Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-04-29 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIth Year.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No 1454.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, APRIL 29, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
The thorough bred imported horse, GOUTY,
WILL stand the ensuing season at my plantation on Rucker's Run, 5 miles from Amherst court-house and 12 from Warminster, and will cover mares at 25 dollars the season, 15 dollars the leap and 40 dollars insurance with one dollar to the groom in either case. The leap money to be paid at the time of service, the season on first day of August, and the insurance on first day of March 1809. Crop tobacco inspected at any of the warehouses on James river from Lynchburg to Richmond will be received in payment at 5 dollars per 100 lb. if tendered on or before the day it becomes due. Pasturage gratis but no liability for accidents or escapes. Gouty is a beautiful bay, 11 years old, 5 feet 3 inches high, elegantly formed and of great strength. He was got by Sir Peter Teazle, and came out of the celebrated Tellow-Mare, she was got by Tandem, her dam Perdita by Hired out of Fain Forester by Sloe, and so through the best stock that England has produced as may be seen by reference to the general stud book—Sloe was the most distinguished racer of his day, & was never beat. Gouty's Cots are running with great credit in England—In 1806 four only started, of which one was a winner and when losing they came in with great credit, beating the get of Buzzard, Precipitate, Oscar, Sir Peter Teazle and others of the first character. In England—in 1807 Mr. Weatherby (author of the Racing Calendar) writes to me under date Sept 19th, at which time the racing for that year was not over, that several of Gouty's colts were winners, and one of them had the misfortune to break his shoulder, or it was supposed he would have been the best of his year in England. The season will commence on first March and terminate first August. R. RIVES. February 10, 1808.
Extract of a letter just received by the Subscriber from Mr. Weatherby (author of the Racing Calendar) dated 15th January, 1808,—for the small number of Gouty's colts which started the past year, their success has been very great, their being five winners, and I think not more than seven or eight have appeared. Signed, JAS. WEATHERBY. April 20.
Was committed to the jail of Surry county the 15th of February last, a negro woman named NANCY, who says that she formerly belonged to Emanuel Robertson of Princess Ann County, Va. and was sold by him to Nathaniel Boring of Kentucky, and that she made her escape from the said Boring in the county of Nansemond on her way to Kentucky. Nancy is from eighteen to 20 years old, of rather a light complexion, four feet ten inches high, had on a calico jacket and Virginia cloth petticoat. The owner is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges and take her away, otherwise she will be dealt with as the law directs.
Benj. E. Browne, Sheriff.
15th April, 1808.
PETERSBURG, APRIL 22. We rejoice much to perceive the spirit for manufacturing which seems every where to pervade the bosoms of our citizens. It is an omen, and a very auspicious one, of the determined stand which the people are prepared to make, in order to place on a firmer basis the independence of their country.
In nearly all the large towns, the organization of manufacturing societies appears to be in a state of rapid progression. The merchant, the artist and the politician, are alike engaged in the laudable undertaking, and already the sound of the loom and the shuttle, and the "twirling of the distaff," announce the pleasing tidings that the happy works began.
A new order of things is about commencing. The commerce of our country, annihilated by those despots who cause the ocean to "groan beneath the weight of capured merchandize," no longer gives to wealth and enterprise the means of active employment. Some other source then must be looked to, from whence to draw the revenues of comfortable support. What plan so likely to conduce to national wealth and private emolument, as the manufacturing of the raw materials with which our country so plentifully abounds? And what plan, more effectual, can be devised, to rescue our country from its dependence on foreign monopoly? Let but this idea fasten upon the minds of people generally; let the experiment be made with practical zeal and earnestness, and we venture to assert that England will rue the day when the insolence of her naval officers usurped the privilege of making war on the republic.
In a word, to use the language of an elegant writer now no more, "It appears as if providence, which has always extended a peculiar blessing to these states, had produced a crisis of apparent danger and difficulty, in order to develop the resources and energies of the American character; and fortunately the wisdom of our government, by interposing the embargo, was made the instrument of carrying into effect its decrees."
We are happy to inform our readers that the manufacturing society of Petersburg is forwarding the objects of the association with all possible alacrity; about 30,000 dollars of the stock are already subscribed for, and there is no doubt, from the anxiety generally manifested, that the whole number of shares will be very soon taken.
We shall endeavor in our next to publish the Constitution of the Society, and to present to the public some additional information connected with the objects, progress, and general prosperity of the institution. (Petersburg Intcl.)
By Authority.
AN ACT,
To allow the importation of old Copper, Saltpetre, and sulphur free of duty. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That from and after the thirty-first day of March next, no duty shall be demanded or collected on the importation of old copper, which term shall apply only to such copper manufactures as have been worn out or otherwise so damaged as to be unfit for any other purpose than that of supplying a raw material, to be manufactured anew. And it shall be lawful for the collector of the port or district in which such old copper shall arrive, should any doubt arise whether such importation comes within the intent and meaning of this act, to appoint one person, and the owner, importer and consignee, to appoint another, who shall ascertain whether the copper imported comes under the denomination of old copper, as above described, and the proceedings in this instance shall be conducted in the like manner and form as the proceedings are directed to be had by the fifty second section of the act passed the second of March one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, regulating the collections of duties on imports and tonnage, in cases of incomplete entry, or of damage sustained by goods, wares and merchandise during the voyage.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That from and after the said thirty-first day of March next, no duty, or be demanded or collected on the importation of Saltpetre or Sulphur.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. March 4, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
RESOLUTION
To authorise the disposition of certain charts of the coast of North-Carolina. RESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby directed to cause to be sold, as many of the charts of the coast of North-Carolina, published in conformity to the resolution which passed the second of March, one thousand eight hundred and seven, as shall remain on hand, after reserving the number requisite for the use of the government for the United States.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. March 4, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT,
In further addition to an act entitled "An act to amend the judicial system of the United States."
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the circuit court of the United States, in the second circuit, shall consist of the justice of the supreme court residing within said circuit, and the district judge of the district in which such court may be held.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That within the district of Georgia, the circuit court to be held in the month of December, annually, shall hereafter be held at Milledgeville instead of Louisville.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That instead of the times heretofore established by law for holding the fall terms of the district court for the district of North Carolina, the same be commenced and held in future on the following days, that is to say; at Wilmington, in and for the district of Cape Fear, on the third Monday of October; at Newbern, in and for the district of Pamlico, on the Friday next after the third Monday of October, and at Edenton, in and for the district of Albemarle, on the first Tuesday which shall follow the Friday next after the third Monday of October, annually. And that all actions, suits, writs, process, pleadings, and other proceedings commenced or to be commenced, or which shall be now pending in any of the district courts of the district of North Carolina, for the terms aforesaid, shall be continued over and have day according to the alterations, hereby made and established, any thing in any former act or acts to the contrary notwithstanding.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. March 9, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
JUST RECEIVED AT THIS OFFICE, No. 4, of THE American Military Library or, Repository of Modern Tactics ; Adapted to the use of the Militia of the United States.—Illustrated with a sheet plate of nineteen manoeuvres. (The plate alone sells for 75 cents.) March 20
BLANK BONDS for sale at this office.
From Mr. Madison to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, May 20, 1807.
GENTLEMEN, My letter of March 18, acknowledged the receipt of your dispatches, and of the treaty signed on the 31st December, of which Mr. Purvis was the bearer, and signified that the sentiments and views of the president, formed on the actual posture of our affairs with Great Britain, would, without any useless delay, be communicated. The subject is accordingly resumed in this dispatch, with which Mr. Purvis will be charged. To render his passage the more sure and convenient, he takes it in the sloop of war Wasp, which will convey him to a British port, on her way to the Mediterranean. She will touch also at a French port, probably L'Orient, with dispatches for General Armstrong and Mr. Bowdoin, and will afford a good opportunity for any communications you may have occasion to make to those gentlemen.
The president has seen in your exertions to accomplish the great objects of your instructions, ample proofs of that zeal and patriotism in which he confided: and feels deep regret that your success has not corresponded with the reasonableness of your propositions, and the ability with which they were supported. He laments more especially that the British government has not yielded to the just and cogent considerations which forbid the practice of its cruisers in visiting and impressing the crews of our vessels, covered by an independent flag, and guarded by the laws of the high seas, which ought to be sacred with all nations.
The president continues to regard this subject in the light in which it has been pressed on the justice and friendship of G. Britain. He cannot reconcile it with his duty to our seafaring citizens, or with the sensibility or sovereignty of the nation, to recognize even constructively, a principle that would expose on the high seas, their liberty, their lives, every thing, in a word, that is dearest to the human heart, to the capricious or interested sentences which may be pronounced against their allegiance, by officers of a foreign government, whom neither the law of nations, nor even the laws of that government, will allow to decide on the ownership or character of the minutest article of property found in a like situation.
It has a great and necessary weight also with the president, that the views of congress, as manifested during the session which passed the non-importation act, as well as the primary rank held by the object of securing American crews against British impressment, among the objects which suggested the solemnity of an extraordinary mission, are opposed to any conventional arrangement, which, without effectually providing for that object, would disarm the U. S. of the means deemed most eligible as an eventual remedy.
It is considered, moreover, by the president, the more reasonable, that the necessary concession in this case should be made by Great Britain, rather than by the U. S. on the double consideration, first, that a concession on our part, would violate both a moral and political duty of the government, to our citizens, which would not be the case on the other side; secondly, that a greater number of American citizens, than of British subjects are, in fact, impressed from our vessels; and that, consequently, more of wrong is done to the U. S. than of right to Great Britain; taking even her own claim for the legal criterion.
On these grounds, the president is constrained to decline any arrangement, formal or informal, which does not comprise a provision against impressments from American vessels on the high seas, and which would, notwithstanding, be a bar to legislative measures, such as congress have the right, or may think proper to adopt, for controlling that species of aggression.
Persevering at the same time in his earnest desire to establish the harmony of the two nations on a proper foundation, and calculating on the motives which must be equally felt by Great Britain to secure that important object, it is his intention that your efforts should be renewed, with a view to such alterations of the instrument signed on the 31st December, as may render it acceptable to the U. S.
That you may the more fully understand his impressions and purposes, I will explain the alterations which are to be regarded as essential; and proceed then to such observations on the several articles, as will show the other alterations which are to be attempted, and the degree of importance respectively attached to them.
1st. Without a provision against impressments, substantially such as is contemplated in your original instructions, no treaty is to be concluded.
2d. The eleventh article on the subject of colonial trade, cannot be admitted, unless freed from the conditions which restrict to the market of Europe, the re-exportation of colonial produce, and to European articles, the supplies to the colonial market.
