The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1805-06-11 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM... (PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 10.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 11, 1805.
[VOLUME 2.]
Richmond Prices Current.
   D. C. D. C.     TOBACCO : 5 50 a 6   FLOUR : Superfine : 9 50 a 10   " middlings : 9 a 9 50   WHEAT : 1 a 1 75   INDIAN CORN : 5 a 5 25   WHISKEY : 50 a 60   BACON : 15 a   HEMP : 180 a 200   BAR IRON : 110 a  
FOR CHERBOURG, The copper-bottomed ship MAR- THA, Capt. PETRIE, burthen about 650 hds. having two thirds her cargo now engaged, is expected to sail about the 15th July, and will take 100 or 150 hds. tobacco on a moderate freight. For terms apply to JOHN NEWELL, Jr. Norfolk, or BROWN, RIVES & Co. Richmond. (ep4w)
FOR SALE, A VALUABLE tract of Land containing about six hundred acres, lying within seven miles of the town of Staunton, in the county of Augusta. A- bout an hundred and fifty acres are cleared, and in good condition for farming, which includes an excel- lent meadow of about twenty-four acres, and nearly, or quite as much more may be made. The improvements are, two good log dwelling houses, with stone chimneys, near a large and never failing spring of excellent limestone water; a large and convenient barn; and a tolerable apple orchard, which seldom fails bearing.
This farm is conveniently situated, lies well for cul- tivation, well timbered, and in a good neighbour- hood. It is generally supposed, by the best farmers, to be as valuable as any other of its size, within a con- siderable distance of Staunton, and reasonably worth eight thousand dollars, prompt payment. However, if an early application be made, it may be purchased for a less sum, and the purchaser accommodated as to the time which will be given for the payment of more than half the price. If the whole of the purchase money is tendered at the time of making the convey- ance, or giving possession, it may be had for ten dol- lars per acre, which very little (if any) exceeds two thirds of its value. This property is certainly an ob- ject worthy the attention of any person who may be disposed to possess a productive farm in this part of the country. For further information apply to the subscriber residing in Staunton, who will show the land. CHESLEY KINNEY. (ep3w.)
JUST RECEIVED, And for sale at the Book-store of JACOB JOHN- SON, Richmond: A Few copies of Gibson's History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, a new and e- legant American edition, 8 vols. 22 00 Robertson's Charles 5th, 3 vols. with plates, 7 50 Pleasures of Imagination, 75 Printing file. The Original Durable Ink, for writing on linen with a pen, which nothing will discharge without destroy- ing the linen—price 25 cents per vial. Cash will be given for Clean Linen and Cotton Rags, at the above place. May 31. (9t)
A TRACT OF LAND. JOHN GILMER, wishes to sell a tract of land, consisting of 350 acres, lying within half a mile of Charlottesville. Any person wishing to purchase, may see the land, and know the terms by applying to him in that place. June 4. (1a w8w.)
FOR SALE OR LEASE: THAT Large and convenient TAVERN, situated in the centre of the town of Lynchburg, at the corner of the street leading to the court-house and jail, and not more than thirty yards from both, oppo- site Lynch's ware-house and the street leading from the ferry in the fair town. The Tavern contains four rooms and a bar on the first floor, including two very large rooms suitable for a ball and dining room, with a sliding partition to the ball room. The second floor contains six rooms, one the size of the ball room and the others suitable for lodging rooms, with an ex- cellent garret. This Tavern has a large portion of the full length of the house, also a good dry cellar, and a well opposite the door, together with a kitchen, smoke-house, dairy and a stable with twenty-two stalls therein, with a spacious garden and yard leading to the stable. Other improvements will be made to suit the purchaser or lessee. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, or lay more as to the advantage arising from its central and eligible stand for a Tavern, as it is presumed no person would be inclined to purchase or lease the a- bove property without viewing the premises, there- being no doubt but they would be better satisfied after seeing the convenient situation, than any information they could get from this advertisement. A lib- eral credit will be given any person desirous of the purchase or an advantageous lease. For further particulars, apply to William Rose, jun. Richmond, or the subscriber, residing about three miles from Lynchburg. SAMUEL SCOTT. April 30.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of the late Rev. Robert Ware, dec'd. of Middle- sex county, are desired to bring them forward, prop- erly authenticated, on or before the first day of Sep- tember next, otherwise this advertisement will be plead in bar against all claims exhibited, after that time; as the subscriber is desirous to close his admin- istration account as soon as possible. EDWARD WARE, Administrator with the will annexed. Essex, May 31. (ep1m)
TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. AWAY from the subscriber, a negro wench, named NANCY, with a boy child about nine months old. She is a very black, stout wench, who has a very bad burn on the right side of her face, which injures one of her eyes. I bought her of Lan- dence Ashton in King George County, and she will endeavor to get there again. She got away about six miles from Hanover court house. She had on a striped home spun habit and a hat. She has very thick lips. I will give the above reward to any per- son that will deliver said wench and child to me, liv- ing in Greenfield County in Virginia, near Belfield town, or secure her in any jail so that I get her a- gain. LITTLETON SIMS. May 31. (3t. 9)
THE subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public at large, that he has obtained a commission for the exercise of the duties of a NOTA- RY PUBLIC, in and for this city; and that any bus- iness committed to him shall meet with prompt dis- patch. SAMUEL MCRAE. May 21. (it)
ELLIS & ALLAN Have received by the Rolls from London, part of their  SPRING GOODS, amongst which are the following articles: 4 Quiltings and Dimities, Handsome fashionable worked & laced Mullins, 8-4, 8-4 and 10-4 Diapers, 8-4, 8-4 and 10-16 Damask Table Cloths, Gentlemen's white and brown Cotton Stockings, Ladies' elegant laced white do. Do. Tortoise-shell bent and braid Combs, Chintzes, Calicoes and Furniture Gentlemen's black fashionable Hats, Do. drab beaver do. Do. patent silk do. Umbrellas, Boy's Morocco Caps, plain and furr'd, Best Hemp Ropes, English White Lead, Spanish Brown, Yellow Ochre, ground in oil, and Verdigris, Fruition and Fig Blue, Best Boiled Oil in jars, Durham Mustard, &c. &c. Which, added to their present stock, and those ex- pected (daily) from Liverpool, will render their as- sortment general. May 7. (ep1f)
WILLIAM TEMPLE Has imported in the ship Rolls, Captain Cottle, from London—An Extensive Assortment of  SPRING & SUMMER GOODS, which he of- fers for sale on liberal terms, by Wholesale and Retail.—And by the ship Shepperd, from Liver- pool, daily expected, he will receive a very extensive and general assortment of HARDWARE & CUT- LERY. April 30. (ep6w)
THE SUBSCRIBER BEGS leave to inform his friends, and the public in general, that he has leased of Capt. Samuel Ellis, for a term of years, his white house at Rock- ets, nearly opposite Mrs. Sarah Lester's lower Wharfs; where he purposes carrying on the COM- MISSION BUSINESS in its various branches. Mer- chants of this place, who are in the habit of making shipments, may frequently be furnished with good & substantial vessels to transport their commodities, by application to him. Those who may be pleased to employ him in this line of business, may rest themselves assured that every exertion in his power will be made, to render gen- eral satisfaction. He expects to be in the habit of receiving a very considerable quantity of Lumber of all kinds, suitable to this market, particularly half and three quarters inch Shingles, one hundred thousand of the former he imagines will be up in the course of ten or fourteen days, which will be sold on terms not displeasing to the purchasers. Bacon, &c. will also be received by him. EDWARD FAULCON. May 31. (9 eptm.)
BROKER'S OFFICE. THE Subscriber has opened a Broker's Office, opposite the Union Tavern, and over the Counting-house of Thomas and Amos Ladd. All business confided to him, will be transacted with strict fidelity. THOMAS NORVELL. He has for sale—A FEW SHARES IN THE MANCHESTER TURNPIKE. Also—Old State Certificates, bearing six per cent interest. March 12. (if)
MILITARY CERTIFICATES. FOR SALE, Certificates of this state, bearing in- terest of 6 per cent. and receivable at the Treas- ury, for all arrearages of taxes, prior to the year 1798. WILLIAM PRICE, Cashr. Genl. M. A. S. May 10. (tf)
NEAL NELSON,  BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND. MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fash- ion, equal in point of MA- TERIALS and WORKMAN- SHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a dis- tance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were on the spot. A—the length of the Boot. B—round the Calf. B—the pitch of ditto. D—round the heel and instep. E—round the instep. G—across the ball of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the dif- ferent measures. January 1. (ep1f)
[BY AUTHORITY.]  RICHMOND ACADEMY LOTTERY.  CLASS No. II. 4000 Tickets at 10 dollars each, dolls. 40000 1 Prize of dolls. 10000 1 of 5000 5 of 1000 20 of 500 50 of 100 50 of 50 100 of 25 227 40000 Fifth drawn ticket after 500 are drawn, 500 after 1000 500 after 1500 500 after 2000 1000 after 2500 1000 after 3000 1000 after 3500 1000 after 3950 10000 The above Lottery will certainly commence drawing the first Monday in November, or sooner, if the tickets are sold. May 21. 3.
TO BE SOLD, To the highest bidder, on the premises, on the last Saturday in June next. SO much of the LAND, whereon John Kelso lives, in the county of Cumberland, late the property of Peter Francisco, as will pay the bal- ance claimed of him, by Samuel G. Adams, of £. 160, with its interest, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to me, by the said Peter Francis- co, for that purpose. CREED TAYLOR, Trustee. May 17. (eptu3)
DURR MILL STONES, OF ALL SIZES; and  PLASTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, BOX 24, 18, 10, 12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30, 32, 34, 36, 38, 40, 42, 44, 46, 48, 50, 52, 54, 56, 58, 60, 62, 64, 66, 68, 70, 72, 74, 76, 78, 80, 82, 84, 86, 88, 90, 92, 94, 96, 98, 100. WILLIAM DAVIDSON. near the Market. Dec. 4. (ep1f)
Sales at Auction. On Wednesday morning next, at 10 o'clock, will be held at Messrs. Craddock and Brown's lumber- house at Rockets: 50 Hlds. Prime MOLASSES; 5 — Northern RUM; 25 Barrels Do. 40 Hlds. 3d Pr. of, West-India RUM, of good quality; and 10 Tons IRON of superior quality. For approved secured notes, negotiable in the Bank of Virginia, on 90 days. PROSSER & MONCURE, v. m's. June 7.
