The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-06-24 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 14.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 24, 1806.
[VOLUME 3.]
Sales at Auction.
Will be sold, positive, on the 27th day of this month, June, on the premises, at 11 o'clock A. M.
THE TENEMENT known in Wm. G. Payne's plan by the No. 214, containing two acres, more or less—for cash. PROSSER & MONCURE v. M's. June 17. tdf.
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday the 2d of July next, will be sold by Auction on the premises, if not previously disposed of at private sale.
THAT VALUABLE BRICK TENEMENT on Shockoe Hill, opposite to Mr. Page's, now occupied by Mr. James H. Lynch. Terms of payment—one and two years credit, the purchaser to give a deed of trust on the property to secure payment of the purchase money. TAYLOR & BROWN, V. M's. June 6. (tdf.)
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY.
SALE OF SHARES. NOTICE is hereby given, that all shares upon which the tenth requisition shall remain unpaid, will be offered for sale at Mr. Brooks's tavern, on Saturday the 19th of July next. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock in the forenoon.
GENERAL MEETING.
As a sufficient number of members, to constitute a meeting, did not attend on Saturday the 14th current; I am therefore authorised to give notice that a meeting of the company will be held at Mr. Brooks's tavern, on Saturday the 19th of July next, when it is expected, members will be punctual in their attendance, which business of importance to the interest of the company particularly requires. JAMES BRANDER, Clk. Manchester, June 20, 1806.
NOTICE.
THE partnership of John Butler & Co. at Cartersville, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. The collection of all debts due to that concern, is committed entirely to William M'Kenzie the acting partner of William M'Kenzie & Co. and to him alone or to any one he may appoint is payment to be made. JOHN BUTLER, WM. M'KENZIE & Co.
All persons indebted to the late concern of John Butler & Co. are requested to make payments to Mr. Robert Atkinson, as he alone I have authorised to grant discharges for the same. Wm. M'KENZIE. April 10. tf.
FOR SALE.
TWO tracts of LAND, lying in the County of Fluvanna, one of them lying on Hardawere river, and within one & an half miles of James river, containing 385 acres, one on Caries creek, and within one mile of the north fork of James river, containing 364 acres. A further description is deemed unnecessary as it is presumed that no person will purchase without viewing the same, which will be shown by the subscriber living in Albemarle. WILLIAM MOON. June 20. (epsr.)
STRAYED OR STOLEN.
ON the 17th instant, from the subscriber on Shockoe-Hill, two HORSES, one a large chestnut sorrel about sixteen hands high, short nicked tail, has a brand on the left shoulder thus, O. and has a white star in the forehead. The other a small dark bay horse, no particular marks recollected. I will give a reward of twenty dollars to any person who will bring them to Mr. Vanet, (Richmond) or ten dollars for either. JOHN F. ESMENARD. June 20. 3rp
FOR SALE—on the lowest terms:
2500 Sacks of LIVERPOOL SALT, and 90 crates of LIVERPOOL EARTHEN WARE of superior quality & well assorted, just arrived in the ship Merchant, Captain JOHNSON, from Liverpool, at Bermuda Hundred— Which ship will take in Tobacco to the address of JAMES MAURY, Esq. of Liverpool. She has excellent accommodations for passengers. For terms apply to Messrs. PICKET, POLLARD & JOHNSON of Richmond, the Captain on board, or the subscriber, OVERTON ANDERSON. May 23. tf.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, entered into the day of—1806, by Jacob Wood, of the county of Amherst, to secure and insure the punctual payment of a debt due from the said Jacob Wood to Fisher and Lesueur, merchants of the city of Richmond, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Saturday the 28th inst. on the premises:
THE TRACT OF LAND, with its appurtenances, on which the said Jacob Wood at present resides, in the county of Amherst, containing fifty two and half acres, be the same more or less. This land is valuable in point of soil and situation; the improvements therein consist of a Grist Mill, Saw Mill, Distillery and Dwelling House, well deserving the attention of a purchaser. DAVID S. GARLAND, Trustee. June 12, 1806. (tdf.)
LANDS IN CUMBERLAND FOR SALE.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the 11th April, 1801, recorded in Cumberland Court-Office, to me executed by James Deane, Francis B. Deane, and Thomas M. Deane, to secure a certain sum of money, due by them to Joseph Galleco—I will offer for sale, to the highest bidder, on the 26th day of May next, at Cumberland Court, TWO TRACTS OF LAND, being part of the property, thereby conveyed, viz.
One Tract containing one hundred and thirty-seven acres, more or less, situate in the county of Cumberland, six miles above the Court House, being a tract purchased by the said Deane, from Parton Clegg, as will appear by reference to the deed of sale on record, in the said County Court.
One Tract containing two hundred and five acres, more or less, situate in Cumberland, on the fourth mile of the road, leading to the Court House, one mile distant below the same, bounded by lands of William Beverly Langhorne, and by lands of John Ford.
The first of the above Tracts, is said to contain prime tobacco land, and valuable timber; the other is nearly half cleared.
N. B. By the consent of all parties interested, the sale will take place on the 26th day of May next, as above stated, and the terms of payment will be one and two years credit, the purchasers to give bonds bearing interest and approved security. M. B. POTTHAU, tdf.
April 15.
N. B. The sale of the above property is postponed to the 23th day of July next. M. B. P.
MARSHAL'S SALE.
To be sold, for ready money, under a decree of the court of the United States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, between Phineas Bond, attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, plaintiff, and David Roff and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 11,430 dols. 94 cts. due and payable on the 18th Jan. last, that valuable and well known estate in the county of Botetourt, called
FORT LEWIS,
situated by the said Roff to contain 2608 acres. The sale will take place on the premises on Monday the 14th day of July next. This estate having been before advertised and the sale postponed, it is deemed necessary to apprise the public, that though the sales formerly announced were postponed, on account of payments received from the defendant Roff, the sale last advertised would have taken place but for a mistake in the advertisement. The subscriber has no reason to suppose that the one now advertised will not take place, and if, contrary to his expectation, it should again be postponed, the early public notice will be given, that those who are disposed to become purchasers, may not be put to any unnecessary trouble. BENJAMIN MOSBY, D. M. for JOSEPH SCOTT, M. V. D. May 30. 4t
WILL be exposed to sale to the highest bidder,
on the eighth day of July next, on the premises, the GLEBE LANDS of the Parish of Trinity, in the county of Louisa. THE COMMISSIONERS. June 3. ep 3w.
WILL be sold on the first day of July next,
at the Tavern of Mr. Zachariah Brooks in the Town of Manchester, the LOT & appurtenances in said town, lately occupied by Mr. William Robinson. The sale will be on twelve months credit, the purchaser to give a bond, with security, to bear interest from the date. JOHN MINOR, Commissioner. June 3. tdf.
FOR SALE,
3,000 wt. SALT PETER'D BACON, 1,000 wt. first quality N. ENGLAND CHEESE, 10 gross BOTTL'D CYDER, A few butts CLOVER SEED, 150 pieces PAPER HANGINGS, For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM. May 27. eof
TO RENT,
THE HOUSE on the Main-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Henry M'Clatchy, and situate between Messrs. Ellis & Allan and Mr. Manuel Judah. Also—A HOUSE on the Main-Street Shockoe Hill, a few doors below Mr. Bootwright's and nearly opposite to Mr. Benjamin Wolfe. Possession of both Houses to be given immediately. Enquire of JOSEPH GALLEGO. May 30. tf.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, a Negro LAD about 22 years of age, about 5 feet ten inches high, with very thick lips, and very black; had on a checked Virginia cloth short coat and waistcoat, his pantaloons of plain purple, the same manufacture. Any person who will deliver the said lad to me in Powhatan, shall receive the above reward. ISHAM RANDOLPH. His name is AMZEY; he is accustomed to horses and serving in the house. April 11. tf.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement. And those indebted must make immediate payment to
JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 29. tf.
STAUNTON STAGE.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the public, that his STAGES will regularly, during the season of the Springs, leave the Bell-Tavern in this city, on Tuesday at 5 o'clock in the evening; & on each Saturday at the hour of 10 o'clock in the morning, and will arrive at Capt. Edmondson's Tavern in the Town of Staunton; where passengers, going on to the Springs, may be furnished, at all times, with Hackney Coaches, and other private conveyances, from thence. Much pains and expense has been taken by the proprietor in the selection of good horses, carriages and careful drivers—and confidently assures the public, he is in possession of as good as any in this state. RICHARD TERRELL. May 23. tf.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
BEING anxious to discharge all my just debts, I will sell a great bargain in two new BRICK TENEMENTS, on the Main-Street, on Shockoe-Hill; they are well calculated for stores and private families, and considered to be as good stands for business as any in that part of the city; they will be sold separately or together, to suit purchasers. If this property is not sold by private contract before Tuesday, the 24th day of June next, it will, on that day, be sold at public auction. Any person wishing to purchase, will be shown the property, and may know the terms, (which will be very accommodating), by application to the subscriber living adjoining the premises. I will also dispose of, by private contract, my half acre LOT in the neighborhood of Gen. Mosley, on which there is a two story Brick House erected, 44 feet long by 22 feet wide; this house is not finished in the inside, but can be finished to suit the purchaser. For terms apply to J. B. WINN. tdf. May 30.
THE Subscriber has removed his Broker's Office
to the middle tenement, in Doctor Terman's new building, the first door above Messrs. Pickett, Pollard and Johnson, and the second below the Post-Office; where he will attend particularly to all business confided to him. THOMAS NORVELL. For sale, 10 SHARES in the JAMES RIVER COMPANY. June 6. (tf.)
THE Subscriber has removed his Broker's Office
to the middle tenement, in Doctor Terman's new building, the first door above Messrs. Pickett, Pollard and Johnson, and the second below the Post-Office; where he will attend particularly to all business confided to him. THOMAS NORVELL. For sale, 10 SHARES in the JAMES RIVER COMPANY. June 6. (tf.)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed by Archibald M'Call, of the town of Tappahannock, and county of Essex, to Archibald Dick and David Buchanan, bearing date the 25th day of May, 1789, for security purposes therein mentioned; will be sold in the said town of Tappahannock, on the 27th day of June next.
