The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1802-12-08 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING. SUBSCRIPTION TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1802.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia, or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Levis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
TO SUBSCRIBERS.
THE subscribers to "The Recorder," are desired to recollect, that the payments for this paper should be regular and prompt. We shall not, at any future period of our editorial progress, be telling the public, in terms of deprecation, that our subscribers are indebted to us in four, six, or ten thousand dollars. We pay a strict attention to our subscription list; and as soon as we can convince ourselves that a subscriber is disposed to fall behind in his payments, off he goes , without delay. Do you think that the editors of this paper are going to be such simpletons as to have a parcel of twelve, or fifteen hundred ragged, beggarly subscription accounts, dispersed all over the state, of two, four, eight, or twelve dollars a head? Do you think that we know so little of common business, and of common sense, as to be giving credit for two or three years at a stretch, or even two months, to republican citizens, that remember to forget to pay the postage of their letters, wherein they solicit us to put down their names? Indeed, gentlemen, as the mayor of Coventry laid to queen Elizabeth! They have got the wrong pig by the ear. You may depend upon it that no person exists upon the surface of this commonwealth, who shall ever be five dollars in debt to the Recorder, unless by the most peculiar and fatal combination of incidents. Does any man of business fancy that we are going to send money before hand to Philadelphia, to pay for paper, to wait three months for its arrival, to pay every body in the house in advance, for working it off, and then, to be giving three years credit, with a law-suit at the end of it, to some worthy republican who resides five hundred miles to the westward of the Blue-Ridge? That is not the way, in which we design to do business. We shall have no advertisements ascertaining the simplicity of our having accounts dispersed all over the state, to the amount of six, or eight, or twelve thousand dollars. Whenever a subscriber to The Recorder, knows himself to be behind hand, he must not differ with the post-master of the county; he must not think that he feels an apoplexy of surprise, if the paper does not come next week; for, he may rest assured, that we shall pay the strictest attention to the state of payments and of defalcation; and, as we are obliged to pay for every thing in advance, our subscribers may rest assured, that nobody shall be in our debt, if we can help it.
NOTE. * We are satisfied that this will very seldom be the case. We have not more than one subscriber in forty, but what pays in advance, and assures us that he will continue to do so.
SEMINARY.
HUGH WHITE, A. M. (educated at the University of Glasgow, Scotland) on the first Monday in December next, in the city of Richmond, near the court-house, opens A SEMINARY, OR SCHOOL; In which he will teach Greek, Latin, French, English Grammar, Navigation, Surveying, Geography, Book-keeping, Arithmetic, Martin's Philosophy, and Ferguson's Lectures, so far as these last two can be taught, without the apparatus. He will take particular care of the education, and morals of pupils, whom parents, guardians, and others may commit to my tuition. He shall possess strong impressions of gratitude to those who shall encourage him. Governor Monroe, William and John Mayo, and Robert Gamble, esqrs. are acquainted with him. TERMS. Greek, Latin, French, £. 10 per annum. Navigation, or Surveying, 8 dollars a piece. The rest at the rate of £. 6 per annum. Richmond, Nov. 27th, 1802. (31.)
WANTED.
AS AN APPRENTICE
To the Printing Business. A Young Lad, from the Age of Thirteen to Fifteen Years. Enquire at 1st. Office. Nov. 17th. 1802.
FALL GOODS.
SAMUEL P. BRADDICK.
HAS just received by the Octavia, from London, a very handsome assortment, which he will sell low, for Cash or Produce. Richmond, Oct. 12th 1802. (2m.)
FISH,
A QUANTITY OF HERRINGS and SHAD, for Sale, By FRANCIS HYLAND. Richmond, Nov. 2d, 1802. (1m.)
KENTUCKY LANDS FOR SALE.
To be sold at public auction, on Thursdays, the 30th of December next, at 12 o'clock at the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond. 5520 ACRES OF LAND, In the state of Kentucky, belonging to the estate of the late Andrew Ronald, deceased—viz. 2480 acres, lying on Big Barren River; 1000 acres on Green River, on the mouth of the Big Barren; 1840 acres on the head branches of the South East forks of Skaggs Beaver Creek. 5320 acres, issued in four patents to Charles Dabney, of Hanover County, the 2d. Oct. 1784, and purchased by him by the late Andrew Ronald—the whole recorded in the court of appeals, in the state of Kentucky, the 1st June, 1796, as by a certificate of Thomas Todd, esq. clerk of said court. The terms of payment will be, one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in 6 months from the day of sale, one fourth payable in 12 months, one fourth in 18 months, and one fourth payable in two years, with bond and approved security—the bonds to bear interest from the date.
WILLIAM WISEHAM, Executor to the estate of Andrew Ronald. Richmond, Nov. 12 1802. (1d.)
50 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUN away from the Subscriber in this city, in May last, a Negro man, named BAILOR. A Black complexion, about Twenty-Six or Seven Years old, about Five Feet Seven or Eight. Formerly belonged to the estate of HOOPER and TOLE, deceased at the Blacksmith's trade. Was purchased at Public Sale, last Spring. Whoever secures the said Negro, and lodges him in Jail in this City, shall have the above reward by applying to William Fulcher. THOMAS MOORE. Oct. 28th, 1802. (1d.)
PORT WINE.
A FEW pipes and quarter casks of genuine old port wine are this day landed, and will be sold on moderate terms by ROBERT GAMBLE. Richmond, Nov. 2d, 1802.
JUST ARRIVED,
And for Sale by the Subscriber, A fresh assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS. JOSEPH DARMSDAT. Richmond, Nov. 3th, 1802. (4t.)
THE HIGH BRED ENGLISH STALLION, HAMILTON,
IMPORTED from London in 1797, will stand the ensuing season at the farm of Speed, Wilson & Co. on Dan River in the lower end of Halifax County. Terms will be announced in due time. JOHN WILSON. Halifax County, Nov. 18. 1802. (4t.)
NOW LANDING FROM THE SHIP BELLONA,
CAPT. AGNEW, FROM LIVERPOOL, AND FOR SALE By the Subscriber.
10,000 Bushels of Salt, 40 Crates of Earthenware, 10 Boxes of Pipes.
JOHN FOSTER,
WHO HAS ALSO FOR SALE
French Brandy 4th proof by the pipe, hogshead, or quarter cask, Port Wine, Molasses in hogsheads, Sugar in barrels, Tallow in hides, Logwood, White Lead, A few pieces of French Silks, Silk Hose, Writing Paper by the ream, And an assortment of Hanging Paper. Richmond, Nov. 10th, 1802. (3t.)