BENJAMIN DU VAL, AT THE SIGN OF THE GOLDEN MORTAR, RICHMOND. HAS just received a very large and extensive as- sortment of fresh MEDICINES, SURGEON'S INSTRUMENTS, DRUGS AND DYE-STUFFS, PAINTS of all kinds, OIL, VARNISHES, PUT- TY, &c. Also a complete assortment of  HATTERS' MATERIALS, consisting of Hatters' Irons Crude Tartar Logwood Bafoin Irons Copperas Bow-Strings Virdegreafe Linings Fustick Galesons Spanish Indigo Taffel Bands Oil of Vitriol Rubbing Dishes Ag. Fortis Stampers Quickilver Trenchers, &c.
Which added to his former stock, completes an as- sortment that was never equalled in his line of busi- ness, in this city. He thanks his customers for past favors, and hopes to merit a continuation of their custom. His former attention to the quality of his Medicines, importing them in their crude state, that he might be able to judge of their quality, and powdering and preparing them under his immediate inspection, have contributed to his present establishment; and opposition he pre- sumes will not relax his exertions to give general satis- faction in future. His experience for more than 12 years past, as Ap- othecary and Druggist in this city, added to a small stock of Medical Information acquired before, enables him, he thinks, to form a tolerably correct judgment as to the quality of Drugs and Medicines, although he cannot boast of talents conferred on him, greater than the confidence of numerous and respectable custom- ers. In regard to his wholesale prices, he promises to furnish each of his wholesale customers with a printed price current, as soon as possible, and feels himself con- fident in their approbation, knowing that no one in this state can afford to under-sell him. This he in- tends to do, not to get others' customers from them, but to secure his own. Any articles that may be ordered, and not approved of as to quality, may be returned if in good order, and in a reasonable time. June 7. (3w&tf)
WANTED IMMEDIATELY, A QUANTITY of SENNA or Rattle-Snake Root, and the Virginia or Black-Snake Root; for which liberal prices will be given. BENJAMIN DU VAL. June 7. (cp 6t.)
LAND FOR SALE. THE subscribers living in this place, have for sale, a tract of LAND lying in the county of Loui- sa, and adjoining Yanceyville, containing two hundred and fourteen, and one half acres more or less; the land is well timbered, and the same which was sold under a deed of trust from Francis Lockett, dec'd. A credit of one year will be given the purchaser on securing the payment, bearing interest from the date, if not punctually paid. LYLL & MOREDIE. Manchester, June 7. (ep 3w.)
MOUNT SIGN FOR SALE. THE subscriber offers for sale, his Plantation in North- umberland county, known by the name of MOUNT SIGN. The above tract contains about 500 acres, all of which is equal to any land in that part of the country for fertility of soil, and has every requisite to make it a desirable situation for a genteel family. There is on the land an excellent brick dwelling house, with every conven- ient out house; it is situated on the navigable waters of the Potomac, and commands an elegant view of the river; it is very convenient to fish, oysters, &c. and is within one day's sail of Alexandria, Norfolk, and Baltimore. Terms of the sale will be made known by applying to Mr. Henry Dull, who resides on the land, or to the sub- scriber. JESSELL JONES. May 3. (epf.)
Plendings of Council, ON THE  IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21. [Mr. Hopkins in continuation.]
What part of the constitution then declares any of the acts charged, and proved upon Judge Chase, even in the worst aspect, to be im- peachable? He has not been guilty of bribery or corruption; he is not charged with them. Has he then been guilty of "other high crimes and misdemeanors?" In an instrument so far- cased as the constitution, I presume every word must have its full and fair meaning. It is not then only for crimes and misdemeanors that a judge is impeachable, but it must be for high crimes and misdemeanors. Although this quali- fying adjective "high," immediately precedes and is directly attached to the word "crimes," yet from the evident intention of the constitu- tion and upon a just grammatical construction, it must be also applied to "misdemeanors." The repetition of this adjective would have impaired the harmony of the sentence without admitting any thing to its perspicuity. How would this be in common parlance? Suppose it should be said that at this trial there are at- tending many ladies and gentlemen. Would it be doubted that the adjective many applies to gentlemen as well as ladies, although not re- peated. Or if there is any thing peculiar in this word "high," I will suppose it were said that among the auditors there are men of high rank and station. Would it not be as well understood as if it were said that men of high rank and high station are here?—There is surely no difference. So in the constitution it is said, that "a regular statement of the re- ceipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time." Is not the account to be regular as well as the state- ment? I should have deemed it unnecessary to have spent a word in so plain a point, had I not understood that a difficulty would proba- bly be made upon it. If my construction of this part of the constitution be not admitted, & the adjective "high" be given exclusively to "crimes" and denied to "misdemeanors," this strange ab- surdity must ensue. That when an officer of the government is impeached for a crime, he can- not be convicted unless it proves to be a high crime—but he may nevertheless be convicted of a misdemeanor of the most petty grade. Observe, fir, the crimes with which these "o- ther high crimes," are classed in the constitution, and we may learn something of their character. They stand in connection with "bribery and corruption;" tried in the same manner and sub- jected to the same penalties. But if we are to lose the force and meaning of the word "high" in relation to misdemeanors, and this discrip- tion of offences must be governed by the mere meaning of the term "misdemeanors," without deriving any grade from the adjective, still my position remains unimpaired, that the offence, whatever it is, which is the ground of impeach- ment, must be such an one as would support an indictment. "Misdemeanors," is a legal and technical term, well understood and defined in law; and in the construction of a legal instru- ment we must give the words their legal signifi- cations. A misdemeanor or a crime, for in their just and proper acceptance they are syn- onymous terms, is an act committed or omitted in violation of public law, either forbidding or commanding it. By this test let the conduct of the respondent be tried, and by it, let him stand justified or condemned.
Does not, fir, the court, provided by the constitution for the trial of an impeachment, give us some idea of the grade of offences in- tended for its jurisdiction? Look around you, fir, upon this awful tribunal of justice—is it not high and dignified, collecting within itself the justice and majesty of the American people? Was such a court created—does such a court fit to scan and punish petty errors and indis- cretions too insignificant to have a name in the penal code, too paltry for the notice of a court of quarter sessions? This is indeed employing an elephant to remove an atom too minute for the grasp of an insect. Is the senate of the U- nited States solemnly convened and held to- gether in the presence of the nation to fix a stain- der of politicians in a judge, and mark the precepts of judicial decorum? The honorable gentleman who opened the prosecution (Mr. Randolph) has contended for a contrary doc- trine, and held that many things are impeach- able that are not indictable. To illustrate his position he stated the cases of habitual drunken- ness and profane swearing on the bench, which he held to be objects of impeachment and not of indictment. I do not desire to oppose my opinions on this court as of any value. But surely I could not hesitate to say that both of the cases put by the gentleman would be indictable. Is there not known to us a class of offences, not provided for indeed by the letter of any statute, but which come under the general pro- tection which the law gives to virtue, decency and morals in society. Any act which is contra bonos mores is indictable as such. And it is so, not by act of Congress, but by the pure and wholesome mandates of that common law, which some men would madly drive from our jurisprudence, but which I most sincerely pray may live forever.
If I am correct in my position that nothing is impeachable that is not also indictable, for what acts then may a man be indicted? May it be on the mere caprice or opinion of any ten, twenty or one hundred men in the community; or must it not be on some known law of the society in which he resides? It must unques- tionably be for some offence either of omission or commission against some statute of the United States—or some statute of a particular state, or against the provision of the common law. A- gainst which of these has the respondent offend- ed? What law of any of the descriptions I have mentioned has he violated? By what is he to be judged, by what is he to be justified or condemned, if not by some known law of the country? & if no such law is brought upon him in judgment against him, why stands he here at this bar as a criminal? Whom has he offend- ed? The House of Representatives—and is he impeachable for this? I maintain as a most important and indispensable principle, that no man should be criminally accused, no man can be criminally condemned but for the violation of some known law by which he was bound to govern himself. Nothing is so necessary to jus- tice and to safety as that the criminal code should be certain and known. Let the judge, as well as the citizen, precisely know the path he is to walk in, & what he may or may not do. Let not the sword tremble over his unconscious head, or the ground be spread with quicklands and destruction, which appear fair and harm- less to the eye of the traveller. Can it be pretend- ed there is one rule of justice for a judge and another for a private citizen: and that while the latter is protected from surprise, from the malice or caprice of any man or body of men, and can be brought into legal jeopardy only by the violation of laws before made known to him, the latter is to be exposed to punishment with- out knowing his offence, and the criminality or innocence of his conduct is to depend not upon the law existing at the time, but upon the opin- ions of a body of men to be collected four or five years after the transaction? A judge may thus be impeached and removed from office for an act strictly legal, when done, if any House of Representatives for any indefinite time after, shall for any reason they may act upon, choose to consider such act improper and impeachable. The constitution, fir, never intended to lay the judiciary thus prostrate at the feet of the House of Representatives, the slaves of their will, the victims of their caprice. The judiciary must be protected from prejudice and varying opinion, or it is not worth a farthing. Suppose a grand jury should make a present- ment against a man; stating that most truly he had violated no law or committed any known offence; but he had violated their notions of common sense, for this was the standard of impeachment the gentlemen who opened gave it, he had shocked their nerves or wounded their sensibility. Would such a presentment be re- ceived or listened to for a moment? No, fir— And on the same principle, no judge should be put in jeopardy because the common sense of one hundred and fifty men might approve what is thus condemned, and the rule of right, the objects of punishment or praise, would thus shift about from day to day. Are we to depend upon the House of Representatives for the innocence or criminality of our con- duct? Can they create offences at their will and pleasure—and declare that to be a crime in 1804 which was an inoffence or pardonable error, or perhaps an approved proceeding, in 1800? If this gigantic House of Representa- tives, by the usual vote and the usual forms of legislation, were to direct that any act not heret- ofore not forbidden by law, should hereafter be- come penal, this declaration of their will would be a mere nullity—would have no force and ef- fect, unless duly sanctioned by the senate and the approbation of the President. Will they then be allowed in the exercise of their power of impeachment, to create crimes and inflict the most serious penalties on actions never be- fore suspected to be criminal, when they could not have swelled the same act into an offence in the form of a law? If this be truly the case, if this power of impeachment may be thus extend- ed without limit or controul, then indeed is very valuable liberty prostrated at the foot of this omnipotent House of Representatives—and may God preserve us—the President may ap- prove and sign a law, or may make an appoint- ment which to him may seem prudent and ben- eficial, and it may be the general, may the uni- versal sentiment that it is so—and it is undeni- able that no law is violated by the act. But some four or five years hence there comes a House of Representatives whose common sense is constructed on a new model, and who either are or effect to be greatly shocked at the atro- city of this act. The President is impeached— in vain he pleads the purity of his intention, the legality of his conduct; in vain he avers that he has violated no law and been guilty of no crime. He will be told, as judge Chase now is, that the common sense of the House is the standard of guilt, and their opinion of the error of the act, conclusive evidence of corruption. We have read, fir, in our younger days, and read with horror, of the Roman Emperor who placed his edicts so high in the air that the keen- est eye could not decipher them, and yet se- verely punished any breach of them. But the power claimed by the House of Representa- tives to make anything criminal at their plea- sure, at any period after its occurrence, is ten thousand times more dangerous, more tyrann- ical, more subversive of all liberty and safety. Shall I be called to heavy judgement now for an act which when done, was forbidden by no law and received no reproach, because in a course of years there is found a set of men whose common sense condemns the deed? The gentlemen have referred us to this standard, & being under the necessity to acknowledge that the respondent has violated no law of the common- unity, they would on this vague and dangerous ground accuse, try and condemn him. The code of the Roman tyrant was fixed on the height of a column, where it might be under- stood with some extraordinary pains; but here to be safe, we must be able to look into years to come, and to foresee what will be the crani- opinions of men or points of decorum for years to come. The rule of our conduct by which we are to be judged and condemned, lies buried in the bosom of futurity, and in the minds and opinions of men unknown, perhaps, un- born.