THREE LOTS,
known in the plan of the said town by No. 1, 2, and 73, whereon the said M'Call at present resides; these lots are very valuable improvements, consisting of a Dwelling House two story high, with three rooms and a passage below, and three rooms above stairs, three rooms in the cellar, with a fire place in every room, and several out-houses, consisting of a Kitchen, Smoke-house, Stable, &c. all of which are pleasantly situated on the river bank, and command an extensive view of the river above and below. A few articles of household furniture will be sold together with those lots and houses, &c. Will be sold on the same day, on the premises. A TRACT OF LAND, the property of said M'Call, situate in the county aforesaid, on Holkins's creek, adjoining the said town of Tappahannock, containing by estimation, five hundred and two acres, be the same more or less, together with the water-grist mill adjoining, which is at present out of repair, but may be rendered very valuable at a small expense, being one of the most valuable and convenient mill seats in all that part of the country, having a large & convenient mill-house two story high, built of stone, brick and wood, calculated for manufacturing on an extensive plan, situate on a never-failing stream, within one mile of tide water; belonging to this mill are two very convenient houses for the accommodation of a miller, cooper, &c. This tract of land is generally of good quality, lies well and is well timbered. Will be sold on the same day, on the premises. (June) at John Miller's Tavern, in the said county of Essex.
A TRACT OF LAND,
the property of said M'Call, situate near said Miller's Tavern, adjoining the lands of Thomas Allen and Joseph Man, containing by estimation, one hundred and seven acres, be the same more or less, being the land the said M'Call purchased of Richard Jeffries. This is good farming land, lies well and is well timbered.—Twelve months credit will be given, upon the purchaser or purchasers giving bond, and in every case a Deed of Trust on the property will be required to secure the purchase money, by GEORGE POTTE, and CHARLES THOMPSON. Attorneys in fact for the creditors of Arch. M'Call. Louisa, April 18. (tdf.)p
FOR SALE,
At public auction, on the premises, on Wednesday, 10th September next, (if not previously disposed of by private contract), Five hundred and fifty acres LAND, situated in the upper end of Cumberland county, eighteen miles from the Court-House, three from Farmville, and one from a good manufacturing mill on Appomattox, now navigable, almost to Peterburg. This LAND lies handsomely, is in good order and inferior in quality to none of the mountains; there is 10 or 12 acres meadow, handsomely laid with timber, and about 200 acres more prepared for sowing next spring; in addition there is an extensive bed of Coal which to a person of capital would be highly valuable; one third the purchase money will be required in hand and the balance in two annual instalments. JOHN KELSO. May 23. 4w.
Seat of Government.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, March 29.
DEBATE
On the GEORGIA CLAIMS.
The bill from the Senate entitled "an act regulating the grants of land, and providing for the disposal of the lands of the U. S. south of the state of Tennessee" was read the first time. Mr. R. NELSON said he should not on this occasion go into an examination of the principles of the bill, as they were well understood by the House. They went to practice one of the grossest impositions he had ever known. In order to get rid of what he considered a stain on the statute book, and a disgrace on the nation, he moved that the bill be rejected.
The question was accordingly put from the chair, "Shall the bill be rejected?"
On the motion of Dr. Leib, it was determined to take the yeas and nays.
Mr. KELLY said it had been remarked that the principles of the bill were well understood by all the members of the House. He could only answer for himself that he was not well acquainted with those principles. The subject had been, it is true, discussed in a former Congress; but he had not then had the honor of a seat on the floor. He had in truth, formed no decided opinion on the subject. He was not, therefore, at present prepared to vote for rejecting the bill. He hoped it would be suffered to take the common course of other bills, the more particularly as it had received the approbation of the other branch of the legislature, which ought to be treated with becoming respect. He trusted a short postponement of the bill would take place, and that its merits would then be discussed.
Mr. CLARK observed that if gentlemen attended to the provisions of the bill, every mind would concur in the propriety of rejecting it; a similar bill to which would not be believed, he found upon the records of any body; a bill which had no specific object. He did not know which most to admire, its invidious tendency or its absurdity. It declares, "That if on or before the 1st day of Jan. next, such sufficient repletes as aforesaid shall be lodged in the said office of the secretary of state, as shall release to the U. S. and discharge all claims to the said lands, which have been exhibited to the secretary of state and recorded as aforesaid, or which may be exhibited and recorded agreeably to the provisions of this act, Congress will make provision by law for the indemnification of such claimants." What is the bill for? What is its object? It only enables Congress hereafter to pass a law; it only declares that on the event of certain things happening, Congress will pass a law. But will this oblige Congress to pass a law? Do your even volumes of laws furnish a single instance of Congress declaring that they will hereafter pass a law?
Again—The first section declares that a law shall not be passed except in case of a sufficient legal release of all claims to the U. S. Now there may be infants, some coverts, and persons insane, who cannot make such release. How then is it possible for this provision of the law to be carried into effect? Shall the rights of these persons remain unprovided for? I see, said
Mr. Clark, no other view in the passage of this bill than this. Those who have framed it are afraid to face the question; they are ashamed to meet it. This is nothing more than an entering wedge—to strengthen the force of the claim, by getting the government to pledge itself to certain acts. These men will then soon tell you, they have been called upon to record their claims; that their agents have been obliged to attend your departments to receive propositions of compromise. Let this act pass, and you will add an ounce, a penny weight to the weight of that testimony by which they ultimately expect to establish their claim. The bill in itself, amounts to nothing. But pass it even in this harmless form, they will come forward at the next session, and say you are pledged to do something. There can be no other view in this bill, and it is a view which I think it becomes the honor and dignity of this House decisively to reject.
Mr. SLOAN said he did not rise to say anything as to the merits of this bill. He rose merely to observe that a bill in all respects similar had been on their tables for twenty days. He was therefore opposed to the postponement.
Mr. GREGG said the gentleman from Virginia had stated in some measure the reasons which would induce him to vote for the rejection of the bill. The bill must be considered as holding out some encouragement to these people. He had always thought it best to meet the question at once; for which purpose he had at an early period of the session brought forward a resolution which he had, however, been so unfortunate as never to have got up. He hoped this bill would be rejected, and if the subject were taken up, that it would be on that resolution. This was a bill, not making any provision but only telling these people to bring forward their claims.
Mr. COOK hoped the question would not be taken on the rejection of the bill at this time. Those gentlemen, who have not heretofore held seats in the House, are not adequate to instantaneously to judge of its merits. For himself he had formed no decided opinion. He was willing to give his vote as the light received from an investigation of the subject, should lead him. He was against precipitating a decision, which would not be treating the other branch with proper decorum.
Mr. SPALDING called for the reading of that rule of the House, which prohibits a member from voting on any question in which he is personally interested.
The Clerk read the rule.
Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH said he was precisely in the situation of the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Kelly). He had never investigated the subject, and the only opinion he had formed had been on prejudice. Such opinion as he did entertain was hostile to the Yazoo claims; but he was against precipitate measures. He therefore moved to postpone the further consideration of the bill to Monday.
The Speaker declared this motion not in order.
Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH said he must then request to be excused from voting.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. I hope the bill will be rejected. I have a very great respect for the full and fair discussion of every thing brought before this assembly, and that it is the third, and I do not know that I should be wrong in saying it is the fourth session since this business has been pending before Congress. I believe that the report of the commissioners has been printed twice, if not three times, for the information of members. This bill, we are told, has been laying twenty days on our tables. But had it come into the House but twenty minutes ago, when we advert to the history of the business, I am willing and anxious to give it a positive and prompt rejection—My memory is unfortunately bad. I do not, therefore, recollect when this subject, so well denominated the Yazoo subject, was first brought into this House. I know, however, it was several sessions ago, and I recollect that it was attended with some peculiar circumstances. I recollect that, important as the subject was, the discussion was smothered at the outset; and when I take into consideration that suppression of the discussion, with other facts within my own knowledge, there is, in the strongest prima facie evidence that it was designedly smothered. But it may be said that the suppression of that discussion ought to render it more proper to discuss the bill before you. On the contrary the act of suppression three or four years ago drew the attention of the public to the subject and caused the report of the commissioners to be republished, I believe in every newspaper in America.
Now, what will be the consequence of this business after having received the attention of one branch of the legislature, and after having been stirred over by the other, I believe it would require no prophet to pronounce on the event. I have heard of a certain machine, which always gains and never loses, a machine which plain waggoners call a snuggling stick. Every step it gets up hill is sure, although the horse be relive, or the waggon be loaded too heavily, or the driver be incapable—still it cannot get back again.
I am for the rejection of the bill for another reason. This bill may be called the Omega, the last letter of the political alphabet; but with me it is the Alpha—it is the head of the divisions among the republican party—it is the secret and covert cause of the whole. This is the subject, which has been showed off from day to day, merely that we might get something from the other House where its friends were more numerous. Yes, a union has been formed between Cape Ann and Marblehead, and the Reo Nord, a union of the East with the West, which makes gentlemen more touchy and jealous of one acre of this territory than of all the real land of the U. S. This has been seen, and the nation is told. I say quo ad hos or illos the nation is told. We heard of this thing two years ago, and it has come to pass. No prophets so true as those who have the means to bring things to pass. The man of the mountain is the truest prophet that ever lived. He had only to prophecy, to insure the perdition of any man.