3d. The change made by the third article in the provisions of the treaty of 1794, relative to the trade with the British possessions in India, by limiting the privilege to a direct trade from the U. S. as well as to them, is deemed an insuperable objection.
4th. Either an express provision is to be insisted on, for indemnifying sufferers from wrongful captures, or at least a saving in some form or other, of their rights against any implied abandonment.
5th. Articles 18 and 19 to be so altered as to leave the U. S. free, as a neutral na-
tion, to keep and place other belligerent nations on an equality with Great Britain. 6th. No such alternative as is presented by the declaratory note on the subject of the French decree of Nov. 21st, 1806, will be admissible.
First. The considerations which render a provision on the subject of impressments indispensable, have been already sufficiently explained.
Second. The essential importance of the amendment required in the 11th article, results from the extensive effect which the article, if unamended, would have on the system of our commerce as hitherto carried on, with the sanction or acquiescence of Great Britain herself.
It was hoped that the British government, in regulating the subject of this article, would at least have yielded to the example of its treaty with Russia. It could not have been supposed that a modification would be insisted on, which shuts to our neutral commerce important channels, left open by the adjudications of British courts, and particularly by the principle officially communicated by that government to this, through Mr. King, in the year 1801.
According to that principle and those adjudications, the indirect trade through our neutral ports was as free from enemy colonies, to every other part of the world as to Europe; and as free to such colonies, in the articles of all other countries, as in European articles.
According to the tenor of the article, and the general prohibitory principle assumed by Great Britain, to which it has an implied reference, the productions both of the continental and of the insular colonies in America, can no longer be re-exported as heretofore to any part of Asia or Africa, or even of America, and consequently can no longer enter into the trades carried on from the U. S. to the Asiatic or African shores of the Mediterranean, nor to any of the places beyond the Cape of Good Hope, offering a market for them; nor finally to any other enemy or neutral colonies in this quarter, to which in reason, as well as according to practice, they ought to be as re-exportable as to the countries in Europe to which such colonies belong.
In like manner the importations from beyond the Cape of Good Hope, more especially the cotton fabrics of China and India, can no longer be sent as heretofore to the West Indies, or the Spanish Main, where they not only yield a great profit to our merchants, but being mixed in cargoes with the produce of this country, facilitate and encourage the trade in the latter. Besides the effect of the article in abridging so materially our valuable commerce, the distinction which it introduces between the manufactures of Europe, and those of China and India, is chargeable with evils of another sort. In many cases it might not be easy to pronounce on the real origin of the articles. It is not improbable that suppositions attempts also, might be occasionally made, by the least scrupulous traders, with such pretexts as these, arguing from the abuse made of less plausible ones, the interruptions and vexations of our trade, by the greedy cruisers which swarm on the ocean, could not fail to be augmented in a degree, not a little enforcing the objection to the article in its present form.
As the prohibitory principle of G. Britain does not extend to the case of a colonial trade usually open, and no judicial decision has professedly applied the principle to such a trade, it is a reasonable inference, that the article will not be so construed as to interfere with the trade of that description, between enemy colonies beyond the Cape of Good Hope, and other countries and ports in that quarter. But on the other hand, it may not be amiss to guard against a construction of the article that would abolish the rule observed in the prize courts of Great Britain, which, in the case of the eastern colonies, presumes that these ports were always open, and thereby throws on the captors, instead of the claimants, the disadvantage of proving the fact in question.
It is observable, that the duration of this article is limited to the period of the present hostilities, whilst the others are to be in force for ten years; so that if there should be a peace and a renewal of the war, as is very possible, within the latter period, the onerous parts of the bargain would survive a part, in consideration of which, they were assumed. Justice and reciprocity evidently require that the more important articles of the treaty should be regarded as conditions of each other, and therefore that they should be co-durable. In this point of view, you will bring the subject under consideration; & without making this particular amendment an ultimatum, press it with all the force which it merits. This amendment ought to be the less resisted on the British side, as it would still leave to that side, an advantage resulting from the nature of the two great objects to be attained by the U. S. States, namely, the immunity of our crews, and of our neutral commerce, which are connected with a state of war only; whereas the stipulations valued by Great Britain, will operate constantly throughout the period of the treaty, as well in a state of peace, as in a state of war.
Whatever term may finally be settled for the continuance of this regulation, it will be proper to retain the clause which saves the right involved in the article from any constructive abandonment or abridgment. Even the temporary modification of the right, as it will stand without the inadmissible restrictions now in the article, is considered as an important sacrifice on the part of the U. S. to their desire of friendly adjustment with G. Britain. To an admission of the article with those restrictions, the president
prefers the footing promised to the colonial trade, by the deference of Great Britain for the maritime powers, and by an unoffered right of the U. S. to adapt their regulations to the course which her policy may take.
That the operation of the article in its present form, might be more fully understood, it was thought proper to avail the public of the ideas of a citizen of great intelligence and experience with respect to our commerce. His remarks, contained in a paper herewith inclosed, afford a valuable elucidation of the subject. They will suggest at the same time, some explanatory precautions worthy of attention, particularly in the case of articles, which paying no duty on importation into the U. S. do not fall under the regulation of drawbacks; and in the case of securing by bond, instead of actually paying, the duties allowed to be drawback. It appears by the observations in your letter of January 3d, that the bond was understood, as it surely ought to be, equivalent to actual payment. But this is a point so material, that it cannot be too explicitly guarded against the misinterpretation of interested cruisers, and the ignorance or perverseness of inferior courts.
Third. The necessity of the change required in the third article, in order to secure an indirect, as well as a direct trade to the British East Indies, will be fully explained by the observations which have been obtained from several of our best informed citizens, on that subject, and which are herewith inclosed.
As this latitude of intercourse was stipulated by the 13th article of the treaty of 1794, as judicially expounded by British superior courts; as it was enjoyed by the U. S. States prior to that epoch, and has been always enjoyed, both before and since, by other friendly nations; and as there is reason to believe that the British government has been at all times ready, since the article expired, to renew it in its original form, it may justly be expected that the inserted innovation will not be insisted on. Should the expectation fail, the course preferred is to drop the article altogether, leaving the trade on the general footing of the most favored nation, or even trying to the interest of Great Britain for such regulations as may correspond with that of the U. S.
Should the negotiation take up the East India article of the treaty of 1794, you will find several amendments suggested in the extracts above referred to, some of which may be attempted with the greater chance of success, as they are harmless, if not favorable to the British system. To these suggestions may be added, a privilege to American vessels of touching at the cape of Good Hope. The objection to such a stipulation, under the present defeasible title of Great Britain to the cape, may be obviated by a descriptive provision, not necessarily applicable to it, in the event of its resumption by a treaty of peace, but embracing it, in case the British title should be established by that event. It may be agreed "that vessels of the U. S. may touch for refreshment at all the ports and places in the possession of Great Britain on or in the African or Asiatic seas."
Fourth. Without a provision, or a reservation, as to the claims of indemnity, an abandonment of them may be inferred from a treaty, as being a final settlement of existing controversies. It cannot be presumed, that a precaution against such an inference, in any mode that may be most effectual, can be opposed or complained of: on the contrary, it excites just surprise, that so much resistance should be made to indemnifications supported by the clearest rules of right, and by a precedent in a former treaty between the two countries, from which so many other articles have been copied. The only colorable plea for refusing the desired provision, flows from a presumption, not only that the British courts are disposed, but that they are competent, to the purpose of complete redress. Not to repeat observations heretofore made on this subject, an unanswerable one is suggested by the clause in the article of the treaty, annulling the principle, or rather the pretence, that vessels without contraband of war on board, returning from a port to which they have carried articles of that sort, were subject to capture and condemnation. Previous, even to the recognition, it had been settled as the law of nations, by the British high court of admiralty, that vessels so circumstanced, were exempt from interruption. Yet a British order of August, 1803, expressly declares them to be lawful prizes; and it is well known, that a number of American vessels have been seized and condemned under that order. Here then is a class of wrongs, undeniably entitled to redress, and which neither can, nor ever could possibly be redressed, in the ordinary course; it being an avowed rule, with the prize courts, to follow such orders of the government, as either expounding or superseding the law of nations. Even cases not finally decided, would probably be considered as falling under the rule existing at the time of the capture, and consequently be added to this catalogue of acknowledged, but unredressed injuries.
Fifth. Articles 18 and 19. An effect of these articles is to secure to British cruisers and their prizes a treatment in American ports, more favorable than will be permitted to those of an enemy; with a saving of contrary stipulations already made, and a prohibition of any such in future. As none of our treaties with the belligerent nations (France excepted) stipulate to their cruisers an equality in this respect, and as there are parties to the war, with whom we have no treaties, it follows that a discrimination is made, in

the midst of war, between the belligerent nations, which it will not be in the power of the U. S. to redress.
Weigthy considerations would dissuade from such a deviation from a strict equality towards belligerent nations, if stipulated at a time least liable to objection. But it would be impossible to justify a stipulation, in the midst of war, substituting for an existing equality, an advantage to one of the belligerent parties over its adversaries; and that too, without any compensation to the neutral, shielding its motive from the appearance of mere partiality. Hitherto the U. S. have avoided, as much as possible, such embarrassments; and with this view have gratuitously extended to all belligerents the privileges stipulated to any of them. Great Britain has had the benefit of this scrupulous policy. She can, therefore, with the less reason, expect it to be relinquished for her benefit.
The last paragraph of the 19th article, establishes a just principle as to the responsibility of a neutral nation, whose territory has been violated by captures within its limits; but by extending the principle to the two miles added to our jurisdiction by the 12th article, qualified as that addition is, it is made pecuniarily important that an amendment should take place.
Passing by the failure of a reciprocity, either in the terms, or the probable operation of the responsibility, the U. S. seem to be bound to claim from the enemies of Great Britain, redress for a hostile act, which enemies may not have renounced their right to commit within the given space; making thus the U. S. liable to the one party, without a correspondent liability to them in the other party; and at the same time entitling Great Britain to redress for acts committed by her enemies, which she has reserved to herself a right to commit against them.
Should all the other belligerent nations, contrary to probability, concur in the addition of two miles to our jurisdiction, this construction would still be applicable to their armed ships, those unarmed alone being within the additional immunity against British cruisers, and the armed, as well as the unarmed ships of Great Britain, being expressly within the additional responsibility of the U. S.
Sixth. No treaty can be sanctioned by the U. S. under the alternative presented by the declaratory note on the subject of the French decree of Nov. 21. It is hoped that the occasion which produced it will have vanished, and that it will not be renewed in connection with a future signature on the part of Great Britain. The utmost allowable in such a case would be a candid declaration that in signing or ratifying the treaty, it was understood on the part of Great Britain, that nothing therein contained would be a bar to any measure which, if no such treaty existed, would be lawful as a retaliation against the measures of an enemy. And with such a declaration, it would be proper, on the part of the United States, to combine an equivalent protest against its being understood that either the party or the British declaration would derogate from any rights or immunities, against the effect of such retaliating measures, which would lawfully appertain to them, as a neutral nation, in case no such treaty or declaration existed.