The pure and upright administration of jus- tice, fir, is of

spring from the impulse of some sudden gust of passion or prejudice, while in the former it is systematically planned and pursued as an ingredient and principle of the government. The people destroy not deliberately and will return to reflection and justice, if passion is not kept alive and excited by artful intrigue, but while the fit is on, their devastation and cruelty is more terrible and unbounded than the most monstrous tyrant. It is for their own benefit and to protect them from the violence of their own passions that it is essential to have some firm, unshaken, independent, branch of government, able and willing to resist their phrensy—If we have read of the death of a Seneca under the ferocity of a Nero, we have read too of the murder of a Socrates under the delusion of a republic—An independent and firm judiciary protected and protected by the laws would have snatched the one from the fury of a despot and preserved the other from the madness of a people.
I have considered these observations on the necessary independence of the judiciary applicable and important to the case before this honorable court to repel the wild idea that a judge may be impeached and removed from office although he has violated no law of the country, but merely on the vague and changing opinions of right and wrong—propriety and impropriety of demeanor. For if this is to be the tenure on which a judge holds his office and character; if by such a standard his judicial conduct is to be adjudged criminal or innocent, there is an end to the independence of our judiciary. In opposition to this reasoning I have heard (not from the honorable managers) a sort of jargon about the sovereignty of the people, and that nothing in a republic should be independent of them—No phrase in our language is more abused or more misunderstood. The just and legitimate sovereignty of a people is truly an awful object, full of power and commanding respect. It consists in a full acknowledgment that all power originally emanates in some way from them, and that all responsibility is finally in some way due to them. And whether this is acknowledged or not, they have, if driven to the last resort, a physical force, to make it so—But, Sir, this sovereignty does not consist in a right to control or interfere with the regular and legal operations and functions of the different branches of the government at the will and pleasure of the people. Having delegated their power, having distributed it for various purposes into various channels, and directed its course by certain limits, they have no right to impede it while it flows in its intended directions—Otherwise we have no government—In like manner the officers of government are responsible in certain modes and at certain periods, for the exercise of their duties and powers—but the people have no right to make them accountable in any other manner or at any other period than that prescribed by the great compact of government—or constitution. Having parted with their power under certain regulations and restrictions, they are done with it—they are bound by their own act, and having retained and declared the manner in which they will correct abuses in office, they have no right to claim any other sort of responsibility—If this be not the case, what government have we? What rule of conduct? What system of association? None—But are truly in a state of savage anarchy and ruthless confusion; with all the vices incident to civilization without the restraints to control them.
Having discussed this necessary preliminary point as to what is or is not impeachable, I will proceed to a consideration of the charges now in issue between the respondent and the House of Representatives of the United States. It will be some relief to this honorable court to learn that for the expediting of this trial, and to avoid useless and irksome repetition, the counsel for the respondent have divided the articles of impeachment among themselves. I shall be happy to address you on the first article, which relates to the transactions at Philadelphia, on the trial of John Fries for high treason.
The gentleman (Mr. Early) who has offered you his observations on these articles of impeachment, appears to have grounded his argument, not on the evidence but on the articles. Supposing, perhaps, that they would be proved, he has taken it for granted that they have been proved, & has shaped his remarks accordingly. Had we filed a general demurrer to these charges, thereby admitting them as stated, the argument of the gentleman might have had the force and application he intended. But if I mistake not, the respondent has pleaded not guilty, and the case must therefore be decided by the amount of the evidence, and by the averments of the articles. I admit, indeed, that the honorable managers are put to some difficulty in this respect. They are under the necessity of making their election between the articles and the evidence as the foundation of their argument; for they are so totally dissimilar that they could not take them both: they meet in so few and such immaterial points, that no man can argue from them both for five sentences. This being the situation of the gentleman, he has thought proper to select the articles and the facts therein set forth as the foundation of his argument in defiance of the testimony. In the observations I shall have the honor to submit, I propose to take the evidence—my text and guide, and leave the articles, to shift for themselves under the care and patronage of our honorable opponents.
Upon reading this fit article of impeachment against the respondent, after a due degree of horror and indignation at the monstrous tyranny and oppression portrayed in it, the first question that would strike the mind of the enquirer would naturally be, when did this horrid transaction take place? When and where was it that Judge Chase thus persecuted an unfortunate wretch to the very brink of the grave, from which he was snatched by the interference of executive mercy, shocked at the injustice of his condemnation? When were the rights of juries and the privileges of counsel and their clients thus thrown down and prostrated at the feet of a cruel and inexorable judge? What would this enquirer think and believe on being informed that these atrocious outrages upon justice, law, and humanity, were perpetrated five years since? Why, and where has the justice of the country slumbered so long? What now awakens it from this lethargic sleep? Why has this monstrous offender so long escaped the punishment of his crimes? To what region of refuge did he fly? But will not surprise be greatly increased, when it is told that at the time of the trial of John Fries, this injured and oppressed man, at the very time when these crimes of the judge were committed, the Congress of the United States, the guardian of our lives and liberties, were actually in session in the very city where the deeds were done, and probably witnessed the whole transaction. I do not expect to be answered here, for I cannot suspect our honorable opponents of so much illiberality, that at that period the administration of our affairs was in the hands of the political friends of the judge, and therefore he was permitted to escape however atrocious his crimes. Whatever, Sir, may have been the character of that administration, even if a weak and wicked one,
as it has been represented, it could have no object in protecting any individual at so great a risk to themselves and their reputation. If Judge Chase had really violated the law and constitution to come at the blood of Fries, and had done this in the face of the public, the administration would have put too much at hazard by endeavouring to shelter him. I hope, however, no such reason will be given for the neglect of these charges. And as we most cheerfully and truly confide in the justice of the present administration, we trust no such distrust will be avowed of the integrity of the former—we feel as safe under trial now as we should have done then, and look without distrust for the same impartial justice from this honorable court, as we should have expected and received at any time.
We feel however, Sir, a serious inconvenience from the delay of this prosecution. In five years facts fall into oblivion, and witnesses engaged in their ordinary occupations of life cannot tax their memories with the circumstances of such distant events. It is difficult to discover indeed who were present at the transaction. To guard against injustice of this kind, even in civil cases, and protect us from fraudulent and lumbering demands, a limitation is put by law upon the claims of every man. The criminal code of the United States has justly adopted the same principle. By a statute, no person shall be prosecuted or punished for treason or other capital offence, with some exceptions, unless the indictment be found within three years after the offence is committed, and for smaller offences the prosecution must be instituted within two years. We cannot it is true claim the benefit of the letter of this law, but we may claim something from its principal; in expecting from this honorable court every indulgence and allowance for any deficiency of our proof, which should be attributed not to the real weakness of our case, but to the unreasonable staleness of the charges. Judge Chase was a stranger in Philadelphia, and necessarily found extreme difficulty in discovering what persons were in court at the time to which the charges relate, and in selecting those who had the best recollection of the transaction.
(To be continued.)
European Intelligence.
BOSTON, May 23. FURTHER PARTICULARS.
Captain Burroughs, who arrived yesterday in 43 days from Morlaix, does not bring papers so late as accounts already received from France by Amsterdam, but has related some particulars, which place the naval sortie from Brest in a different point of view from the French statement, and is undoubtedly more correct.
Captain Burroughs was in Morlaix at the time the Brest fleet put to sea. He informs that the fleet consisted of 21 sail of the line, that they had a large number of troops on board and were destined for some expedition. That the English squadron, commanded by Sir John Orde, consisting of 15 sail only, gave chase; that the French fleet put about, but were pursued by the English, who were within half an hour of cutting off their return, and did actually give them several shot. He further states that it was a subject of great rejoicing on shore, that the fleet had escaped an engagement, as their object was not to fight, but to proceed to some other quarter.
Captain Burroughs saw the English squadron on their usual cruising ground, augmented to twenty five sail. Repertory.
LONDON, April 20.
A complete set of Dutch papers, but of no later date than those previously received, has reached us, from which we have extracted a Proclamation of the State Directory, relating to the acceptance of the new constitution. It would appear, that the unfortunate Batavians wished to vote disinfectively upon the three questions which were to be submitted to them; which mode of election, the Directory, foreseeing its consequences, have thought proper to prohibit. The three propositions; the appointment of Schimmelpennickx, as Pensionary; and the qualifications to be conferred upon him are to be decided on conjunctively and must either be rejected or accepted, "in toto." They must take the four with the sweet—no Schimmelpennickx, no constitution. There is another extraordinary feature in this regulation. All those legal voters who shall not vote, are to be considered as having voted for the three propositions. This is an admirable plan for procuring the appearance of unanimity, a few of the Batavians, we imagine, will give themselves the trouble of voting either for or against those propositions.
Letters from Vienna of the 16th inst. mention that the plague has made great ravages at Constantinople; and that the insurrection in Servia, creates the most lively apprehensions on the part of the Porte. Belgrade is closely blockaded by the Servians; and their Chief, Czerny George, has given orders to murder every Turkish inhabitant that attempts to make his escape.