What is the bill on which this House is called to act is called to act or not to act? If the gentleman will but use half the intelligence he manifests on other occasions, instead of asking to be excused from giving a vote he will vote for an instantaneous rejection of this bill. The facts are simply these; that in 1794, and 1795, a project was
set on foot to debauch and corrupt the legislature of Georgia, and to obtain for the projectors a tract of country more extensive than any state in this union, and more fertile than most of them; that this project succeeded; that the legislature of Georgia were bribed; that for a mess of pottage, to be eaten by themselves, they transferred the birth right of their countrymen. These facts are in proof to the House; and instead of a postponement, gentlemen who want information have only to call for the reading of the records on our table. The sum stipulated to be paid for the country in question, embracing at the least forty millions of acres, was 500,000 dollars. This law excited, as it ought to have excited, in the people of Georgia, one general sentiment of indignation. But the corruption had pervaded and flooded and overflown every department of the government. Grants were made out, and the grantees held the parchment in their hands. The people of Georgia resolved to resort to first principles. It will be recollected that the amount law was passed in 1795. In the subsequent spring the grand juries of the several counties made an unanimous protest against its passage; the succeeding legislature repealed it, burnt the parchment and exposed its authors—And what are we now about to do? Will we, after following an illustrious patriot to his grave, follow the fairest page in his history, by giving a sanction to this measure? The people will say you are mere mummies, actors that put on false garments for a particular occasion, and the moment after return to your original insignificance. The law was burnt—it was expunged from the records of the state, and the rescinding act incorporated in a subsequent constitution made by the people. But the grantees under the first act, under the corrupt act, had their post-horses and runners ready, who flew to the East and the West, the North and the South, and made sale of their grants. To whom did they sell? To persons apprised of the original invalidity of the act. But if they did not, does that change the question? Who are the legislature of Georgia? The delegates of the people of Georgia. Who were the sovereigns of the several states before the revolution? The representatives of the crown. I will ask you then if one of these men had proceeded to give away the country, whether the court of King's Bench would not have set aside the grant? They would subsequently to this the U. S. received from the state of Georgia a grant of the country in question and of other countries not in question. In receiving this grant, they acknowledged the validity of the rescinding act of Georgia. The U. S. when they received their grant, were apprised of the preceding transfers, and their acceptance of the country from Georgia is unequivocal evidence of their opinion of the original act of 1795, was null and void. But in a country so extensive as this, in which some settlements had been previously made under British, Spanish and other grants from the state of Georgia, than those of 1795, it will be readily believed there were many antagonizing claims for land. When, therefore, the U. S. received the country from Georgia, they entered into a compact with Georgia, or obtained permission from her, to give land not exceeding five millions, to satisfy claims not provided for in the original contract with her. Now the bill before you proposes to give this land as far as it goes, and to pledge the faith of the U. S. to that particular class of claimants whose pretensions arise under the act of 1795—That class of claimants under the act of 1795 are the last claims under the state of Georgia, which in my opinion, the U. S. are bound to satisfy. There is another description of claimants, called the claims of 1789—And I am very glad the claims of 1789, are not included in this bill, because the joint interest of the two classes might possibly have an effect, that in this House a single class would not. Well, Congress took the grant of country in question from Georgia. They bound themselves to extinguish the Indian title to lands within the existing state of Georgia—to Georgia they stipulated to pay a certain sum of money, and they reserved the right of appropriating a quantity of lands not exceeding five millions of acres, to satisfy claims not specifically recognised in the contract with Georgia. The question now is, as I take it, whether these five millions shall go to satisfy the claims under the act of 1795—but if it should be the sense of the House that the bill includes those likewise of 1789, it will not alter, in my opinion, the question.
But I may be asked by men who profess not to be informed on this subject, what is this act of 1795, and who are the claimants under it, and how can there be interfering claims for the same lands? The case is simply this. In 1789 two companies were formed under the names of the South-Carolina and the Virginia Yazoo companies, who contracted for a great, and the greater part of the country afterwards purchased by the claimants under the act of 1795. But Georgia alleges that they did not comply with their contract, and that it was therefore for sale, and the same lands subsequently sold under the act of 1795. Be it remembered that the purchasers under the act of 1795 were men of understanding, of intelligence, of intrigue—designing men—speculators—not callous but swindlers—men not to be imposed on, but men with their eyes open—they bought with a full knowledge of the equitable claims of 1789. When I say this, I do not mean to advocate the claims of 1789. When put to the test, one description of claimants will be found as invalid as the other. But to whom did the grantees under the act of 1795 sell? After the presentments of the grand juries—after it had rung throughout the continent, that the whole was an imposition of corruption and fraud, and after there was every reason to believe they were acquainted with all the circumstances, deeds were given, one of which bears cotemporaneous date with the rescinding act of Georgia. After this, what did they do? They went back to Georgia—there the money they had paid was still lying in the treasury of Georgia—with which Georgia said she would have nothing to do—after having sold the lands for which they had paid this half million—they drew this very money from the treasury of Georgia. Is this the way to an individual? The act appears in the report of our commissioners, composed of the secretary of state, the secretary of the treasury, and the late attorney-general—in a report now on your table, and which has been twice published under the authority of this House.
Now the question simply is, will you do anything to give any further countenance to these claims. Will you countenance the fraud a little further? These men have agents here—within your government—who hold great office.
* Here follows a long note from the Editor of the National Intelligencer, in which he justifies himself against the insinuation which is here conveyed.

ces under it. The whole weight of the executive government presses it on. We cannot bear up against it. The whole executive government has had a bias to the Yazoo interest ever since it had a seat here. This is the original sin, which has created all the mischiefs which gentlemen pretend to throw on the impression of our seamen, and God knows what—this is the cause of these mischiefs, which existed years ago.
I hope I shall receive credit when I say that I never rose to address you more unprepared. The bill has been just sent down, and I had no intimation of such a discussion. But I call on gentlemen—not on those who have been advocating this measure at the fire-side for four months past—but on men who are free from any impression—to say whether they will give their sanction to this iniquity—whether after officers of the government of the United States have tampered with members of this and the other House for years, they are prepared to take that step which will open the door to this scene still wider? What will be the effect of a postponement? Gentlemen will come forward and say the Senate have passed a bill in favor of these claimants; these men will enquire whether this is not a countenance of their claim—they will tell you they have transferred their rights to A, B, and C, until at last resistance will fail, and you will give a handle to the axe which shall lay the whole woods in ruins.
I may be asked about this tampering of executive officers. At the last session I had the honor to carry up and conduct an impeachment before the other House. It proved unsuccessful; and one of the principal causes was this Yazoo sin. I overheard a conversation between a worthy friend of mine from Georgia, who has gone home, and a great officer of the government, when they were sitting up the green boxes for the magistrates of the land. I heard the great officer of the government tampering with that man to get his vote. I overheard it. Let him be brought to your bar to-morrow, and he will tell you it is true. Why, sir, this is nothing—it is done every day, and every hour of the day. It is there (at the fire-side) and not on the floor, that the affairs of this country are discussed; and should this question, as a gentleman has said, be postponed till to-morrow—till Sabbath day, on which holy work is generally done—for myself I would not give one farthing for the question; if an adjournment take place till Monday, and if all the secret mechanism, which every body knows, be brought to bear upon it, I would not give a farthing for the issue. What have we seen as late as yesterday? A vote of 56 in favor of a resolution dwindled down by a conversation in the lobby to 25. As long as you adjourn and prolong this discussion, what do you do? I am willing to allow that what I have offered this morning is hardly worth an answer. But gentlemen will come in with their pieces of paper, with speeches ready out and dry in reply to what I have now said. This is the fashion of the day—there is no doubt of it. Yesterday the House adjourned, and deferred the consideration of a resolution declaring the holding of civil and military offices in one person incompatible with the spirit of the constitution. Well, gentlemen have come down to-day with their arguments. How comes it, they will say, that the President of the United States is commander in chief of the armies, at the same time that he is the first civil executive officer; I know they will—I am sure I am correct. And we may go on until executive influence shall become like a bow, which you may turn in any way, and point in any direction.
(To be continued.)
Foreign Intelligence.
Further selections from late London papers received by the ship Charleston, at New-York.
LONDON, April 29. The British Minister at Berlin has demanded, and obtained his passports. He was expected at Hufum, before the end of this month, on his way to England.
The order for blockading the Weser, the Elbe, and other rivers of Germany, was not known at Hamburg until Tuesday last; it created the utmost consternation. An opinion prevailed there, that Prussia would be compelled by France to declare against Denmark, in case of refusal of the latter to shut her ports against the trade of this country.
It will appear, from the Declaration inserted in our paper of this day, that the King of Sweden, not in the least alarmed by the movements of the Prussian troops, or the menaces of the Prussian Cabinet, is resolved not to retire from that part of the Electorate of Hanover on the right bank of the Elbe.
Dumourier is at present in Swedish Pomerania.
Private letters from Dublin, state, Dwyer, the county of Wicklow rebel chief, and his companions, who were shipped off for Botany Bay, rose upon the crew on the voyage, and carried the vessel into the Brazils.
The Mail due on Wednesday, arrived this morning. It has not, of course, brought such late news as the Mail which arrived yesterday; but from the following letter from Vienna, there is little reason to doubt that the passage through the Frioul into Dalmatia, has been granted to the French troops. But these troops will find it difficult to procure provisions; all the ports on both sides the Adriatic having been declared by Russia in a state of blockade.
VIENNA, April 9.
“It is asserted, that yesterday there was signed between the Courts of Vienna and France, a Convention, in virtue of which the former concedes to the latter a free passage for its troops by La Ponteba and Trieste, for Istria and Venetian Dalmatia; the number of these troops is variously stated; some carrying it as high as 45,000, others to only 50,000. This last point is a matter of indifference; the passage being once granted, there probably would not be any difficulty as to the number. Although from the manner in which this demand was made no one doubted of its success, the news of the conclusion has nevertheless caused a great sensation among the public, and the corps diplomatique. Russia foresees this concession, and in consequence, we learn, by private letters received yesterday from Trieste that the Commander in Chief of the Russian fleet in the Adriatic has given directions to all the divisions under his orders, to blockade not only that port, but also all those on the two coasts of that sea, and to examine strictly every ship that enters or comes out.
“To this order is annexed an exact list of every species of commerce which is reckoned provision, or ammunition of war, and a copy of these instructions is on board the Asia, the Admiral’s ship.
“Ragusa itself is situated among the ports which will be subjected to these visits to disrelishing to a great part of Italy, and particularly to the H. reditary States.”
It should seem as if the renewal of war upon the Continent were almost impossible to be avoided. It is clear, notwithstanding the belief which Bonaparte professes to entertain, that Austria will cause Castle Nuovo and the Mouths
of the Cattaro to be delivered up to him, that he suspects the surrender of them to Russia to have been the effect of connivance between the two Courts. It is said, that in addition to the permission to march French troops into Dalmatia through the Frioul, he will demand the co-operation of the Austrian troops with his own to drive the Russians from the places they occupy. In such a demand Austria cannot, of course, acquiesce, and her refusal will be the signal for the recommencement of hostilities;—for well are we persuaded that Bonaparte, now that he is sure of Prussia, is anxious for a renewal of the war with Austria. It is said that the French troops are approaching the Inn, and that a camp is to be formed near Brannau.
