Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1809-12-15 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
XVIIth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1714.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS,) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1809.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
[CORRECTED WEEKLY.]
   CASH. D. C.     Tobacco, - - - - - 6 00   Wheat, new, - - - - - 1 16   Flour, super-fine, - - - - - 6 50   Flour, fine, - - - - - 6 00   Corn, - - - - - 3 00   Hemp, per ton, - - - - - 280 00   Iron, - - - - - 110 00   Tacon, - - - - - 00 10   Whiskey, - - - - - 00 75  
DOCUMENTS,
WHICH ACCOMPANIED THE
President's Message.
(Concluded from our last.)
Mr. Smith to Mr. Erskine.
Department of State, Nov. 25, 1809.
SIR, That it still remains uncertain whether the treaty or convention to which it related, was not meant an eventual or provisional treaty on the general relations between the two countries without any reference to the case of the Chesapeake. Certain it is that the British government in former like cases, as will be seen by the adjustment of that part of the affair at Nootka Sound, which is analogous to this case, did not consider any such distinct full power as necessary; nor is there the slightest ground for supposing that Mr. Erskine, although confessedly instructed to adjust this very case of the Chesapeake, was furnished with any authority distinct from his credential letter. That Mr. Jackson has any such commission is the less to be supposed as it is but barely possible, that possessing it he should not on some occasion or in some form have used a language susceptible of no possible doubt on this point.
But proceeding to the proposal itself, it is to be kept in mind that the conditions forming its basis, are the very conditions for the deviating from which Mr. Erskine's adjustment was disavowed. Mr. Jackson, if not on others, is on this point explicit. "I now add, says he, that the deviation consisted in not recording in the official document signed here the abrogation of the President's proclamation of the 2d July, 1807, as well as the two reserves specified in the paper of memoranda enclosed in my official letter to you of the 27th ult."
Considering then the conditions in the proposal as an ultimatum, in what light are we compelled to view such an attempt to repair the outrage committed on the frigate Chesapeake and to heal the disappointment produced by a disavowal of a previous equitable reparation?
It is impossible on such an occasion not to recall the circumstances which constituted the character of the outrage to which such an ultimatum is now applied. A national ship, proceeding on an important service, was watched by a superior naval force enjoying at the time the hospitality of our ports, was followed and scarcely out of our waters when she was, after an insulting summons, attacked in a hostile manner: and the ship so injured as to require expensive repairs, the expedition frustrated, a number of the crew killed & wounded, several carried into captivity, & one of them put to death under a military sentence. The three seamen, tho' American citizens, and therefore on every supposition detained as wrongfully as the ship would have been detained, have notwithstanding remained in captivity between two and three years; and it may be added, after it has long ceased to be denied that they are American citizens.
Under these circumstances, we are called upon to ransom the captives,
1st. By acknowledging that a precatory proclamation, justified by events preceding the outrage, by the outrage itself and by what immediately followed it, was unjustifiable, and that a repeal of it was properly a condition precedent to a reparation for the outrage. And this requisition is repeated, too, after such an acknowledgment had been uniformly asserted by this government to be utterly inadmissible, and what is particularly remarkable, at a time when the proclamation, as is well understood, was no longer in force. The occasion obviously invited an silent assumption of the existing fact, and this would have excluded the difficulty heretofore found to be insuperable.
2d. By throwing into complete oblivion the conduct of the officer answerable for the murderous transaction, with a knowledge too on our part, that instead of being punished or even brought to trial, he has been honored by his government with a new and more important command.
3d. By admitting a right on the part of Great Britain to claim a discharge from our service of deserters, generally and particularly of her natural born subjects, with-
out excepting such as had been naturalized in due form under the laws of the United States.
It has not been explained, whether it was meant, as the universality of the term "deserters" would import, to include American citizens who might have left the British service. But what possible consideration could have induced the British government to expect that the United States, could admit a principle, that would deprive our naturalized citizens of the legal privileges, which they hold in common with their native fellow-citizens. The British government ought not to have made such a proposition: because it not only, like others, naturalizes aliens; but in relation to the U. S. has even refused to discharge from the British service native citizens of the United States, involuntarily detained. If an American seaman has resided in G. Britain, or has married therein, or has accepted a bounty in her naval service, his discharge therefrom, on the regular application to the British government, has been invariably refused by its board of admiralty. This I state on the authority of the official reports made to this department. It is, therefore, truly astonishing that, with a knowledge of these facts, such a proposition should have been advanced at all, but above all, that it should have been made a sine qua non to an act of plain justice, already so long delayed. This is the more to be regretted, as the omen does not favor the belief we would willingly cherish, that no predetermination exists in the councils of His Britannic Majesty irrevocable to an amicable arrangement of an affair, which, affecting so deeply the honor of the United States, must precede a general regulation of the mutual interests of the two countries.
After the correspondence with Mr. Jackson was terminated, two notes, of which copies are herewith sent to you, were presented to me in the name and by the hand of Mr. Oakeley, the British Secretary of Legation.
The first requested a document, having the effect of a special passport or safe-guard to Mr. Jackson and his family during their stay in the United States. As the laws of this country allow an unrestricted passage through every part of it, and, with the law of nations, equally in force, protect public ministers and their families in all their privileges, such an application was regarded as somewhat singular. There was no hesitation, however, in furnishing a certificate of his public character, and to be used in any mode he might choose. But what surprised most was the reasons assigned for the application. The insult he alluded to was then, for the first time, brought to the knowledge of this government. It had indeed, been among the rumors of the day, that some unbecoming scene had taken place at Norfolk or Hampton between some officers belonging to the Africaine and some of the inhabitants, and that it originated in the indiscretion of the former. No attention having been called for, and no enquiries made, the truth of the case is unknown. But it was never supposed that Mr. Jackson himself, who was on board the frigate, had been personally insulted. Nor is it yet perceived in what way he considers it as having happened. It is needless to remark that any representation on the subject would have instantly received every proper attention.
Another ground on which a protection was asked for, is the supposed tendency of the language of our newspapers to excite popular violence on Mr. Jackson's person. Had he been longer and better acquainted with the habits and spirit of the American people, he would probably never have entertained an apprehension of that sort. If he meant to advertvert on the free language of the newspapers, he might justly be reminded that our laws, as those of his country, set bounds to that freedom: that the freedom of British prints, however great with respect to public characters of the United States, has never been a topic of complaint, and that supposing the latitude of the American Press to exceed that of Great Britain, the difference is infinitely less in this respect between the two, than between the British press and that of the other nations of Europe.
The second note seems to be essentially intended as a justification of the conduct of Mr. Jackson in that part of his correspondence which has given umbrage. If he intended it as a conciliatory advance, he ought not to have preceded it by a demand of passports, nor by the spirit or the manner in which that demand was made. He ought, in fact, if such was his object, to have substituted an explanation in the place of his reply to my premonitory letter. But whether he had one or other, or both of these objects in view, it was necessary for him to have done more than is attempted in this paper.
It was never objected to him that he had stated it as a fact that the three propositions in question had been submitted to me by Mr. Erskine, nor that he stated it, as made known to him by the instructions of Mr. Canning that the instruction to Mr. Erskine containing those three conditions was the only one from which his authority was derived to conclude an arrangement in the matter to which it related. The objection was that a knowledge of this restriction of the authority of Mr. Erskine was imputed to this government, and the repetition of the imputation even after it had been peremptorily disavowed. This was no gross an attack on the honor and veracity of the government as to forbid any further communications from him. Care was, nevertheless, taken at the same time to
leave the door open for such as might be made through any other channel, however little probability that any satisfactory communications would be received through any channel here.
To the other enclosure, I add a printed copy of a paper purporting to be a circular letter from Mr. Jackson to the British consuls in the United States. This paper speaks for itself. As its contents entirely correspond with the paper last referred to as they were unnecessary for the ostensible object of the letter, which was to make known Mr. Jackson's change of residence, and as the paper was at once put into circulation, it can only be regarded as a virtual address to the American people of a representation previously addressed to their government—a procedure which cannot fail to be seen in its true light by his sovereign.