We understand that some leading member of the English House of Commons (rumour says Mr. Wilberforce) has threatened, in his senatorial capacity, to impeach Mr. Pitt, before the British nation, for a participation or connivance in the late enormous dilapidation committed by Lord Melville, when treasurer of the navy, and his colleague Mr. Trotter. Mr. Wilberforce will rest his accusation upon the certain knowledge, that such amazing sums of the public treasure, could not have been transferred, in any degree, without Mr. Pitt's knowledge as chancellor of the Exchequer. Bost. Chron.
FROM THE FRENCH PAPERS.
AMSTERDAM, April 12.
Some inhabitants of the department of Utrecht have petitioned the directory of the state against the new plan of the constitution; the issue of this attempt may easily be conjectured. On Saturday last the proprietors of the Utrecht Gazette announced their intention of publishing this petition in an extraordinary number of their paper; but it was forbidden by the magistracy of that city.
At Milan, the trees of liberty have been rooted up; and endeavours were using to destroy every mark serving to recal liberty and anarchy to their recollection.
PARIS, April 9.
The Emperor, previous to his departure for Italy, committed the direction of the ordinary administration during his absence to Cambacérès, arch chancellor of the empire; this grand dignitary, of course, presides at present in the council of state, at Paris, and is invested with the same functions, which, in similar circumstances, he discharged as second consul, under the consulate. The Emperor, however, by retaining near his person many of his ministers and counsellors of state, continues, even whilst on his journey, to be equally attentive to the affairs of government as during his former tours.
ROUEN, March 27.
The decree of his majesty, signifying that the Colonial merchandise carried by the vessels of
Emden into our ports, shall be seized and confiscated, has been revoked. In consequence of which, the colonial commodities coming from those ports where we have no agents, are admitted into ours; on conditions that they export, in produce of French manufacture, the value of the articles they import. This permission of his majesty is only provisional, until some other order shall be decided upon.
ST. ROCH, March 7.
CAMP BEFORE GIBRALTAR.
In pursuance of orders issued by the commandant general, the battalion of Barbafree, with the company of carabiniers and artillery, proceeded yesterday to the line; and the regiments of Geron, of Cantabria, and that of the cavalry, kept themselves in readiness to march on the shortest notice. On the arrival of the troops, 50 carabiniers took post before the tower of Molinos, from the land on the east side, to the opposite side; 120 men, armed with bayoneted and other warlike implements, failed from Fort St. Philip; 80 of those were commanded by Don Valdes, and the remainder by Don Certases. The latter, at the head of his small party, conducted it to the stone piles which are situated at the foot of the Mount on the north side, and Don Valdes marched directly against the English guard of the Devil's Tower, which he surprised. The English post was inclosed at the moment that resistance was attempted; the officer charged with the defence of this post was undressed in bed, and sleeping soundly. Two of the English were killed. The sentinel's musket missed fire; and the remainder of the guard fled to the citadel, and alarmed the garrison; on this both the Spanish detachments returned to their lines, taking with them the English officer and three soldiers, one of whom was mortally wounded. The Spanish fire ships had gone out of the river; but the night being too clear, they could undertake nothing.
BOSTON, May 29.
Recapitulation of news from Europe.
We have accounts from England and Portugal to the 20th April.
The latest London papers state, with some confidence, the conclusion of the ground-work of a treaty of subsidy between Russia and Great-Britain; and that the points of it were in train to be immediately laid before Parliament.
Old Ocean, by the last accounts, bore on his back the elements of extensive carnage, and ingredients for deeds of high celebrity. Upwards of one hundred ships of the line were at sea, or in such a state of equipment, as indicated the certainty of their speedy departure from port. The English and French "channel fleets," were within sight of each other; and both apparently waiting only for an occasion to try the "tug of battle." The Toulon fleet had passed the Pillars of Hercules into the Atlantic; had, it is said, been joined by the Spaniards from Cadiz; and had again failed on an unknown expedition; probably for the West-Indies. They will be followed by Lord Nelson. The other French, Dutch and Spanish squadrons at Ferrol, the Texel and Corunna, were on the alert; as were every thing in Great-Britain which could be put afloat.
The much talked of expedition from England, failed from Spithead, the 20th April. It contained several thousand select troops; some of them celebrated for their exploits in Egypt. The whole was conveyed by the Queen of 98 guns, Rear-Admiral Knight, and the Dragon of 74 guns, capt. Griffith. The troops commanded by the veteran Gen. Craig—Destination unknown—Conjectured by some to be for the E. Indies, by others, for the West-Indies. Boston Gazette.
NEW-YORK, June 6.
Captain Brown of the ship Juliana, from Cadiz, has communicated the following intelligence:
"At the time of my departure from Cadiz, the Eagle, a French 74, two French corvettes, and two Spanish frigates were ready for sea; and eight sail of the line were fitting out with all expedition. Troops were embarking daily, and a great quantity of ordnance, &c. had been taken in on board each ship. The general report was that they were destined for Spanish America, to garrison the line of demarcation, between the territories of Spain and of the United States. This report was confirmed to me by one of the officers of the fleet; who added that the French and Spanish ships had made a considerable interchange of officers."
"The uniform of the troops embarking, is blue, faced with red, a round hat, turned up on one side, with a feather in it; the officers wear superfluity of gold lace."
"General Moreau was at Cadiz. He waits the arrival of his son from Paris, and intended to come to New-York in the Juliana. It is said he has received orders to quit Spain immediately; and this sudden and unlooked for intelligence had a very unfavourable effect on the health of his lady, who was learning the Spanish language with the expectation of being permitted to remain there."
"Gibraltar is tranquil and has received a reinforcement of two thousand troops from England. The Spaniards keep an army before it, but have attempted nothing."
"The British fleet consisting of 5 ships of the line, a frigate, a brig, and a cutter, were constantly cruising off the harbour, often close within its mouth, and sometimes nearly within gun shot of the batteries."
"The men of war in the port of Cadiz consisted of
   Guns. Guns.     St. Trinidad 130 St. Anna 119   Argonaut 80 St. Rafael 80   Terrible 74 Glorious 74   Bahama 74 America 64   Espanola 64 San Leandro 64   Curtilla 60 Magdalena frigate 31  
and two other frigates, names unknown to me. "The governor of Cadiz, under date of the 30th March, directed a notice, of which the following is a translation, to the board of commerce:
"In a letter which I have just now received from vice-admiral Orde, dated yesterday off this port, he informs me that he is authorised to permit neutral vessels with innocent cargoes and bona fide neutral property to enter and sail freely from this port, and from that of San Lucas: but if the said vessels should be wholly or partly loaded with naval or military stores, or with provisions and grain, he cannot permit them to enter either of the said ports; and that in consequence he had given the necessary instruction to the ships under his command that this regulation may be complied with."
When the Juliana left Cadiz, 57 days since, flour was 25 dollars per barrel.
"Capt. Henry, of the Eliza, in 59 days from Malaga, passed Gibraltar the 10th of April. On the 13th, off Cape St. Vincent, fell in with 33 sail of British merchantmen, 5 days from Gibraltar, bound home, under convoy of a frigate, and was boarded by a cutter brig, and informed that the Toulon squadron passed Gibraltar
on the evening of the 9th, and that Lord Nelson's squadron passed the same night in pursuit of them." N. Y. Gaz.
LONDON, April 17.
An opinion of the French plan.
The plan on which Bonaparte now chuses to conduct the war, is, we think, sufficiently apparent; and our Government, we trust, will be prepared to meet the enemy on his new system. He will venture out neither with his fleet nor his flotilla in the face of the British navy. His small and detached squadrons can do us more essential mischief by annoying us in different quarters, and distracting our attention. He has men in sufficient numbers for any enterprise. He values them only as counters, with which he plays the grand game that is to make him dictator of the world. When he has detached them for a given purpose, he neither expects nor cares for their safety or their return; all his hopes from them is, that they may do us essential mischief. With this view, we have not a doubt, Livorno was dispatched to the East-Indies even before the commencement of the war, there in the expectation of it. Upon the main principles the Rochefort squadron directed its course to the west. Bonaparte has no expectation of making any conquests there which he can retain; enough is done if he can distress our commerce, and arm the Blacks against us. In pursuance of the same policy he will probably send a reinforcement to the East-Indies; he will endeavour to land a force in Egypt; he will then make an attempt, or at least a diversion in Ireland; and when we are varied out with this varied and active warfare, the country drained of its regular troops, and deprived, perhaps, in part, of its protecting fleets, then the Boulogne flotilla (which has never been diminished or dismounted, but is increasing every day) will seize a favourable opportunity of putting to sea, and the grand attempt will be made. Such appear to us to be the present system and projects of our inveterate enemy. In the mean time, we trust, that the nation, and the volunteer force in particular, will not relax in their vigilance and activity. It is possible, that our last principal dependence for the defence of the country may be on the volunteers. We trust they will remember the magnitude and importance of the cause they have undertaken, and embrace the opportunity which a favourable season will afford, of becoming as perfect masters as possible, of that discipline on which their own safety and that of the country, will depend.
West-Indies.
BALTIMORE, June 5.
By captain McMeel of the three brothers, arrived from Antigua yesterday, we learn, that on the 16th ult. the governor of Antigua had received dispatches from the government of Barbadoes, stating, that the Spanish and French fleets, consisting of FIFTY TWO sail, were steering westward from the coast of Europe. Telegraph.
ST. DOMINGO.
We are furnished with an anecdote, which seems to favour of a return of something like humane policy, on the part of the British cabinet. It has been declared to us, on the authority of these gentlemen that the Domingo garrison had actually been supplied with provisions and stores, from the British frigate La Blanche, the capt. of which had been entertained with friendly hospitality at gen. Ferrand's table, where our informant dined with him; and that gen. F. had dined, in return, on board the said frigate. We give this information precisely as we received it. As this is an event which (if true) could not have occurred without orders from the admiralty of Great-Britain, an inference may be deduced, that those misguided ministers have been so alarmed by the remonstrances of the Jamaica planters (who feel deeply for the safety of their persons, as well as their property) as to change their wild schemes of offence, into a sort of neutrality, in order that a black empire might not be established on the threshold of their own colonies, to menace their security, and propel their slaves to mutiny, which is a calamity that has been long expected and dreaded on that panic-struck and nearly exhausted island. But doing and undoing; advancing and retrograding; inflated declaration and consequent repentance, form the leading traits of the miserable administration of power by the "heaven-born" Wm. Pitt. Balt. Evening Post.
Domestic Intelligence.
NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
Four Federal, and seven Democratic Senators are chosen by the people, for the Legislature.
In district No. 2, there is no choice by the people—Candidates, Richard Jennens, and Oliver Peabody, Esquires.
CONNECTICUT.
REIGN OF TERROR.
This is the last stage of all party consumptions. The ruling party in all bad religions first threaten, then excommunicate dissenters, next imprisons and finally begins to burn them at the stake. Then up come the dissenters in a powerful majority and the excommunicators link to perdition—When under Mr. Adams the reign of terror commenced, it was certain that the end of federalism drew near. Men, engaged in a fair cause and conscious of integrity, do not aim firebrands or arrows at principles, or at the men who honestly espouse them. But the federalists have charged Mr. Jefferson with a spirit of intolerance and terrorism, because he has removed some of their number from office. Mr. Jefferson has been more than four years in office, bitterly assailed by federalists, before his election and during his whole administration—yet there are now more in number of federalists than of republicans, holding offices under the United States. If you look to the bench, to the Army, Navy, Collection, Loan and Post-Offices, you will find an abundance of federalists, most of whom are removable at pleasure.
Look into this state, and of eight principal officers, five were appointed by Mr. Adams, three only by Mr. Jefferson. In the country of New-London the federal Collector has held for many years his office with an emolument in one year of 3,700 dollars, and in several other years an emolument so great that an equal sum, received by a republican Collector, has been made to agitate the State from end to end. While under Mr. Jefferson an annual salary of 150 dollars, uniformly paid under Mr. Adams, was taken from the Collectors of New-Haven and Middletown, and a part of the Commission of the first, and more than half the Commission of the last, was taken away, the federal papers were insinuating that under Mr. Jefferson the Commissions of these Collectors had been raised, and that to one of them was paid from the public treasury a large sum for Closed Bars . Was this total fraud on the public, practised to punish Mr. Jefferson for his intolerance and terrorism in retaining Mr. Huntington? If so, let it be avowed, and perhaps the President may abate of his intolerance. Has he forely offended our federalists by retaining in place Mr. Imlay, the federal Commissioner of Loans? Do federalists mourn, because in two of our most republican towns, Stamford and Suffield, federal Post-Masters are retained in office, each with large emoluments for distributing letters and papers for the rate? Does the Surveyor of Middletown feel the weight of intolerance, because he retains his place?—Let all federalists, who feel burthened by such intolerance, be assured that the republicans of the state sincerely wish to relieve them of their burdens.
Mr. Jefferson remains in office men, who, at elections, publicly declare, under the solemnity of an oath, that his most inveterate enemies are the only men fit for Congress and our councils; the intolerance of the President sustains men, who improve official patronage in order to beat down his administration. This republican intolerance—but federal tolerance and mild temper, recommended at the close of the Governor's Speech, leads to a different issue. It threatens, reprimands and removes from office, scourges with the scorpions of the law, abuses and defames, and with dreadful denunciations of present and eternal ruin points the artillery of Heaven and earth upon the devoted victims, who have dared to respect the general government and to deny the existence of a constitution of civil government in this state. Federalists, with all the facts respecting Mr. Jefferson's management of offices before your eyes and with a full view of the just retribution on your federal friends, you have removed from office from Suffolk . The time is hastening, when the day of terror, which now appears glorious in your eyes, will be reflected on merely as the forerunner of dissolution. Amer. Merc. Harp. Gen.
POLITICS OF NEW-ENGLAND.
Considering elections as a criterion of public opinion, there appears to be, in this quarter of the union, nearly an equal division.
We may compute the population of Rhode-Island at 75,000 Massachusetts, 620,000 New-Hampshire, 190,000 Connecticut, 260,000
In the whole, 1,145,000 The following statement will, with sufficient precision, graduate the scale of political opinion.
   Republican. Federal.     In Rhode-Island, 50,000 25,000   Massachusetts, 310,000 310,000   New-Hampshire, 100,000 90,000   Connecticut, 120,000 140,000   Total 580,000 565,000  
If this result be compared with that evinced by the recent elections in the other parts of the union, we shall perceive a wide difference, if we except the states of Vermont and Delaware where parties are nearly balanced.
In New-York, above three fourths of the people are Republican.
In New-Jersey, a decided majority are Republican.
In Pennsylvania, about four fifths are Republican.
In Maryland, above three fifths are Republican.
In Virginia, nine tenths are Republican.
In North-Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio, Republican principles are almost universally prevalent.
South-Carolina, four fifths are Republican. Nat. Intell.
The following is a copy of a letter received by the Secretary of the Navy, from Midshipman Ogilvie, commanding officer of gun-boat, No. 7. built at New-York.
U. S. Gun-Boat No. 7. New-York, May 31, 1805.
SIR, I have the honor to transmit for your information, the following account of my transactions, since the 14th inst.
On that day I got under way, in company with the U. S. ship John Adams, and gun boats Nos 3 and 6, to proceed to the Mediterranean. We kept in company that day and the next; but on the 16th, it came on to blow very fresh in the evening, from E. N. E.—sent down topgall and lower yards, but carrying all other sails to keep up with the frigate. At 11, we lost sight of the frigate and gun-boats, owing to its being excessively thick and foggy—Next morning (and for three days afterwards) the fog continued—no sail in sight, and a high sea running, we now discovered that in consequence of our carrying a press of sail to keep up with the ship with the ship, we had sprung our main, and found it split from the heel to the partners. Immediately had two strong mouldings clapped on below and an iron band above the partners, hoping it would be sufficient to prevent its going farther—but on the 21st, in lat. 27, long. 65, I found the mast to be so much weakened, and worked so much, (the split having now gone five feet above the deck) I was induced to believe that should we get into a heavy sea, we should inevitably lose it—My only alternative now, was to return as I thought the consequences might be much worse were we to lose it in the middle of the ocean.
I cannot express to you, Sir, my mortification at the unfortunate accident, which has thus in some measure defeated your, and I assure you my wish, to join the squadron as early as possible—But I trust I shall yet be there in time to participate in the glory which I am confident our little navy will acquire this summer, against its enemies—Be assured, Sir, nothing shall be wanting on my part to forward her retreating; and by the time I can have the honor to hear from you, I shall be again ready for sea.
No. 7, is a very fine vessel and capable of going to any part of the world—She sails well, has a good wind, is very stiff, and an excellent sea boat.
The other gun boats, I have reason to believe were separated at the same time with myself, as they were still farther from the ship when I lost sight of her—but there is no doubt of their making their way across in safety.
From the time I determined to return, we experienced nothing but head winds and calms—and from the weakness of the mast, we were obliged to be very tender in carrying sail—indeed, had not the mast been made of white pine, it never would have been sprung, with the sail we were then carrying upon it. I have the honor to be, Sir, with the greatest respect, Your obedient servant, P. S. OGILVIE.
Gun-boats No. 2, 3, and 4, were spoken on the 14th inst. on the edge of the Current, 72 hours from Cape Henry. It is mentioned that they failed remarkably fast.
Letters from Paris, to the 10th April mention, that Mr. Livingston had returned to France from a tour through Italy, and was immediately to sail from Bordeaux for New-York.
His Danish Majesty's charge d'affaires, and consul near the United States, gives this public notice to the merchants and traders, respecting it may concern.
That it has been agreed between his majesty the king of Denmark and the powers bordering on the Baltic; that, for the future, no merchant vessel coming from the North Sea and destined to a port in the Baltic, shall be there admitted, unless the captain can produce a certificate from the custom house, by which it is legally proved, that on entering the said sea, whether by the Sound, Straight, or by the Great or Small Belt, the vessel has come at Helsingør, Nyborg or Fredericia, and there taken its clearance, and consequently the health office which is established at each of these passages, has, after the usual examination granted permission to pursue its voyage.

KENTUCKY. Lexington, May 14. We have for some time understood, that a Company had formed in the Eastern States, for the purpose of opening a canal round the Falls of Ohio, and erecting water works at that place—Col. Burr, it has been said was concerned in that company; and we presume, his visit to this country is principally confined to that object. From Louisville we hear, that the agents of the company have made considerable purchases of lands in the neighborhood of that place, and are contracting for opening the Canal, which is to be on the North West side of the river. It is also said that considerable rivalry will exist, as the Kentucky company having the same object in view, are resolved to persevere in opening a canal on the Kentucky side of the river. (Kent. Gaz.)
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 11th JUNE, 1805.
COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
It is well known to most of our readers, that our Trade with Great Britain and its Colonies was regulated by Jay's famous treaty of '94. It is well known to them, that the first 10 articles of that treaty, being intended to settle pre-existing differences about boundaries and debts, were stipulated to be of a "permanent" nature, and that the 17 remaining articles which determine our commercial relations and neutral rights, were to "cease and expire" altogether, unless the two countries should agree in the course of two years after the termination of the existing war, upon renewing the 12th article, or adopting some new arrangements upon the subject of that article: that is, our commercial intercourse with the B. West-India Islands. Our readers will also recollect, that the two countries have in vain entered into negotiations for this purpose; that two years have long since elapsed since the signing of the preliminaries of peace; and that of course our commercial intercourse with G. Britain and its dependencies, has been, since that time, completely subjected to the discretionary power of that court. It was in the exercise of this power, that the British Cabinet very lately determined to prohibit our exportation of provisions and lumber to Jamaica in our own bottoms after the 21st ultimo. We may conclude from the following paragraph in a late London paper, which gives us the only information we have yet on this subject, that our minister at London has never yet suspended his negotiations for the formation of a Treaty of Commerce, and that it has terminated, not in the adoption of new commercial arrangements, but in an agreement to "continue" the former "Treaty for one year."