In the event of a renewal of war upon the Continent, the theatre of hostilities will be much larger than it was during the last short contest. It will extend from the North of Germany to Dalmatia—it may even extend to the Turkish Provinces, and the fate of Christian Europe may be decided upon the territories of the followers of Mahomet.
MUNICH, April 10.
The French, it is said, will form a camp in the neighborhood of Brannau.
MENNINGEN, April 10.
Marshal Ney, has all his head-quarters here. His corps consists of 100,000 men.—It is said, that in a certain case, the whole of these troops are to march to Italy through the Tyrol.
ALBANIA, March 30.
The commander of the Russian squadron at Cattaro has issued the following order respecting the blockade of the ports in the Adriatic Sea:—To accomplish the just object of maintaining a good understanding with the Neutral Powers, and at the same time to persevere in the important plan of cutting off the enemy from all supplies which he might receive through the means of neutrals, the commander of the squadron of his Imperial Majesty of all the Russias hereby notifies and declares:—
1. That all the coasts and harbors, both on the right and the left of the Adriatic Gulf belonging to the French, or to Neutral States, and possessed by the French, are from this day strictly blockaded by the said squadron. 2. That no vessel belonging to the said powers shall attempt to convey warlike stores, provisions, or other supplies, to any of the blockaded places, under the penalty of confiscation of ship and cargo. 3. That whereas this notification sufficiently testifies the respect which my court entertains for the Neutral States, I flatter myself that all the evils will be averted which would result to them from acting in opposition to the order now given.
HENRY BAILEY, Commander of the squadron of his Imperial Majesty of all the Russias.
On board the Asia ship of the line, at anchor in the Canal of the Bocca di Cattaro, March 15, 1806.
SWEDEN AND PRUSSIA. DECLARATION OF THE SWEDISH COMMANDER.
LAUENBURG, April 20.
In consequence of the reiterated rumors, that the Prussian troops are making preparations to pass the Elbe, the Swedish Commandant Count Guilielmus Lowenhielm, has addressed the following Prussian Commandant at Lauenburg:—
“To M—Le Commandant of the Prussian troops at Lauenburgh.”
“As several reports have reached me, tho’ unofficial, respecting the preparations of the Prussian troops for passing over to the right bank of the Elbe, I feel myself called upon, in conformity to the orders I have received from my sovereign, with the repetition of mine of the 1st of February, to declare to the Commandant of the Prussian troops, that all the Hanoverian territory upon the right bank of the Elbe is placed under the protection of Sweden, as the property of his Majesty’s August Ally, the King of Great Britain and Ireland, in his quality of Elector of Hanover;—and that, under this view, the countries above-mentioned are occupied by the troops of the King of Sweden under my command; and that I have orders to defend those countries, in case of any violation of their limits by foreign troops, and of which I have given proper notice to my advanced posts, as any such violation will be treated as an attack upon the States of his Swedish Majesty.”
“Count GUSTAVUS LOWENHEIM.” “Head-Quarters, Ratzeburgh, April 13, 1806.”
NAVAL FORCE OF EUROPE.
From Steel’s List of the Royal Navy, corrected to March, 1806.
The following statement of the Naval Force of Europe, subsequent to the battle of Trafalgar, in 1805, as we believe it to be very nearly correct, may perhaps, be acceptable to our readers:
Table with 3 columns: Line, Fiftyies, Frigates. Rows include Great-Britain, Russia, Spain, Sweden, Denmark, Turkey, France, Batavian Republic, Portugal, Naples and Sicily, Etruria, Ragusa, Ecclesiastical State, Deduct British, Total number of Foreign.
Deduct five sail taken by Admiral Duckworth; the French navy, at present, consists of but fourteen sail of the line. Three taken by the British off St. Domingo, and the Marengo taken by Sir J. B. Warren, makes the French thirteen sail of the line, and the British two hundred and forty-seven sail of the line; eight more than all the rest of the world.
Domestic Intelligence.
NEW-YORK June 14.—By Capt. Smith, of the brig Resolution, in 12 days from the Island of Trinidad, we learn, that some time before he failed, Admiral Cochrane, dispatched his son in the Jason frigate with Flying Fish tender, to cruise on the coast of Barcelona and Carracas, for Miranda, with assurance to him (General Miranda,) that every aid should be given in the power of his squadron, to assist him in his enterprise. A few days previous to the sailing of the Resolution, the Flying Fish tender returned to Trinidad, and the Lilly sloop of war failed to leeward to join the Jason. No communications of a public nature were made on the return of the Flying Fish, but the prompt sailing of the Lilly sloop of war, was the subject of much conjecture. There were no accounts at Trinidad of the capture of Miranda’s two fch’rs. A report from Cumana states, that the armorer,
employed by the government to repair muskets, after they had carried them to the stores in good order, were afterwards found entirely unfit for use, were taken up and executed.
In addition to the above, we learn, that a letter, dated at St. Domingo sometime in May, was received in town this week, stating in substance, that a letter was just received at that place, from the Spanish Main, announcing that Miranda had actually landed on the coast considerably to the windward of the Carracas, and that he had commenced his march for that colony. It is difficult, amidst the many contradictory accounts, to form any decided opinion as to the real state of the expedition. We are, however, rather inclined to believe that the report of the capture of the Schooners was premature, and circulated either by the Spaniards to deter a reinforcement, or by the friends or abettors of the expedition to lull the fears of the Spanish government.
New-York, June 15.
GENERAL MIRANDA SUCCESSFUL.
The Editor has been politely favoured with the Political and Commercial Gazette of Hayti, of the 23d of May, containing the following highly interesting letter from Gen. KIRKLAND, one of the commanders under Gen. Miranda.
(Translated for the Commercial Advertiser.)
SOUTH AMERICA.
Extract of a letter from General KIRKLAND from Cumana, the 19th of April, to his Haytian friend.
My Dear Friend, Veni, Vidi, Vici, (I came, I saw, I conquered) was the motto of Cæsar. Bonaparte has lately applied it to himself; it has now become mine, thanks to the Genius, who presides over liberty and independence.
To my great regret I cannot permit myself to enter into the details which I had promised you respecting the celerity of our operations on account of the rapidity of the events which hurry us on: and the favourable opportunity which requires haste to take advantage of the terror which such successes impress. Let it suffice to you for the moment to know that the island of Santa Margaretti, Barcelona and Cumana are in our possession, and that at the moment I am writing to you, the army is filing off for Carracas. At every step we take our army is encircled by these illustrious unfortunates, who think that they behold, in the the Generalissimo Miranda, a new Washington, who comes to re-establish them in the primitive state of liberty, which the barbarity of the Spaniards had ravished from them. There is not the shadow of doubt but that new successes will crown so holy an enterprise.
The Generalissimo desires to be remembered to you. His first Aid-de-camp, whom you well know, joins with his commander and myself in wishing you every kind of prosperity.
We request you instantly to communicate our progress to his majesty the emperor of Hayti. Tell him that the first intelligence which we shall have the honor to give him, will be dated from Carracas.
Forget us not, my dear friend, and believe that as long as I live, I shall feel for you the most sincere affection.
Vive L’Independence! Vive la Liberte! The General, KIRKLAND.
BALTIMORE, June 13.
By the Henrietta, from Curacao, we learn, that the various reports in circulation there respecting Miranda, kept the public mind in constant agitation and suspense, without giving the least shadow of certainty to any of his operations. It was generally believed, that if he had acted with more vigor and perseverance at first, his expedition might have been attended with success; but that, owing to his wasting a great portion of his time in useless and unnecessary manoeuvres, together with his long stay at Jacquetel, he gave the Spaniards sufficient time to become acquainted with his hostile intentions, and to put themselves in a proper state of defence against any attacks he could make, by filling every place, in the least liable to invasion, with troops—by apprehending those who appeared to favor him, and have them properly secured or removed from the coast, and finally by sending vessels in search of him.
There was no certain account of the capture of Miranda’s two Schooners, and many believed the report only raised by government to lull the fears of the people. Telegraph.
PHILADELPHIA, June 13.
By Capt. Ferrell, we learn, that after the massacre at Cape-Francois, on the 14th of May last, a priest, a physician, and an officer in the custom-house, were the only white Frenchmen left alive.
CHARLESTON, June 9.
By the Schooner Gabriel Duval, we have received Nassau Papers to the 6th instant.
When the Gabriel Duval left Nassau, the inhabitants were under considerable apprehensions of a visit from the French. The alarm was excited in consequence of information, that an expedition was fitting out at Guadaloupe, supposed to be destined against some of the British Islands. (Times.)
OHIO. CHILLICOTHE, May 24.
It is feared that here a battle has been fought between the Americans and Spaniards at Natchitoches. What will be the result we know not—but have understood great preparations are making by the citizens to aid and succor the efforts of their countrymen against the Spaniards.
TENNESSEE. NASHVILLE, May 17.
On Sunday last a detachment of fine looking recruits embarked at this place, under the command of Lieut. Roney, to join the army. As is understood the recruiting service is to be prosecuted with vigour in this and the adjoining district—we have no doubt but a number of our patriotic and hardy citizens will be found to join the standard of their country, and be ready at a moments warning to protect or avenge its wrongs.
A gentleman who arrived in this place on Wednesday last, from New-Orleans, which place he left the 28th April, informs, that at the time he left that place, a report was in circulation that a vessel laden with provisions for our troops up the Mobile, has been captured by the Spaniards, and plundered of the whole of its lading, run on the ballast and there left. He also informs, that the post rider which had been stopped by the Spaniards, had been ordered
ed by Governor Claiborne to force his way, or risk of being taken prisoner.
A Lexington, (Kent.) paper, of the 20th ult. contains the following important paragraph: Report says, that orders have been sent to General Wilkinson, to descend the Mississippi immediately to Fort Adams, with all the troops stationed at St. Louis, in consequence of apprehensions from the Spaniards.”
WINCHESTER, June 6.