The observations, in which to much extent has been given in this letter, which those contained in the correspondence with Mr. Jackson will make you fully acquainted with the conduct and the character he has developed, with the necessity of the step taken in refusing further communications from him, and with the grounds on which the President instructs you to request that he may be immediately recalled. You are particularly instructed at the same time in making these communications to do it in a manner that will leave no doubt of the undiminished desire of the United States to unite in all the means the best calculated to establish the relations of the two countries on the solid foundation of justice, of friendship and of mutual interest.
With great respect, &c. R. SMITH. Wm. Pinkney, Esq. &c. &c. &c.
[Here follow Mr. Canning's letter to Mr. Pinkney of May 27th, 1809, communicating the order in council of May 24,—Mr. P's answer—the President's proclamation of Aug. 9th, & Mr. Gallatin's circular letter explaining the legal operation of that proclamation, which were published in this paper last summer, and are therefore now omitted.]
Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Smith, Secretary of State. PARIS, 4th Sept. 1809.
The letter of which I send you a copy, was received during my absence and detained in Paris till my return. The note promised it has not yet been received. Mr. Warden informs me, that the council of prizes has been ordered to suspend their proceedings with regard to our vessels.
I have the honor to be, sir, with high consideration, Your most obedient and Very humble servant, JOHN ARMSTRONG.
Count Champagny to Gen. Armstrong. Vienna, 8th Aug. 1809.
TRANSLATION.
Sir, You have desired that one of the American vessels which are in the ports of France might be authorised to depart for the United States with your despatches. I have taken the orders of his majesty on the subject of this demand and his majesty always disposed to facilitate your communications with your government, has permitted the departure of the vessel you shall designate. I informed the minister of the marine and of the finances of this disposition, requesting them to ensure the execution of it so soon as you shall have made known to them the name of the vessel and the port from which she is to depart.
I have the honor, sir, to apprise you that I shall forthwith address to you a note by order of his majesty on the actual situation of our relations with the United States. Please to profit by the departure of the vessel to make this known to the federal government, and permit me also to send by that conveyance some despatches to the minister plenipotentiary of his majesty to the U. S.
Accept, sir, the assurances, &c. &c. (Signed) CHAMPAGNY. His excellency gen. Armstrong, &c. &c. &c.
Extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to Mr. Smith, Secretary of State. (PARIS, Sept. 16, 1809.)
"I received on the 6th inst. on my return from Holland, two notes from Count Champagny, copies of which I have the honor to inclose. In one of these you will find an exposition of the principles which have governed and which will continue to govern the conduct of his majesty with regard to neutral commerce. To this, which was offered as a definitive answer to our propositions, I have believed that any reply, before I had received the further instructions of the President, would have been premature."
"Mr. Lawrence arrived at L'Orient on the 9th and Mr. Haswell at Paris, with our despatches of the 12th August last, the 13th inst. I immediately communicated to Count Champagny the President's proclamation interdicting anew the com-
mercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain, and gave such other explanations as the case appeared to require."
Extract of a letter from Count Champagny to Gen. Armstrong, dated Altenburg, Aug. 23, 1809.
TRANSLATION.
"I have the honor to address to you the subjoined note, which his majesty has ordered me to send to you, and which I have announced in my last despatch. If France does not do at this time all that the United States of America can desire, your government will be able to see that neither prejudice nor animosity influences its conduct; that it is the effect of its attachment to principles which the Americans, more than any other people are interested in supporting, and of the necessity of reprisals which circumstances impose.—The emperor will consider as an happy event that which shall enable him to contribute to the prosperity of America, in leaving to its commerce all the liberty and all the extension which can render it flourishing."
Official note from Count Champagny to Gen. Armstrong. ALTENBURG, Aug. 23, 1809.
Sir, His majesty the emperor, apprised that you are about to send a vessel to America, has ordered me to make known to you the invariable principles which have regulated and which will regulate his conduct on the great question of neutrals. France admits the principle, that the flag covers the merchandise.
A merchant vessel, sailing with all the necessary papers (avec les expedition) from its government as a floating colony, to do violence to such a vessel, by visits, by searches, and by other acts of arbitrary authority, is to violate the territory of a colony; this is, to infringe on the independence of its government. The seas do not belong to any nation; they are the common property of mankind and the domain of all.
Enemy merchant vessels belonging to individuals ought to be respected; individuals who do not fight ought not to be made prisoners of war. In all her conquests France has respected private property.—The warehouses and shops have remained free with their proprietors. They have been free to dispose of their merchandise as they pleased. And at this moment a great number (convois) of waggons loaded principally with cotton pass through the French armies, in Austria and Germany, on their way to such places as commerce has directed.
If France had adopted the usages of maritime war, all the merchandise of the continent of Europe would have been accumulated in France, & would have become a source of immense wealth. Such would have been, without doubt, the pretensions of her English, if they had on the land the opportunity which they have obtained at sea. We should have seen, as in the times of barbarism, the vanquished sold as slaves, and their lands parcelled out. Mercantile avidity would have usurped every thing; and the return to barbarous usages would have been the work of the government of a nation that has improved the arts and civilization. That government is not ignorant of the injustice of its maritime code—but what signifies to it, what is just? It only considers what is useful to itself.
Such are the principles of the emperor on the usages and the rights of maritime war. When France shall have acquired a marine in proportion to the extent of her coast & her population, the emperor will put more & more in practice these maxims, & will use his endeavors to render the adoption of them general.
The right or rather the pretension of blockading by a proclamation, rivers and coasts is as monstrous (revoltante) as it is absurd. A right cannot be derived from the will or the caprice of one of the interested parties, but ought to be derived from the nature of things themselves. A place is not truly blockaded until it is invested by land and by sea; it is blockaded to prevent it from receiving the succors which might retard its surrender. It is only then, that the right of preventing neutral vessels from entering it, exists; for the place so attacked is in danger of being taken, and the dominion of it is doubtful, and contested by the master of the town and him who blockades or besieges it. Hence the right of preventing even neutrals from having access to it.
The sovereignty and the independence of the flag are like the sovereignty and independence of the territory, the property of all neutrals. A state may give itself to another, may destroy the act of its independence, may change its sovereign; but the rights of sovereignty are indivisible and unalterable; none can give up any part of them.
England has placed France in a state of blockade. The Emperor by his decree
of Berlin, has declared the British Isles in a state of blockade. The first measure kept neutral vessels at a distance from France, the second has interdicted to them England.
By her orders in council of the 11th November, 1807, England has laid a toll on neutral vessels, and has obliged them to pass through her ports before they should go to the places of their destination. By a decree of the 17th of December of the same year, the Emperor has declared those vessels, whose flag shall have been violated, degraded, trodden under foot, as no longer belonging to their nations. (dinationalisées.)
To screen itself from the acts of violence, with which this state of things threatened its commerce, America laid an embargo in her ports; and although France, who had done nothing more than resort to reprisals, saw her interests and the interests of her colonies wounded by this measure, nevertheless the Emperor applauded this generous determination of renouncing all commerce rather than acknowledge the dominion (domination) of the tyrants of the seas. The embargo has been raised, a system of exclusion has been substituted for it. The continental powers league against England make a common cause, they aim at the same object, they will reap the same advantages, they ought also to run the same risques.—The ports of Holland, of the Elbe, of the Weser, of Italy and of Spain, will not enjoy (s'en jouiront) any advantage of which those of France may be deprived. They will both (les uns et les autres) be either open or shut at the same time to the commerce of which they may be the object.
Thus, sir, France acknowledges in principle the liberty of the commerce of neutrals and the independence of maritime powers. She has respected them until the moment when the maritime tyranny of England (which respected nothing) & the arbitrary acts of its government have forced her to measures of reprisal, which she has not adopted but with reluctance. Let England revoke her declarations of blockade against France; France will revoke her decree of blockade against England. Let England revoke her orders in council of the 11th November, 1807; the decree of Milan will fall of itself. The American commerce will then have regained all its liberty and it will be sure of finding favor and protection in the ports of France. But it is for the United States by their firmness to bring on these happy results. Can a nation that wishes to remain free and sovereign, ever balance be between some temporary interests, and the great interests of its independence and the maintenance of its honor, of its sovereignty, and of its dignity?