It is perhaps worthy of regret, that these negotiations had not been spun out till after the 21st of May: for as the British court would scarcely have been daring enough to have carried its decree into execution, our intercourse with the West-Indies would have been free from those restrictions, which the treaty will impose upon it. 'Tis true they might still have opened these ports, and yet limited by law the American trade to all vessels under 70 tons, as the treaty itself stipulates, but it is also true, that such a law would not go so far as to exclude us from other advantages from this trade, which the treaty itself expressly forbids. We should, for instance, have enjoyed the power of disposing of our produce, after we had brought it from their Islands, in any way which we should find most advantageous: Whereas the twelfth article of the treaty denies to us the right of landing our West-India Cargoes in any other than the ports of the United States, or afterwards re-exporting them to any foreign port. No information is here intended to be conveyed, that our negotiator at London has not acted with the wisest policy when he embraced this treaty. Rather than see our trade to the British West-Indies completely cut off, it was the duty of the administration to secure it even under the restrictions which the treaty imposes. Rather than see all our vessels excluded from their ports, it was the wisest policy to consent that none over 70 tons should be entitled to admission. This speculative view of the motives of our own government, induces us to form similar conjectures upon the motives of the British Cabinet. Are we mistaken in our idea that this renewal of our former treaty, will enable us to explain away the apparent inconsistency of their conduct, with regard to the Jamaica trade? We have only to suppose either that the British Cabinet merely held out the idea of suspending our intercourse with the West-India Islands, for the invidious purpose of drawing us into this treaty; or to suppose, that their promulgated plan was really intended to be carried into execution, but that the subsequent adoption of the treaty superadded its necessity. The last would be the latter would be honourable to the British character; the first is much more conformable to the usual subtlety of British policy. The extract will, however, show that even among their own statesmen, the treaty of '94 is still considered as a very impolitic measure. Hear, for instance, the sentiments of Lord Sheffield on this subject:
April 20.—On the occasion of the American Treaty and Neutral ships Bill being committed: Lord Sheffield said, the Bill now before the House proposes to continue a treaty which contains the most improvident concessions that can be made by a Maritime Country; but as it is only for one year, and there will be another opportunity of discussing the subject, he should not then oppose the Bill going into committee, and he only meant now to protest against some of the terms of that Treaty, lest expectation should be formed, that objections would not be made them whenever the question shall again be discussed. On the Foreign American intercourse Bill, Lord Sheffield said, he should not object to the Bill going to a committee, as it was for a limited period, but that he could not suffer any suspension of the Navigation or Colonial System to pass utterly unheard, especially at a time when the British ship Owners are labouring under severe depression, many of them almost to insolvency, through the want of adequate employment for their shipping, and from the great imposition and difficulties to which they are subject; and he should take this opportunity of stating, that unless the Navigation Act is strictly enforced, and the protecting duties equalized, so as to put the British ship Owner on a footing with the Neutral Owner, the Maritime interest of the country will, in a very few years, be nearly annihilated.
No treaty with Great Britain, however, can be expected to secure to us the most extensive freedom of trade. It is the purpose of such contracts to stipulate, not for specific rights, but for rights which we may enjoy in common with all other nations. The language of such treaties is, "No other or higher duties shall be paid by the ports or merchandise of the one party in the ports of the other, than such as are paid by the like vessels on merchandise of all other nations." Such treaties therefore, do not completely bind up the hands of either party. Provided they extend the same privileges to the cargoes & ships of one nation, that they allow to those of the most favoured nation, they have still the power of confounding their peculiar spirit of interest and allowing to their own trade every privilege which they may deny to other nations. The commercial spirit of Great Britain, however, is found to animate a most extensive system of monopoly in their own ports. Ever since the reign of Charles II. they have strictly pursued the principles of their famous navigation act, which was intended to increase the number of their sailors and shipping. The most distinguished among its stipulations are—
1st: All ships of which the owners, masters, and 3/4ths of the mariners are not British subjects, are prohibited from trading to the British settlements or from being employed in the country trade of Great Britain.
2d: A great variety of the most bulky articles of importation can be brought into Great Britain only, either in such ships as are above
described, or in ships of the country where those goods are produced, and of which the owners, masters and 3/4ths of the mariners are of that country.
3rd: A great variety of the most bulky articles are prohibited from being imported even in British ships, from any country but that in which they are produced."
Whilst Great Britain pursues this contracted policy and whilst the United States allows the vessels and cargoes of all nations to enter their ports, it is not surprising that the lawful trade of the two countries should be subject to much greater restrictions in the British than in the American ports. This treaty may therefore appear to give us the same privileges, which it gives them; whilst in fact the laws of the two countries may create great inequalities. That such is the state of our commercial intercourse with that country, the following comparative table is intended to illustrate.
Table comparing Great Britain and the United States regarding import/export duties and restrictions on various goods like cotton, wool, and manufactured items.
ESTABLISHMENT OF MANUFACTURES. "Leave commerce to shift for itself" was the celebrated reply of an old French merchant to the great Colbert, who asked him what he should do to promote the trade of France.
"Leave industry to shift for itself" might be used as a motto for every enlightened work, which professes to treat of "The Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations." The most important discoveries which have been made by the political economists of the present day, have in fact consisted in new illustrations of this sublime principle.
These discoveries have opened the Track for the most important innovations. All the instruments of the mercantile system, incorporated companies to regulate commerce, high duties & absolute prohibitions upon importation; drawbacks, and bounties, and advantageous treaties of commerce, and the establishment of distant colonies, to encourage exportation; corporations, laws, and statutes of apprenticeships to regulate manufactures; have been one after the other brought to the touch stone of this principle, and found to be of much less value, than the policy of governments had hitherto admitted.
These pecuniations have terminated in discovering, that the sphere of political regulation ought to be considerably abridged; that many of those powers which had been assumed by the government, should be left to the exercise of private judgment; & that in matters of trade as well as of opinion, "liberty is the best policy."
But no sooner have we arrived at this conclusion, than a new principle arises before us. "Every man (it is true) is generally a better judge of his own interests than the government can be;" but this does not imply that every man is always the best judge.
Considerable scope is still to be given to the opinion of other individuals. The private judgment of one man still requires the private judgment of another to direct and assist him in the enjoyment of this liberty.
Two important truths arise out of these remarks: 1st: that diffusion is equally necessary in pecuniary as well as literary speculations, to every man who wishes to understand the true interests of society at any particular time.
2nd: that the opinion is not correct which says that the interest of each individual will always lead him to pursue that branch of trade or manufactures, which the interest of the society will at any time require.
From the Green Mountain Patriot. "The price of broadcloths, as they are now generally sold by our merchants, is from four to seven dollars per yard.
Table listing prices for various goods like Wool, Carding and spinning, Weaving, Dressing, and Total.
On a Letter under the signature of Thomas Turner, which appeared in the Boston Repository of May 31. The genius of federalism sleeps no longer. "Like another Lazarus it has risen from the tomb," in its genuine form, though with exhausted vigour.
And he winds up the Catastrophe with his conduct to Mr. Gabriel Jones. The reader is mistaken if he expects me to enter into a long and tedious elucidation of these various events.
By Last Evening's Mail.
NEW-YORK, June 4. A gentleman who came passenger in the brig Alliance, from Nantes, has favoured us with the following articles of information, collected during his stay in port.
FOR SALE—BY THE SUBSCRIBER: LOAF SUGAR, by the hhd. bbl. or single loaf, direct from Pennington's Manufactory, Philadelphia.
MRS. RIVARDI'S ACADEMY. Reverend Sir, YOU had the kindness to allow me, two years ago, to look upon you not only as one of the chief patrons of the establishment under my charge.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, Reverend Sir, Your very humble and ob't servant, MARIA RIVARDI.
Madam, The high opinion we entertain of your qualifications for the arduous and diversified duties of the institution under your direction, and the evidences which have been presented to us, at examinations, of the improvement of the young Ladies, who possess the advantage of being your pupils, induce us to comply with your request, by the present testimony of our approbation of your Seminary, and to express our wishes for the success of an institution so useful to our city, and so honorable to you.
Piccadilly.
ARTS AND SCIENCES.
PARIS, March 29. There appeared a few days since upon the Sun, a large spot, with two nuclei, which I observed in degrees north of the solar equator.
The music is only heard from 10 o'clock in the evening, to 10 in the morning; nevertheless, it may be made to play all the airs, without interrupting its going.
FROM THE LONDON "GLOBE." SECRET WRITING.
I have invented a mode of secret writing, which, from the best information I can obtain, appears to be new and easy of application.
It is ascertained, by experiments, in the New-York ships, which go on whaling voyages of 20 months duration and more, that scurbutic symptoms appear among the crews, unless they have temporary supplies of fresh vegetable matter.
OSSIAN'S POEMS.—The long disputed manuscripts of the Poems of Ossian, in the original Celtic, are now in the press under the auspices of the Highland Society.
Noli me tangere.—The publication of a biographical work, containing the genealogical and revolutionary history of new princes of the imperial court of Bonaparte, having been lately announced in the Mercantile advertiser, an advertisement of general Thureau, French minister plenipotentiary in the United States, came post-chase to town for the express purpose of preventing the said publication.
The bargain was accordingly made, and Mr. Daudet the author of said work, who lodges at Mrs. Bocquet and Fressinet's boarding house, in Greenwich-street, gave up his manuscript to the said aid-de-camp, for the consideration of 1000 dollars and a free passage to Martinico, where he is bound.
We are informed that the gentleman who was to translate the said work hearing of the transaction, offered 1500 dollars for it, but that Mr. Daudet who had passed his word, declined the offer.
The public curiosity would no doubt have been highly gratified by the publication of the work, as it would have provoked criticisms and replies, by which these upstart princes would have appeared in their true light.
N. Y. Daily Adv.

SKETCHES OF FORMS OF GOVERNMENT.
The following extract is from a small treatise published in 1756, under the title of "A vindication of natural society; or, a view of the miseries and evils arising to mankind from every species of artificial society;" which we most earnestly recommend to every professedly of truth, to every admirer of rich and appropriate eloquence. As its little imports, it lays before us a view of the existing evils of society, and of consequence traces out many of their causes and some of their remedies. The treatise is short, and its plan is simple and perspicuous. It throws society into two lights; its external & internal condition. On the former of these it first expatiates, and under this aspect it sketches out the relation which it bears to other states; the numberless wars which have forever desolated the face of every country from time immemorial; the millions which have perished, and the causes for which they fell, and finally infers that all this havoc and devastation are to be carried back to the agency of government itself. From these bloody ceremonies performed in the paroch , the author lengthens his view into the penetralia of the political temple. Here he lays open the structure of the three simple forms of government, which are employed by different countries to support this "artificial society." He shews us the evils which are inevitably attendant upon each, as well as upon the mixed form of government, and appeals for proofs of his correctness not to conjectural speculation, but to the undisputed records of history. From these general outlines of policy, he next passes on to the details of their internal jurisdiction. He describes at a distance the labyrinth of the law, the vexatious expenses which it imposes upon the poor, the means of escape which it furnishes to the rich, the cavilling and quibbles of its practitioners, and the intricacies of a science, which is not only too deep for the ignorant suitor, but for the very ministers of justice. He at length winds up his plot, by representing the more intimate relations of society; the effects which arise out of the most obvious division of its members, into the rich & the poor; the idleness, folly and luxury of the one, and the degraded condition of the other, their bodies exhausted by too much labor, and their intellects perishing under too much little. It is impossible to go through this treatise without perceiving at every step that if its author has kept out of view many of the benefits which arise out of political societies, he has at least drawn forth many of their evils with a masterly hand. It is impossible to peruse it without admiring the emanations of a genius, which could clothe in such splendid eloquence, some of the sublimest oracles of truth. This genius once animated the form of Edmund Burke. This daring and enlightened spirit was once the property of the man, who afterwards became the friend and favourite of the most corrupt ministry, that ever advanced the prerogatives of the crown at the expence of the liberties of the people. This was his first and perhaps it was ever his most dignified production. Originally it was published under the appearance of its being from the pen of Bolingbroke; and it was on this pretext, he in vain attempted to justify his apparent apostasy from its principles. Bolingbroke had made several formidable attacks upon the strong-holds of superstition: and it was his own "design (said Mr. Burke in a preface afterwards published) to show that the same engines which were employed for the destruction of religion, might be employed with equal success for the subversion of government."