By virtue of a deed of trust made to me by Nelson Berkeley, to secure the payment of a sum of money therein mentioned, will be sold at public sale on the premises, for ready money,
A TRACT OF LAND
In Hanover county, containing 502 acres, situated on New Found River, and bounded by said River on the South, by the land of Capt. Thomas Price on the East; by the main road on the North; and by Landon C. Berkeley on the West. There is on the land a small Dwelling House, with a Kitchen, Dairy, and Meat House, and a new Barn 20 by 40 feet. There are also young Orchards, of Apples and Peach Trees, and more than one hundred bushels of Wheat have been seeded upon the land, together with some Rye and Barley. At the same time will be sold several valuable Negroes, the flock of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, a Waggon and Team, and Plantation Tools.
CARTER BERKELEY.
ALSO
Will be sold one moiety of a Merchant Mill, and fifty acres of land adjoining, on New Found River within a mile of the above tract of land, together with an unexpired lease for six years of the other moiety. The above Mill will be sold to satisfy a mortgage. The sale of the above property will commence on Monday the 3d day of January next, and continue until the whole be sold. Hanover Nov 22d. 1802. (1d.)
LANDS FOR SALE.
To be sold at Public Auction on Thursday the 30th of December next, at twelve o'Clock at the Eagle Tavern in the City of Richmond 17,101 Acres of Land in the State of Kentucky.
 Lot 12. 9000 Acres in Hanover County Bay Creek, above Sulphur Lick;  1 300 ditto ditto Walnut Creek;  2 950 ditto ditto, above Sulphur Lick;  3 207 2-3 do. do. Middle Fork Drake's Creek;  4 1500 do. do. Skaggs Beaver Creek;  5 1000 do. do. North side Big Barren;  6 2000 Acres in Green County East side South Fork Little Barren;  7 2240 do. do. South side Little Barren;  8 3000 Acres in Logan Co. on Big Barren River;  9 890 do. do. N. side Cumberland River;  10 666 2-3 do. do. South side ditto;  11 270 ditto, ditto, North side of ditto;  12 1000 do. do. West Fork Green's Creek;  13 856 2-3 do. do. S. Fork Little Barren.  Acres 17,101
ALSO
Lot 13 100 Acres on the Waters of Eagle Creek North West of the Ohio.
Special warrants will be given on securing the payment of the purchase money, by bond with approved security. Payable one fourth in six months from the day of sale, one fourth in twelve months, one fourth in eighteen months, and one fourth payable in two years, with interest from the date of purchase.
JAMES BROWN, Richmond, Nov. 26th, 1802. (4t.) William Wiseham, Executor to the Estate of A. Ronald.
WANTED TO HIRE,
BY THE YEAR, AN ACTIVE NEGRO-MAN, Who will be taught the Printing Business, at Preis Enquire at this Office. Richmond, Nov. 2d. 1802.
JUST PUBLISHED
AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND THREE-PENCE THE CONDUCT
OF MERIWETHER JONES,
IN A SERIES OF LETTERS; ADDRESSED TO THE PUBLIC, By JAMES T. CALLENDER.
MANY gentlemen, when subscribing to this paper, have enquired for complete sets of the Recorder. These are not to be had. But this little publication will, in some measure, supply the want of them. Besides the seven letters to Jones, the last of which has run through every state, and every second newspaper in the union, the collection contains many other articles. Among these are, Defence of Aaron Burr—Mr. Samuel Coleman, No. 1.—Defence of Timothy Pickering—A little more about republican economy —with a variety of small pieces.
VIRGINIA.
In the High Court of Chancery for the Richmond District. Between Henry Banks And Nathaniel Anderson, Robert Poillard, George Winston and Thomas Stewardson, Defendants.
ON the motion of the plaintiff, the court, this second day of October in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and two, with the consent of the defendant Nathaniel Anderson, by counsel, doth refer the accounts between the plaintiff and that defendant, to one of its commissioners, to be by him examined, stated, settled, and to the court reported with any matters specially stated thought pertinent by himself, or required by the parties to be so stated, and ordereth, with the consent of the parties, the cause to be finally heard at the next term, if that officer, in the mean time, shall have examined them, or, upon examination of the papers, a final decree can be made without the report.
A copy, teste,
Peter Tinsley, c. c.
Commissioner's Office,
Richmond, October 20, 1802.
The parties concerned, are desired to take notice, that I have appointed Monday the twentieth day of December next, for carrying into effect the within decretal order, upon which day, their attendance is required at my office, with copies of the court papers and their accounts ready for examination.
William Hay, m. c.
THE Subscriber has lately removed to the Brick House, opposite to Crouch's Tavern, and near to Proffer and Moncure's Vendue Store.
He proposes to practise the Law in the High Court of Chancery, and District Courts, and in the County and City Courts, which are held in this city.
HENRY BANKS
Richmond, August 25, 1802.
ANOTHER
OF DUANE'S FORGERIES.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Scotland, to his friend in Pittsburgh, dated May 10, 1802
"IN no nation have the friends of rectitude and integrity suffered more than in this, from that vile spirit of persecution. With regard to public affairs, the field is too ample for me to enter upon, especially on such a remnant of paper. Those of Britain in particular, are too bad to be touched. "We look back without satisfaction, and forward without hope."
"I now rejoice, most sincerely, to find your country directed by that celebrated man, who has resolution to put into action those principles of the most enlightened policy, which, in the present depraved condition of mankind, have by many even enlightened men, been deemed impracticable; that of procuring to the community the greatest possible happiness, at the least possible expence; and he who has boldly and without hesitation or trepidation, laid the axe to the root of those tremendous overgrown trees, peculation and corruption."
"In this country, he who could seriously talk of the practicability of such things was derided, and almost considered as insane, until Jefferson verified them to the admiring world at large, and upon the most extensive scale."
[Just as this piece was going to press, a countryman came in, and began to brag of this letter, and of the admiration that Jefferson, forsooth! enjoys in Britain. He was interrupted with the assurance that Duane wrote every word of it himself, and that the sentence in turned commas was pillaged from the Political Progress of Britain. ]

MR. THOMAS PAINE.
Concluded from our last.
"I have no occasion," says Mr. Paine, "to ask, and do not mean to accept any place, or office, in the government."—The public have nothing to do with all this—"I have an established fame in the literary world." Has Mr. Paine buried his trumpeter, so that he finds it necessary to blow the horn himself?—"I shall continue these letters, as I see occasion" [after such a sample, sir, as the present, the world can, without impatience, await your leisure]; "and as to the low party prints that chuse to abuse me, they are welcome. I shall not descend to answer them. I have been too much accustomed to such common stuff to take any notice of them."
