to European cruelty. When he discovered it, the Spanish historians say (and surely they have no interest in exaggerating the truth) that it contained a population of several millions, rich and happy. The mines, which since the discovery of Mexico and Peru have been abandoned, were then an abundant source of wealth. How has this fine island since suffered in the hands of barbarians , who, amidst the destruction and ruin of every thing which forms a nation, or which gives pleasure to the philanthropic bosom, have still the effrontery to call themselves the only civilized people on earth! The cruelties which were exercised on the original natives of St. Domingo, by the Spaniards, with the extirpation of their race, are related by their own historians, by the bishop Chiapa himself, who was an eye witness. Hitherto it has been the fashion to cry out, when speaking upon this subject, it is impossible! the humanity and religion of the good bishop prejudiced his mind: no nation could be so wicked as to extirpate, in cold blood, the inhabitants of a great country. Blush humanity and science, blush ye hypocriti-
cal and pretended refiners of the 19th century! This age, forsooth, is too enlightened to commit such horrors as the bishop de Chiapa has related, respecting the extirpation of the original natives. Mark the conduct of its present sovereigns! As the Spaniards, in former times, coolly calculated, that it was more to their advantage to extirpate the original natives, and substitute negro slaves in their place; so certain great men in France have now calculated, that it is better to extirpate the negro population, and substitute a French population in its place. Is evidence wanting of this disposition? The last American papers have told us of 2000 doubtful negroes at the Cape being despatched into the sea.
When such is the acknowledged system of carrying on a war, it is in vain for us to pretend that the humanity of the 19th century is much greater than the humanity of those nations which the Europeans have extirpated as cannibals. Without therefore pretending to give a name to that total absence of the feelings of humanity, which allows a strong and conquering nation, in its rage for colonization, to cut down a people with a wood, we shall adventure a speculation on the consequence of the present conduct of the French, with respect of the island of St. Domingo.
The expedition which was sent from France last year, for the reduction of that island, was extremely well planned. The troops arrived there by the beginning of February, and had two months of mild weather to push their attack against the army of Toussaint, which were sufficient to drive the negro armies completely out of the field. If any conciliatory scheme could then have been devised, there is no doubt but the colony of St. Domingo would have returned completely into the possession of France, and soon regained its original splendor and importance. This, however, could not satisfy the rulers of France. Unused to resistance, they wished to place the negroes in their former state of slavery. This could never be acquiesced in by men who had some knowledge of military discipline, and inaccessible mountains to retire to. The war recommenced, and a summer campaign in St. Domingo was found to be destructive to the French army. The negroes had then no occasion to use the sword, the climate destroyed the invading army. It is necessary to consider the event of the last campaign in St. Domingo, to form a proper judgment of the probable results of the next campaign.
In a letter from Havre, we are told of very great force being destined to this island; but it must always be remembered that the average passage to St. Domingo is at least two months, and that those troops which do not arrive there before the month of April, cannot pretend to act offensively. It is of no consequence, whether their number be ten thousand or fifty thousand; no European constitution can bear a summer campaign among the West-Indian Mornes. The army, even when still at the Cape, must encounter, what is still more terrible than the sword, the dreadful malady of the country. But even suppose it were possible, for the French government (by sending legion after legion and army after army) to extirpate the negro population of the island, let us now calculate what mighty advantages it would derive from this conquest. In order to extirpate the 400,000 black men, women and children, which are now upon the island, it would probably cost them an equal number of Frenchmen, which would certainly be paying a very high price for the island of St. Domingo. Suppose again, that the French government is willing to purchase it on those terms, how many years must pass away, what capital must be expended, before St. Domingo shall recover the importance it held as a colony before the revolution? If it be intended to cultivate it by Frenchmen instead of slaves, who has calculated the millions that will fall before that sickness, by which nature seems
to have defended this country against European crimes! Will the French empire gain by the conquest, or will the value of St. Domingo repay the purchase of it?
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Monday, February 28.
THE PRINCE OF WALES.
Mr. Tyrwhitt said, he had the honor to address the house on a subject of great importance, namely, a command from his royal highness the prince of Wales, to make the following communication, which he immediately read.
That the prince has felt with the most sincere and affectionate gratitude, the gracious purpose of his majesty, in recommending his present situation to the consideration of parliament.—That having seen by the votes of the house of commons, the manner in which they have received his majesty's recommendation, the prince deems it incumbent on him to express his warmest acknowledgment of their liberality; at the same time, the prince, though fully convinced of the propriety of resuming his state, and greatly regretting the circumstance which tends to disappoint the wishes of his majesty, or of the house upon that subject, yet feels himself bound explicitly to declare, that there are still claims remaining upon his honor and his justice, for the discharge of which, he must continue to set apart, in trust, a large sinking fund, and consequently postpone, until the period of their liquidation, the resumption of that state and dignity which, however essential to his rank and station, he knows, from dear bought experience, could not, under his present circumstances, be resumed without the risk of incurring new difficulties.
The prince thinks that he owes it to himself, and to parliament, to make this declaration to them, with the same distinctness as he stated it to his majesty's government, upon the first communication made to him of his majesty's benign intention.
With respect to the prince's claim to an account of the revenues which accrued from the Duchy of Cornwall, from the year 1762, to 1783, however strong his confidence in the validity of his claim, a confidence fortified by the strongest legal authorities, yet as he trusts, that through the gracious interposition of his majesty, and the liberality of parliament, he shall be enabled otherwise to provide for those demands on his justice, which alone induced him to assert his right, he now cheerfully relinquishes his suit, and has directed his law officers to forego all further proceedings.
Mr. Calcraft said, it was his intention on Friday next, (if that day would suit the chancellor of the exchequer) to submit to the house a motion relative to the affairs of the prince of Wales, the object of which would be, to enable his royal highness to resume his state and splendor immediately.
Mr. Erskine observed, that any motion of a tendency similar to that just specified, was entirely without the privilege of the prince of Wales.
W. Calcraft said, he had no authority for it, but he was actuated by his own feelings; and knowing the prince ought to enjoy his proper dignity he would at the time before mentioned, submit the motion, if that day would suit the chancellor of the exchequer.
The chancellor of the exchequer assented. Mr. Sheridan moved, that the communication of his royal highness the prince of Wales should be entered on the journals.
Ordered.
The chancellor of the exchequer moved, that it should be an instruction to the gentlemen appointed to bring in the bill relative to the affairs of his royal highness the prince of Wales, to make provision for the repeal of so much of the act of the 35th of his present majesty, as related to the application of the sum of 13,000l. annually out of the revenues of the Duchy of Cornwall, towards discharging the debts incurred by the prince of Wales.