Having given this view of the alterations which are to be held essential, I proceed to notice such others as, though not included in the ultimatum, are to be regarded as more or less deserving your best exertions. This will be more conveniently done by a review of the several articles in their numerical order.
The 2d, 4th, and 5th, all relate to the trade and navigation between the two countries. The two first make no change in the stipulations of the treaty of 1794. The last has changed, and much for the better, the provisions of that treaty on the subject of tonnage and navigation.
Two important questions, however, enter into an estimate of these articles. The first is, whether they are to be understood as a bar to any regulations, such as navigation acts, which would merely establish a reciprocity with British regulations. From the construction which seems to have been always put on the same stipulations in the treaty of 1794, it is concluded that no such bar could be created, and consequently that the articles are in that respect unexceptionable. It may be well, nevertheless, to ascertain that the subject is viewed in this light by the British government.
The second question is, whether the parties be, or be not, mutually restrained from laying duties, as well as prohibitions, unfavorably discriminating between articles exported to them, and like articles exported to other nations.
According to the construction put by the United States on the same clauses in the treaty of 1794, the mutual restraint was applicable to discriminations of both kinds. The British discriminating duties on exports, introduced under the name of convoy duties, and since continued and augmented under other names, were accordingly augmented, during the existence of the treaty, as infractions to its text. The British government, however, never yielded to our construction, either in discussion or in practice. And it appears from what passed in your negotiations on this subject, that the construction which is to prevail, admits discriminating duties on exports.
In this point of view, the stipulation merits very serious attention. It cannot be regarded as either reciprocal or fair in principle, or as just and friendly in practice.
In the case of prohibitions, where both governments are on an equal footing, because it is understood that both have the authority to impose them, neither is left at liberty to exercise the authority.
In the case of duties, where the British government possesses the authority to impose them, but where it is well known that the authority is withheld from the government of the U. S. by their constitution, the articles are silent, and of course the British government is left free to impose discriminating duties on their exports, whilst no such duties can be imposed by the U. S. How will it be in practice? Stating the exports of G. Britain to the U. S. at six millions sterling on-
ly, the present duty of 4 per cent. levies a tax on the U. S. amounting to two hundred and forty thousand pounds, or one million, sixty-five thousand, six hundred dollars; and there is nothing, whilst the war in Europe checks competition there, and whilst obvious causes must for a long time enfeeble it here, that can secure us against further augmentations of the tribute.
Even under a regulation placing the U. S. on the footing of the most favored nation, it appears that the British government would draw into its treasury from our consumption, three-eighths of the revenue now paid into it by the U. S. States. Such a footing, however, would be material, as giving the U. S. the benefit of the check accruing from the more manufacturing state of the European nations. But to be deprived of that check by the want of an article, putting us on the footing of the nations most favored by G. Britain, and at the same time deprived of our own checks by clauses, putting G. Britain on the commercial footing of the nations most favored by the U. S. States, would in effect confirm a foreign authority to tax the people of the United States, without the chance of reciprocity or redress.
The British duty on exports to the U. S. States has another effect, not entirely to be disregarded. It proportionally augments the price of British manufactures, re-exported from the U. S. States to other markets, and so far promotes a direct supply from G. Britain, by her own merchants and ships. Should this not be the effect of her regulations as now framed, there is nothing that would forbid a change of them, having that for its object.
On these considerations it is enjoined upon you by the president, to press, in the strongest terms, such an explanation or amendment of this part of the treaty, as will, if possible, restrain G. Britain altogether from taxing exports to the U. S. States, or at least place them on the footing of the most favored nation; or if neither be attainable, such a change in the instrument in other respects, as will reserve to the U. S. States the right to discriminate between G. Britain, and other nations, in their prohibition of exports, the only discrimination in the case of exports, permitted by the constitution. The unwillingness of the president to risk an entire failure of the projected accommodation with G. Britain, restrains him from making an amendment of this part of the treaty, a sine qua non; but he considers it so reasonable, and so much called for by the opinions and feelings of this country, that he is equally anxious and confident with respect to a compliance on the part of the British government.
Article 6. This article, as taking the case of the West India trade out of any general stipulation of privileges granted to other nations, may prove convenient, by disencumbering measures, which may be taken against the British monopoly, from questions of which that stipulation might otherwise be susceptible.
Article 7. Though to remain if desired, would be more reasonable, without the last paragraph, or with a right only to accept places and periods, at which the trade of the other party may not be permitted.
Article 8. This article is framed with more accuracy than the 17th, on the same subject, in the treaty of 1794, and is improved by the additional paragraph at the close of it. But as such general stipulations have not been found of much avail in practice, and as it continues to be the wish of the president to avoid, especially at the present juncture, unnecessary confirmations of the principle, that a neutral flag does not protect enemies property, an omission of the article is much preferred, unless it be so varied as to be free from this objection. This may easily be done, by substituting a general stipulation, "that in all cases where vessels shall be captured or detained for any lawful cause, they shall be brought to the nearest or most convenient port; and such part only of the articles on board as are confiscable by the law of nations, shall be made prize; and the vessel, unless by that law subject also to confiscation, shall be at liberty to proceed, &c."
There ought to be the less hesitation, on the British side, in making this change, as the article in its present form, departs from that of 1794; and there is the more reason on our side, for requiring the change, as the addition of "for other lawful cause," after specifying the two cases, of enemy's property and contraband of war, is probably valued by Great Britain as supporting her doctrine, and impairing ours, with respect to colonial trade. The only case other than those specified, to which the right of capture is applicable, is that of blockades, which might have been as easily specified, as provided for by such a residuary phrase; and the pretext for appropriating this phrase to the case of the colonial trade, would be strengthened by the specific provision, in a subsequent article, for the case of blockades.
It cannot be alleged that the specification of the two cases of enemy's property and contraband of war, is necessary to prevent uncertainty and controversy; the U. S. States having sufficiently manifested their acquiescence in these causes of capture. If there be a source of uncertainty and controversy, it is in the expressions "other lawful cause," and "otherwise confiscable," and this source could not be increased by the change here proposed.
Article 9. This article is an improvement of that on the same subject, in the treaty of 1794; inasmuch as it excepts from the list of contraband, tar and pitch, when not bound to a port of naval equipment; and when so bound, substitutes pre-emption for forfeiture. It has an advantage also, in the clause renouncing the principle of the British order, of June, 1803, against vessels returning from places to which they had carried contraband of war.
On the other hand, it would not have been unreasonable to expect that the British government would, in a treaty with the U. S. States, have insisted, on no stipulation less favorable than her stipulation on the same subject, with Russia; especially as the naval stores exported from the U. S. are equally the growth and produce of this country.
Consistency, again, as well as reason, evidently required that the exception in favor of tar and pitch should have been ex-
tended to every species of naval stores, equally applicable to other uses than those of war, undesignated to places, other than those of naval equipment.
Lastly, it is observable, that even turpentine and rosin are not included with tar and pitch in the favorable exceptions, tho' of a character so kindred as to leave no pretext for the distinction.
Neither has the British government the slightest ground for regarding as a concession, the stipulated immunity of a vessel, which, on her outward voyage, had carried contraband to a hostile port. The principle asserted by her order on that subject, is an innovation against the clearest right of neutrals, as recognized and enforced even by British courts. The very language of the article implies that this is a fre-terre for the innovation. These considerations urge a re-modification of the article; and they are strengthened by the great dislike of the president to formal recognitions, at this particular moment, of principles combated by some, and unfavorable to all neutral nations. So ineligible indeed, in his view, is any step tending in the least to retard the progress of these principles, that naval stores are to be left on a stipulated list of contraband, in the event, only, of an inflexible refusal of the British government to omit them; nor are they to be retained in any event, without an addition or explanation that will except turpentine and rosin, as well as tar and pitch; there being no plausible motive for the distinction; and the quantity and value of the two former exported from the United States, being found, on inquiry, to make them of equal importance with the two latter. It can scarcely be supposed that the British government will insist on this unwarrantable distinction. It is not indeed improbable, that it has been a mere inadvertence. Such an inference is favored by the circumstance of your speaking, on your comment on this article, of tar and turpentine , as being the two exceptions—Whatever the true state of the case may be, it is thought better to omit a list of contraband altogether, than not to include in the exception from it, turpentine and rosin, as well as tar and pitch.
Article 10. The abuse of blockades has been so extravagant, and has produced so much vexation and injury to the fair commerce of the U. S. States, that on one hand it is of great importance to find a remedy; so, on the other, it is the more necessary, that the remedy should be such as not itself to admit of abuse. The considerations which reconciled you to the tenor of the article, as at least a constructive approach to a solid provision for the case, are allowed the weight which they justly merit; whilst the course which your discussions took, are a proof of the exertions which were used to give the article a more satisfactory form. The failure, however, of the British commissioners to substantiate a favorable construction of the article, by a proper explanatory letter addressed to you, with their reasons for refusing to insert in the treaty a definition of blockade, justify apprehensions that the vague terms which alone were permitted to compose the article, would be more likely to be turned against our object, by courts and cruisers, and perhaps by a less liberal cabinet, than to receive in practice the more favorable construction which candor anticipated.
The British doctrine of blockades exemplified by practice, is different from that of all other nations, as well as from the reason and nature of that operation of war. The mode of notifying a blockade by proclamations & diplomatic communications, of what too is to be done, rather of what, in fact, had been done, is more particularly by the evil which is to be corrected. Against these nominal blockades, the article does not sufficiently close the door. The preamble itself, which refers to distance of situation, as a frequent cause of not knowing that a blockade exists, tho' in one view giving the U. S. States the advantage of a favorable presumption; in another view, carries an admission unfavorable to our principle, which rests not on the distance of situation, but on the nature of the case, and which consequently rejects in all cases the legal sufficiency of notifications in the British mode. The preamble is liable to the remark also, that it separates our cause from the common one of neutral nations in a less distant situation, and that the principle of it may even be pleaded against us in the case of blockades in the West Indies. These considerations would have been outweighed by the advantage of establishing a satisfactory rule on this subject, in favor of our trade; but without such a provision in the article, it is tho' less advisable to retain it, than to trust to the law of blockades as laid down by all writers of authority, as supported by all treaties which define it, and more especially as recognized and communicated to the U. S. States, by the British government, through its minister here, in last; not to mention the influence which the course of events and the sentiments of the maritime nations in friendship with Great Britain may have, in producing a reform on this subject.