It is hard to see what greater abuse any printer can give Mr. Paine than what he has himself bestowed upon one half, or at least one third part of the people of this country. His important approach has struck them, it seems, with a kind of hydrophobia . The maddest of Duane's reveries, when he prates about his elevated ground , is decency and moderation when compared with such matchless insolence. Even Ajax, Homer's favorite model of arrogance and ferocity, when he is to accept the challenge of Hector, delivers himself in a stile which contrasted (for it cannot be compared) with that of Mr. Paine is the stile of a gentleman. If Mr. Paine fancies that this is the way to gain proselytes, he is "an old man, without the benefit of experience." If he conceits that his arrival has struck any party, or any man with terror, I trust the spirit of the country will convince him he is mistaken. Powerful and formidable as Mr. Paine is, he should not expect that five millions of people are prepared to fall on their knees before him. He should not expect that men, who, in every thing but abilities, are at least his equals, will be the more disposed to adopt his opinion, because he tells them that his approach has scared them out of their senses; because he tells them that they are gnashing their teeth; because he compares them to the most hideous and horrible object in the whole range of animated nature. If you wish to convince a person of the purity of your principles, and the correctness of your arguments, you do not begin by tweaking his nose, and spitting in his face. And yet he would regard even that treatment as respectful, in comparison with the metaphor, which Mr. Paine has cast in the faces of the people of America. I do not exaggerate. You have his language at full length. There is no garbled or crippled quotation. Mr. Paine has left no motive, no room, no possibility to exaggerate the insolence of his conduct. And so every man, who does not approve of the whole measures of Mr. Jefferson, is to be compared with a MAD DOG! One is ashamed to reprint such despicable insults, or to employ such epithets of abhorrence, as they would be found to justify. As Ford says in the play, " Amintor founds well; Barbasan founds well; yet they are devils' additions. But—Cuckold! Cuckold! Cuckold! Cuckold! The devil himself has not such a nickname." This nickname is infinitely more respectful than that which Mr. Paine has bestowed upon a very numerous portion of people at least as good as himself. Such is the chosen vessel of our beloved president! He sends twelve hundred leagues for an auxiliary writer, to tell his adversaries that they are mad dogs! All the wretched Jefferson newspapers republish this precious letter, and some of them preface it with rhapsodies of admiration.
The letter concludes in these words. "The government of England honored me with a thousand martyrdoms, by burning me in effigy in every town in that country, and their hirelings in America may do the like." The government of England never burnt Mr. Paine's effigy, and they will ever hire any
† Junius.
body to burn it in America. It was burnt in some places, by the mob; but these people can no more be confounded with the British government, than Mr. Paine's proposed national convention with a British parliament. There is no mark of sense in those challenges. Without the wanton invitation of insult, Mr. Paine is already as much detested as a wise man can wish to be.
Mr. Paine's letter is interspersed with numerous professions of attachment to the United States. About the year 1790, an American gentleman, who now resides in Norfolk, and who told me the circumstance, was introduced to Mr. Paine at London, in a house in Bloomsbury square. Mr. Paine spoke in the rudest and most contemptuous terms both of the people of America and of the country. He was talking with much emphasis of some noblemen, who had taken notice of him. He charged the Americans with ingratitude to himself. It does not appear that this charge had an honest foundation. During the war, Mr. Paine was appointed secretary to Congress, for foreign affairs. This was certainly a very high mark of confidence. After the war, Congress gave him three thousand dollars, and the state of Pennsylvania gave him a present of five hundred pounds. The states of New-York and New-Jersey, gave him also compensation. Mr. Paine was thus very handsomely rewarded. He was, at the same time, caressed and trusted by some of the first people of the continent. He had no title to complain of American ingratitude. He left this country. He soon after learned, as he says, that the principles of liberty were expiring . It was his duty to have returned to that country for which he professes so much attachment to give battle to the sedition act. Instead of this, he continued in Europe for almost fifteen years. He suffered those expiring principles to fight their own way. If they were prevented from expiring, no thanks for their preservation are due to Mr. Paine. If he could have found a proper footing either in France, or England, we should not have heard any more about him.
Mr. Paine speaks of newspapers with contempt. At the same time, he chuses that channel for addressing the public. He despises writers that are abusive. At the same time, he becomes as abusive as the worst of them. He brags of his attachment to America, yet he confesses an absence of no less than thirteen years, after he had heard of her danger. He did not return at all, till he considered the danger as over. He arrives; and in ten days he obtains complete information upon the spot. He tells one half of the people of this country that he has frighted them out of their senses. To the whole community he addresses himself in the tone of a pedagogue shaking his birch. He forgets that, during an absence of fifteen years, his place has been supplied; that our business can be done without him ; that, in seventy six, the American press was in the baby clothes of infancy; that it has since grown up to the maturity of manhood.
When it was first reported that Mr. Jefferson had invited Mr. Paine to return to the United States, the writer of these remarks set it down as a federal calumny. Mr. Jefferson had witnessed the unspeakable mischief that resulted to his party from Bache's publication of the second part of the Age of Reason . He knew that suspicions of atheism had been attached to himself. It seemed, therefore, incredible that the president, with his eyes open, should walk into such a gulf of reproach, as the invitation of Mr. Paine to return to this country. He could not have taken a longer step to destruction; and it is amazing that Mr. Jefferson did not foresee this simple and obvious fact. Voltaire, Gibbon, the king of Prussia, and many other celebrated writers, have attacked the christian religion. But their publications bear no more likeness to the insolent blackguardism of Mr. Paine than Gallatin bears to the Duke of Sully, or Giles and Madison to the ancient Scipio. That these expressions may not be considered as uncautious, or unjust,
here follow some specimens of Mr. Paine's Age of Reason . They are not selected as worse, or better than a thousand others. The second part is more generally indecent than the first; and as Mr. Paine says in this letter that "he had some manuscript works to publish," the natural inference is that the third part will be still more indecent than the second. He had promised to write an answer to Bishop Watson, and another to Mr. Erskine, who pled against the London Bookseller, that was prosecuted for printing the Age of Reason . There is much reason to believe that these two pieces form a part of Mr. Paine's budget. Here follow the extracts.
Speaking of Isaiah's prophecy of the incarnation of our Savior, "Behold! a virgin shall conceive and bear a son," &c. Mr. Paine remarks:
"It certainly was not a difficult thing in any time of the world to find a girl with child, or to make her so; and perhaps Isaiah knew of one beforehand; for I do not suppose that the prophets of that day were any more to be trusted than the priests of this."
"The fable of Jesus Christ, taking it as it is told, is blasphemously obscene . It gives an account of a young woman engaged to be married, and while under this engagement, she is, to speak plain language, debauched by a ghost ."
Speaking of the resurrection of saints at the crucifixion, Paine says:
"Mathew should have told us whether they came out naked and all in natural buff, he-saints and she-saints, or whether they came full dressed, and where they got their dresses; whether they went to their former habitations and reclaimed their wives, their husbands and their property, and how they were received; whether they entered ejecment for the recovery of their possessions, or brought actions of crim. con. against the rival interlopers; whether they remained on earth, and followed their former occupations of preaching or working, or whether they died again, or went back to their graves and buried themselves."