DESPOTISM.
The simplest form of government is despotism , where all the inferior orbs of power are moved merely by the will of the supreme, and all that are subjected to them, directed in the same manner, merely by the occasional will of the magistrate. This form, as it is the most simple, is so infinitely the most general. Scarcely any part of the world is exempted from its power. And in those few places where men enjoy what they call liberty, it is continually in a tottering situation, and makes greater and greater strides to that gulph of despotism which at last swallows up every species of government. The manner of ruling being directed merely by the will of the weakest, and generally the worst man in the society, becomes the most foolish and capricious thing, at the same time that it is the most terrible and destructive that well can be conceived. In a despotism the principal person finds, that let the want, misery, and ignorance of his subjects be what they will, he can yet possess abundance of every thing to gratify his most insatiable wishes. He does more. He finds that these gratifications increase in proportion to the wretchedness and slavery of his subjects. Thus encouraged both by passion and interest to trample on the public welfare, and by his station placed above both shame and fear, he proceeds to the most horrid and shocking outrages upon mankind. Their persons become victims of his fancies. The slightest displeasure is death; and a disagreeable aspect is often as great a crime as a disagreeable action. In the court of Nero, a person of learning, of unquestioned merit, and of unspotted loyalty, was put to death for no other reason than that he had a pedantic countenance which displeased the emperor. This very monster of mankind appeared in the beginning of his reign to be a person of virtue. Many of the greatest tyrants on the records of history have begun their reigns in the fairest manner. But the truth is, this unnatural power corrupts both the hope and the understanding, and prevents the least hope of amendment, a king is ever surrounded by a crowd of infamous flatterers, who find their account in keeping him from the least light of reason, till all ideas of rectitude and justice are utterly erased from his mind. When Alexander had in his fury inhumanly butchered one of his best friends and bravest captains; on the return of reason he began to conceive an horror fitable to the guilt of such a murder. In this juncture, his council came to his assistance. But what did his council? They found him a philosopher who gave him comfort. And in what manner did this philosopher comfort him for the loss of such a man, and heal his conscience, disgust with the smut of such a crime? You have the matter at length in Plutarch. He told him, "that if a sovereign is what he will, all his actions are just and lawful, because they are his." The palace of all tyrants is abound with such courtly philosophers. The consequence was such as might be expected. He grew every day a monster more abandoned to unmasked lust, to debauchery, to drunkenness, and to murder. And yet this was originally a great man, of uncommon capacity, and a strong propensity to virtue. But unbounded power proceeds step by step, until it has eradicated every laudable principle. It has been remarked, that there is no price too high, which favourites and ministers are not won. There is hardly any prince without a favourite, by whom he is governed in arbitrary manner as he governs the wretches subjected to him. Heretofore tyranny is doubled. There are two courts, and two interests; both very different from the interests of the people. The favourite knows that the regard of a tyrant is as unconstant and capricious as that of a woman; and concluding his time to be short, he makes haste to fill
up the measure of his iniquity, in rapine, in luxury, and in revenge. Every avenue to the throne is shut up. He oppresses, and ruins the people, which he persuades the prince, that those murmurs raised by his own oppression are the effects of disaffection to the prince's government. Then is the natural violence of despotism inflamed, and aggravated by hatred and revenge. To defer the will of the state is a crime against the prince. To be popular, and to be a traitor, are considered as synonymous terms. Even virtue is dangerous, as an aspiring quality, that claims an esteem by itself, and independent of the countenance of the court. What has been said of the chief, is true of the inferior officers of this species of government; each in his province exercising the same tyranny, and grinding the people by an oppression, the more severely felt, as it is near them, and exercised by base and subordinate persons. For the gross of the people; they are considered as a mere herd of cattle; and really in a little time become no better; all principle of honest pride, all sense of the dignity of their nature, is lost in their slavery. The day, says Hume, which makes a man a slave, takes away half his worth; and in fact, he loses every impulse to action, but that low and base one of fear.
ARISTOCRACY.
In all parts of the world, mankind, however debased, retains still the sense of feeling ; the weight of tyranny, at least, becomes insupportable; but the remedy is not so easily found, the only remedy by which they attempt to cure the tyranny, is to change the tyrant. This is, and always was the case for the greater part. In some countries however, were found men of more penetration; who discovered, "that to live by one's own will , was the cause of all men's miseries." They therefore changed their former method, and assembled the men in their several societies, the most respectable for their understanding and fortunes, they confided to them the charge of the public welfare. This originally formed what is called an aristocracy . They hoped, it would be impossible that such a number could ever join in any design against the general good; and they promised themselves a great deal of security and happiness, from the united counsels of so many able and experienced persons. But it is now found by abundant experience, that an aristocracy , and a despotism , differ but in name; and that a people, who are in general excluded from any share of the legislative, are to all intents and purposes, as much slaves, when twenty, independent of them, govern, as when but one dominion. The tyranny is even more felt, as every individual of the nobles has the haughtiness of a sultan; the people are more miserable, as they seem on the verge of liberty, from which they are for ever debarred; this fallacious idea of liberty, whilst it prevents a vain shadow of happiness to the subject, binds faster the chains of his subjection. What is left undone, by the natural avarice and pride of those who are raised above the others, is completed by their suspicions, and their dread of losing an authority, which has to support in the common utility of the nation.
DESPOTISM.
A despotism , or a Venetian republic , is a concealed despotism ; where you find the same pride of the rulers, the same base subjection of the people, the same bloody maxims of a suspicious policy. In one respect the aristocracy is worse than the despotism . A body politic, whilst it retains its authority, never changes its maxims; a despotism , which is this day horrible to a supreme degree, by the caprice natural to the heart of man, may, by the same caprice otherwise exerted, be as lovely the next; in a succession, it is possible to meet with some good princes. If there have been Tiberius, Caligula, Nero's, there have been likewise the serene d's of Vespasian's, Titus's, Trajan's, and Antonine's; but a body politic is not influenced by caprice or whim; it proceeds in a regular manner; its succession is inflexible; and every man as he enters it, either has, or soon attains the spirit of the whole body. Never was it known, that an aristocracy , which was haughty and tyrannical in one century, became easy and mild in the next. In effect, the yoke of this species of government is so galling, that whenever the people have got the least power, they have shaken it off with the utmost indignation, and established a popular form. And when they have not strength enough to support themselves, they have thrown themselves into the arms of despotism , as the more eligible of the two evils. This latter was the case of Denmark, who sought a refuge from the oppression of its nobility, in the strong hold of arbitrary power. Poland has at present the name of republic, but it is one of the aristocratical form; but it is well known, that the little finger of this government, is heavier than the loins of arbitrary power in most nations. The people are not only politically, but personally flayed, and treated with the utmost indignity. The republic of Venice is somewhat more moderate; yet even here, so heavy is the aristocratical yoke, that the nobles have been obliged to enervate the spirit of their subjects by every sort of debauchery; they have denied them the liberty of reason, and they have made them amens, by what a base foul will think a more valuable liberty, by not only allowing, but encouraging them to corrupt themselves in the most scandalous manner. They confer their subjects, as the farmer does the hog he keeps to feast upon. He holds him fast in his sty, but allows him to wallow as much as he pleases in his beloved filth and gluttony. So scandalously debauched a people as that of Venice, is to be met no where else. High, low, men, women, clergy, and laity, are all alike. The ruling nobility are no less afraid of one another, than they are of the people; and for that reason, politically enervate their own body by the same effeminate luxury, by which they corrupt their subjects. They are impoverished by every means which can be invented; and they are kept in a perpetual terror by the horrors of a state-inquisition; here you see a people deprived of all rational freedom, and tyrannized over by about two thousand men; and yet this body of two thousand, are so far from enjoying any liberty by the subjection of the rest, that they are in an infinitely severer state of slavery; they make themselves the most degenerate, and unhappy of mankind, for no other purpose than that they may the more effectually contribute to the misery of an whole nation. In short, the regular and methodical proceedings of an aristocracy , are more intolerable than the very excesses of a despotism , and in general, much further from any remedy.