The last paragraph, tho' subjecting persons in civil as well as military service of an enemy, to capture in our vessels, may prove a valuable safeguard to ordinary passengers and mariners, against the wrongs which they now frequently experience, and which affect the vessel as well as themselves.
Article 12. It is much regretted that a provision could not be obtained against the practice of British cruisers, in hovering and taking stations for the purpose of surprising the trade going in and out of our harbors; a practice which the British government felt to be so injurious to the dignity and rights of that nation, at periods when it was neutral. An addition of two miles, nevertheless, to our maritime jurisdiction, so far as to protect neutral and other unarmed vessels, notwithstanding its want of anything like a due reciprocity, is not without its value. This value will at the same time be very materially impaired, if the stipulation cannot be liberated from the clause requiring the consent of the other belligerent nations, as necessary to exempt their vessels from search and seizure. None of the other belligerent nations have, in fact, unarmed vessels engaged in our trade, nor are they likely to have any during the war; and these alone
could derive advantage from their consent; their armed vessels being expressly excepted. There can be no motive with them, therefore, to agree to the regulation. They would rather be tempted to embarrass it, with a view to continue as much as possible vexations which lessen the mutual good will of the parties. And as by their not agreeing to the regulation, the right is reserved to British cruisers to examine all vessels for the purpose of ascertaining whether they may not belong to a belligerent, the disturbance of our trade might be little diminished within the additional two miles. Besides the mere interruption of a search concerning the vessel, it is hardly to be expected from the general spirit of cruisers, that the search will not be extended to the cargo; and if the latter should be thus or otherwise found or suspected to be of a confiscable sort, that the temptation to capture would be resisted, the less so perhaps, as the increased distance from the shore, and the increased difficulty of proof, would favor the chance of condemnation, or at least countenance courts in their propensity to refuse damages and costs to the claimants. To secure the advantage promised by this article, the right of search ought to be suppressed altogether, the additional space enjoying in this respect the same immunity as is allowed to the marine league. To this object the president wishes your endeavors to be directed.
I reserve for the 19th article another view of the subject, which will claim your attention.
Article 13. The general provision heretofore copied from the treaty of 1794, though not hitherto found of much effect, in controlling the licentiousness of cruisers, and very different from the special rules in favor of neutrals contained in most treaties which touch the subject of search, enters very properly into a comprehensive arrangement between two friendly nations. The introductory sentence alone, which consists of new matter, invites particular notice. The expressions "as the course of the war may possibly permit," and "observing, as much as possible, the acknowledged principles and rules of the law of nations," however favorably intended by the British negotiators, will not probably be construed into a relaxation of the neutral right in favor of belligerent pleas, drawn from circumstances of which belligerent agents will be the judges. The expressions may easily be so varied as to refer simply to the law of nations for the rule, and to the friendship of the parties for the spirit, according to which the search is to be conducted. If such an amendment should be deliberately rejected by the British government, it will be a proof of a lurking danger, that will recommend an omission of what relates to the subject of search, in preference to retaining it.
Articles 14, 15 and 16, call for no particular observation.
Article 17. So much of this article as relates to the admission of ships of war, would be advantageously exchanged for a general stipulation, allowing on this subject the privilege granted to the most favored nation. It would then be in the power of the United States to limit the number admissible at one time, whereas such an indefinite admission of British ships imposes on our neutrality a like indulgence to the fleets of other nations. Such an alteration of the article is the more reasonable and important, as there will be little reciprocity in its operation; the U. S. States having but few ships, and the inconveniences from British ships in our ports, being much greater than those from our ships, in British ports.
The engagement to treat officers of the navy with respect, is not only too indefinite to be enforced by penal regulations, but implies a reproachful defect of hospitality and civility. In this light it was viewed during the discussions of the treaty of 1794. The clause probably grew then out of recent complaints, well or ill founded, of disrespectful conduct on some occasion towards British officers. If latter occurrences were to be consulted, it would be a more apt provision now to stipulate for the punishment of naval commanders making insulting and ungrateful returns for the kindness and respect shown them in our ports and towns. The president makes almost a point of excluding this part of the article.
Articles 18 and 19, already noticed.
Article 20. Considering the great number of British merchants residing in the U. S. States, with the great means of influence possessed by them, and the very few American merchants who reside in Great Britain, the inconvenience which may be incident to such a protracted right to remain during a state of war, is evidently much greater on our side than on the other. In this view the stipulation is very unequal. The liberal spirit of it, at the same time, highly commendable. It were only to be wished that the readiness on one side to make sacrifices of this sort, to a spirit which ought to pervade every part of a treaty between the parties, had been less met by an apparent disposition on the other side, rather to extort from, than to emulate it.
Article 21. Not agreeable, but not to be an insuperable obstacle.
Article 22, is altogether proper.
Article 23. This article, granting the privileges of the most favored nation, seems to require explanation, if not alteration. The terms "shall continue to be on the footing of the most favored nation," implies that the parties are now on that footing. To look no further, the discrimination between exports from Great Britain to Europe and to the U. S. is a proof that the fact is otherwise.
But may not the expression be construed into a barrier against laws on the part of the U. S. States, establishing a reciprocity with the British navigation act, and West India regulations? It might be impolitic to extend such laws to all other nations, as it would be unjust to extend them to such as had not adopted the restrictive system of Great Britain. And yet a discrimination might be arranged as not continuing Great Britain on the same footing with other nations.
The object of this article, so far as it is a legitimate one, would be sufficiently provided for by a mutual stipulation of the privileges in trade and navigation, enjoyed by the most favored nation; and such stipu-
lations moreover, ought in justice to import promptly, that where privileges are granted to a third nation, in consideration of privileges received, the privileges cannot be claimed under the stipulation, without a return of the same or of equivalent privileges. The condition is certainly not without difficulties in the execution, but it avoids a greater evil. Should Spain or France open her colonies to our ships and productions, on our granting certain privileges to her trade, these could not be claimed or expected by the most friendly nation who would not pay the price of them.
Article 24 and 25 are entirely proper.
Article 26. It is particularly desirable that the duration of the treaty should be abridged, to the term limited in the instructions of the 5th January, 1803.
Having taken this view of the subject with reference to a formal treaty under new modifications, it is necessary to recollect that you were authorized by my letter of February 3, to enter into informal arrangements, and that before the receipt of my letter of March 16, a plan of that sort may have been definitely settled. In such a state of things it is impossible to do better than to leave your own judgment, aided by a knowledge of circumstances unknown here and by the sentiments of the President now communicated, to decide how far it may be eligible, or otherwise, to attempt to supersede that informal arrangement by opening the negotiation herein contemplated.
Should on the other hand, the negotiation be found in the state avowed by my letter of March 18th, that is to say, matured provisionally only, and consequently leaving the door open for the experiment now provided for, it must equally remain with your own judgment, guided by a comparison of the terms of the provisional arrangement, with the present instructions, to decide how far it may be best to close the former, or to pursue the objects of the latter, with a view, in case of failure, to return to, and close the former.
Whatever may be the course recommended by the actual state of things, you will feel the propriety of smoothing the way for it, by the explanations which will best satisfy the British government, that the several steps taken on the part of the United States, have proceeded from their solicitude to find some ground, on which the difficulties and differences existing between the two countries, might be amicably and permanently terminated. You will be equally aware of the importance of transmitting, as early and as circumstantial information of your proceedings and prospects, as opportunities will permit; and will particularly keep in mind, the earnest desire of the president, to possess, in due time, every material preparatory to the communications relating to our affairs with Great Britain, which will be so anxiously expected, on the meeting of Congress, the first Monday in December.
Such are the instructions and explanations under which the task is consigned to you, of renewing the discussions with the British government. The president is well assured that it will be executed with all the advantage which talents and patriotism can contribute; and he is unwilling to believe that that government will finally prefer to the reasonable terms proposed, the serious state of things which will be left, by a miscarriage of this ulterior appeal to the rectitude which ought to govern a just and friendly nation. As it is possible, however, that this favorable calculation may not be verified, and it will necessarily remain to be decided, whether such a state of things can be obviated by any additional proposition, the president has taken the care into his serious deliberation, and has concluded to authorize you, in the event of a rejection of every arrangement already authorized, but in that event only, to admit an article to the following effect:
"It is agreed that after the term of months computed from the exchange of ratifications and during a war in which either of the parties may be engaged, neither of them will permit any seaman, not being its own citizen or subject, and being a citizen or subject of the other party, who shall not have been for two years at least prior to that date, constantly, and voluntarily, in the service, or within the jurisdiction of the parties respectively, to enter, or be employed on board any of its vessels navigating the high seas; and proper regulations, enforced by adequate penalties, shall be mutually established, for distinguishing the seamen of the parties respectively, and for giving full effect to this stipulation."
You will observe that the proposition is so framed as not to comprehend among British seamen, those who have been made citizens of the United States and who must necessarily be so regarded within their jurisdiction, and under their flag. This modification of the article cannot produce any real objection on the part of Great Britain. 1st. Because the legal pre-requisites to naturalization in the United States, imply what is sufficiently known, that the number of seamen actually naturalized or likely to be so, is too small to claim attention in any arrangement on this subject.
2d. Because the right of British subjects to naturalize themselves in a foreign trade and navigation, as laid down by the judicial authority of Great Britain, ought to restrain the government from making a difficulty on this point.
If an attempt should be made to bind the United States to deliver up the seamen to G. Britain, instead of excluding them merely from their own service, you are to say at once, that it would be inconsistent with our principles, and cannot be acceded to.
It will occur to you that the period of two years has been chosen, in allusion to the period established by Great Britain, as sufficiently incorporating alien, with British seamen. Her own example at least must have weight with her, and the implied appeal to it, may be of use in shielding the measure against public prejudices, to which the government may not wish to expose itself.
If the British government be not predetermined against a friendly adjustment, it is confidently presumed that the concession proposed, will not only overcome all obstacles to your success on the essential points, but may be turned to account in promoting the amendment of the other articles.
Should the concession, however, contrary to all expectation, not succeed, even as to the essential objects, the course prescribed by prudence will be to signify your purpose of transmitting the result to your government; avoiding carefully any language or appearance of hostile anticipations; and receiving and transmitting at the same time, any overtures which may be made on the other side, with a view to bring about accommodation. As long as negotiation can be honorably protracted, it is a resource to be preferred, under existing circumstances, to the peremptory alternative of improper concessions, or inevitable collisions.
The last suggestion I have to make to you is that in case of great difficulties in re-adjusting the multiplied provisions embraced by the
See Durnford and East's reports, Wilson versus Marriott; and the same case in Bonaquet Pultier's reports.