Please to accept, sir, the assurance of my high consideration. (Signed) CHAMPAGNY.
CONGRESS.
IN SENATE.
Wednesday, December 6.
The resolution offered yesterday by Mr. Giles was read a second time.
The bill to prevent the abuse of the privileges & immunities of foreign ministers within the U. States was read a second time and made the order of the day for to-morrow.
The bill authorising the transmission of the message of the President of the U. S. and documents, free of postage, was read a second time.
Mr. Pope's motion to amend the Constitution of the United States was read a second time.
December 7.
The following gentlemen compose the committee on so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to the organization of the militia of the United States: Messrs. Smith of Maryland, Leib, Bradley, Sumpner and German.
Mr. Leib gave notice that he should to-morrow ask leave to bring in a bill to repeal the law suspending the recruiting service.
On motion of Mr. Pope, the consideration of the resolution and bill reported by Mr. Giles was postponed till to-morrow.
The resolution for amending the constitution with respect to the tenure of office of the judges of the United States, was, on motion of Mr. Pope, referred to a select committee. The following gentlemen compose the committee: Messrs. Pope, Crawford, Goodrich, Brent and Lloyd.
The bill from the House of Representatives supplementary to the act extending the right of suffrage in the territory of Indiana, was read and passed to a second reading.
Mr. Pope gave notice that he should to-morrow ask leave to bring in a bill relative to the Cumberland road.
Mr. Bradley gave notice that he should to-morrow ask leave to introduce a bill to incorporate religious societies in the district of Columbia.

Friday, December 8, 1809. A communication was received from the Treasury Department, which will be found in this day's paper; and which was ordered to be printed. Mr. Leib, agreeably to notice, presented a bill to repeal the act to suspend for a limited time the recruiting service.
The bill supplemental to the act extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana territory and for other purposes, was read a second time, and, on motion of Mr. Pope, referred to a select committee which consists of Messrs. Pope, McGehee and Crawford.
RUPTURE WITH MR. JACKSON. The resolution reported by Mr. Giles approving the conduct of the Executive in refusing to hold any further communication with Mr. Jackson, was taken up by the Senate as in committee of the whole.
The resolution having been read, Mr. GILES rose and spoke as follows:
MR. PRESIDENT, Before I proceed to perform the duties enjoined upon me as the chairman of the committee who reported the resolution before you, permit me to express my regret, that the consideration of a subject, which justly excites so much sensibility, should have been delayed even only one day on my account; and be assured, sir, that nothing less than an indisposition sufficient to justify it, would have caused me to have been absent from my place yesterday. Perhaps, sir, I owe an apology to the Senate at this time, for entering into this debate under a state of hoarseness, which must necessarily disqualify me in some degree, from discharging my duty on the present occasion. But, sir, it is a subject of great consolation to me, to reflect, that I am fortunately favored with associates on the committee, either of whom could perform the task I am now engaged in, better than myself, and some of whom, will certainly do me the favor of correcting any errors I may unintentionally commit, or supplying any omissions I may inadvertently make.
Although it appears to me, that the propriety and urgency of the resolution now under consideration must be strongly addressed both to the judgment and sensibility of every gentleman, who has carefully attended to the distribution of powers under our constitution, and who has also carefully attended to the correspondence which gave rise to the resolution, yet in a case of so much delicacy, it would naturally be expected and is a respect due to the Senate from the chairman of the committee, to present to it at least some of the general motives which induced the committee to report the resolution at this time.
It is to be observed, Mr. President, that our constitution is peculiar in the organization and distribution of its powers; and in no respect is it more peculiar, than in the distribution of the particular powers embraced by the resolution. In all other governments known to us the same department which possesses the power to receive and negotiate with foreign ambassadors and other public ministers, also possesses the power to make war. It has been thought wise in our constitution, to separate these powers. With a simplicity of language, and a solidity of wisdom almost peculiar to our constitution, the President is invested with the power to receive ambassadors and other public ministers; thus using the broadest terms in granting this power without even an attempt at limitation or specification; evidently with a view, that all the incidental or consequential powers might flow from this general expression to the department, thus invested with this general power. It was easy to foresee, and no doubt the framers of our constitution did foresee, that the multiplicity and diversity of cases, which would arise in the course of various diplomatic manoeuvres and negotiations, would set at defiance all attempts to limit or specify the powers of the department in this respect, to which these powers were confided and to be exercised on the part of the United States, and, therefore, every attempt of that kind was wisely avoided, leaving to the president to exercise his authority upon his own responsibility, to be regulated by the only established standard amongst nations, to wit, the laws and usages of nations. For it never can be presumed, sir, that the wise sages who framed our excellent constitution could for a moment have tolerated the idea, that the ministers of foreign nations residing near the government of the United States, should possess greater privileges and immunities, than the minister of our government residing near foreign courts—of course the same
laws, to wit, the laws and usages of nations, were left reciprocally to govern in every reciprocal case. But, sir, notwithstanding the President is invested with the power "to receive ambassadors and other public ministers;" and as I think all other incidental or consequential powers applicable to these several agencies with such ambassadors and other public ministers; yet Congress is invested with the power without limitation or qualification "to declare war." Now, sir, it must be obvious to every understanding, that these several powers are so intimately connected, and may be so dependent upon each other that the exercise of the power conceded to the President, may consequently involve the necessity of the exercise of the power conceded to Congress; as in the case now under consideration; the refusal of the Executive to receive any further communications from his Britannic Majesty's minister, Mr. Jackson, may consequently involve us in a war with Great Britain; or in other words may serve as a pretext to Great Britain to make war upon us, if she should conceivably her interest to do so, which I think not very improbable. Hence arises in my judgment, the propriety and urgency of an expression of the Congressional opinion upon this Executive act, and a declaration of the Congressional will as to the course of conduct Congress will pursue under any consequences which may flow from, or possibly be attributed to this Executive act.
I conceive, sir, that the expression of this opinion, and the pledge of a solemn declaration, by Congress, are due to the people; because the people have the deepest interest in the character of their government; and in no part of its attributes, have a deeper interest, than in its efficacy to resist and repel injuries and insults from foreign governments; the people also are either the mediators or immediate electors of Congress, and as such have a right to expect and demand, that Congress will execute all their duties and will never shrink from their constitutional responsibility in any case; and last of all, in a case of so high and solemn a character, as the one under consideration.
This course of conduct is essentially due to the Executive. The President ought to know whether, with the indispensable co-operation of Congress, he ought to proceed with dignified moderation and intelligence to assert and maintain the rights, the honor and the interests of the American people, or whether for the want of that co-operation, he shall with shame and confusion of face be compelled to retrace his steps, and leave to Congress to abandon these high attributes of the nation, and with their degradation, to record this country's ruin and disgrace. No, sir, it is not possible that an American Congress does exist, or can ever exist, that it would not spare from themselves every vestige of an idea, that they could be brought under any circumstances to perform so degrading and dishonorable a task.
It is imperiously demanded by the dignity and candor of Congress itself. What, sir? shall the exercise of one of the highest constitutional functions of Congress be brought into question, and every individual in the nation engaged in expressing an opinion on it; and shall Congress alone stand aloof for fear of incurring a responsibility imposed on them by the constitution? Shall Congress stand by as idle spectators, and see a contest before the people between the President and a foreign minister, and feel no interest and take no share in such an unprecedented scene? especially when one of their highest constitutional functions may be affected by it? No, sir! Congress must speak—Congress must act—Congress never can shrink from its constitutional responsibility—it is due to the dignity—it is demanded from the candor of Congress.