Such is the literary stile of the companion of Madison, and Jefferson, of the man upon whom, at his arrival in Washington, general Mason immediately waited. Claudian, one of the last and best of Roman poets, was convinced of the agency of a supreme being by the fall of the tyrant Rufinus.* The invita-
NOTES
* Lest I should forget to mention it in some other place, I must here take notice of one of the numerous and splendid excellencies of Duane, the eulogist and associate of Paine, and that other crutch, upon whose abilities, the president's character may be said to lean. The bagpipe is fond of making reference to history, and some of his admirers imagine that his strength lies in this quarter. In one of his late Annotations, we find the following deep and just observations upon Greek and Roman history.
"Gratitude is not a republican virtue. Ancient and modern history will bear witness in my favour. Athens rewarded So crates for his services with a dose of poison. Rome too, was a genuine republic, and Belisarius, after having saved his country, was deprived of his eye light, and subsisted by begging his bread in the streets of their capital." This essay on gratitude is inserted, both in the National Essex , and the Aurora ; and it is intended as a satire upon the federalists for their ingratitude to Mr. Paine.
It has already been proved that Mr. Paine was very amply rewarded for his services in America. Some years ago, Duane's party upbraided Cobbet as a criminal, for saying that gratitude was not the virtue of republicans. The truth is that, of all mankind, kings are the most generally ungrateful. It is amusing to hear Duane prating about Belisarius. Rome had ceased to be a republic at least five hundred years before Belisarius was born: and Gibbon could have told him that the LAST of Roman generals was never deprived of his eye light, that he never begged his bread; and that one of the closing scenes of his life was the repulse of an army of barbarians, who had attacked the capital of the Byzantine empire. Duane might as well have said that John Adams was a drummer in the army of Gunavus Adolphus; or that Harmar and St Clair understood bathing-fighting better than Pickens, or George Rogers Clarke.
tion of Thomas Paine convinces the writer of this paper that divine providence has predestined the disgrace and dismissal of Thomas Jefferson. Whether the christian religion be founded on truth or imposture, it is nothing less than the height of rashness for Madison and the president to embrace as their confident and companion, the man that insults it. They never think of religion but to despise it. They, as well as Paine, believe that the story of the birth of Jesus Christ is an obscene blasphemous fable . They believe, and all their acquaintances know, by this time, that they believe that the Virgin Mary was a woman of bad fame, and that her husband was cornuted. But if such was his opinion, Mr. Madison should have kept it to himself. It is true that he did not write a letter of invitation to Mr. Paine. He did not thank the author of the Age of Reason , for his useful labours. But the secretary did the very same thing. He has paid to Mr. Paine the homage of his high consideration ; and this no sincere christian ever will do.‡
Against a book so voluminous, as the bible, a book wrote by various authors, at various and distant periods, and even in different languages, it is impossible that objections may not be advanced. Tillotson is the most celebrated writer of sermons in the English language. His learning, his acuteness and his orthodoxy, have never been disputed. He gives an opinion that puts an end to many of the verbal criticisms and trivial witticisms of Mr. Paine. He says that it is idle to believe that every word of the scriptures was wrote by immediate inspiration. He assigns his reasons. He adds that such belief is not necessary for the salvation of a christian. The book is not at hand; but the passage has been read more than once. It is distinctly remembered; and if demanded, can be produced.
But, in order to condemn such a book as Mr. Paine's, it is not necessary to believe in christianity. The author may be defeated upon ground of his own chusing. The book tends to disturb the peace of society, to wound, in the most outrageous manner, the feelings of mankind; and all this without the smallest chance of attaining its ultimate object. And if that object were attainable and attained, would mankind be the better for it? Did Robespierre, with his atheism, present such a brilliant specimen of morality? Or does a man who has been an eye witness of the scenes in that country, wish to renew them in this? For even in his first letter, Mr. Paine has gone out of his way to sneer at "the prayers of priests, and the piety of hypocrites." If religion could be subverted, the morals of the people, and especially of the female sex, would be much worse than they are. A woman that despises religion, is one of the most dangerous monitors in nature. TAK AWA THE DEEL , says a Scots proverb, TAK AWA THE DEEL, AND GUDE BE WEE TO THE BOORD . The example of France proves, if proof had been wanting, that
NOTE.
Sometime ago, Duane said that De Witt died upon a scaffold. He has been bored in vain to tell in what country that scaffold stood. Such is the historical knowledge of this republican house-breaker!
‡ I was here going to have added what follows: "Mr. Madison will not associate with a person, who has just descended from the pillory, or who is on his way to the gallows for house-breaking. Yet, in the eye of a christian, theft and robbery are mere pecadillos, when compared with the guilt of writing such a book as Paine's Age of Reason . Mr. Madison associates with Mr. Paine. He does not consider Paine as a criminal. Therefore he cannot be a christian." I was excited in the force and correctness of this syllogism, when the name of WILLIAM DUANE darted across my memory, accompanied with Wolcott's office, Litton's letters, Bronson's letter, and the Calcutta pole. Upon this recollection, the passage was transferred to a bottom note. In that situation, the reader can make what use of it, he thinks proper.

there is something in almost every human mind, which forbids it to rest, when deprived of a sense of religion. Superior minds, such as those of Madison, and of Paine, can soar above the common foibles of humanity. But we are the people; the nati consumere fruges , feel so much emptiness, and wretchedness in this world, that an irresistible impulse commands us to enjoy the humble hope of a better. Mr. Paine says, and Madison believes that christianity is founded on an obscene blasphemous fable . If the system be a delusion, if death be an eternal sleep , do not destroy the sweet anticipation of the possibility of happiness. "I am going in quest of a great MAY BE," said Rabelais, upon his death-bed. When a man has bought a ticket in the lottery, it is barbarous to assure him that it must be drawn a blank. When a young friend has just been married, it would be the summit of insolence to censure the person, or the character of his wife. When a young counsellor asks your opinion of his first exhibition at the bar, when an author, "just bursting from the shell," enquires, in tremulous accents, what the world has said or whether it says any thing, of his, paragraph, his poem, or his pamphlet, the man, who can repulse him with contempt and rudeness, is himself unworthy of kindness, or esteem. Why should Mr. Paine, a man of superior, of gigantic, and Herculean intellect, why should he wish to trample upon the understandings of us the rank and file of the human race? Let us plain people feast upon our innocent ignorance, and our harmless superstition. Suffer us to believe that there exists a supreme being, whose moral essence is justice and mercy, and without whose permission, the feather of a sparrow cannot fall to the ground . If we support our families, and pay our debts, and keep the peace, we may be a very tolerable sort of citizens. Under the standard of propriety, we shall pass muster, although we are not perfectly sure that the history of the birth of "the son of Mary" is an obscene and blasphemous fable .