Abel Clemmons was tried at the Circuit Court held in Morgan-town, last month, for the murder of his wife and 8 children, found guilty, and sentenced to be hanged on the 30th inst.
We have it from the best authority, and with pleasure announce the pleasing intelligence, that the works of the Potomac company on the Shenandoah, are in such forwardness, and the force employed on them is so considerable, that the canal, locks, gates, in short, the entire navigation from river to river, will be completed in the ensuing September; a consummation to be prevented only by a failure in the pecuniary resources of the company—and surely such a failure cannot and ought not to be apprehended, when we consider that half a million of dollars have already been expended on the Potomac navigation—that the sum wanted to complete this great work, cannot exceed eight, or at most ten thousand dollars; and that there are four banks in the District of Columbia, and that of the banks in the state of Maryland, there is one with a large capital, established on the wise and patriotic principle of aiding internal improvements.
Every mind beyond the size of a Pigmy’s, will view this great enterprise, so long delayed, but now happily to near fruition, in a light far more interesting, than as a mere machine to reward the adventurers for their advances of money, and to promote the convenience of the landholders on the banks of Potomac and its tributary rivers. It is a link, and a most essential link in the Chain, that is to bind together the Atlantic States. Vain and delusive would it be, to hope that the union of these two Worlds, separated by mountains almost impassable and uninhabited, could be of long duration, unless means were found to lessen the distance, to remove the barriers, and to cherish a population between them. Wash. Fed.
PHILADELPHIA, June 13.
Extract of a letter from Liverpool, dated May 30 to a gentleman in this city.
“Flour and wheat have taken a rise in consequence of our being deprived of supplies from Prussia; and considerable have in consequence gone out to America—Speculations were yesterday made at 51/8 per barrel, and I think there is every reason of its continuing at least as high as 50/ during the summer, and on the approach of winter it will no doubt rise.
Low descriptions of Cotton are scarce in the market, which causes them to keep their present prices. The last arrivals from Charleston have been principally sea-island.
We are this day favored with American papers announcing the unpleasing resolutions [alluding to the resolution of Mr. Nicholson for prohibiting the importation of certain British goods] which have passed in the House of Representatives. It is the general belief here that the Senate will not be so intemperate as to sanction these proceedings. If they do I cannot see the least advantage that can result to your country from such a mode of conduct. America is certainly as yet but a child, not arrived at sufficient maturity to DICTATE laws to age and experience.”
Table with 3 columns: Upland Cotton, Orleans, Sea Island, fine, Middling, Stained, Flour superfine, Rice, new, Pearl ash. Rows show prices and quantities.
Gaz.
FROM THE PHILADELPHIA GAZETTE.
HIGHLY INTERESTING.
We lately laid before our readers, some extracts from a pamphlet written in England, avowedly in defence of neutral rights, particularly as they regard the relations between England and the United States. Many enquiries and conjectures have been made, as to the author of this work. Some have even intimated that it is the production of a pen under the influence of Mr. Munroe, our minister at London; and of course are unwilling to admit that its doctrines and opinions can in any manner be considered as a criterion of the disposition and views of the new British cabinet towards this country. We are extremely happy in being able to assure our readers and the American public generally, that the author of this interesting work is no less a person than Lord Holland, nephew of Mr. Fox, and that it has been issued in England with the view of preparing the public mind for the reception of certain liberal stipulations between that government and America, in which some important and advantageous principles will be conceded to us.
In our estimation of this article, we conceive it the most important intelligence that could be announced. Its authenticity is indisputable.
Extracts from this pamphlet, in the next Enquirer.
FROM THE AURORA.
POLITICAL VIEWS.
No. II.
We have assumed it as an event very speedily to be accomplished, that France would plant colonies on the shores of the Morea; and perhaps in the islands of the Archipelago. The disorders of Russia, in the six weeks past, will propel that power to the Borosphenes.—Her policy, which was insidious, imperceptibly accumulative, and progressive, on the power and dominion of the Porte, will now be active, audacious and desperate.
It was the policy of France in former times to maintain an alliance with Turkey, as a counterpoise to the house of Austria. She will now be allied with the Porte, as a measure of safety and counteraction of the court of Russia. The old commercial policy of Colbert is now in the most complete progression in France, that embraced the commerce of the Levant; the hostility of Russia reinvigorates that policy; and the contest between these two powers, in that quarter, will be prosecuted with all the zeal and energy of both.
There are only motives in addition to the motives which had previously existed in the policy of France; for which she undertook the conquest of Egypt, without success; but in the accomplishment of which she must succeed, if Russia does not prove too powerful for her.
Our present purpose is to exhibit the commercial riches of the Mediterranean and the circumjacent countries, to show at once that the interest, and the policy which is combined with that interest, would be sufficient to tempt a power like France, anxious for “ships, colonies, and commerce,” to direct her attention and to fix it imperiously on that quarter. In a subsequent paper we shall show from the most au-
thentic evidence, that France, instead of having an interest to tempt her to undertake ridiculous expeditions to this side of the Atlantic, to conquer the U. States, as some visionary and others who are not more visionary, would inculcate, will be found having ample employment in that quarter, and there ready prepared the greater proportion of those productions which the U. States gave to the common stock of universal commerce.
In order to give the actual importance of the Mediterranean trade, it will be preferable to state precise and well authenticated facts, even though they occupy much space, rather than to resort to general assumptions from data which though the basis of the assumption might be questioned by those who could not oppose any rational argument or whole paltry but their senses against conviction.
For this purpose we shall, from the authority to which we have before alluded, and which might if we were at liberty to do so, call official—we shall state in a concise way the actual amount of the vessels which carried on the commerce of the Mediterranean, during the last peace; the statements and documents which we consult, are dated in 1801. After the abstract view of the number of vessels, we shall go into a more circumstantial view of the particulars. The navigation of the Mediterranean during the late peace was performed by the vessels of twenty different nations or states—which we shall enumerate as they present themselves:—
Table with 3 columns: Nation, Number of vessels, Tonnage. Rows include France, Genoa, Britain, Spain, Naples, Greece, Turkey, Austria, Ragusa, Tuscany, Sardinia, Kingdom of Italy, Morocco, Russia, Dutch, Denmark, Sweden, Americans, Other states and adventurers, Total merchant vessels, Fishermen’s ships and chaloups, In the Coral fishery, In the Tunny fishery, Anchovy fishery of Sardinia.
Making more than one half of the whole Mediterranean trade, carried on too from the coasts, bays, and harbors within the pillars of Hercules.
The result of colonization in the Morea, would necessarily be the strengthening and augmenting and prolonging of this vast preponderance of commerce; and the successful resistance of the Russians in that quarter would necessarily give France the absolute command of the whole of the Mediterranean and Levant—they might bomb Constaninople and burn the Archipelago, but the commerce which does not go in exchange for shot and conflagration, would remain at the discretion of the pervading and directing power—more effectually under the energy of France, than under the more relaxed despotism of Turkey or the unrelenting brutality of Russia.
Already the commerce of the Mediterranean, independent of the fisheries, employs 14,000 sail of merchantmen; this trade alone employs nearly as much as the whole commerce of Great-Britain—the ships of Great-Britain in the same year employed in all parts of the world being as follows:
Table with 3 columns: Country, Number of vessels, Tonnage. Rows include England, Jersey, Guernsey, Isle of Man, British colonies, Scotland, Ireland, Total British ships, Containing tonnage.
Making each ship to average only 200 tons, which on the same average for ships in the Mediterranean would make the tonnage of
Table with 3 columns: Old France, And of France (federated), And the whole Mediterranean. Rows show tonnage.
However, though these general averages may not be exact, and the tonnage of vessels employed on long Asiatic voyages are usually of heavier tonnage, than those which pass between the ports of the Mediterranean, yet after a reasonable deduction on that account the amount is so enormous as to determine at once the vast importance to France, and the pecuniary interest which she has in securing so near home the vast resources which are before her, and the possession of which by any of her rivals must operate in a full proportion to her disadvantage both commercially and politically.
With a view to render these considerations more satisfactory to those who do not seek delusion to deceive and be deceived; we shall give a general idea of the commerce and connections of the several powers and states, as they stood during the last short peace. This shall be the subject of our next; and as we have taken the topic up with a view to political events, we apprehend that it will be seen that the interests of France are too momentous in Europe, and particularly in the Mediterranean, to countenance any projects of hers on the United States, either probable or prudent, even if the wits were to be supposed as blind to her true interests as Austria and Russia.
BOSTON, June 13.
Election of Governor.
On Wednesday forenoon, while the House were debating on an amendment offered to the report of the Election Committee by Mr. Upham, Mr. King rose and observed, that as it had been ascertained, that there were returns included in the calculations in the report, which were not conformable to the requisitions of the constitution, and must be rejected; that as it would appear, when those returns were rejected, that Gov. Strong was re-elected; he moved that the future consideration of the report should be deferred. This motion was carried.
Mr. Bigelow then moved, that the return from Lincolnville should be rejected, as it did not appear in the return when the votes were given. This motion was carried unanimously. Mr. Bacon then moved, that the return from Cambridge, which appeared (by the date of the certificate of the S. selectmen of April 29,) not

to have been sealed in town-meeting, should be rejected. Carried unanimously.
It was next moved to recommit the report, that it might be brought into a new draft; which was agreed to.
In the afternoon, the committee reported, that the House should concur with the Senate, in the report of the joint committee as taken into a new draft. This draft merely stated, that His Excellency Caleb Strong, had a majority of the votes for Governor, and the Hon. William Heath a majority of the votes for Lieutenant Governor, and were elected to those offices. This report was unanimously accepted; and sent to the Senate for concurrence.
All the contested points, in the former report, were purposely avoided in the new draft; as, whatever decisions might have been made on them, after long discussions, the fact, it was agreed, would remain the same, that Governor Strong had a majority of the suffrages.
In the Senate the new draft was committed. In about half an hour the committee recommended a concurrence with the House, which was unanimously agreed to.
A committee was then appointed to wait upon His Excellency Gov. Strong, and the Hon. Mr. Heath, and inform them of their election, and that the Legislature is ready to administer the necessary oaths of office, at any time most agreeable to them.