* The reader will recollect, that this was written in the year 1756.—Since that time, Poland has been blotted out from the map of Europe by the three great despot of Austria, Prussia and Russia.
yet exhausted. He had yet another farthing-candle to supply the deficiencies of the sun. This was the third form, known by political writers under the name of democracy . Here the people transacted all public business, or the greater part of it, in their own persons; their laws were made by themselves, & upon any failure of duty, their officers were accountable to themselves, and to them only. In all appearance, they had secured by this method the advantages of order and good government, without paying their liberty for the purchase. Now, my Lord, we are come to the master-piece of Grecian refinement, and Roman solidity, a popular government. The earliest and most celebrated republic of this model, was that of Athens. It was constructed by no less an artist, than the celebrated poet and philosopher, Solon. But no sooner was this political vessel launched from the stocks, than it overset, even in the life-time of the builder. A tyranny immediately supervened; not by a foreign conquest, not by accident, but by the very nature and constitution of a democracy . An artful man became popular, the people had power in their hands, and they devoted a considerable share of their power upon their favourite; and the only use he made of this power, was to plunge those who gave it into slavery. Accident restored their liberty, and the same good fortune produced men of uncommon abilities and uncommon virtues amongst them. But these abilities were suffered to be of little service either to their possessors or to the state. Some of these men, for whole lives alone we read their history, they banished; others they imprisoned; and all they treated with various circumstances of the most shameful ingratitude.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RUNAWAY from the subscriber, on 21st. instant a mulatto man named JOHN, alias JOHN STRANGE. He is rather of small stature, well for, has a round and remarkably pleasing visage, and is an excellent house-servant, hatter, and driver. He carried but few cloaths with him, but I expect will readily procure some, as also a free pass. It is probably he has gone to Richmond, where he has acquaintances, and from thence will attempt to go, by water, to Norfolk, Alexandria, or Baltimore: I have been lately informed, that he escaped to one of those places, before I purchased him. He has a wife at Mr. Mann Pages, near Hanover-town, where he may probably lurk for some time. If apprehended, great care should be taken to secure him, as I expect he is desperate, as well as vicious. If taken within this County, (Hanover) and brought to me or secured in goal, I will pay 50 Dollars.—If in Richmond, or at any place 20 miles from my residence, and secured in goal, 50 Dollars.—and 50 Dollars, if taken, in Norfolk, Alexandria, Baltimore, or any other place 50 miles distant, and brought to me, or secured in goal in Norfolk. SPENCER ROANE. Spring Garden, near Hanover-town, May 28, 1805. (cp2w&1aw4w)
IN HANOVER COUNTY COURT,
April 29th, 1805. Austin Morris, Plaintiff. John Crenshaw, Defendant. HIS day came the plaintiff by his counsel, and the defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiff it is Decreed and Ordered, That the defendant do appear here on the first day of the next quarterly term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff: and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of the Court-house in this county. A Copy. Teste, THOS: POLLARD, D.C.U.C. (T2m)
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of ROBERT GAMBLE & SONS, will be dissolved by mutual consent, on Saturday, the 11th instant. All persons indebted to the said firm, are earnestly entreated to make immediate payment to either of the subscribers. A compliance with this request will prevent the painful necessity of resorting to coercive measures. The books will be placed in the possession of Messrs. John and Robert Gamble jun. who are authorised to settle all accounts due by, or to the concern. RO. GAMBLE. JOHN C. GAMBLE. RO. GAMBLE, jr. Richmond, May 6th, 1805.
DOCTOR WILSON
HAS removed his Apothecary Shop to the lower floor of the Bell Tavern, where he has a general supply of MEDICINES, PAINTS, & OTHER ARTICLES IN THE APOTHECARY LINE. He takes the liberty to observe, that he has not an article of medicine but such as he uses in his own practice. Physicians, merchants and others, who may be pleased to patronize him, shall be supplied on the most reduced terms. Persons of needy circumstances, by paying the retail prices of his medicines, will be prescribed for gratis. May 21. (rif.)
LINSEED OIL.
A Quantity of Dutch Boiled LINSEED OIL, For Sale by THOMAS WHITE, May 21. tsw
VIRGINIA.
In the Superior Court of Chancery held in Richmond, Between Thomas Price and John Sandilge, And Alexander Outlaw, senior, and Alexander Outlaw, junior, Plaintiffs. Defendants.
COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE.
Richmond, 15th May, 1805. THE parties will take Notice that I have appointed the undersigned the twenty-ninth day of July next, to commence the account directed by the annexed decree Order of the Court—on which day they are requested to attend at my office in this city, with the accounts & vouchers prepared, and ready for examination and settlement—and with copies of the court papers. SAMUEL GREENHOW, M.C. May 21. cf
CASH
WILL be given for 12 or 15 BOYS, from 7 to 15 years old. Enquire of the Printers. Dec. 19. [cp1f]
EDUCATION FOR YOUNG LADIES:
AT WILLIAMSBURG, VA. WHILE the enlightened period in which we live dawns with benign influence on female improvement, and parents every where become emulous to obtain for their daughters, the advantages which polite education confers, an establishment calculated to gratify this amiable and just solicitude, cannot fail to excite interest, and meet approbation. Mr. Anderson's institution for the instruction of young ladies, formed in the bosom of a society distinguished for intelligence and refinement, and embracing both the useful and ornamental branches of their improvement, enjoys peculiar advantages of situation. As the seat of a justly celebrated university, and the residence of many families of the first distinction in our country, Williamsburg presents a scene, propitious in the highest degree to mental and personal accomplishment; and with a view, particularly, to the general improvement of young ladies, no place has superior claims to attention. The severity of the past winter occasioned a temporary suspension of the exercises of the school, but they are now resumed; and parents, who wish to benefit by this establishment, may obtain further information, on application by letter, or otherwise, to Mr. L. Anderson, Postmaster, Williamsburg, Va. April 26. ep2w&1f.
VALUABLE PROPERTY.
The subscriber desires to close his business in this place as soon as possible, is induced to offer for sale, the following valuable property, viz.
A CONVENIENT two story dwelling house, 24 feet square, having one room and a passage on the lower floor, two rooms on the second floor, and two good rooms in the garret, a cellar with plank ceiling; the yard inclosed with a brick wall seven feet high, the whole in good repair. This tenement is situated near the Bell Tavern, on the cross street leading to the Rock landing, and is insured in the Mutual Insurance company, against fire in the state of Virginia, and the premiums paid. Eleven unimproved half acre Lots, on Shoccoe-Hill, 600 acres Military land in Kanawha county, on the waters of Oldtown creek, a branch of Oliver river, being a grant made to George Muff, Adam Stevens, Andrew Lewis and others, in the year 1772. 25 tracts of Land in Montgomery county, containing 32, 17 3/4 acres, the whole patented in my name-viz. 4000 acres surveyed 24 April, 1786 in Montgomery county, on Cole river. 3050 acres surveyed 24th July, 1786 in same county, on 16 mile creek, adjoining the late General Washington's survey on Kanawha river. 5062 acres surveyed 23d July, 1786, in same county, on Loop waters, waters of New-river. 1000 acres surveyed 13th May, 1786 in same county, on the Ohio river. 3210 acres surveyed 5th April, 1786 in same county, south of a creek running into Cole river. 2153 acres surveyed 21st February, 1787 in same county, on Cole river. 820 acres surveyed 3d February, 1787 in same county, on the waters of Cooper's creek and Little Blue river. 1300 acres surveyed 16th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of the south fork of Cole river, that heads against Guyandott. 95 acres surveyed 10th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Glade creek. 75 acres surveyed 8th Feb. 1787 in same county, on a branch emptying into Glade creek on the south side of the same, and about one mile above the ford of said creek. 500 acres surveyed 10th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the north fork of Mud river, that heads against Guyandott. 1500 acres surveyed 12th May, 1786 in same county, on Ohio river. 2000 acres surveyed 8th May, 1786 in same county, on the great Kanawha. 1000 acres surveyed 10th May, 1786 in same county and on ditto. 263 acres surveyed 8th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head of Glade creek. 214 acres surveyed 7th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the waters of Glade creek, on the fourth side thereof. 135 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the west end of Joe's Ridge, and on the waters of Glade creek. 154 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county on Joe's ridge. 248 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county, on Joes ridge, and the waters of Glade and Cooper's creek. 414 acres surveyed 22d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the second fork of Cole River, on the road crossing from Piney river to Guyandott. 2000 acres surveyed 26th Feb. 1787 in same county, under the big pipe stem knob, and running down both sides of the creek. 416 acres surveyed 4th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the waters of Cooper's creek, and Joe's ridge. 380 acres surveyed 3d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Cooper's creek. 3395 acres surveyed 20th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the fourth fork of Cole river. 1345 acres surveyed 2d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of little blue river, about half a mile north from the White Oak creek. Three tracts of land in Monongalia county, patented in my name, viz. 350 acres by survey 1st June, 1796 in Monongalia county, adjoining Matthew Richey's land, and the Pandalough county line, on waters of Cheat river. 400 acres surveyed 20th October, 1797 in same county, adjoining lands of Abner Harper, above the mouth of White Day creek. 400 acres surveyed 15th Nov. 1797 in same county, adjoining Peter Drago, on Pinehe's run, to include an improvement made in the year 1773. 1000 acres in same county, on the west of Cheat river, above the lands of Thos. Butler. 900 acres in same county, on Buffalo creek, on a preemption right of David Gray. 250 acres in Greenbrier county, on Little Deer creek, adjoining lands of Joseph McClung. 891 acres in Montgomery county, surveyed 1st August, 1787, on the waters of Piney river & Point creek, waters of Kanawha river. 435 acres in Montgomery county, surveyed 9th June 1786, joining the lands of Joseph Eaton, Richard Mule, and James McCorkle. 250 acres in Wythe county, surveyed 4th Nov. 1795, on the Led Mine Mill creek. 180 acres in Albemarle county, patent dated 5th Jan. 1787, on William Hill creek, waters of Buck Island creek. One undivided moiety of five lots, in the town of Winchester, No's. 89, 90, 100, 101, and 109. The above will be sold very low, and the terms made known on application to WM. AUSTIN. Richmond, April 9.—(cf.) Just received, and for sale at RITCHIE and WORSLEY's book store, Price one dollar and fifty cents. A NEW SYSTEM OF MODERN GEOGRAPHY: OR a general Description of the most remarkable countries throughout the known world; their respective situations, extent, divisions, cities, rivers, mountains, soils and productions; their commerce, manners, customs and religions, together with their principal historical events and political importance in the great commonwealth of nations; compiled from the most modern systems of Geography, and the latest voyages and travels, and containing many important additions to the Geography of the United States that have never appeared in any other work of the kind. Illustrated with eight maps, comprising the latest discoveries, and engraved by the first American artists, designed particularly for the use of schools. BY BENJAMIN DAVIES. FOR SALE, AT RITCHIE & WORSLEY'S BOOK-STORE: BURKE's Works, 8 vols. calf, gilt, 24 Pindar's do. 5 do. do. do. 17 Moore's Amadis, handsomely bound in sheep 8 Johnson's Dictionary, with Walker's pronunciation, 3 50 Domestic Encyclopedia, 5 vols. 15 Darwin's Zoonomia. 2 vols. 6 Life, by Miss Semrad, 2 25 Burns' Works, 4 vols. calf, gilt, 8 Humphrey's Works, boards, 2 50 Life of Cowper, by Hayley, 8 Anacharsi's Travels in Greece, 4 vols. boards, 8 Brown's Elements of Medicine, 2 Cobbet's Grammar—for Frenchmen to learn English, 2 Robinson Crusoe, elegant edition, with plates, 2 Graydon's Digest of the Laws of the U.S. 4 Fleming's Justice, 3 50 Horace Delphini, 3 Virgil do. 3 Cicero do. 8 Caesar do. 9 Sallust do. 1 75 ALSO—A new edition of STATIONARY V. May 27.—(GT4)