It has been thought advisable to meet the Age of Reason in its own headquarters. Admitting, and that is admitting a great deal, that one, or two of its premises are correct, the eternal answer is that its conclusions can promote no advantageous, or virtuous purpose. An ample concession has been made with the design of foreclosing all conceivable objections. He that believes, and he that rejects the christian religion should feel it alike their duty to resist the circulation of Mr. Paine's favorite child. Voltaire, in a letter to the king of Prussia, says "I never before saw as much snow, "and as much folly." In perusing the works of Mr. Paine, a candid reader might perhaps remark that he never before had seen so much sense intermixed with so much nonsense.
Mr. Paine, and his first letter, have obtained, in these remarks, quite as much attention as they deserve. This paper cannot be closed without advertising to the uncommon degree of delicacy, of decency, and of gratitude, with which Madison and Jefferson have treated their constituents. They well knew that no christian in the United States ever pronounced the name of Thomas Paine, but with an execration, or a sigh. They knew that this description of people comprehends nine tenths of the citizens of the United States. But they fancied, and they vainly fancied, that the atlantean semi-omnipotence of Mr. Paine would drive every thing before him; that his name alone was sufficient to confound the firmest, and overpower the strongest adversary. They conceived that the author of the Age of Reason could, by his single pen, establish the power of their party, on the ruins of the christian religion. "Thy strength is greater than mine," said Hector to Achilles, "yet the gods may grant me victory." The supposition against them is perfectly fair. If the president had sent to Botany Bay for Barrington, the message would have amounted to a
NOTES † Churchill.
patent for pickpockets. The case is precisely similar with respect to Mr. Paine, and his demonstration of the blasphemous obscenity of the scriptures. At the next election for president, it will be diverting to enquire what sort of christian he must be, that votes either for Jefferson, or Madison? It is my ambition that some wandering copies of this paper could survive till that election takes place. Republicans would then be reminded that a party should be consistent. Before proceeding to vote at the county court house, such of them as have bibles must begin with burning the book. They have no other choice than that of renouncing their saviour, or their president, the son of the Virgin Mary, or the husband of black Sally.
The RECORDER. RICHMOND. DECEMBER 8 th . 1802.
ERRATUM.
IN our last, P. 3. column 3 d . line 11 th from the bottom, for "six hundred pounds sterling," read "six hundred thousand pounds sterling." Several pieces have been delayed; but none have been forgot. Our correspondents will be so good as to pay their postage.
IN this day's paper, the reader will perceive an article entitled THE PUBLIC PRINTER, and another which is the copy of a memorial that will be laid before the assembly.
It has been usual to chuse the public printer by ballot; and at a very early period of the session. That these circumstances might not afford room for hurrying over the election without proper notice , the memorial has been published; and we will take care that the members shall see this paper as soon as they meet in the capitol. A motion will be made for taking the memorial into consideration, previous to the joint ballot of the two houses, for a public printer. If the motion is negatived, but that we hardly think possible, we shall endeavour to get the yeas and nays taken upon the question; that the citizens at large may be acquainted with the names of those delegates, [but we cannot believe that there will be one such delegate,] who with to sink three thousand dollars per annum on the blooming patriotism of Meriwether Jones.
The federal members of the assembly cannot fail to recollect that the adoption of the contents of this memorial must put an end to the most scurrilous and defecable newspaper, which at this moment pollutes and disgraces the surface of America, a newspaper, as useless to the republicans as offensive to the federalists. Both will, it is expected, pay notice to the memorial, and to the motion for taking it up previous to the discussion of the question who shall be public printer ? They are entreated to observe that, if a debate once begins, the fine-cure must go to the bottom. For there is not a gentleman in the assembly that either would say, or durst say that Meriwether Jones, that the keeper of an African seraglio, that the protector of an advertised assassin, is entitled to a pension of three thousand dollars per annum for hiring a printer to do the business of the state. Why did not the executive council call, at once, for Mr. Dixon's receipts, as he gave them to Jones, and kick the intermediate spectre of peculation out of their way? Never was the word job more intelligibly branded upon the front of a transaction than upon that with respect to the public printer.
It had originally been designed to offer, in this memorial, to do the work of the public printer for nine hundred or a thousand dollars. But objections were made, that this would look like underselling, and breaking down the prices of the trade. To avoid an imputation of that kind, twelve hundred dollars have been specified, as a sum which covers all possible contingencies in the most ample and genteel manner.
The following is the copy of a Memorial, that will be presented, next week, to the General Assembly. Unto the Honorable the Assembly of the State of VIRGINIA.
THE MEMORIAL OF HENRY PACE, PRINTER IN RICHMOND,
Respectfully represents That, by an act of the assembly past the 22 d . of January 1798, it is enacted that the public printer "shall, within thirty days after the rising of the assembly, publish all laws passed during the session; that he shall publish the journals of the house of delegates regularly during such session; that he shall publish in his Gazette, or otherwise, as the same may be directed, all intelligence, notices of particular laws, proclamations and advertisements from the executive; also all orders and advertisements directed to be published by the supreme courts, the treasurer, the auditor, attorney general, justices of the peace, and other public persons, or bodies, acting in their public capacity, and to supply the executive, treasurer, auditor and, inspectors with blanks."
That, by another clause of the same law, the salary of the said public printer is augmented to the "annual sum of two thousand seven hundred dollars."
That the memorialist is willing to undertake the faithful execution of the whole duties of the office of public printer, as specified and enumerated in the act above cited for the annual sum of twelve hundred dollars; that he is joint proprietor of a newspaper, which has by far the most extensive circulation of any published in Richmond; that of consequence, this newspaper will give advertisements of a public nature, a most extensive circulation; and that if the honorable the assembly should require it, he is ready to give security for the execution of the duties of this office; that the extent of printing required by this act above quoted is in its nature fluctuating; but that he considers the above sum of twelve hundred dollars, as a fair and reasonable compensation, upon a medium, for the quantity of business, which the public printer is, by law, required to perform.
That the executive council have frequently found it necessary to employ the public printer in a number of publications over and above those enumerated in the statute above cited; that it is well known, and that, if necessary, the memorialist is ready to prove it at the bar of the honorable the assembly, that, for those extra pieces of business, the present public printer has been in the habit of receiving a much larger compensation than what had been ever granted to his predecessor, Mr. Davis. The memorialist pledges himself to prove that, in one instance, twelve hundred and fifty dollars were paid, when any other printer in Richmond would have done the business for three hundred and seventy-five. He can prove that, since the rising of the last session of assembly, eight hundred and seventy dollars have been paid for as many copies of a pamphlet which cost the present public printer one hundred and fifty-two.
That the memorialist is willing to find security for the accurate execution of all such extra pieces of work, at a fair and moderate tradesman's price. He is willing to submit the charges advanced in his bills to the arbitration of two printers to be selected by the executive council, and a third to be chosen by himself. He has examined some of the accounts of the present public printer, and he is humbly of opinion that, upon this head, perhaps fifteen hundred dollars per annum might be saved to the commonwealth, in addition to the fifteen hundred dollars that may be saved by reducing the present salary of the public printer from two thousand seven hundred dollars to twelve hundred.