Above all, sir, it is important to the United States as a nation, that the Congressional will, should be proclaimed upon this delicate and solemn occasion. It is of importance, it may be of the last importance, to the United States, that Great Britain should know, before she decides upon this subject, what is the Congressional will in relation to it. Whether she will be called upon to act against an united, harmonized government and people? or whether she shall have for her prey, a divided people, and a discordant government?
Do you not believe, Mr. President, that the conduct of Great Britain, would be very different under these different conditions of the people and government of the United States? Let me ask you this question, sir, would you not, sir, if you were prime minister of G. B. consulting her interests alone pursue a very different course
of conduct under the different state of things? Let every gentleman put the question to himself; and the answer of every one would be the same. Why, then, sir, do we not unanimously take the ground here, which if we were called upon to act in an opposite hostile character, would most certainly deter us from persevering in that hostile character against the U. States? Sir, if there had been any doubt, upon this subject, our late experience ought to have removed it; for, sir, I have no hesitation in saying, and with pain at heart I shall be compelled to shew it in the course of this debate, that in my judgment, our present embarrassments are too much to be ascribed to our former manifestations of indecision, to our unfortunate dissensions and divisions. Sir! whenever I approach this sorrowful and awful subject, my heart feels as if it were bleeding at every pore, when I am compelled to reflect, and to believe, that this our beloved and happy country may shortly become a bleeding victim, from wounds—if not inflicted by the hands of her own sons, at least by their unhappy divisions and dissensions. Yes, sir, with a full knowledge of what is past, an strong presages of what is to come—is it not deplorable to be compelled to think, that in a very few months, perhaps in a still shorter time, American blood must be shed, to repel the hostile spirit of Great Britain, now rendered too manifest to every understanding; and worse than all, sir, to wash away the stains of our own unfortunate divisions and dissensions; and is it not wonderful, as it is deplorable, that the virtuous and patriotic American people, and sometimes called the most enlightened in the world, with the experience of the horrible consequences, though all ages, of the divisions of a people amongst themselves, should permit themselves from the same cause to fall a prey to the same inevitable calamities?
Look, Mr. President, through all history from the first dispute between Cain and Abel, down to the late disastrous dissensions between the Spanish branch of the Bourbon dynasty, and find, if you can, sir, a single instance of a people who gained any advantage from dissensions amongst themselves and especially, sir, when they carried the n so far, as to join a foreign against their country's standard! I believe, sir, not one solitary instance of this kind, stands recorded. Nor is it possible nor practicable in any state of human affairs—because in all cases, the foreign interference in the internal concerns of its neighbors is always for its own and never for its neighbor's benefit. With these monitory lessons before our eyes, and a full conviction of their truth upon our hearts, is it not wonderful, that we should voluntarily give up ourselves victims to the same calamities? But, sir, gentlemen may ask, where is the remedy? How can we make a sacrifice of our own opinions? Sir! the case is a plain one. Let gentlemen exercise their opinions and persevere in their arguments at all times respecting our internal concerns, as well before as after the measures are adopted—let them, respecting our foreign relations, urge their arguments with a zeal proportioned to the magnitude of the subject—they will be pleasantly received, and respectfully considered—but after the government has taken its attitude against a foreign nation, it would be going too far to desert its standard, and to join that of the enemy. It is then time for any opinion to pause and reflect, whether any consequence can be worse, or more disgraceful, than joining a foreign against its country's standard? Whether it would not be better, more patriotic, more virtuous, to support your country even in a supposed unwise course of policy, than to join a foreign standard, and use it to correct & change the course of policy thus disapproved!
Sir, in a contest between your own and a foreign nation, it never can be wrong to join the standard of your own country; nor right to join the standard of your enemy. Then, sir, here is a rallying point. It is a plain and obvious one. No understanding can mistake it. No heart can disapprove it. It is our own government. Let that be the rallying point. There never can be a more propitious moment than the present for casting into oblivion all former irritations and dissensions. There can never be a plainer case presented to the human understanding. There never were more urgent considerations in favor of the course recommended—Whether we respect their repulsive effects upon British hostility, or their harmonizing effects among ourselves, they appear to me to be equally strong and persuasive. May I not then, sir, indulge the pleasing hope, that the resolution before you will be received as the signal of unanimity in congress, and joyfully hailed in that character thro' the whole of this great and extended country? Sir, does it not manifest a strange perverseness in the human character, for us to observe that when it is perfectly at our option, we should choose to distress and injure ourselves by irritations and resentment, rather than delight ourselves with union and harmony and mutual good offices? Especially, sir, when the latter choice would command the respect, if not excite the alarm of our enemy. For, sir, do you believe that if Great Britain saw the strong arm of this nation stretched out to oppose her unjust spirit of hostility, guided in all its operations by one undivided will, she would so readily encounter its power in influence, as if she saw it paralysed in all its efforts from the want of unanimity of will and action? No, sir, we understand our enemies and importance, if we were to suppose that her conduct would be the same in both of these situations; or that she is at all indifferent to the course of conduct pursued by us. Let us then all unite, sir,
in this proposition and disappoint her mistaken calculations upon our influence in this country. I fervently believe, that union is all that is wanting to appease her hostile spirit towards us. But perhaps, sir, every gentleman present will admit, and it appears to me that no human being can deny, that if the facts stated in the resolution be supported by the correspondence upon which it is founded, that then every gentleman would readily assent to the resolution. But, sir, it is possible, although it appears to be scarcely possible, that some gentlemen may doubt whether the facts stated in the resolution be supported by the correspondence or not. This I admit is a fair, though delicate enquiry, and I will therefore immediately proceed to the examination of that question; and I beg the most critical attention of the Senate in the course of the investigation.
[Speech to be continued.] After Mr. Giles concluded, the question was taken on the passage of the resolution to a third reading. There were 24 members present, besides the president pro tem. of whom 20 voted in favor of it. It was ordered to be read a third time on Monday next.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, Dec. 6
Mr. McKim called up his resolution laid on the table yesterday prohibiting American vessels trading under foreign licenses. Referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures, to report by bill or otherwise. A petition from sundry inhabitants eastward of Pearl river in the Mississippi territory, was presented by Mr. Miller, praying for a division of said territory. This petition was presented the last session and laid on the table. It was now referred to a select committee of seven.
A petition from the Potomac company which was presented the last session was referred to the committee on the district of Columbia. On motion of Mr. Bassett the committee of ways and means was discharged from any further consideration of the message and documents received from the president yesterday, and the said message and documents were referred to the committee on the privileges and immunities of the U.S.
Several petitions of a private nature and resolutions respecting post roads were presented and referred. The order of the day was called for and the house resolved itself into committee of the whole. Mr. Bassett in the chair, on the supplemental bill on the Indian territory.
The bill was reported to the house without amendment and passed. Mr. Niles offered a resolution to appoint a committee to inquire into the expediency of making provision by law for the relief of disabled and superannuated officers and soldiers of the late revolutionary war and the present army of the U.S. Aye and a no committee of five appointed.
Mr. Whitman presented the petition of sundry inhabitants of Portland, A. praying for a uniform system of bankruptcy. Passes been caused considerable debate. Mr. Whitman moved to refer to a committee of the whole house. Several gentlemen spoke on the subject, the most of whom were decidedly opposed to any system of bankruptcy. On the question to refer to a select committee they were both lost and the petition was left on the table.
Mr. Whitman offered a resolution requesting the president of the United States to furnish the house with such information as he may be possessed of and which may be proper to communicate respecting the capture, seizure and condemnation of vessels and merchandise of the U.S. mails under the orders of the government of Denmark.
Mr. Newton moved to amend the resolution by adding the words Great Britain and France. On the question for this amendment, it was carried 51 to 45. On motion of Mr. Bassett the resolution was further amended by adding the words not hereafter communicated to congress. The resolution was amended, passed, and a committee appointed to present it to the president.
Mr. Morrow presented a resolution for instructing the committee on public lands to enquire into the expediency of extending the time for locating military land warrants, & and to report by bill or otherwise—adopted. Adjourned.
Friday December 8, 1809. A petition from the citizens of Washington praying for a law to make a turnpike road to meet a road about to be constructed in a direct line from Baltimore, was referred to the committee on the District of Columbia.