A Court held for Cumberland County 25th January, 1808.  JOHN ANDERSON, Plaintiff, AGAINST JOHN HOLLAND & JAMES HOLLAND, Defendants.  THIS day came the plaintiff, by his attorney, and the defendant JOHN, not having entered his appearance and given security according to law and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, aforesaid, it is ordered, that the said defendant JOHN, do appear here on the fourth Monday in April next and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be published in one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for three months successive-ly and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.  A copy—Attest, J. P. MILLER WOODSON, Clk.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Drury Childers, in order to secure the payment of a certain sum of money due to William and Daniel Thompson, & all cost incurred by carrying the same into effect, we shall on Saturday, the thirtieth day of April next, at Mr. Peter Francisco's Tavern, proceed to sell for cash, four negroes, viz: Isham, Phillis, Rachel, and Salley, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of said deed.  TARLTON WILLIAMS, STEPHEN HOOPER, Trustees.
Bckingham, 19th March 1808. wids.  BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to Edward P. Chamberslayne, dec., and myself by James B. Littlepage, to secure the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned, due by the said Littlepage, to Benjamin Mosby, assignee of William Dandridge. I shall on Wednesday the first day of June next, proceed to sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at King William courthouse, a certain tract or parcel of LAND, lying and being in the parish of St. John's, and county of King William, and commonly known as and called by the name of Palmers, containing by estimation Four Hundred and Fifteen Acres of high Land, and One Hundred Acres of Marsh Land, be the same more or less, and bounded by the lands of Bernard Moore, William Gregory, George W. P. Custis and John Quarles, dec., and Mata-pony River. BERN'D LIPSCOMB.  February 24. wids.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Ambrose Dudley of King William county, to secure a debt due by the said Ambrose Dudley to Benjamin Mosby, assignee of William Dandridge—We shall proceed to sell, for ready cash, for the best price that can be obtained, on the premises, on the second day of June next, a certain Tract or Parcel of Land, lying and being in the county of King William, being the same on which the said Dudley now resides, and the same which the said Dudley purchased of William Dandridge, containing 602 acres, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to pay the sum of 400 pounds, current money, with legal interest thereon from the 1st day of April, 1807, till payment, together with all expenses attending the execution thereof.  BERN'D LIPSCOMB. NATH'L. FOX. 26th February, 1808. wids.
Charlotte Court, 1st February, 1808.  JOSEPH OLIVER, Plaintiff, AGAINST WILLIAM BAKER, Deft. ry.  THE defendant not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered that he appear here on the first day of May court next and enter his appearance and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond, for two months successive-ly, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county.  A Copy—Attest, THOMAS READ, Clk.
A Court held for Louisa county on Monday the 8th day of February, 1808.  Robert Yancey, & co. Plaintiffs, against William Meriwether and Robert Dickerson, Defendants.  THE defendant Wm Meriwether, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; therefore, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, it is ordered and decreed by the court, that the said defendant Meriwether do appear here on the second Monday in May next, and answer the plaintiffs bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for eight weeks successive-ly, and published at the front door of the court-house of this county, on some court day.  A copy—Attest, John Poindexter, C. L. C.
VIRGINIA: A Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capital in the city of Richmond, the 13th day of February, 1808.  John S. Moore, Plaintiff, against John Magee and John Harris, Defendants.  THE defendant John Magee not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by counsel it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successive-ly, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A copy—Attest, Peter Tinsley, C. C.
United States Court, Fifth Circuit Virginia District, Nov. term, 1807.  Charles and Jesse Ewell, Plaintiffs, AGAINST Tristram Dalton & Tobias Lear, merchants and traders under the firm of Dalton and Company, Defendants.  THE defendants Tristram Dalton and Tobias Lear, not having entered their appearance and given security according to a rule of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this district, on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the plaintiffs bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond, for two months successive-ly, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city.  A copy—Attest, WILLIAM MARSHALL, Clk.
At a Court held for Buckingham County, the 11th day of January, 1808.  James Murphy & Company, Plaintiffs, AGAINST William Jones (son of John) and Thomas E. Jones, Defendants.  ON the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendant William Jones, is not an inhabitant of this state. It is ordered and decreed that unless the said William Jones shall appear here, on or before May court next, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to him, and decree the matter thereof accordingly, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond, for two months successive-ly, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county.  A Copy. R. ELDRIDGE, Jr. D. C.
At a Court held for Buckingham County, the 11th day of January 1808.  Sarah Holloway, widow of Robert Holloway, deceased; Geo: Seaton Holloway, and Elizabeth Holloway children and devisees of the said Robert Holloway, deceased, by the said Sarah their mother and next friend, Plaintiffs. AGAINST Smith Tandy and Nathan Ayres, Defendants.
ON the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant Smith Tandy is not an inhabitant of this state: It is ordered and decreed that unless the said Tandy shall appear here on or before the first day of May term next and answer the bill of the plaintiffs; the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to him and decree the matter thereof accordingly, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successive-ly, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county.  A copy—Attest, R. Eldridge Jr. D. C.
Advertisement.  THE sale not having taken place at the time appointed in a former advertisement; will be sold, on Friday the 6th day of May next, for ready money, on the premises, a
Valuable Tract of Land, lying in the county of Halifax on Staunton river, containing seven hundred and twenty-five acres, more or less; it was once the property of Samuel Beall, was sold by him to Wm. Moseley, and mortgaged by Moseley to Robert Andrews and John Pierce, trustees of Beall, to secure the payment of the purchase money—The indenture of mortgage, which was recorded in the general court, bears date the 22d day of June 1795. At the same time and place, such of the SLAVES as are described in the said mortgage, and may be produced by the said Moseley, will also be sold for cash.—The sale is made by virtue of a decree of the superior court of chancery for the Richmond district, pronounced in a suit therein depending, in which the said Pierce, surviving trustee is plaintiff, and the said Moseley is defendant, and for the purpose of raising the following sums, with interest, viz: 1081. 15s. with interest at the rate of 5 per cent. from the 1st of January 1793—1051. 2s. 6d. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1794—1011. 10s. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1795—971. 17s. 6d. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1796—961. 5s. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1797—811. 14s. with like interest from the 14th day of July 1802—and 35 dollars 33 cents, the costs of the suit. The residue of the money decreed to be raised the plaintiff does not pretend to claim, as appears by an endorsement made by the clerk of the said court on the order dissolving an injunction obtained by John B. Scott, to stay the sale of the said land, which endorsement is copied from a writing filed in the suit first above mentioned by the plaintiff's agent and attorney.  The COMMISSIONERS. Richmond, March 11, 1808. wids.
Wirt's Speeches.  THE Editor of the Argus has this day published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the trial of AARON BURR, and others:
REMOVAL.  GEORGE WATT, has removed to the main street, next door above the Bell Tavern, where he offers for sale the following articles:  20 hhds Brown Sugar, 30 hhds Molasses, 8 Tierces and 8 barrels best Green Coffee, 20 hhds Antigua Rum, 5 pipes Hol and Gin, 4 pipes Cognac Brandy, 2 hls. and 20 bks Northern Whiskey, 15 gr casks old Sherry Wine, 3 chests Young Hyson Tea, 6 chests Hyson Skin, do. 5 chests Souchong, do. 70 sacks Liverpool ground Salt.  Richmond, 16th March, 1808. 1w/6w
SIR HARRY,  THE handsomest and one of the best of the best of Sire Peter Teazle, (unquestionably) by the best stallion now in England & interior to none ever bred in that country: will stand the ensuing season at my stable, in King and Queen county, about 40 miles from Richmond, 7 from Dunkirk and 12 from Tappahannock, at 50 dollars the season, notes for which, and half a dollar for the groom, must be sent with the mares or before they are taken away. The 50 dollars may be discharged by the payment of 40 dollars cash. (And in the event of the embargo continuing, or war, by 30 dollars) on or before the expiration of the season, which will commence on the 1st March and end 1st August. Extensive high and low land pasturage, as good as any in Virginia, gratis. Mares may be fed with corn at the market price, and every attention will be paid to them, but no liability for escapes or accidents of any kind. Mares and foals will be kept by themselves.  Sir Harry was imported in the fall of 1804, from London, is now 12 years old, in high health and vigor, 15 hands 3 inches high, full of bone and muscle, fine points, elegant form and beautiful brown color. He has covered three seasons in this country, has proved himself a sure foal getter, and his stock are equal to any in the world. He was one of the best racers in England, both for speed and bottom, with very heavy weights, and probably cost more money than any horse ever imported into this country (standing the owner within a trifle of £1200 sterling when landed) and in the estimation of good judges, is equal, if not superior, to any that is now, or ever was in the state. As the universal practice here, is to run heats, it is necessary to point out to those who have fine mares, the advantages that may result from sending them to this horse.  His dam Matron, (foaled in 1785) was got by Alfred, grandam (dam of Pilot) by Marsk, great grandam by Regulus, great grandam (dam of Wildair and Vampire) by Steady, great grandam by Paltmer, Greyhound, Makeless, Counsellor, Brimmer, Piacce's White Turk. Alfred was got by Marcham (foaled in 1770) out of a Snap mare (the dam of Conductor, Dictator, Georgian and others) bred by the duke of Kingston, foaled in 1762, her dam by the Cul-len Arabian; Griawood's Lady Thigh, by Paltmer; Greyhound; Sophonisba's dam, by the Curwan Bay Barb; Lord D'Arcy's chesnut Arabian; Whitehirt; Old Montague mare.  Marcham was got by Cade; Cade (own brother to Lath) was got by the Godolphin Arabian; Marsk was got by Squirt; Squirt was got by Bartlett's Childers; Regulus was got by the Godolphin Arabian.  Sir Peter Teazle was got by Highflyer, out of Papilion, by Snap, Snap was got by Snip; Snip was got by the Devonshire Childers, out of a Basto mare; Highflyer was got by Herod, out of Rachel by Blank; Herod was got by Tartar, out of Cypryn, by Blaze; Tartar was got by Partner, out of Meliora, by Old Fox.  John Hoskins. witi
TO RENT,  A GOOD TENEMENT on Market Alley, opposite the Market House; it is among the best stands in the neighborhood for a grocery. For terms apply to the subscriber or to Harry Tompkins  ISAAC WEBSTER. February 15. if
For Sale or Rent,  THE HOUSE, OFFICE & STABLE, with an excellent garden, all in good order, and at present occupied by Mr Samuel P. Parsons, joining major Prior, on the Hay-Market square. For particulars apply to  JASPER ROBBINS, or Mr. JOHN M'ENRY'S Feb. 24, 1808
TO RENT  The House and Lot, At present occupied by Mr Hezekiah Mosby pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family—Possession may be had on the 3rd March next, when Mr Mosby's time will expire  Thomas Elliott. Richmond, 29th Jan 1808. if
REMOVAL.  WE have removed our Countinghouse to the house immediately below, and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Muscovado Sugar by the hogshead or barrel, Sherry Wine, in quarter casks, and a few cases Old Claret of superior quality.  ROBERT & ALLAN POLLOCK, & Co. March 8, 1808. (if)
NOTICE.  THE Subscribers having formed a connection in business, under the firm of HOVEY & SIZER, OFFER FOR SALE, at the Store lately occupied by Mr. Charles J. Macmurdo, the following articles.