The memorialist respectfully submits these details to the consideration of the honorable the assembly. In respect whereof, &c.
A LITTLE MORE HONEST MISCHIEF; OR, THE PRESIDENT AGAIN.
IT is painful to be so frequently compelled to hoist the black flag, with regard to this gentleman's character. He seems to have received, as the boxers term it, a blow too much . But as Duane continues to deny the existence of black Sally, and her children; as he affects to disbelieve the account of Mr. Jefferson's attempt to seduce Mr. Walker's lady, he shall have another small anecdote, concerning his favorite hero. And to put an end, at once, to all this nonsense of denials, I profess myself prepared to meet Mr. Jefferson in a court of justice; and to prove, by a dozen witnesses, the family conviction, as to the black wench and her mulatto litter. I offer to prove, by the evidence of Mr. Walker, and by the handwriting of Thomas Jefferson himself, the odious and disgusting detail, at which decency and virtue shudder. And, as I do not wish to come in by the back track , the name of the writer of this article is subscribed to it.
Perhaps it will be said that the writer, and the Recorder, are too despicable to deserve the notice of so great a personage as the president.
This story will not bear telling. The strokes of the Recorder have been sufficiently felt: not from an uncommon share of abilities in the subscriber, for he pretends to none. But because he was resolved to disclose a few entertaining facts. By the indulgence, or partiality of other editors, they have made the "grand tour" of the continent. If this paper could acquire ten times its present circulation, it would not make so much impression upon the public mind, as has been made by the innumerable extracts in other newspapers. These are accompanied and illustrated by copious commentaries, the collected labour of a thousand intellects. Thus, the people get information; and, until the people are well informed, there cannot be a correct and firm government.
We now proceed with the main business of this article.
Sometime before the revolution, perhaps, in the year 1773, Thomas Jefferson was patronized by Mr. Gabriel Jones, an eminent lawyer, who now resides in the county of Buckingham. He is father-in-law to colonel John Harvie of this city. A considerable sum of money was borrowed from Mr. Jones, by Mr. Jefferson. It is understood that the loan amounted to five hundred pounds. For this money, Mr. Jefferson executed his bond. The bond remained in the hand of Mr. Jones until sometime during the war, when paper money had depreciated so much as to be of little or no value. At, or previous to this period, the legislature found it expedient to enforce the circulation of paper money by a TENDER LAW. Mr. Jefferson availed himself of this advantage. He sent the amount of the bond with the legal interest, in paper money, to Mr. Jones, and tendered this paper in payment. Mr. Jones is, by birth, an English or Welchman. He has an excellent understanding. He is of independent circumstances. He knew that, if he should refuse to receive the money, Mr. Jefferson would have it in his power to raise a hue and cry against him, that might be much more to his injury than his being swindled out of five hundred pounds. He judged, also, from this barefaced act, that Mr. Jefferson would stop at nothing. Mr. Jones, therefore, adopted a plan, which saved himself from that calamity, and shewed to Mr. Jefferson the contempt, in which he held him. Mr. Jones returned both bond and pasteboard dollars to Mr. Jefferson, by the person who brought them, accompanied with a message of execration. He protested that, the very next time he met our beloved chief magistrate, he would shoot him; and since that time, he speaks of Mr. Jefferson, as one of the dirtiest rascals that ever disgraced human nature. After the end of the war, Mr. Jefferson sent the full amount of the debt. He did so, because he felt the odium which would be attached to his character by his having tendered pasteboard. His editorial hacks may, if they think proper, deny this story, also. The only answer is that it can be proved by a reference to Mr. Gabriel Jones, or to
JAMES T. CALLENDER.
To Mr. JOHN CLOPTON, Member of Congress. No. III.
SIR,
IT is well known to every man, who reads newspapers, or confides in those who do, or has read circular letters from members of Congress, and particularly such as yours, that the persons who were employed in the important offices of government, during the last administration, were accused of having cheated the public out of very large sums of money.
The people, with a few exceptions, were induced to believe that these persons formed their plan in secret, with some of those members of Congress who were called federalists, with whom they shared the spoils. There are a great many people who did believe it, who do yet believe it, and perhaps will never know to the contrary; because they will never read any newspapers, except those which support the views of their own party. They believe that the late president, Adams; the secretary of state, Pickering; the secretary of the treasury, Wolcott; the secretary of the navy, Stoddert; the postmaster general, Habersham and a majority of the federalists in both houses of Congress, were in league with each other for these dishonest purposes. The people also believed, that the taxes which were collected were not necessary; either to answer the exigencies of government, or to redeem any part of the national debt.
You know, that those opinions did exist; you also know that they are erroneous, that the people have been deceived, and you must admit that your circular letter has a tendency to revive those opinions. Before I proceed, let me ask whether you do not think it was your duty to have made a candid statement of the facts, so that your constituents might have formed their own conclusions?
It was those errors and misrepresentations, which gave to a great many people so much solicitude concerning the late election for president and vice president. They believed that

revolution was necessary to counteract such destructive frauds. There was not a man who was capable of distinguishing one thing from another, who was not taught that the election of Mr. Jefferson, would put it in his power to appoint Mr. Gallatin secretary of the treasury, whose talents as a financier and politician, would enable him to detect, expose and punish his predecessor.
These points have been carried. Mr. Jefferson was elected, and entered upon the duties of his office, on the 4th of March, 1801. He soon after made Gallatin secretary of the treasury; so that the preliminaries, which were necessary to detect these pretended frauds, were obtained. They have proceeded in the work, and have discovered.
That there was no such combination, or league, as had been pretended.
That Mr. Adams had left the helm with clean unpolished hands.
That Mr. Pickering, instead of owing millions, as was alleged by his calumniators, has gained 14,558 dollars 14 cents by the wisdom and caution which he used in remitting money to Holland, and that he had voluntarily surrendered this sum to the United States.
That Mr. Wolcott does not owe one shilling; nor is there any cause of complaint against him.
That Mr. Stoddert is not in arrears, notwithstanding the great clamours against him.
That Mr. Habersham has gained about 20,000 dollars, by the prudence and integrity of his measures.
That Mr. Bayard, a noted and influential member of Congress, forbore to receive from the treasury 18,000 dollars, which he was entitled to by law.
An hundred other cases of a similar nature might be stated; but these are deemed sufficient, to shew that the late revolution was effected by delusion. All these things either are or ought to be well known by you; and yet, strange to tell, you have not communicated them to your constituents. So far from it, your circular letter conveys your approbation of the change; and of course, justifies the means, and that you may not be misunderstood, you conclude with heart-felt gratification .
It is by such means that you have excited hatred, contempt, and distrust towards all persons, who profess opposite sentiments from your own; and while the word republican operates with talismanic, and delusive influence, the very organ of these deceptions, is calculating with arithmetical certainty, the dishonorable gains which he is likely to acquire.