Mr. Morrow reported a bill for extending the time for issuing and locating military land warrants; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Taylor, after a few introductory remarks, offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the circumstances attending the occurrence alluded to in the letter of Mr. I. A. Coles to the Speaker of this House; that the said committee be instructed to report a statement of the facts with their opinion thereon to this House.
A motion was made by Mr. Stanford to amend the same by striking out the word "committee be appointed" and inserting "the committee appointed to prepare and report such rules and orders as are necessary to be observed in the House be instructed;" which motion was negatived.
The resolution of Mr. Taylor was agreed to, and Messrs. Taylor, Goodwyn, Montgomery, Smilie, Pitkin, Faggart and Mathews appointed a committee accordingly.
The letter received a few days ago from Isaac A. Coles, was referred to this committee.
Mr. Sawyer made two unsuccessful attempts to obtain the consideration of a motion made by him a few days ago to erect a separate committee of manufactures. And the House adjourned till Monday.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, December 7th, 1809. Sir, I have the honor to inclose a Report prepared in obedience to the act entitled "An act to establish the Treasury Department."
I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, Sir, Your obedt servant, ALBERT GALLATIN.
REPORT. In obedience to the directions of the act supplementary to the act entitled "An act to establish the Treasury Department," the Secretary of the Treasury respectfully submits the following report and estimates:
  The duties on merchandise and tonnage which accrued during the year 1807, augmented after deducting the expenses of collection to $ 26,127,648   From which deducting for debentures issued on account of re-exportations, 10,767,191   Left for the nett revenue accrued during that year 16,053,457   The same duties during the year 1808, augmented, after deducting the expenses of collection, to $ 10,581,559   From which deducting for debentures issued, & which on account of the cargo did not exceed 249,195   Leaves for the nett revenue accrued during that year, as will appear by the statement (A) 10,332,163   The statement (B) exhibits in detail the several species of merchandise and other sources from which revenue was collected during the year 1808; and the statement (A) gives a comparative view of the importations and re-exportations of the several species of merchandise for the years 1807 and 1808, shewing thereby distinctly the effect of foreign aggressions & commercial restrictions on the importations of foreign articles.   From the returns already received for the three first quarters of the present year, and from a general knowledge of the importations made during the two last months, it is believed that the gross amount of duties on merchandise imported during the whole year, will, after deducting the expenses of collection, amount to about ten millions of dollars.   But as the debentures issued on account of re-exportations (principally of colonial produce) will amount to about 3,500,000 dollars, the nett revenue accrued during the year 1809 cannot be estimated at more than six millions and a half.   It appears by the statement (C) that the sales of public lands, have during the year ending on the 30th September, 1809, amounted to 143,000 acres; and the payments by purchasers to near 500,000 dollars. The proceeds of sales in the Mississippi Territory, being, after deducting the surveying and other incidental expenses, appropriated in the first place to the payment of a sum of 1,250,000 dollars to the state of Georgia, are distinctly stated.   It appears by the statement (D) that the payments on account of the principal public debt, have during the same period, amounted to near 6,750,000 dollars, the reimbursement of the eight per cent stock having taken place on the first of January last. But the aggregate of payments on account of principal and interest will not for the two years 1808 and 1809 exceed the sum of six millions of dollars appropriated by law.   The same statement shews that about 34,726,000 dollars of the principal of the debt have been reimbursed during the eight years and a half commencing on the 1st of April, 1801, and ending on the 30th September, 1809; exclusive of more than six millions of dollars paid in conformity with the provisions of the convention with Great Britain and of the Louisiana Convention.   The actual receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th of September, 1809, have amounted to $ 9,315,733 15   Making, together with the balance in the Treasury on the 1st of October, 1808, and amounting to 13,845,717 52   An aggregate of 23,162,470 63   The disbursements during the same year have consisted of the following items, viz.   Civil Department, including miscellaneous expenses and those incident to the intercourse with foreign nations, 1,439,633 23   Military and naval establishments including the Indian Department, viz. Military clothing arms & fortifications, 3,566,401 12   Navy, 2,379,267 80   Indian Department, 292,303 84   Interest on the public debt, 6,037,974 76   3,126,149 15   10,603,757 14   Reimbursement of principal of the public debt, 6,739,777 53   Amounting together, as will appear more in detail by the statement (E) to 17,333,534 67   And leaving in the Treasury on the 30th of September, 1809, a balance of 5,828,936 01   23,162,470 63   Whence it appears that the expenses of government, exclusively of the payments on account of the principal of the debt, have exceeded the actual receipts into the Treasury by a sum of near thirteen hundred thousand dollars; & that that deficiency, as well as the reimbursement of the principal of the debt, have been paid out of the sums pre- 

viously in the Treasury, or in other words: out of the surplus of the revenue of the preceding years.
The outstanding revenue bonds may, after deducting the expenses of collection, and allowing for bad debts, be estimated to have amounted on the 30th of September, 1809 to $ 7,500,000
The duties on the importations during the last quarter will not probably, after making a similar deduction, on fall short of 2,800,000
All those will fall due prior to the 1st day of January, 1811 and make, together with the balance in the Treasury on the 30th September, 1809, and amounting as above stated, to 5,800,000
An aggregate of 16,100,000 The expenses of the present quarter, though not yet precisely ascertained, will not probably, including the payments on account of the public debt, exceed 3,600,000
Leaving on the first day of January, 1810, a sum of 12,500,000
About twelve and a half millions of dollars in cash or bonds payable during the year 1810 and applicable to the expenses of that year. This estimate however, is founded on the supposition that the amount of debentures payable in that year will not exceed two millions of dollars, and that the receipts during the year arising from importation subsequent to the first of January next, and from the sales of land, will be sufficient to pay those debentures and to leave at all times in the Treasury at least one million of dollars.
Estimating the expenses of a civil nature, both domestic and foreign, for the year 1810, at the same amount actually expended for those objects during the preceding year, or at about 1,500,000
And adding thereto the annual appropriation of 8,000,000
For the public debt; (of which sum about three millions seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars will be applied to the final reimbursement of the exchanged six per cent stock;) It follows that unless the aggregate of the expenses for the military and naval establishments should be reduced to about 3,000,000
12,500,000
three millions of dollars, a loan will be necessary to make up the deficiency. That state of the Treasury had been anticipated; and for that reason an increase of duties had been respectfully submitted in the last annual report. But should that measure be now adopted, it would not, on account of the terms of credit allowed for the payment of duties, supercede the necessity of a loan for the service of the year 1810, commensurate with the extent of those establishments and with the appropriations which may be made for their support by Congress. No precise sum is suggested, since this must vary according to the plans which may be adopted in relation to foreign nations, and will particularly depend on the decision of Congress on the question of war or peace. It is sufficient to state that, if the actual expenditure of the year 1810 for all military and naval purposes should be estimated at the same sum, which was disbursed by the Treasury for those objects during the year ending on the 30th September, 1809, and exceeding as above stated six million of dollars, the deficiency according to the preceding estimates would amount to three millions; on which supposition, it would seem prudent, in order to provide against any deficiency in the receipts beyond what has been estimated, to authorise a loan of four millions of dollars.
In the event of war the necessity of rendering it efficient and of calling for that purpose in action all the resources of the country, is too obvious to require any comment. On that subject nothing will at this time be added by this department to the suggestions respectfully submitted in the two preceding annual reports. Loans reimbursable by instalments and at fixed periods after the return of peace, must constitute the principal resource for defraying the extraordinary expenses of the war. For the support of public credit, the basis on which rests the practicability of obtaining loans on reasonable terms, it appears necessary that the revenue should, in the mean while, be equal to the interest on the public debt including that on the new loans, & to all the current expenses of government calculated on a peace establishment, or, for the present, to about 8 millions of dollars. An immediate and considerable increase of the existing duties will, it is believed, be requisite for that purpose in order to cover the defalcation which a maritime war must necessarily produce in a revenue almost exclusively depending on commerce. That increase appears preferable in the present situation of the U. S. as to any other source of taxation, and is not in time of war, liable to the objection of its encouraging smuggling. It is only in the event of that revenue being still more affected by a war than is apprehended, that a resort to internal taxes either direct or indirect may become necessary.