MILITARY LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY.  THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio. Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers, state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds—For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to  William Du-Val. Buckingham, January 20, 1808. wif
Richmond Tile Manufactory.  THE subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harwood's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of Thirty Five Dollars per thousand, delivered at his factory.  He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 30 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction on these tiles to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent.  Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side of the vessels, at the expense of cartage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tile with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid.  BENJAMIN DU VAL. Richmond, March 12, 1808. N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other states. B. D.
For Rent,  THE House on the Main Street, next to Messrs Ellis and Allan, and now occupied by Mrs Piepoe. Possession will be given on the first of January next—apply to  JOSEPH GALLIEGO. Richmond, Dec. 27, 1807. if
Valuable Lands.  THE subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for Property in Richmond or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river.  Also, 1000 acres, in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 16th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the north side of Little river, a branch of Cumberland river, and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.  Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia, on Old Town creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse.  Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond.  THOMAS BOHANNON. January 23d, 1808. if
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on, for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements, a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country—To say for Houses in this city—Lands in Henrico county, joining the academy lands, and near this city—2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky—1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county—Two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 866 2/3 acres.  Robert Mitchell. Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808. if
TO RENT,  A GOOD TENEMENT on Market Alley, opposite the Market House; it is among the best stands in the neighborhood for a grocery. For terms apply to the subscriber or to Harry Tompkins  ISAAC WEBSTER. February 15. if
For Sale or Rent,  THE HOUSE, OFFICE & STABLE, with an excellent garden, all in good order, and at present occupied by Mr Samuel P. Parsons, joining major Prior, on the Hay-Market square. For particulars apply to  JASPER ROBBINS, or Mr. JOHN M'ENRY'S Feb. 24, 1808
TO RENT  The House and Lot, At present occupied by Mr Hezekiah Mosby pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family—Possession may be had on the 3rd March next, when Mr Mosby's time will expire  Thomas Elliott. Richmond, 29th Jan 1808. if
REMOVAL.  WE have removed our Countinghouse to the house immediately below, and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Muscovado Sugar by the hogshead or barrel, Sherry Wine, in quarter casks, and a few cases Old Claret of superior quality.  ROBERT & ALLAN POLLOCK, & Co. March 8, 1808. (if)
NOTICE.  THE Subscribers having formed a connection in business, under the firm of HOVEY & SIZER, OFFER FOR SALE, at the Store lately occupied by Mr. Charles J. Macmurdo, the following articles.
MILITARY LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY.  THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio. Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers, state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds—For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to  William Du-Val. Buckingham, January 20, 1808. wif
Richmond Tile Manufactory.  THE subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harwood's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of Thirty Five Dollars per thousand, delivered at his factory.
10 Dollars Reward.  RUN AWAY from the subscriber in Albemarle county, near Charlottesville, on Sunday the 11th of April,  A Negro Man, named George, Dark complexion, about thirty two years old, five feet eleven inches high, stout and well made, took with him a negro cotton coat and overalls, also, a long blue coat, a smooth fur hat, nearly new, with a large brim. One of his arms is crooked, but would not be discovered without being closely examined. I have reason to believe he is about Richmond. I will give the above reward to any person that will lodge the said negro in jail, so that I get him again, or fifteen dollars if delivered to me in Albemarle, besides what the law allows.  Joel Terrell. Albemarle, April 13, 1808. 3w
10 Dollars Reward.  RUN AWAY from the Subscriber on Friday last, a Negro Man named JOHN, a carpenter by trade. He is six feet and upwards high, very likely, of insinuating manners, extremely polite when spoken to. For three years past he lived with Mr. Anderson Barrett. He has a free mulatto woman for his wife, in Richmond, living near the work house, where I expect he will stay. He took with him several articles of husbandry; amongst them, a pair of iron wedges, marked with the letter P. I will give a reward of ten dollars, if delivered to me in the lower end of Hanover, or eight if confined in jail, and I apprised of it. He is called by the negroes John Russell.  ARMISTEAD RUSSELL. Hanover, January 24, 1808. if
Rec's Cyclopaedia.  VOL. 7, PART 2d. or No. 14. Of this work, is just received at this office. Subscription will open.  March 11, 1808.
LAND FOR SALE. Pursuant to a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by John C. Miller, for the purpose of securing the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned: will be sold upon the first Monday in January 1808, for cash upon the premises, a tract of land, mentioned in said deed, lying upon the waters of Lockes and Harris creek, in the county of Prince Edward, and supposed to contain between six and seven hundred acres. We shall make such title as is transferred to us by said Miller, saving all former encumbrances. The improvements upon this land are such as are usual upon snug plantations in this part of the country, but better fenced than usual.  Prince Edward, Oct. 16, 1807. CHARLES WOODSON, JAMES MADISON, Trustees.
* The above sale is postponed till Tuesday the 28th day of June next.  April 20, 1808. 10w
Boarding House.  Mrs. MOODY  Has taken a large tenement on the Main Street near Mrs. Braxton's, in a healthy pleasant part of the city. Six or eight gentlemen may be accommodated with board upon moderate terms.  Richmond. April 21st, 1808. 3
Penitentiary Store.  THE subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary, offers for sale the following articles, the manufacture of that institution, at very low prices for cash only at retail, and at 90 credit at wholesale, for approved endorsed negotiable notes
   CUT NAILS.   Wholesale prices Retail prices.     3d 13 cents. 14 cents per lb.   4 12 1-2 13 1-2   6 11 1-2 12 1-2   8 10 1-2 11 1-2   10 10 11   12 10 11   20 10 11   Slating nails 11 1-2 12 1-2        CUT BRADS.   Wholesale prices Retail prices.     3d 10 cents. 11 cents per lb.   10 9 1-2 10 1-2   12 Do. Do.   20 Do. Do.        SPRIGS.   Wholesale prices Retail prices.     3d 39 cts. per lb. 50 per m.   4 22 1-2 67   6 17 84        WROUGHT NAILS and BRADS.   Wholesale prices Retail prices.     6d 13 14 per lb.   8 12 1-2 13 1-3   10 12 13   12 11 1-2 12 1-2   20 11 12   30 11 12    Spikes of all sizes same price as 30d. nails. Broad and narrow Axes, Hatchets, Hoes, Plough Shares and Coulters, Hinges, Wedges, Hammers, Penders, Traces and Stretchers, Tin Ware, &c. &c.
Boots and Shoes.  Fair tops, back straps, $ 9 Ditto 8 Suwarrows, 7 Half Boots, 5 Plantation and light fine shoes, 10 3/4 a 12 3/4 Do. second & third qualities, 7 3/4 a 9 3/4 Negro shoes (strong) 6 a 7 3/4 Girly do. 4 3/4 a 4 6/8 Boys do. 3 3/4 a 4 3/4 Childrens' shoes, 3 3/4 a 4 3/4 Fire Buckets $ 4 3/4 a $ 5 per pair Bridles, Sursingles, Whip thongs, Spur leathers, Hame strings, Back Bands, Leading, Garden, Hambo and Fishing lines.  Any of the above articles made to order left at the Penitentiary Store, second doors above the Eagle Tavern.  D. J. BURR. April 26, 1808. (2w1m lawtf)  The Shoes are reduced much below the former prices.
The Celebrated English Stallion  BEDFORD,  WILL stand this season at my house, in Chesterfield county, five miles distant from Goode and Bevil's bridges; on Appomattox river, and 25 from Richmond and Petersburg. The following terms will be attended to:—FORTY DOLLARS are required for the season: the same to be secured by a note to be sent with each mare, but the note may be discharged by the payment of TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS at any time within the season, which will expire on the last day of July. The groom will be ONE DOLLAR per mare. Should any mare sent to this horse not prove to be in foal, the owner, provided he retains possession of the same mare the succeeding season, may be permitted to put her to Bedford gratis. The mares will have the benefit of safe and extensive pasturage, but no responsibility for escapes or accidents. They will be supplied with provender on very reasonable terms, provided the money is sent to make the purchase. Servants who attend the mares, will be boarded at the rate of ten shillings and six pence per week.  BEDFORD, from his performances and his real character, ought to stand at his former season price of fifty dollars, but the distressed situation of the country, as to money matters, induces the subscriber to reduce the sum and to make the payment of it as easy as possible to those who may think proper to raise from this elegant and valuable stock.  BEDFORD is a fine blood bay, nearly 16 hands high, with great bone and muscular power; his colts are equal if not superior to those of any horse in America. He is the sire of the following distinguished runners—Fairy, it is believed, that out of thirteen races (4 mile heats) she won twelve, and is the only nag that ever beat Levithan—Gallatin, Nancy Air, Dungannon, Peggy, Lottery, Cup Bearer, Volunteer, New or, Duchess, Bolus, Whiskey, and many other fine horses are the immediate descendants of Bedford.  BEDFORD, was imported by the late col John Hoomes, bred by Lord Grosvenor. was got by Dungannon, the best son of Eclipse, his dam Fairy by Highflyer, his grandam Fairy Queen, who was also the grandam of Citizen, by Young Cade, Roth's Black-Eyes by Crab, Warlock Galloway by snake, Bald Galloway, Curwin Bay Barb.  THOMAS BEANCH. March 4, 1808. (w3m)
MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM SAMPSON,  Including particulars of his adventures in various parts of Europe; his confinement in the dungeon of the Inquisition in Lisbon, &c. &c.  SEVERAL ORIGINAL LETTERS,  Being his correspondence with the ministers of state in Great Britain and Portugal.  A short sketch of the HISTORY OF IRELAND,  Particularly as it respects the spirit of British Domination in that country; and a few observations on the state of manners, &c in America.

treaty of December, particularly those relating to commerce, it may be advisable, to simplify the transaction, by confining it to the few essential objects, or by not adding more than a few others of least difficulty, and most importance. A general article may suffice for the rest, giving reciprocally, in regard to trade and navigation, armed ships and prizes the privileges of the most favored nation; and leaving for more leisurely and detailed provision, whatever may conduce to the mutual interests, and correspond with the friendly dispositions of the parties. A general stipulation of this sort, applied to the subject of commerce, would have the advantage to the United States of abolishing and preventing British discriminations on exports, and to Great Britain the like advantage with respect to American discriminations on imports.