Yesterday the Senate and House of Representatives assembled in convention, when his excellency Governor Strong attended by the council, entered the Representatives' Chamber, and his Excellency the Governor took the oaths of office, and declaration of his election was made by the Sheriff of Suffolk; after which the Governor and council withdrew. The convention then proceeded to the choice of counsellors, when the honorable Messrs. Howe, Maynard, Hill, Deane, Coffin, Childs, Woodman, Farley and Willis, were chosen. The members of the Senate then withdrew.
It is supposed the gentlemen now chosen to the council will resign, and that an election will be made at large this day.
The following letter was received from the Hon. William Heath;
To the Honorable Senate and the Honorable House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
GENTLEMEN, I have been notified, by a very respectable committee of both Houses, that I have been elected Lieutenant Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts for the year ensuing, by a majority of the votes of the election.
Impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude, for this mark of confidence and esteem, I present to you, and through you to my fellow citizens, my most sincere and hearty thanks. Having been more than forty years in public life, contemporary with the early efforts of American rights, and the adoption of measures for their defence, & near the illustrious Washington, during the revolutionary war, in the most difficult, perilous and interesting periods our country has as yet experienced, the prime of my life has passed away, and I have arrived at nearly the common age of man, when the vigor of the mind abates, and the most splendid offices cease to charm.
I have seen my beloved country in deep distress, struggling to retain the life of that equal liberty which Heaven has given as an unalienable legacy to man; I have seen her triumph in peace sovereignty and independence; forming constitutions of civil government, selected and combined of principles calculated for durability, superior to those found in any other republics yet seen. I now see her under a wise and prudent administration of the general government, respected abroad, and prosperous at home, beyond a parallel in any other nation; and this, my native state, whose prosperity is the necessary with of my heart, one of the most respectable and prosperous among her sisters.
Pausing, at this point of view, with thankful admiration, although a laudable ambition to serve my country, and a long public life, which has rendered its duties familiar, tend to excite a wish for continuance in it, reason points to a retirement, rather than to the acceptance of a new station. I do, therefore, decline qualifying myself to attempt a discharge of the duties of the honorable Office to which I have been elected.
Beseeching the all-wise Counsellor, to guide and direct the Legislature in all the important business which may come before them, and that this Commonwealth and the United States, may be a name and a praise in the earth, so long as time shall endure.
I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient servant.
W. HEATH. Roxbury, June 12, 1806.
According to the late report, which has been accepted in the legislature, the whole number of votes are 72,784—necessary to make a choice 36,393—Governor Strong has 36,438, & therefore a majority of 40, or plurality of 80.
The error in the return from Lincolnville, which proved fatal to the report sent to the House from the Senate, was first discovered on Monday last; and the fact was stated to the House the same day by Mr. Bigelow.
After the declaration of the election of Governor was made, the bells of the town were rung for an hour.
Mr. Heath having declined the office to which he was elected, the state will be without a Lieut. Governor the present year.
Sales at Auction.
On Saturday, the 5th of July next, will be sold on the premises,
A piece of GROUND, on the Main-street, adjoining Mr. James MacLure's, containing forty-four feet in front, and extending back 160 feet to an alley. The property will be sold entire, or divided into two equal parts, as may be found on the day of sale best to suit the purchasers. Terms—Sixty and one hundred and twenty days credit; the purchaser giving his note, with an approved endorser, payable at the bank of Virginia.
ALSO—one other lot nearly opposite the Court-house, adjoining Isaiah Isaac's lot, containing 30 feet on the Main-street, and extending about 830 feet to the Back street.
Six and twelve months credit will be given, the purchaser giving his note payable at the bank of Virginia, with an approved endorser.
TAYLOR & BROWN, V. M'rs. (tdc) June 24.
A COACH AND HARNESS—FOR SALE.
Will be sold at Vendue, on Thursday next, by Proffer & M'Nair.
A large and strong family COACH, made of the best materials; all the body being mahogany, with harness complete for four horses, on a credit of ninety days.
June 24. (lt)
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 24th JUNE.
ENGLAND AND FRANCE.—It is said, that our government has very lately received dispatches from Mr. Monroe, stating the probability of an immediate and favourable adjustment of our differences with that nation. It is even added, that our present negotiation is likely to terminate in prospective arrangements. Discussions have taken place, and principles, it is said, have been settled, for the formation of a permanent treaty. We do not however vouch for the correctness of the report.
Nay; some hope is entertained in England, not only of their adjusting their differences with us, but even with France. This hope is said to be founded on the supposed policy of some of the ministry with regard to a state of peace. Why fear a state of peace, is said to be their argument? Must we be for ever at war, from a fear that Bonaparte should be accumulating new means for attacking us? Let him attempt to build a navy: In twenty years, perhaps, he may equal the one that we now have: But shall we be idle in the mean time? May we not be continually building and equipping a navy, which shall by that time be as much superior to our present navy, as it now is to the French? In fact, is not this conjecture about the policy of some of the ministry, confirmed by Mr. Fox's opinion when he entered the ministry? "Let us, said he, have a peace like a war, than a war like a peace."
Admitting however that this argument removes all the permanent objections to a peace, are there not many very difficult arrangements to make, arising out of the present war itself? What, for instance, is to become of Malta? What of the present federative influence of France, if England dare now to meddle with the affairs of the continent? We shall not enter into any discussions on these points; but let us cast our eyes for one moment upon a single object; the situation of Hanover:
It was unfortunate for England, that the same cause which deprives her King of his hereditary possessions, should have excluded her own commerce from the ports of the North Sea. For what is the consequence? The nation irritated by the injuries which she herself has sustained, has felt a much larger share of resentment for the injured interests of her monarch. The exclusion of her commerce is identified with the loss of Hanover, and the hereditary interest of the King, is completely converted by this artificial co-incident into the interest of the nation. The language of Lord Grenville in the debate on "his majesty's message" is strongly in point. "He was anxious," he said, "to convince his majesty that they felt an insult offered to him as an insult offered to themselves, and that there was no part of his dominions in the possession of which they were not willing to defend and maintain him." What is this but declaring that England would consider the cause of her King, as her own cause; that she will take upon her own shoulders the responsibility of the loss of Hanover; that she pledges herself to re-conquer it by force of arms, or recover it by the treaty of pacification, but that should she fail in both these exertions, she will be ready to indemnify him for its loss, out of the solid coin of her own treasury?
What follows? If this principle be adhered to by the present ministry, it will create an insurmountable obstacle to the immediate attainment of a peace. Prussia will not voluntarily recede from Hanover, after having obtained it in exchange for Anspach and Bayreuth. To recover it by a forcible writ of ejectment, is beyond the possible resources of Great Britain. Her true interest therefore would be, to submit with the best possible grace to an alienation which she cannot prevent, and not even to demand any considerable compensation for the absolute surrender of the title. The enlightened policy of a Fox may readily perceive this truth, but the firmness to act upon it is not to be expected from the obsequious loyalty of Grenville. Mr. Fox may retain his place in spite of his possible opposition; but it is ridiculous to expect in a case where the hereditary prejudices of the king, backed by the recent resentment of the nation, are at law against him, that he will be able to give his law to the cabinet. That cabinet may therefore be expected to represent the restoration of Hanover as one of the conditions of the peace; but the only consequence of this will be, to throw an insurmountable difficulty in the way of its attainment. Much time may therefore be consumed in the hopeless project of negotiation; hopeless indeed, if they demand an unconditional surrender of Hanover; but what will be the inevitable consequence? Either that Prussia will only restore it for a handsome amount of money; or if Prussia still prefers terra firma to solid bullion, that this unfortunate wound in the dignity of the Elector of Hanover is to be healed up by an Elixir of English gold.
From the language in which we announced Mr. C. Taylor's appointment to the Chancery court; it has been erroneously imagined that we were opposed to that gentleman's success. The truth is, that our language was really incorrect when compared with the phraseology of the constitution. Instead of saying that an officer when chosen by the council is nominated by the legislature, the true language of the constitution is, to appoint and to dispense. For example; it was improper to say, that Mr. Taylor was nominated by the council, & that this nomination was yet to be ratified by the Legislature. It ought to have been said, that Mr. Taylor had been appointed to the office of chancellor, "to be approved or displaced" by the Legislature.
Between the former and the present appointment of this gentleman by the council, this difference may be found. In the former case, the council appointed Mr. Taylor not from any absolute necessity of filling up the vacancy before the meeting of the legislature, but in consequence of a supposed injunction, as the constitution fills all judicial vacancies as they occurred; and this it will be recollected was one of the objections taken to this appointment during the last winter. But in the present case, there was an absolute necessity for making the appointment. There must always be some power at hand to grant injunctions. There must always be Chancellors.
It is proper to add, that Mr. Taylor's appointment is approved by the members of the Richmond bar, whatever be their legal standing or their political principles.
"In case of death, incapacity or resignation, the Governor, with the advice of the Privy Council, shall appoint persons to succeed in office, to be approved or displaced by both Houses. Constitution of Virginia. P. 13.
George W. Swinney was yesterday called before the examining court of this city, on the
charge of poisoning his great Uncle, the venerable George Wythe, and a servant boy. He was unanimously remanded to jail for further trial before the district court to be had in September next.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
"A celebrated writer, who supposes that because Rome, Sparta and Carthage have lost their liberties, therefore those of England will in time perish, seems to have forgotten that Rome, Sparta and Carthage, at the time that their liberties were lost, were strangers to the Trial by Jury."
Such is the eulogium, and perhaps not extravagant eulogium, which Mr. Blackstone pronounces on that mode of trial which we have borrowed from England. I have been always taught to believe that the trial by jury, in its native simplicity, is our best shield against oppression and injustice, and the main pillar which supports our free government. The language of our laws and the spirit of our institutions, have impressed me with this opinion. This institution is valued at a high rate in England, because it is a barrier to judicial tyranny, and a safeguard to justice. None I presume at this day will deny, that the most free and satisfactory mode of deciding all contests, both civil and criminal, is by referring them to the intelligent, upright and impartial minds of well-selected jurors. Any thing, then, which may have the most remote tendency to abridge the utility of this excellent mode of trial, should deservedly awaken the jealousy of every friend of freedom—even the slightest appearance of abuse should excite the most watchful suspicion.