It was should not be resorted to, it does not appear requisite unless Congress should resolve on a permanent increase of the military and naval establishments in time of peace, to lay at present any additional duties, beyond a mere continuance of the two and a half per cent. known under the name of "Mediterranean fund." It has already been stated that an increase of the impost would not supply the deficiency which may take place in the year 1810 and exclusively of the reimbursement of the loan which may be wanted for the service of that year, all the national expenses calculated on a peace establishment, and on the average of the actual expenditures of the six years 1803-1807, will not exceed ten millions of dollars for the year 1811, and eight millions after that year.
For the only portion of the existing debt which according to law it will be practica-
ble after the year 1810 to reimburse, will exclusively of the annual reimbursement of the six per cent. and deferred stock, consist only of the converted six per cent. stock, which amounts to less than two millions of dollars. The payments on account of the annual appropriation of eight millions of dollars, for the debt cannot for that reason [except for the purpose of reimbursing the loan which may be wanted for the service of the year 1810] much exceed 6 millions of dollars in the year 1811, and 4 millions of dollars annually after that year. The expenses for the year 1811 and the ensuing years may, therefore, be calculated on a peace establishment, be estimated as follows, viz.
  Civil expenses, domestic & foreign, 1,500,000   Military and naval establishments [including the Indian department] calculated on the average of the actual expenditure for those objects during the 5 years 1802-1807, as will appear by statement [F] about 2,500,000   Interest on the public debt, including the annual reimbursement on the six per cent. and deferred stock, 4,100,000   Total of the annual expenses after the year 1811, 8,100,000   Reimbursement of the converted six per cent. stock, 1,850,000   Total of expenses for the year 1811, $ 9,950,000 
Whatever may be the decision of Congress in other respects, there is a subject which seems to require immediate attention. The provisions adopted for the purpose of carrying into effect the ministerial course with England and France, particularly as modified by the act of last session under an expectation that the orders of council of Great Britain had been revoked, are inefficient and altogether inapplicable to existing circumstances. It will be sufficient to observe that exportation by land is not forbidden, and that no bonds being required from vessels ostensibly employed in the coasting trade, nor any authority vested by law which will justify detention, those vessels daily sail for British ports, without any other remedy but the precarious mode of instituting prosecutions against the apparent owners. It is unnecessary, as it would be painful to dwell on all the effects of those violations of the laws. But without any allusion to the efficiency or political object of any system, and merely with a view to its execution, it is incumbent to state that from the experience of the two last years, a perfect convention arises, that either the system of restrictions partially abandoned must be reinstated in all its parts, and with all the provisions necessary for its strict and complete execution, or that all the restrictions, so far at least as they affect the commerce and navigation of the citizens of the United States, ought to be removed.
All which is respectfully submitted. ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury Treasury Department, December 7th, 1809.
FOREIGN. LATEST FROM EUROPE.
BALTIMORE, December 7. By the arrival of the fast sailing brig Robert captain Spofford the Editor of the American has been obligingly furnished with a file of Altona papers, down to the 27th October, in 33 days from Tonnings.
ALTNA, October 27. Extract of a letter from Paris, dated Oct. 18. "We are assured that the Emperor will remain at the castle of Fontainbleau until the middle of December, when he will depart for Spain and Portugal. The castle of Miramé near Bayonne, is already fitted up for the reception of the Emperor."
"It is said that the guards, a part of whom have been on their march since the 15th of October, together with the corps of Marshals Oudinot, Marmont and the dukes of Abrantes, will go to Spain."
"The famous actor Dugazon, insane for some time past, is about terminating his career at Orleans."
Extract of a letter from a Dresden, of the 13th October.
Austria cedes Galicia, France, Trieste and Istria which are to be annexed to the kingdom of Italy. Some letters say the French and Trieste are to be held by the French and Austrian troops conjointly until the conclusion of peace with England.
Bavaria extends her dominions as far as Linz. The grand duke of Wurtemberg will be declared sovereign of Tyrol and the country of Salzburg. Bavaria, in compensation, will obtain a part of Wurtemberg. It is also said that the frontiers of the Dutchy of Warsaw will extend to the San.
Our translator informs us that upon a close perusal of a file of the "Austrian News" published at Altona, he has discovered no article of primary interest, and the arrival of the Southern mail has furnished us with Congressional news which at this juncture calls forth universal attention, we content ourselves with giving a summary of the news we shall give translations.
Peace between France and Austria, was signed on the 14th Oct. Bonaparte left Schönbrunn on the 15th. The fortifications which surround Vienna are to be entirely razed. The Russian army of Moldavia has gained some advantages over the Turks. By the capitulation of Midelburg, the long besieged place, in violation of the articles of the capitulation, the Russians have seized all the Tens and Spices in the warehouses of the Dutch E. I. Company and those of individuals and exposed them at public auction. The inhabitants of Warsaw have refused not to purchase a single article, notwithstanding the high price set upon them in Holland. But one sale has been made. The purchaser is treated with universal disdain. The English have been obliged to suspend the sale of £10,000 men are said to remain in Austria until a general peace. The port of Anwerp is to be considerably enlarged. Additions are to be
made to the fortifications at Ostend. Morelia has been evacuated by the French, and occupied by the Austrians. The closing of the ports of Sweden was publicly announced in Holland at Stockholm dated 12th Oct. John Adams and family have arrived at Elsinore it appears, that in addition to his mission to Russia, he is charged with a special mission to Copenhagen, but not in the Jacksonian style. In consequence of the peace between Sweden and Russia, the price of Tea at Copenhagen suddenly fell from 24 to 17 marks. The national guards of Paris have been discharged and their places supplied by the troops of the line of the city garrison. Mr. Adair, the English minister, at Constantinople, has demanded of the Ottoman Porte a free passage to the Black Sea for English and American vessels, which has been refused him, in consequence of which Mr. A. was preparing to leave Constantinople.
BALTIMORE, Tuesday Dec. 5. Mr. Worthington's Divorce Bill. Now before the court, consists of 20 sections. Want of room forbids our publication of it at this time. But, we are of opinion, with our correspondent, that "it is the most complete and comprehensive law upon that subject, and is an improvement on the various systems now in force." The causes which justify divorce are first enumerated; the applicant must exhibit an attested statement in form of petition supported by affidavit, to the judges of the county court, &c. whereupon a subpoena issues to the defendant with a copy of such affidavit. &c. If the facts advanced by the complaint be not controverted, the court decides according to law; but if statements be disputed, a jury determines. The provisions are multifarious and circumstantial, & the bill however may not pass in its present form, we defer statements and comments to a future day.
New York, Dec. 5. Translated for the Mercantile Advertiser from the Lamberg Correspondent of October 4th. Stockholm, September 231, 1809. It is reported that, agreeably to the Treaty of Peace concluded at Fredrikshamn on the 17th inst. between Sweden and Russia, the former cedes to the latter the Grand Duchy of Finland and a part of Bothnia. All the Islands of Aland situated near the Coast of Sweden Proper, are restored by Russia, who retains those islands which lie near the Coast of Finland. Sweden surrenders her ports against British ships of war, but leaves them open to merchant vessels carrying salt and colonial produce.
THEATRE.
The Public are respectfully informed, during the season there will be no postponement on account of Weather.
The public are respectfully informed that on account of the preparations for the performance of the Historical Melo Drama, there will be no performance until Saturday Evening.
On Saturday Evening, December 16th, will be presented (for the first time here) an Historical Melo Drama, called the
INDIAN PRINCESS; OR THE
First Settlement of Virginia. [With new decorations and scenery, painted for the Drama by Mr. Holmes.]
After the Play, Song—Tom Starboard, without accompaniment. Mr. Fox. Comic Song—The Sprig of Shelala, Mr. Sully.