For my soul I cannot conceive how a man, who has any feelings, can, day after day, see and converse with persons, who place implicit confidence in him, when he knows that they entertain erroneous opinions; when he also knows that these errors proceed either directly, or indirectly from himself; when he is bound by an oath, as well as the highest moral obligation, to represent the truth, without taking those steps which are necessary to und deceive. Such I think is your case. You have either misled your constituents, or suffered this to be done by others. You permit them to retain their erroneous opinions, without making a single effort to rectify them; so far from it, you rejoice that they are deceived.
You are a caustic, and I defy you to shew any substantial difference between the propagation of untruth, and the suppression of truths which ought to be told. I expect you will have too much wisdom to attempt a reply, so that your friends may take their choice of alternatives. They who acquit you of the first, will not have the effrontery to say that you have not been guilty of the second. In either case, it will amount to a breach of the commandment, "thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour."
FEDERALIST.
Mr. Clopton is informed that any defence which he may with to offer to the foregoing writer, shall be thankfully received and published in this paper.
Not a line of these letters comes from the pen of the editors. They only wish to give fair play to both sides. Mr. Adams went out of office with clean unpolished hands. But a chief magistrate may have many execrable qualities, although he is not a thief.
JONES
Pledges himself to print, bind, and deliver an octavo volume of eight hundred very large and close printed pages, for three dollars. Sixteen of these octavo pages take in more than seventeen of the folio pages of Mr. Davis. The binding alone would cost Jones at least three shillings and nine pence. Take this from his three dollars; and the remainder is fourteen shillings and three pence, or two dollars, three eights. For this sum he will give eight hundred pages, putting aside the binding.
His additional acts of assembly* were not bound, but only stitched; so that we come closer to the point, by putting the expence of binding out of the way.
For the sake of round numbers, say that two dollars and an half can procure eight hundred pages. Of course, one dollar gives three hundred and twenty. Instead of fifty
NOTE.
Vid. the Recorder of November 24th.
six pages, therefore, Jones, by his own concession, could have afforded to give the executive council three hundred and twenty. In other words, he was paid in the proportion of about five hundred and seventy per cent, with a few units, less or more. And you will observe that, some weeks ago, when we stated the overplus of payment, this was the very point where we rested. There hardly could have been a more exact agreement of calculations; although they were made by two different persons, and for two very different purposes. So much for the accuracy of the Recorder.
If such has been the mode of conducting the public printer's department, there follows a natural and invincible suspicion that other points of expence were managed in the same way. What does it signify to harp upon the hundred dollars for illuminating the capitol , upon Jefferson's election, and for crippling a horse , in an excursion to Washington? The armory, the penitentiary, in short, as far as we can learn, every thing has been conducted in the same way. If Jones can print a thousand volumes, of eight hundred pages for three thousand dollars, he must have been overpaid by six hundred per cent , when he got twenty seven hundred dollars a year, as the salary of a public printer. He printed two pamphlets, one of 56, and the other of 80 pages; of the one 2000, of the other 250 copies. He printed a parcel of blanks; but all this was like chaff, when compared with printing a thousand copies of a volume of 800 pages. If Jones can work so very cheap, we say that his salary must have overpaid him, by 600 per cent.
All those citizens of Richmond, who wish to see public money saved, and to see the Examiner put into more decent hands, will remind the members of assembly, as soon as they come to town, of all these matters.
FROM THE ANTI-DEMOCRAT.
A NEW SONG,
(Being a parody on an old one.)
Lately introduced in the new opera of the CALEDONIAN DISCOVERY.
Act 2, Scene 4.
Discovers a modern philosopher seated in a negro hut, with a number of the African race about the fire; the younger part eating much out of a frying pan: over the fire place hangs a Callender , which tells the Merryweather , and sad: behind the door stands a Madison chained to his brother, who was too Dearborn to be free, admiring the ingenuity of a Gallatin in the chimney corner stands a Smith , who appears to be endeavouring to repair a broken note.
When seated with Sall , with my brats all around,
Fold de rol de rol de ri do, The banjo shall play, and the song shall go round With a bumper, then here's to you boys Come Sall , a buss, my yellow joy , Here Tom , be merry, drink my lad , The fed'rals are all run mad, And I've come here to be merry, girls and boys , And I've come here to be merry. Come strike up the banjo , Sam — Sal give's your hand,
Fal de rol de rol de ri do, Take partners, od zooks, ne'er shilly shilly stand, Lead up, cast down, and hands across, Now Tom , another bumper to's, Here's to the man that I love most, Join Sal and brats —my fav'rite toast ( Tom Paine )
For I've come home to be jolly jolly boys, For I've come home to be jolly. In glee, jig, and merriment, the moments shall pass, Fal de rol de rol de ri do, While Whiskey in bumpers brightens Sally's eye, Oh damme charmer give's your hand, My puffe you know you can command, In pleasure, joy, and gay delight, Another glass, and then, the night Will pass in extacy and carnal joys, For I've come home to be jolly jolly boys!
FROM THE FREDERICK-TOWN HERALD.
PRESIDENT JEFFERSON.