With these impressions on my mind respecting the importance of preserving the trial by jury in its utmost purity, I feel in some measure at a loss in forming a satisfactory opinion of some late proceedings in the District Court of the United States during its last session in April.
The opinion which I have formed of these proceedings, may be incorrect; such as it is, however, I feel myself bound to make it known. My impressions may have been hasty and erroneous, as I am but little versed in the forms and proceedings of courts, and am wholly unaware of those invisible nets of law in which justice is sometimes entangled. My opinion I will state with freedom, because I conceive it my duty to do so, and because, if it is incorrect, I wish to be convinced of my error. These are the only reasons which induce me to offer these few remarks to the public.
At the last District Court, held for the District of Columbia, there was a prisoner arraigned for having perpetrated the blackened deed of which human nature is capable; the crime with which he was charged was no less than that of murdering his own wife, to whom he had been but a short time united. The evidence against the prisoner was wholly circumstantial; circumstances, however, were so strong, that the magistrates (two in number) before whom he was tried and by whom he was committed, did not hesitate a moment to pronounce him guilty, and to commit him to jail; the examining court concurred in believing him guilty, and awarded a further trial in the District Court. The grand jury found a true bill. Such was the universal belief of the guilt of the prisoner, produced by the evidence given in on his examination, that even his counsel made no attempt to bail him. Such was the horror and detestation excited against him by the strong suspicion of having committed this outrage against nature, that I supposed no jury could be procured who would pronounce him innocent. Under these circumstances was he brought to trial. From the reluctance which most of us feel to deprive a fellow-being of life, except on the most certain and conclusive evidence of his guilt, few supposed that the prisoner on this occasion would meet that punishment which it was the opinion of all that he merited; still fewer supposed that the trial would terminate as it did. The evidence on behalf of the Commonwealth was heard, and the district attorney read the law which was applicable to the case, and commented on the evidence; one of the counsel for the prisoner rose in his defence, and before getting into the merits of the case was interrupted by the court and addressed as well as I can recollect nearly in the following words by the presiding judge: "It is unnecessary to trouble the court or the jury, or take up their time by making any defence of the prisoner. There is no evidence on which he can possibly be convicted. The suspicion of guilt (addressing himself to the jury) which attaches to the prisoner, is so slight, that had I been a single magistrate, and he been brought before me, I should certainly have admitted him to bail. The court recommend it to you, gentlemen of the jury, to bring in a verdict of not guilty. You may find what verdict you please, but if you bring in a verdict of guilty, we shall grant a new trial, as you will find contrary to evidence."
It certainly is not my intention to insinuate that this interruption of the counsel and this advice to the jury proceeded from sinister motives; but I can say with truth that they biased the minds of the jury and influenced their decision. Venire's cannot be supposed to consist of men whose understandings are of the first order, and particularly in the country this is but seldom the case.
They may be men who can very well form correct opinions of their own, but no one can suppose that they will be wholly uninfluenced by the opinions of others, who they well know are better acquainted with the nature of law, and the principles of evidence than themselves. In this case an opinion was prematurely delivered from the bench, and supported by the authority of judges learned in the law, which could not fail to have its full operation on the minds of the jury. It was declared by the court, that there was no evidence which ought to weigh with the jury, and that a single magistrate ought to have bailed the prisoner. The court even went farther in their opinion, and said, if the prisoner was found guilty they should grant a new trial. Was not this something like a threat to the jury to induce them to bring in a verdict of acquittal? Was not such conduct of the judges well calculated to bias the minds of the jury? The improper influence which it had was exemplified in the verdict. The writer of these few remarks is informed from the most respectable authority that several of the jury, who heard the evidence given in, in the examining court, declared on the morning of the trial in the district court, that they conscientiously believed the prisoner guilty, and that they could not satisfy their consciences or the justice of their country without bringing him to punishment; yet after hearing this advice from the court, they retired and returned in a few moments with a verdict of not guilty.
Thus was a vanie, composed of men of the best intentions, influenced by this unreasonable expression of the opinion of the court; never did I witness such general dissatisfaction as was occasioned by the conduct of the judges and the verdict of the jury in this case. I met with no person who did not disapprove of this expression of the opinion of the court at that time. Indifferent Spectators; persons ignorant of the principles of law but well acquainted with those of justice; attorneys of long standing at the bar, all united in saying that they
never witnessed, any proceeding like this in any court of justice; that they deemed it highly improper and highly calculated to operate unfavourably on the minds of the jury.
I have thought it my duty, to give this statement of a late trial in the district court of
because I was dissatisfied with the proceedings of the court and because many others agreed with me in opinion. I hope my impressions if they are erroneous will be corrected—I am convinced that any opinion of mine is an incorrect one, I will most cheerfully relinquish it. In such a case as this it will give me the utmost pleasure, to do so. I could, not, however, reconcile it to my feelings or convictions to be silent when I thought the most valuable of our institutions—a pure and impartial trial by jury was violated. I conceive that the principle on which the court acted leads to the abuse, nay, to the total destruction of this mode of trial. If a judge can carefully recommend it to a jury to favour a criminal offender—why can they not recommend them to find him guilty? Should this principle be pushed to any extent, the justice of our country, and the individual liberties of our citizens will be sacrificed on the altar of our courts. I have always valued the trial by jury as the palladium of our freedom, and may the hand, which dares offer violence to this sacred inheritance which we enjoy from our ancestors, be palsied in the attempt. May this safeguard against judicial tyranny be perpetuated amongst us—Should it ever fall to the ground, should it ever be trodden under the feet of arbitrary power, then may we bid "a farewell a long farewell to all our happiness."
A SPECTATOR.
COMMUNICATION.
IN the Enquirer of the 20th, I perceive that I am called on to say, whether Mr. Garnett did not assure me, that Mr. J. Randolph did not intend for Mr. T. M. Randolph the observations which he made in the house of Representatives, on the evening of the 21st of April. In answering this question, I must be permitted to make a statement of what I recollect of the occurrences of that night; a statement, which the justice I owe myself and others forbids me to withhold.
When I was called from the lobby of the house, by Mr. T. M. R. he carried me to the head of the stairs, where Mr. Garnett was standing, and there, in the presence of that gentleman, briefly stated what had previously passed between them. In reply to Mr. Garnett's enquiry, whether the observations that Mr. T. M. R. had that evening made in the house, were intended for Mr. J. R., Mr. T. M. R. said, that they were, and that what he had said was intended to retaliate for insulting language, which he supposed had been directed to him by that gentleman; that if Mr. J. R. would assure him that he had no such intention; if he could once be convinced that the observations which had fallen from Mr. J. R. were not intended for him; that then there was no apology which a man of honor could or ought to make, which he was not ready to offer; observing to Mr. Garnett, at the same time, that Mr. J. R. had always the other alternative, and that he would meet him at any time. Mr. G. did say then, as he said afterwards, that Mr. J. R.'s observations were not intended for Mr. T. M. R. He did not give it as the declaration of Mr. J. R., but yet it was delivered in that decided tone, that convinced me that it was not an opinion which Mr. G. had taken up of himself, but that he had the best evidence for it. Some little time after Mr. T. M. R. had retired, Mr. G. and myself had some further conversation, when he left me, as I supposed, for the purpose of conferring with his principal, and knowing of him whether he would make the declaration which Mr. T. M. R. wished. From the whole tenor of Mr. G.'s conversation, there did not remain even a shadow of doubt on my mind, that the affair had originated in mistake; and Mr. T. M. R. himself, when he turned from Mr. G., appeared to me no longer in doubt that he had improperly applied to himself observations which Mr. J. R. meant for another. On ascending the stairs, I met Mr. T. M. R. and mentioned the entire conviction that I felt, that he had been mistaken.
Mr. G. now requested to speak with me, and we went into the empty gallery of the Senate chamber. He informed me that after what had passed, Mr. J. R. would not say to Mr. T. M. R., that his observations either were, or were not intended for him—and that he would expect Mr. T. M. R. to meet him, either that night or in the morning. In the Enquirer of the 17th, it is stated that Mr. G. made the first part of this communication to Mr. T. M. R. before I was introduced to him; but I certainly heard nothing of it until now, and I cannot think that it could have been made, as Mr. G. in the first conversation which I had with him, was not prepared to say whether Mr. J. R. would, or would not make the declaration mentioned above.
My conversation with Mr. G. in the gallery of the senate chamber was not a long one. I suggested to him that Mr. T. M. R. was probably at that time engaged in one of the committee rooms below—that he himself had duties to attend to, and that my own situation was such that I should not have a moment of leisure until the house adjourned; which would probably take place in the course of an hour.—He readily consented to the delay, and promised to meet me the moment the house did adjourn, and renew our conversation. Mr. G. while in the gallery of the senate, spoke to me not only as the second of Mr. J. R., but as a man and a gentleman. We mutually expressed our regret at the occurrence which had brought us there, and each of us pledged himself to the other to do whatever was consistent with his own feelings and principles, and the feelings and principles of those for whom we acted, to prevent an affair which was admitted to have originated in mistake, from being carried to any fatal extremity.
I did not see Mr. T. M. R. after this conversation.—In passing through the lobby, my attention was arrested by his voice, but the crowd was so great that I did not get near enough to hear what he said—I understood from the conversation around me, that he was making some explanation which his situation required—that it had been whispered in the lobby, that his taking the floor that night was a preconceived plan between him and Mr. Sloan, for the purpose of mortifying Mr. J. R. I did not know until afterwards, that his observations bore at all on the subject that Mr. G. and myself had been discussing. When the house adjourned, Mr. G. met me. He said that he had repeated to Mr. J. R. as nearly as he could remember, the substance of what Mr. T. M. R. had said in the house, and that that gentleman was perfectly satisfied, and had requested him to say so. Mr. G. then took his leave of me, and I saw him no more.—After searching for some time for Mr. T. M. R., I found him at length, after almost all the members had left the capitol, at his desk.—I repeated to him what had passed at the last conversation which I had with Mr. G. I did not mention to him at all, what had passed in the gallery of the senate. I hoped and believed that the affair had terminated, and I was unwilling even again to recall any of the unpleasant feelings to which it had given rise. The explanatory observations of Mr. T. M. R. in the house, as they were repeated to me, under the circumstances and at the time they were made, were such as met my decided approbation, and I expressed to him the satisfaction which I felt.