To which will be added the favorite farce of The Village Lawyer.
Doors to be opened at five o'clock—Curtain to rise at quarter past six o'clock precisely.
A SCHOOL.—T. LEMPIERE takes the liberty to inform the public that he will teach the following branches of literature, at M. Joseph Maçon's in Powhatan county, on the following terms, viz. Orthography, Reading and Writing, $12 per annum—English Grammar, Reading and Writing, 14 dollars—D. with Arithmetic and Geography 16 dollars—French, Spanish, Portuguese or Latin, with the above branches, 20 dollars—The above branches with merchants' accounts or Book Keeping, 24 dollars—Book Keeping alone (the time of learning it) 12 dollars—Navigation, do. 20 dollars. M. Maçon will take a few boarders on moderate terms. Board and Potions payable quarterly. The school will commence on the 2d of January 1810. 5tp
EDUCATION.—The subscriber offers his services to the public for the ensuing year to instruct boys and young men in the following branches of literature, viz. reading, writing and penmanship, the English language, with propriety. The Latin and Greek language, History, Geography, with the use of the Globes, the elements of Natural Philosophy, the elements of Geometry, with practical surveying, Arithmetic, Vulgar and Decimal, when Algebra. The price of board, tuition, washing, bedding and fees, will be an hundred dollars for the term, paid quarterly in advance, to commence on the fifth of January, and expire the tenth of December next, with the usual vacation. He hopes in his success, experience and diligence in his profession to retain a fair share of the public patronage which he merits.
THOS. NELSON. Humanity Hall, Forks of Hanover, } Dec. 12th, 1809. } with
TAKEN UP—By Stephen W. Penn, a FAY and CALF—sides cow is black, white face and legs, about four or five years old, marked on the right ear with a cross and underlined, with a crop on the left and brand on the right ear a cross, and the left ear a cross, and with the same brand on each horn, and with the same brand on each horn, will the cattle appraised to twenty four dollars. A Copy—Test. GEO. RAINE, D. C.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND,
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1809.
"NOTIONS!"
What are "notions?" According to envoy Jackson they are the honest claims which America has upon the government of England.
The demand for the liberation of our seamen, is therefore a notion.
The freedom of our trade, is a notion.
The honor of our flag, is a notion.
Mr. Erskine's arrangement, is a notion.
These are all, quoth Mr. Jackson, "notions" erroneously entertained, and they must give way to "practical stipulations."
And what are these "practical stipulations?" They are—
To allow Great Britain to blockade, upon paper, the entire coasts of Europe.
To permit her to cut off American commerce to Europe, in order that English merchants may carry it on exclusively themselves.
To suffer our flag to be insulted and trampled upon without suitable atonement.
To put up with the insolence of Mr. Canning and the insolence of Mr. Jackson.
To submit to the continual and unbounded impressment of our seamen.
To acknowledge an inherent right in her to regulate commerce by orders in council.
Such are Mr. Jackson's "practical stipulations,"—such are the stipulations which he would substitute for our legitimate rights, which the same Mr. Jackson calls "notions."
And these rights are "erroneously" supposed by us to be so strong that Great Britain will cease to impress them.
In other words, England will "never cease" to violate the law. This, to be sure, is plain enough; if Mr. Jackson, had been so plain in all the other parts of his letters—if he had, on the affair of Erskine's arrangement, stated no more than he has done on this point, the Tories could not have held up their heads in their behalf. But (and it is remarkable) wherever he speaks of the arbitrary doctrines of his own government he is open and audacious—wherever he speaks of the constituted authorities, of the claims of America, he covers himself with a multitude of words.
If, then, our rights, in the eye of England, are mere "notions," mere cyphers, it is clear that England means to persevere in her outrage; it is manifest she means to proceed in the course she has done—to plunder, impress, & murder.
And shall we submit? Shall we yield to British plundering, and impressment, and murdering? Not at all. We disclaim the new-fangled notions of Chancery, as much as we disclaim the despotism of the French emperor;—we ask for nothing but what the law of nations justifies.
We ask, and will insist on, immunity from impressment of our seamen; a free transit for bona fide American property across the ocean, without paying duties in English ports; in short, we require to be treated as a neutral nation ought to be treated by belligerents.
If they will not grant us this; if under pleas of retaliation, the tyrant of the land and the tyrant of the ocean continue to rob, burn, murder, and imprison, we must be the basest of slaves to submit.
There is no recorded in all history the actions of a people so tame, so servile, so contemptible as we are, if we can, under accumulated wrongs, and injuries, and outrages, yield to the arrogant vanity and domineering career of France and England.
The vile herd of scribblers who rally under the banner of England, who connive with her minister, who plot, and struggle against their native land; who bellow like bulls or creak like pond-frogs against the constituted authorities of the United States, cannot move the body of the people to rebellion; cannot turn their hearts in favor of Great Britain; those scribblers are all "boil and bubble;" heated to the utterance of calumnies by English guineas; roused to exertions beyond their strength by what moneys they get, & by what they hope to get.
They are not the citizens—they are mere trumpeters, horn-blowers for Jackson the envoy, who sitting at New York, pulls the wires, and puts such men as Coleman, and Bronson and Wagner, in motion.
Their community nevertheless, will stand up for their rights: they will not mind the horn-blowers, the babbling retainers of Francis James Jackson. Let the scribblers make as much noise as they please; and create as much clatter as the rain's horns at Jericho, depend upon it the walls of the constitution will not fall down, the liberties and the independence of the nation will not be prostrated.
The rights of the United States are supported by multitudes of noble hearts, which under Divine Providence, are willing and able to protect them.
They do not rest upon pen's points, nor upon lazy, lounging, out-of-business, pettifoggers; but upon the nerves and sinews of a sturdy yeomanry, and a hardy race of seafaring men; by men, in fact, who, whatever Canning or Jackson may think of it, will insist and conquer their rights, whether they be denominated "notions" or otherwise.
Extract of a letter from Washington City dated Dec. 12, 1809.
The gentlemen who have visited Mr. J. G. Jackson, state that he will probably recover. I hope he may. I the federalists in the Senate were silent on his motion.
They are afraid—they are afraid to give up Jackson, and they are afraid to support him. In the House of Representatives, however, there will be less discretion.
Quincy is a sort of whipper in to the party, and ventures at random. Pickering and Hillhouse are old foxes, and not so easily caught. Some of the most respectable individuals approve administration—I mean out of doors. The Political Register, or Philadelphia, in particular, has distinguished itself for its candor. The editor Major Jackson, whatever may be his passion or prejudices, is certainly a great deal of American feeling."
COMMUNICATION.
THE WHEEL REVIVED;
OR NEW THEORY OF THE EARTH'S ROTATION BY MOTION.
We are happy to inform the public, that from a subject of conversation, but a short time ago, generally held here as trifling or only for mere mirth, the most satisfactory result to the mathematical and physical world is likely to ensue.
On the celebrated question "whether one point of a carriage wheel moved faster or slower than any other point in the same." Mr. John Wood, at present teacher of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in the institution styled "Girard's Academy," has written an ingenious work, which has just been published by Mr. Kitchener, editor of the Enquirer. In this work he has happily seized hold of the opportunity, and like any of those luminaries that have made the most important discoveries in the sciences, has, from this cause demonstrated a most astonishing effect. He boldly undertakes to deny in part the doctrine of authority of that Hercules in Physics, Sir Isaac Newton, and has satisfactorily explained what has before been held purely doubtful. Contrary to the doctrines of Newton or St. Pierre, that the earth's motion influenced tides and trade winds; he has also applied his New Theory to its effect on the atmosphere and the phenomena of motions and falling bodies; which last he has so agreeably and clearly explained, that no reasonable person can doubt him.
The first notices we had of him applying his instructive talents to this subject appeared in the Richmond papers. We thence dated our hopes, and are not disappointed—for, we doubt not its being the basis for an extensive and elaborate superstructure. Besides its novelty, the disseminating reader will perceive much profound study and research—and may justly hope for more easy access to the arena of nature. Indeed, the countenance to the work, such a host of M. thematics T. lens, as Bish p. Madison, Mr. G. Martin, Mr. Beckburne, &c. &c. augurs well for the literary reputation of our state—which, in eloquence and political economy, already supereminently outtops her sisters.