LATEST FROM EUROPE.
NEW YORK, April 21.
LONDON, March 3.
American Trade. —A numerous meeting of the merchants and other inhabitants of Liverpool interested in the trade to America was held on Friday last, in the town, in pursuance of a requisition for that purpose, when the late Orders in Council were taken into consideration. Mr Rathbone detailed the various advantages this country derived from the American trade, stating that 500 voyages were made from America to Liverpool alone, in the course of a year, in ships the burden amounted to more than 123,000 tons; that the amount of British manufactures annually exported to America was more than 10,000,000l. that government derived from the Liverpool portion of the trade alone, not less than 1,000,000l. a year, and that the average due from America to this country, is not less than 12,000,000l. the payment is now interrupted by the embargo in the ports of the United States. Mr Rathbone next took a view of the American trade to the West Indies, and stated the dependence of those on America for provisions. He then adverted to the trade of America to the East Indies and China, the exports to each of 500,000l. in silver only, and the facility which this was admitted to give to the trade of our East India company. Mr R. concluded with lamenting the interruption of all these sources of revenue, and with exposing the mischievous effects of the late Orders in Council.—He was followed by Mr Richardson, Mr Martin, and the chairman, Mr J. Cropper; the last of whom added, that the supply of flax sent to Ireland this year, was only 10,000 casks, whereas the usual annual supply was about 60,000. Two petitions against these orders, the one to the Lords and the other to the Commons were then agreed to.
A letter from Dover says, they are persuaded there is some measure of preparation going on in France, which has occasioned an embargo; as, for several days, not a single vessel of any kind has come out of their ports.
March 5.
We learn from a letter from Vienna, that the Russian troops in Italy, who were under marching orders for Russia, have received counter orders in consequence of the Emperor Napoleon finding it necessary that they should, for the present, remain in Italy.
According to accounts from Vienna and Holland, the British have taken possession of several islands in the Archipelago.
Ministers have refused to place the British squadron intended to act in the Baltic under the command of the King of Sweden. The army which is going to his assistance will be upon the footing of auxiliaries. This army which is preparing with creditable promptitude, will comprise twenty thousand men, and is to be followed by a considerable reserve. The King of Sweden has stipulated to co-operate with an active army of equal force in the field.
The ships destined for the Baltic are to sail immediately, under the command of Sir J. Saumarez.
A requisition has been sent to the committee presiding over the American trade, requesting a meeting to be called of all persons interested in American traffic, to take into consideration the present situation of that branch of commerce.
March 7.
We have just received Dutch papers and letters to the 24th ult. An article dated Rotterdam, the 23d, states, that the cargoes of the detained vessels had been sold at an enormous price. Three American vessels, that had been originally refused permission to come into harbor have at length obtained it, and were selling their cargoes to great advantage.
March 10.
By letters from Lisbon we learn, that on the 23d of December, Bonaparte signed a decree, finally determining the fate of PORTUGAL. It declares the throne of that kingdom abdicated by the family of Braganza, which is never more to reign; and that the kingdom of Portugal is henceforth to be considered as part of the dominion of France.
Some intelligence from Naples mentions the renewal of hostilities in Calabria. An engagement is said to have taken place between our troops and the French, in which the latter claim the victory. Letters from Gibraltar mention that the siege will soon be commenced against that garrison.—Bonaparte was expected at Madrid to make arrangements; for which service, the united forces of French and Spaniards to be employed will amount to 150,000 men.
March 12.
Several American vessels have been bro't into Leghorn by French privateers, and there condemned, as in the ports of
France. That place, as well as Civita Vecchia and Ancona, according to rumor contained in the foreign papers, are to be united to the kingdom of Italy. The feeble protest of Pius the VII, against the occupation of his territory by the troops of Bonaparte probably refers to this.
Expedition to Sweden. —The preparations for this expedition are going on with great alacrity. The force will exceed that which went to Copenhagen. Among other regiments, the following are mentioned as destined for that service.
Lord Cathcart's reg. life guards, Horse Guards, blue, first and second Dragon Guards, Scots Greys, 14th, 15th and 16th Light Dragoons, a very large force of foot and horse artillery, 5th foot, 9th do. 31st do. (3d battalion) Royal Highlanders, (3d battalion) 71st Highlanders, 73d do. 74th do. 87th or Irish Heroes, (2d) 92d Gordon Highlanders, 2d battalion.
March 14.
It is said the first lord of the admiralty is about to retire from his situation, and is to be appointed governor general of India in the room of Lord Minto. It is not yet known who will be his successor at the admiralty board; but the name of Lord Melville has been mentioned among others.
The appraised value of the ships and stores brought from Copenhagen, amounts to 4,800,000l. Of this 1,200,000l. are to be divided amongst the captors; the residue, we hope will be applied in aid of the public service. Lord Cathcart and Gambier will share about 40,000l. a piece.
Government it is said is in possession of information, which leaves no doubt, that a project of a march by land to India is contemplated by the government of France. During Nov. more than two hundred French officers passed Bussorah on their route to the Persian court. A French officer, distinguished as a Persian merchant, was lately apprehended at Lahore, and amongst other papers found in his possession was a minute survey of the country from Herat to Candahar and Cabul.
BELFAST, March 5.
Turpentine, which sold some time since at 183. per cwt. is now raised to 30s.—and this it must be observed, which is an article of the first necessity to us, particularly in our manufactures, is almost exclusively the produce of the U. S. Tar, which was 18s. per barrel, is now up to 2l.; therefore, in these two articles, the rise has exceeded 100 per cent.; and on the other articles of American produce in our market, viz. cotton, rice, tobacco, &c. the rise has been equal to 50 per cent. It is not likely that we shall have any decisive answer from the American government until they know the text of our orders in council. They had heard of their being signed, but no copy had arrived up to the 14th January. It may, therefore, be eight or ten days yet before we receive any conclusive information as to their future proceeding.
NEW-YORK, April 22.
We have seen a letter from a very respectable commercial house in Nantes, dated the 23d of February, which gives strong hopes that the American vessels detained in France under the Milan decree would be released. This hope was founded upon favorable intelligence received at Nantes from Paris.
Capt. Chester from Bordeaux, informs, that all the American vessels in Bordeaux, which had been boarded by the British, were under seizure.
Dr. Leighman, of Philadelphia, passenger in the George, is the bearer of dispatches from Mr Armstrong to the secretary of state.
Capt. C. further states, that our embargo was popular in France, as they supposed it was a measure of hostility against England.
POSTSCRIPT.—Latest Foreign News. The ship Ocean, Capt. Bunker, arrived at this port at a late hour last night, in 24 days from Plymouth, England, and capt. B. has politely favored the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with a file of London papers to the 24th of March inclusive, being 9 days later than before received. The following summary, and the few articles under the London head, is all our time would permit us to give in this morning's paper.
The trial of Gen. Whitelocke had been concluded; but the sentence was not made public. It was understood he was to be severely censured and cashiered.
Lord Collingwood was at Syracuse on the 9th Feb. The Rochfort & Carthagena squadrons have not joined, as the latter put into Palma-bay, Majorca, in a gale of wind.
On the 17th Feb. (the British cruisers having been blown off the coast of Sicily) the French got down some heavy guns, took possession of Fort Scylla, and made 1000 prisoners.
Russia has declared war against Sweden. The declaration states that the emperor of Russia could not remain insensible to the conduct of G. Britain against Denmark—Prussia and Denmark have also declared war against Sweden.
Hostilities have commenced between the Swedes and Russians, but no general battle has been fought. The Russians in breaking up from their cantonments, endeavored to penetrate into Finland, between the gulf of Finland and the Rajama Lake—the Swedish frontiers on that side not being very strong, the advanced posts fell back on the approach of the Russians. The Swedish main army occupied a position at Fwastavus. The Russian head quarters on the 4th March was at Louisa. Whilst the Russians are occupying the Swedish arms on the side of Strania, but they must cross from Copenhagen to Elsinore. The French have not yet entered Zealand, and the preparations at Copenhagen are not completed.
Bonaparte has created several Princes, Dukes, Barons and Knights; all the dignitaries of the empire have been raised to the rank of princes, and their eldest sons are to be Dukes.
Baron Jacobs (the Prussian minister) has returned to England. He sailed from Dover on the 18th of March in a flag of truce for Calais, but on his arrival off Calais Pier, the commandant of that place would not suffer him to land, or even send on shore a letter for Paris, saying, that his orders were peremptory not to receive any letter or dispatches from England, and that if the cartel came again she would be fired into without further notice.
Letters from Holland of the 15th & Paris of the 9th ult. state, that Bonaparte had left Paris for Spain, and it was supposed he would fix his residence at Viladoled. A contribution of a million of francs, was to be levied on the people of Holland. Great dissatisfaction was said to prevail in the manufacturing towns in France, particularly among the cotton factories.
The bill on the subject of the orders in council had not yet passed both houses of Parliament, and had met with great opposition. The papers are filled with debates on this important subject.
The British expedition to the Baltic, is countermanded.
The following is from the Courier of the 24th of March (a ministerial paper);—“Upon the subject of the Embargo, the opposition, contradicting the assertion, that it had been laid on before notice of the orders in council had reached the U. States, affirm, that the truth turns out to be, that a commercial house in London, had sent intelligence to America of the intention to issue such orders, giving at the same time, an accurate description of their general provisions. This intelligence reached America 6 days before the laying the embargo, and in all probability was the principal cause of it. Lord Grenville stated this in the house of Lords, as a thing generally known, and he challenged ministers if they doubted the fact, to call the merchant to the bar, who would confirm it on oath.”
Philadelphia, April 22.
An Intelligent friend, who has arrived at New York from Bordeaux, has favored us with the following communication:
Phil. Gaz.
APRIL 21.
I arrived here this morning, in 43 days from Bordeaux, in the brig George, captain Chester. I intended to have brought some of the latest French papers, but at the time of my departure from Bordeaux I could not procure any that contained a ny thing worthy of re-publication.