I. A. COLES.
VIRGINIA, JUNE GENERAL COURT, 1806.
In Testimony of the high respect of this Court for the eminent public services and veneration for the private virtues of GEORGE WYTHE, late Chancellor of the Richmond District:
Resolved, That the members of this court will wear crape on the left arm for three months, as mourning. A Copy—Teste.
WILSON ALLEN, C. G. C.
Last Evening's Mail.
NEW-YORK, June 17.
By the brig William, captain Warner, which arrived at this port last evening from Liverpool, the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has been favoured with London papers to the 3d of May, two days later than any previously received; but no event of magnitude having occurred on the European continent in the intermediate space between our former and present advice from that quarter, these papers are almost without interest. We have selected all the leading articles. The trial of Lord Melville was progressing; and it was supposed would not terminate in less than four or five weeks.
LONDON, May 3.
The letters by the Lisbon mail are very contradictory. Some of them express great apprehensions with respect to the designs of Spain & France, while others say that the fears upon this head have greatly subsided. The Topaze, French frigate, which had been so long in the floc of war Star in safety; the latter being prevented from immediately following the frigate by the batteries on shore; a circumstance which is considered by some as an hostile interference on the part of the Portuguese; but which we cannot view in this light when we consider that the neutrality of Portugal binds her to protect alike the ships of all nations within her several ports and harbours.
An order has been issued by the Spanish Government for removing all restraint from American vessels trading to the ports of South America.
The surrender of Cattaro to the Russians continues to be an object of complaint on the part of Bonaparte against the Court of Vienna. Though the number of French troops in Istria and Dalmatia is represented as not less than 30,000, and of course capable of expelling with ease the Russians at Cattaro, who are said to be but a few hundreds, the burthen of this expulsion is thrown on the Austrian Government from whose hands alone Bonaparte will receive the possession, and who are called upon to expel the Russians by force, a proceeding which has a direct tendency to involve Austria in a war with France.
A letter from Deal states that a very heavy cannonade was distinctly heard there about five o'clock on Thursday morning. As the found came in a direction off Bologna, it is conjectured that commodore Owen's squadron had begun his spring plan of annoying the French batteries.
The peace establishment of France is estimated, by a report on that subject presented by Gaudin to Bonaparte, to be 600 millions of livres and the expense for the current year 894 millions.
The great commercial house of Bogle, French, Burrows and Canning, stopped payment yesterday.
Consols 60 3-4. Omnium 2 1-4.
PHILADELPHIA, June 17.
The General KIRKLAND'S LETTER. Many are disposed to give credit to this production. The more we view it the more are we confirmed in the opinion of its being spurious. Now, it is well ascertained that Miranda's squadron did not leave the island of Aruba until after the 16th of April; and that letters from Curacao as late as the 16th of May, a month subsequent to their sailing, confidently state that his two ships had been captured, and that the Lieutenant had retired from the coast. Unless the date of the letter be incorrectly stated, this contradiction is complete.—It is also rumoured that the Spanish Minister in this city, has actually received a list of the crews of the ships captured.
Sales at Auction.
On Thursday next, will be offered for sale by Messrs. Proffer & M'Nair, at their auction-room, a Pair of handsome, strong, gentle Bay Geldings, extremely well broke to a carriage. One of them is five years old, the other six. This pair of horses would not be parted with on any account, having full size and good qualities; but their owner is not in a situation to use them.
At the same time and place, a pair of sorrel horses will be sold. These horses are also well broke to harness, are nearly sixteen hands high, one of them six, the other nine or ten years old. The eldest horse is an excellent riding horse, and remarkably gentle & steady in a carriage.
N. B. Notes at sixty days negotiable in the bank of Virginia, with an approved endorser, will be received in payment.
June 24.
Sales at Auction.
Will be sold by the Subscribers, at their Vendue Office, for cash, on Thursday next, the 26th of this month, June, for the benefit of the underwriters:
SIX Bales Oznaburgs, damaged on board the Columbus, Wm. Findlay, master, from Liverpool. Also—32 Pieces Irish Linens, and a quantity of Sack Bags—damaged on board the Herald, John Murphy, master, from Dublin and Liverpool.
PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M'rs. (it.) June 24.
WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE.
The Visitors of WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE are reminded, that on the 4th day of July next, the annual exhibitions and semi-annual examination of the students and grammar boys, will commence; this and other business of importance will demand their punctual attendance.
SAMUEL TYTLER, Rector.
Williamsburg, June 24, June 24.
MAP OF VIRGINIA.
SUBSCRIBERS to the MAP OF VIRGINIA are respectfully informed that the work will, in a short time be ready for delivery. The delay has been occasioned by circumstances, which could not be controuled—but, it is hoped, that superior accuracy in the delineation, as well as in the execution, will be a sufficient atonement. Specimens of the work may be seen at Mr. Samuel Pleasants's Book-Store and at this Office.
THE PROPRIETORS. June 24. 3t.
CHINA AND GLASS.
THE subscriber has lately received from Philadelphia, a handsome assortment of China and Glass, viz. full sets of dining china, and china glazed Liverpool ware; complete and broken sets tea china, well assorted, amongst which are some uncommonly handsome china bowls, &c. English and German glass, cut and plain, consisting of fruit baskets and stands, sugar dishes, jelly glasses and salts, handsomely cut & decanters, awines, tumblers, goblets and cans, cut and plain, and a handsome assortment of chinn ornaments. He also keeps, as usual, a general assortment of Liverpool ware and groceries, of all kinds for retailing; and has at present, port wine and claret by the bbl. box, or doz. Doublé and single distilled whiskey, cut berries, flag and tarr by the barrel, porter and ale as usual. DANIEL TRIPLETT. June 24. (4av.)

LETTER OF MR. T. M. RANDOLPH, TO HIS CONSTITUENTS.
(CONCLUDED.)
Another was immediately brought forward, to put a sum of money into the hands of the executive to open a negotiation with Spain for the purchase of the Floridas...
West-Florida, which was originally part of Louisiana, and is claimed as such by the United States, contains no great quantity of valuable land.
They did not succeed, however, in communicating their pan-Spanish sentiments to the majority of the House.
A resolution was extorted from the House, expressive of an opinion, that an exchange of territory was the most eligible mode of settling the dispute about boundaries.
Thus while the observance of secrecy as to the communications from the Executive of foreign correspondence...
known to exist. The principle of exchange too was in direct opposition to the spirit of some of the arguments most warmly urged by the opponents of purchase.
It was during the debate on this question, that extraordinary impetuosity was cast on the Executive branch of our government...
The question of appropriating money to purchase Florida, was discussed in secret, for the obvious reason that to proclaim the intention of making a bargain...
Thus while the observance of secrecy as to the communications from the Executive of foreign correspondence...
to defend a formal promulgation of the whole proceedings at such an unseasonable time. For the public had what information on the subject it possessed entirely on the footing of conjecture...
Your Friend, TH. M. RANDOLPH.
TO BE RENTED—The Tenement where I now reside, and possession given in time. J. PENN. April 11.
THE Subscriber having relinquished all idea of removing to the Western Country, deems it necessary to inform his friends...
JOHN ALCOCK, informs the Citizens of Richmond, and the public, he has just received at his Cabinet Manufactory...
JUST PUBLISHED, By David Longworth, New-York, and for sale at the Enquirer Book-Store, THE ADVENTURES OF TELEMACUS...
ENTERTAINMENT. PETER MOSELEY, most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has taken a lease of the house in this city commonly called the UNION TAVERN...
TO BE RENTED, THE tenement on the street leading from Main Street up Shackoe-hill by the Governor's...
WILLIAM HART, Opposite the State House, KEEPS constantly on hand a large quantity of BOTTLED PORTER and ALE...
CHARLES SPENCER, HAS just received a supply of GOODS by the ships Proteus and Intrepid...
FOR SALE.
Three valuable PLANTATIONS, viz: ONE containing 1200 acres of land, situated in the county of King & Queen...
Also, a tract of 1000 acres in Essex, within ten miles of Tappahannock, in a very wealthy neighbourhood...
EDWIN UPSHAW, My terms will be communicated by John Horace Upshaw, Esq., on application.
REMOVAL. DOCTOR WILSON has removed from the Bell Tavern to the Brick House opposite the stores of Messrs. J. & R. Gamble...
MEDICINES, PAINTS, &c.
The whole of which he offers for sale at reduced prices. Orders from Physicians, Merchants and others, will be promptly attended to...
Among a great variety, he begs leave to enumerate— Peruvian Bark, Falap, Rubarbe, Scammona, Magnesia, Manna, Salts, Camphor, Spanish Flies, Digitalis, Pink Root, Opium, Arrow Root...
FOR SALE.
THAT extensive and valuable property formerly owned by Peasey Thornton, Esq., and late the property of Sharp Delany, Esq., deceased...
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
PROPOSALS.
For carrying Mails of the United States, on the following Post-Roads, will be received at the General Post-Office...
6. FROM Washington City by Alexandria, Colchester and Dumfries, to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
APRIL 15 TO DECEMBER 1. Leave Washington City every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 5 A. M.;
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15. Leave Washington City every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 6 A. M.;
APRIL 15 TO DECEMBER 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 9 A. M.;
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 7 A. M.;
RETURNING. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 P. M.;
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15. Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M.;
RETURNING. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 P. M.;
NOTES. 1. The Post-Master General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure...
2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening & closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed...
4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person, making proposals, desires to carry newspapers...
5. Should any person, making proposals, desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure...
6. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly...
7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9. The Post-master General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen...
10. The contracts for the routes numbered 1 to 14, are to be in operation on the first day of October next...
GIDEON GRANGER, POST-MASTER GENERAL. GENERAL POST-OFFICE, Washington City, April 26, 1806.
THOMAS RUTHERFORD & Co.
Are desirous to sell: A Few Boxes 4-4 and 7-8 Irish Linens, 30 Crates Queens Ware, and a quantity of Liverpool Salt...
Printing, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.