How can any christian Americans support the present administration of the United States? Again, as to Mr. Jefferson's morality, two charges have lately been made against him, which his friends would certainly be bound to contradict, if they could do it with truth.—Their silence, however, seems to confess his guilt. It has been said, that for a number of years Mr. Jefferson, the father of a family, has been living in cohabitation with one of his own mulatto slaves, against all law divine or human. Callender's story, the democrats are themselves unable to deny: and we are constrained to say that our own belief, of it is fixed. Other information assures us, that Mr. Jefferson's Sally and their children are real persons, that the woman herself has a room to herself at Monticello in the character of empress to the family, if not as house-keeper; that she is an industrious and orderly creature in her behaviour, but that her intimacy with her
master is well known, and that on this account, she is treated by the rest of his house as one much above the level of his other servants. Her son, whom Callender calls president Tom, we also are assured, bears a strong likeness to Mr. Jefferson. We make bold to mention these circumstances of confirmation, because, although the subject is indeed a delicate one, we cannot see why we are to affect any great squeamishness against speaking plainly of what we consider as an undoubted matter of fact interesting to the public.—When a man talks of any indecent act, unless he does it in indecent words, it is surely not he who is to be blamed.—In this case, it is Mr. Jefferson himself, who is answerable for being the occasion of this disgraceful tale.—But further, there is another tale concerning Mr. Jefferson, which we were going to say that we are sorry appears also to be well founded.—But no—"The cause we defend, scorns the help of falsehood." To say that we are sorry at any thing, which may open the eyes of the people at large to the true character of a man, of whose unworthiness we have long made up our own opinion, would be weak hypocrisy.—We will not even pretend, that we have any great wish that Mr. Jefferson should be proved innocent.—But it does not thence follow, that in this, or any other instance, we would be capable of doing wilful injustice. Let him stand or fall, according to his merits.—Why should any one wish to make him appear worse than he is, since he is really bad enough for the purpose of his bitterest enemy? But, on the other hand, why should we hide any matter alleged against him on reasonable grounds of belief? Every motive of duty forbids such time-serving caution.—To return then to the second circumstance of infamy laid to Mr. Jefferson, as stated in the Recorder, three weeks ago, it is this:—Mr. Jefferson, it seems, had lived in habits of the most friendly acquaintance, begun when they were school-boys, with a Mr. John Walker, of Albemarle in Virginia. They dwelt not far from each other.—Mr. Jefferson was a frequent inmate in the house of his friend. That friend had a wife, "universally represented as worthy to be the pattern to her sex." The return Mr. Jefferson made him for his kindness and hospitality, according to Callender, "was an attempt, as foolish as it was infamous, to injure the virtue of Mrs. Walker, and the happiness of her husband. He was pulled," continues the Recorder, "with contempt.—The lady, at the request of the great personage, consented to the concealment of the proposal.—She did this, on the promise of better behaviour in time to come. Matters remained in this situation, for a certain period," when "a second attempt was made, by slipping a billet into the lady's hand.—On the receipt of the billet, Mrs. Walker took her husband aside,—She put the paper into his hand, and told him of the former attempt, that she had conditionally promised to suppress.—The great personage received immediate permission to quit the house; and it is almost needless to add that this permission was accepted." Such is the story, well told by Callender. It is what his writing never fails to be, when he thinks it worth while, keenly pointed, and happily contrived. We should have published the whole piece, instead of extracting the substance, had we received the paper which contained it in due time. As it has been circulated through so many other channels, we must now be satisfied with repeating so much of it as may serve for an orderly preparation for proofs which are to follow. For, if it be asked what are the proofs to be brought of Mr. Jefferson's guilt, in this case, the answer is ready. It is further stated in the Recorder, that Mr. Walker himself has often spoke of this transaction, that he never mentions Mr. Jefferson's name but in terms of detestation and disgust, and that on a late occasion he has related the whole affair in the manner in which it has already been printed. But besides this, when Callender first gave this account, he added that Mr. Walker had "one or more letters of deprecation" from Mr. Jefferson on the subject; "and that if any great clamour should be raised by the democrats, those letters, or that letter, should burst upon the indignation of mankind." It seems by his last paper, that he is about to make good his promise; that he has got possession of what was written by Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Walker; and that, in the next Recorder, perhaps, he is going to publish the whole, or such parts of the letter, or letters, with other particulars, as shall fully convict Mr. Jefferson of one of the most shameful and wicked efforts of outrage that can be conceived. Having, by a short statement of the case, now made our readers ready to understand the evidence, we shall lay that evidence before them as soon as it arrives. In the mean time, we cannot but look with anxiety for the event of a trial, when the president of the United States stands indicted for an intended violation of the principles of honor, the laws of his country, and the commandments of heaven.
NOTE.
* A line which Mr. Fredericktown Herald has borrowed from Dr. Samuel Johnson's False Alarm .
CIRCULAR LETTERS.
WE shall be very glad, if some of our readers will send us a few of the circular letters
of the members of Congress to their constituents, at the end of the last session. We expect that they will give us an opportunity of shewing to the people by what sort of men, some of them are represented. We shall, in particular, be happy to have a peep at the letters of Messrs. Giles and Randolph. We have, at last, got one subscriber in America.
THE PUBLIC PRINTER.
THE MEMBERS OF THE NEXT GENERAL ASSEMBLY, or at least such of them as wish to prevent the waste of public money, are requested to give an early attendance in the approaching session. One of the first questions that are to come before them will be upon the choice of a public printer. The second will be whether it is proper to pay two thousand seven hundred dollars per annum, for a piece of business, that can be got equally as well done for one thousand. It is very possible that Mr. Jones may endeavour to get an election smuggled through the house, on the first or second day of the session. This paragraph is wrote, therefore, to warn those members who are anxious to serve their constituents, that they ought to come to town in time at the first opening of business, in order to prevent an attempt of that nature; if indeed any delegate could be supposed to countenance it.
A memorial will be presented to the assembly on the first day of their meeting, fixing the common printing price for which the duties of a public printer can be performed. The memorial will offer to perform the whole for a given sum, of about nine, or perhaps eleven hundred dollars. In the Recorder of October 20th, we made some remarks on this subject. They are not entirely correct. It is said that Jones, for his salary, printed two thousand eight hundred copies of the laws of last session. Farther information assures us that Jones printed only two thousand for his salary. He printed eight hundred and seventy copies additional ; and for these he received eight hundred and seventy dollars. These additional copies, containing each of them fifty six folio pages, would require, twenty-eight reams of paper. The highest price which the paper cost him could not be more than three dollars and an half per ream; or, in whole, ninety-eight dollars.
  Paper Dolls.   Preiswork 98   Stitching 38   24   Total expence of Jones 152   Paid by the executive 870   Balance in favor of Jones 718 
Thus Jones received a fraction more than five dollars and seventy-two cents, instead of one dollar; just as if you had paid five shillings and eight-pence half-penny for a loaf of bread, which was worth only one shilling.
This, to be sure, is a very promising sample of your executive council. They cost two thousand pounds a year for salaries; and governor Monroe is not entrusted with a vote among these venerable sages. No part of the blame can, therefore, be attached to the preserver of the life of Thomas Paine. He achieved this act of justice and humanity at the notorious risk of offending those who sent him to Paris, at the risk of being recalled from his embassy. Jones was no doubt laughing within himself at this omission upon our part, of these eight hundred and seventy dollars. For its extent there is not, and there cannot be a viler job, in the whole annals of corruption. You cannot shut your eyes; against facts like these! Samuel Coleman, the sub-clerk of this council, thinks it a terrible crime to tell such secrets; and such explanations form, with John Guerrant, one reason for affirming that Callender is a traitor. A dollar for a meagre folio pamphlet of fifty six pages! —The very sound of the words is an outrage upon common sense. The wretched shambling answers that Jones gives upon this subject demonstrate his consciousness that the ground upon which he stands is breaking down under him.
Senators and delegates of the assembly of Virginia! We have been assured by several of your members that there is not one man of you who will set his face in defence of those things. They say that the longer endurance of such enormities is not possible. They affirm that the story requires but to be proved in order to command reformation. You have only to peruse the public accounts, as they will be laid before you, and all doubt is at once extinguished in a burst of conviction. Get a public printer, if you please. But, in God's name, let him be paid at the rate by which other printers are paid. If one is ready to do the business for nine hundred dollars, for which you are at present giving twenty-seven hundred dollars to another, who, by the way, never set a type in his life, can you be simple enough to cast away eighteen hundred dollars? It cannot be.
We have formerly stated that the public printer receives large sums besides his salary. Such were these eight hundred and seventy dollars. The whole saving by a reform cannot be less than THREE THOUSAND DOLLARS per annum.