No event of importance had occurred upon the continent immediately before my departure—the guard of honor at Bordeaux were daily parading in expectation of the arrival of the emperor. Immense numbers of French, Swiss, and Italian troops were marching to Spain and Portugal, all apparently confident of victory, and zealous to act in whatever manner their chief was disposed to direct them. Eighty thousand additional troops (the whole number of troops will exceed 200,000) were expected to march through Bordeaux the middle of March. The immediate object of this great army was perhaps only known to Bonaparte and his cabinet—the conjectures of some directed it toward England. It is, I believe, pretty certain that the churches of Spain are about to be pillaged, and a considerable proportion of their treasures to be applied to other than holy purposes. It is thought by intelligent persons in France, that the emperor will not expose his person in Portugal or Spain; all his troops it is supposed might not protect him against the poison or bullet of the infuriated monks and priests, who are about to be plundered. The so called “army of England” was forming at Boulogne.
It was reported in France that the Pope was about to retire to a convent; and that he was cast from “his high estate,” in consequence of an honest and firm refusal to aid his master in the execution of a certain project, not exactly consonant either with the civil, moral, or divine law. It was universally said and believed, that 50,000 French and Russian troops were on their full and unmolested march to the British possessions in India; but the press, and every other political right or privilege of man, is so shackled all over the continent of Europe, that any thing of a political nature louder than a whisper is scarcely to be heard.
An impenetrable veil of secrecy covers the movements of the whole of Bonaparte's army, but the address and genius of the officers who direct and animate the vast machine, render it almost certain that important and surprising effects will continue to be produced. Whether England will stand or fall will soon be determined—her wooden walls, and the spirit of her people, constitute a strong fortress. We, (Americans) injured and insulted as we have been, must naturally wish to humble her lofty pretensions—but, at this period, the humiliation of England would be the downfall of the only barrier to the ambition and unbounded views of Bonaparte. The policy of America's siding in the design of humiliating England, is a matter well worthy of consideration. It behoves the United States, if she values her liberty and independence to be “armed at all points.” The crisis is alarming; we ought, at least, and that without delay, to be prepared for times of extraordinary difficulty and danger.
Advertisement.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has lately received an
Extensive Assortment of
LEATHER,
of the very best quality, which he will have manufactured in the BEST MANNER, to supply his customers, &c. and which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms that such work can be sold.
David Logan.
April 7, 1808.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
FRIDAY, APRIL 29, 1808.
WE are sorry that we hitherto have not found room to insert in the Argus the balance of Mr Timothy Pickering's letter, a part of which we published some time ago. The pressure of the mass of important documents, connected with the President's message to Congress of March 22d has been so great, that we could not permit a single line to be occupied by Timothy's eloquent production however desirous we were to gratify our readers, with it as a bon morceau, and however conducive it would have been to the good of the Republican cause, by shewing, experimentally, how far Federal extravagance and folly would go. We shall endeavor in the next Argus to redeem the time we have lost, by presenting that letter as a precious sample of the TRUTH, CANDOR, HONESTY and DISCRETION of the ANGLo FEDERAL party, and also, as a monument of their electioneering skill and address.
We confess, nevertheless, that we are more particularly tempted to do this for the sake of introducing with propriety Mr. JOHN Q. ADAMS's excellent answer, which shall immediately follow it; a document which, (without irony or jesting,) we pronounce to be worthy of being read and a tentatively studied by every true-hearted American. We do not agree with Mr. Adams in one of the opinions expressed by him; viz that which relates to the expediency and practicability of raising a navy, sufficient to protect our trade; but his observations on that subject are expressed with great modesty, displaying a disposition truly ingenious and praiseworthy. On every other point his arguments are purely republican, and altogether clear, cogent and irresistible. We believe that scarcely a man who has read it has failed to acknowledge, either secretly, or avowedly, the rational pleasure, as well as information, he has received from this admirable performance.
We recommend to the special attention of all the friends of their country, the report of the Senatorial committee relative to foreign affairs, which appeared in the last, and Mr. MADISON's letter to Messrs. MONROE & PINKNEY, in this day's Argus. They emphatically contain the true political vade mecum for the present times.
Delegates chosen to serve in the ensuing General Assembly of this state.
Amherst, David S. Garland and Joseph C. Cabell, Esqrs.
Hanover, Wm. Brockdenbrough and John Bowe, Esqrs.
STATE OF THE POLL.
For Brokenbrough 276. Bowe 268. J Starke 190. McCall 60.
SENATE.
For Jones 213. T. Starke 162. Washington 53.
** We have received from Mr. CLOPTON, our faithful representative in Congress, a very able and interesting view of the principal features of our exterior relations, in a letter addressed to his constituents. Its great length prevents our giving it this day—it shall, however, appear on Tuesday—and will well repay an attentive perusal.
The votes for Governor of the state of Massachusetts had been received at Boston on the 18th inst. from 402 towns. These gave, For Mr Sullivan, 41,169 Mr Gore, 38,729
Present maj for Sullivan, 2,440 There are between 60 and 70 towns yet to be heard from (says the Chronicle) which will increase that majority considerably.
DIED, on Wednesday last, after a few weeks severe illness, Mr. WILLIAM NICE, for many years a respectable inhabitant of this city.
A writer in a Baltimore paper has attacked the political conduct and speeches of Mr. John Randolph; another writer in the same paper, by way of reply, insists that Mr. Randolph is a man of talents, and calls for the publication of his speeches to prove it. We apprehend that the writers on both sides, for and against Mr. Randolph, mistake the question—admit Mr. Randolph to possess all the talents that the warmest friend he possesses, will claim for him, and what then?—what are talents wasted, or worse than wasted, employed to inculcate in the same day, often the same hour, the most preposterous notions of foreign policy, and the most perverse practices of domestic policy; whose talents are indeed displayed in eloquence, but obscured by passion and prejudice.
Mr. Randolph once held a high place in public opinion—is that the case now? what has been the cause of this declension—the same cause that ever will sink any man, however splendid his talents, the sacrifice of the public interests to personal antipathies.
It is not saying too much to assert, that Mr. Randolph has had credit to the full extent of his claims for talents; it is saying the truth that he owes the decline of his standing as a politician to his own conduct—a conduct, by the bye, which by no means goes to sustain the reputation for talents which public feeling is always ready to confer on genius however moderate, and on talents when fairly, openly and liberally exercised. The letter of Mr. J. Q. Adams is a stricture more severe on Mr. Randolph's speeches in congress on British affairs, than could be uttered even by a man possessed of Mr. Randolph's powers of rhetoric.
The same writer who attempts to cover Mr. Randolph's political errors under the shield of his talents; puts up the buckler of Mr. Clinton's name, in order that he should be doubly fortified.
If the partiality for Mr. Clinton, had not been known to be of a new creation; or rather, if Mr. Clinton was not disparaged, by being taken up as a forlorn hope, when there was a certainty that there was no chance of carrying the place by open assault, a liberal man would not be backward in bestowing applause; but Mr. Randolph can derive no aid from that quarter: it lays him open on all sides, the shield of Clinton is in this case like the bow of Ulysses; it will not bend; and on looking at it, it becomes transparent, and it is seen through. The less said about things of this kind, the better—like Pickering's letter, it may produce new lights.
(Aurora.)
PETERSBURG, APRIL 23, 1808
IN all societies, there are men actuated, either by malice or envy, to blast the fame of those, eminent for their talents or virtues. Impressions and reports unfavorable to the character of the late John D. Burk, have gone abroad with great facility. Where and in whom, these reports originated, I am unable to say; but I conceive it my bounden duty to lay before the public every circumstance relating to the late unfortunate duel.
Saturday, April 9.
Mr Burk dining at a public tavern, with his friends around him, expressed his sentiments with regard to the French government in the following manner:
“What will the cavillers against the administration now say? What will they say to the letter of Mr Armstrong, in answer to the arrogant note of Mr. Chamagny? I am in hopes, when they read the honest, manly and luminous remarks of an American citizen, in refutation of the pretensions of the French rascals, they will have honesty and modesty enough to withdraw their accusations and be silent. For the French are all a pack of rascals.”
Mr Coquerbert. Did you mean to apply those observations to me?
Mr Burk Sir, I do not know who you are—what you are. I did not know there was such a being in existence. Who are you, sir? what are you? I do not as much as know your country, or even your name.
Mr. C. I ask, if you mean to insult me, sir?
Mr. B. Seeing, sir, that you have no right to intrude upon my concerns or conversation, you must even take it as you please.
Mr. C. Very well, sir.
The observations of Mr. C. were uttered at the public table in a tone of defiance, which precluded any thing like gentlemanly or manly explanation.”
Sunday morning Mr Burk received the following note:
“SIR, I have been so long in the place, that you could not help knowing that I am a Frenchman. I sat so nearly opposite to you at dinner, that you could not avoid seeing me. What you said, could not fail to hurt my feelings. I do not pretend to control the conversation of any man, in as much as it does not relate to me. But I cannot overlook what is said in my very face; let it be said directly or indirectly.”
“If (alluding to politics) you did not mean to insult me, and had not observed that a Frenchman was within the reach of your words, I suppose you have no objection to ease those feelings by an acknowledgment of it in as formal a manner as that I take to address you.”
F. COQUERBERT.
Saturday, 9th April.
To the foregoing note, Mr. Richard N. Thweat, the friend of Mr Burk, delivered the answer as follows:
“SIR, My friend, Mr Thweat, who was privy to the conversation you complained of, will arrange with your friend any thing necessary to discussion; or battle, if it shall be so determined on. I hope you will excuse the inaccuracy of not replying to your polite note by a written answer.”
J. D. BURK.
Sunday Morning, April 10.
Mr COQUERBERT. After the preceding notes passed, no farther communication took place between the parties (as I understand) except Mr Thweat being called upon to name the time and place for battle.
The fatal event of which is known to the world.
The situation in which I stand, relating to the deceased, will plead my apology to the public, for publishing the cause, which led to the late unhappy catastrophe, together with the consideration of preventing misrepresentations.
B. CURTIS,
April 21, 1808.
The foregoing account was given by Mr Burk himself to his friend, that in case the interview proved fatal to him, he should enclose it to me, with the correspondence.
Joseph Marx & Co.
Have on hand an assortment of GERMAN OZNABURGS, TICKLENBURGS, DOWLASS, and TOWELLING, by the bale, box or piece.
COGNAC BRANDY and MOLASSES, SACK SALT, coarse and fine. Which they will sell for cash, tobacco, or approved paper. Richmond, April 28, 1808. tf
10 Dollars reward.
RUNAWAY from the subscriber on the 11th of December last, a negro woman named CHARLOTTE, late the property of a Mrs. Timberlake of Hanover county. She is of a light complexion about five feet high, has a scar on her forehead, supposed to be 35 or 36 years old. It is supposed she is harbored in Richmond by her husband who is hired at the Armory, or in New Kent by some of his relations, or acquaintances.
The above reward will be paid to any person who will deliver the said woman to the subscriber or secure her in any Jail. WILLIAM W. DICKINSON. Richmond April 27, 1808. (tf)