FIRE!
Between three and four o'clock yesterday morning, the watchmen discovered the commencement of a fire in the house occupied by Mr. Rose, milliner, near the Eagle Tavern; but such were the exertions of the citizens that it was immediately extinguished without much injury.
During the alarm a young lady leaped from a window of the third story, on having fortunately fallen on some beds was not much injured.
NEGROES FOR SALE.—By virtue of a trust deed executed to the undersigned by Henry Adams, for certain purposes therein expressed, will be sold at public auction, the said Adams, deceased, on Wednesday the 27th inst. under the provisions of the act of assembly entitled "an act concerning executions and for other purposes," one Negro Woman, named Julia, and her Four Children, or so many thereof as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of the said trust.
JESSE HIX. Chesterfield county, December 14th, 1809.
AT the same time and place, will be sold, to the highest bidder, on a credit of twelve months for all sum exceeding ten dollars, all the Personal Effects of the said Henry Adams, deceased, consisting of Negroes, Waggons, Horses and household furniture.
SALLY ADAMS, Administratrix.
SALE.—Will be sold, to the highest bidder, in Powhatan county, on Wednesday the 10th day of January 1810, on the plantation of the late James A. Bratby, due for ready money, between twenty and thirty Negroes Virginia born SLAVES, all the stock of cattle, hogs and horses, and some corn, fodder, &c. The plantation will also be rented or leased to the highest bidder on the same day.
SAMUEL BUTLER, Esq. of JAMES A. BRATBY. Surry, December 10th, 1809. 8tp
THE subscriber offers for sale one of the most VALUABLE LITTLE HIGH LAND PLANTATIONS, in the middle country, lying on the So. side of the Buckingham road, three miles above Powhatan courthouse, containing by a late survey 519 acres. It is about nine miles from James River; three from Appomattox, and in a neighborhood abounding with manufacturing mills. Not more than one hundred acres of this tract is cleared, and that (except ten acres) within the last seven years. A new overseer's house and kitchen, corn house and two good tobacco houses, are the only improvements at present. The scantling for a large barn is nearly ready and will be put up by Christmas. One third of the purchase money will be required in hand and the balance in one and two years, with interest, if not punctually paid, and a deed of trust on the land, to secure the two last payments. The purchaser will be permitted to sow wheat. Also, three lo's in Richmond, one adjoining Mr. Southgate's lot above Mrs. Singleton, and Nos. 27 and 28 in Duvall's plan. One fourth will be required on making the deed, another fourth in negotiable notes at six months, well endorsed, and the balance in twelve and eighteen months; secured by deed of trust on the lot.
I would also BARTER for NEGROES, nine UPPER APPOMATTOX CANAL SHARES, and a two year old BULLOCK Filly, out of a thorough bred Dare Devil Mare.
The land will be shewn by Mr. Adams, living thereon, and the price of all the above property by applying to William Randolph of Wilson, or the subscriber.
WM. BERKELEY. Powhatan, 23d July, 1809. 643

FOR SALE. 150 Boxes English Crown Glass, 12 14 10-12 8 10 50 Boxes Baltimore ditto 10 12 8-10 500 Kegs English White Lead 100 lb. Spanish Reddish Brown, 100 lb. Putty, 1500 lb Seine twine An extensive assortment of American and Swedish Iron, amongst which are 12 ton suits for Hoes and Axes, 2 ton American and German Steel, 12 Bales Cotton of a Superior quality, with our usual assortment of Groceries.  RUSSELL & WALLACE. Richmond, Nov 20, 1809 3m.
FOR SALE , between 4 and 500 acres of GLOUCESTER LOW GROUNDS— The valuable plantation called SHIP YARD belonging to the estate of the late Benjamin Dabney, situated on Ware River. It is well timbered and convenient for fish and oysters. Terms may be made known by application to T. G. SMITH, Ex'r. and SARAH DABNEY, Ex'trx. November 3, 1809. 2mp
FOR SALE, A TRACT OF LAND , in the county of Cumberland, within a mile of Farmville, containing four hundred acres, not quite half of which is cleared. The remainder is for the most part prime tobacco land, uncommonly well timbered and watered. The cleared land is generally in excellent heart. There are on the tract a commodious framed granary shed- ded all around and two tobacco houses.— The situation is esteemed uncommonly healthy. If not previously sold, it will be offered at public sale, on Friday the first day of December next, in the town of Farmville—where also, the subscriber has for sale an excellent well built small dwell- ing house with a commodious store house and lumber house adjoining, with good cel- lars, &c. Mr. EDWARD RADFORD, who lives ad- joining the land, will show it to any one disposed to purchase. JOHN RANDOLPH. November 1st, 1809. 6w
BOARDING FOR DELEGATES. WILLIAM RALEIGH, has taken the house belonging to David Bellock, Esq. west from the capitol, and lately occupied by William Witt, Esq. He can accommodate from 15 to 20, and shall make preparations for that purpose. He begs leave to inform his friends as well as those who may confide in him, that he will devote himself with the greatest at- tention to give satisfaction to them, as well as to obtain the approbation of his own mind. WILL BE SOLD, at Buckingham court- house, for ready money, on the 8th day of January next (it being court day) by virtue of a deed of trust executed by Charles Tully to Henry Rawlins and David Bell, as trustees, for the purpose of securing a debt herein mentioned due to the executor of John Adcock, Esq. A TRACT OF LAND, containing 140 acres, lying and being in the said county, between the two Buffalo creeks, branches of Willis's river, and in the neigh- bourhood of Cairo. HENRY RAWLINS, Surviving Trustee. Nov 9th, 1809. 4w
NOTICE —The subscriber being desir- ous of closing the executrixship of the late John Collins, most earnestly solicits all those indebted to discharge the same, as suits indiscriminately will be instituted against persons having claims will please exhibit them properly authenticated before the 1st of February next, as this notice will be plead at bar. CATHARINE DABNEY, Surviving Executrix of JOHN COLLINS, dec. December 1st, 1809. 3w
CASH will be given for a good male house servant and female cook. JOSEPH TRENT. Oct 27th, 1809. tf
TO BE RENTED , the large and com- modious TAVERN, and also the TAN- YARD, late the property of James Fowler, deceased, situated in the town of Carters- ville. Possession can be had immediately. For terms apply to THOS H. WALTON, Adm'r. with the will annexed of JAMES FOWLER, deceased. Cartersville, 29th November, 1809. 4w
FOR RENT —The House & Lot at pre- sent occupied by Mr. George Watt, situated on the east side of Snodgrass creek. For particulars apply to Mr. Watt or to JOSEPH GALLAGO. tf
THE Stockholders of the Goodland Manufacturing Society are hereby no- tified that the sum of five dollars on each share is called for by the President and Directors of said society, and is required to be paid to Thomas B. Watkins their treasurer, on or before the 10th day of Ja- nuary next. M. C. WATKINS, Clerk. December 3d, 1809. w3t
FOR SALE , a good HOUSE WENCH. FOR RENT, 3 TENEMENTS, with gardens and grounds for cultivation; and also large and convenient stables, all con- nected, suitable and well calculated for a place of entertainment—or each separate for private families. Enquire of LUMAN BISHOP. Manchester, December 6, 1809. 3w
JOSEPH & GEORGE MARK offer for sale on board the schooner Eyeria, 600 SACKS SALT, Twilled Sacks and well filled. They are in full expectation of receiving several thou- sand bushels LIVERPOOL GROUND SALT, which will be disposed of on reasonable terms. Richmond, 2d December, 1809. tf
THE Subscriber wishes to employ TWO good Workmen in the Wheel- wright business, to whom good wages will be given; the workmen may be at liberty to work by the piece—Also two Appren- tices are wanted to the Wheelwright bu- siness. A. Quarrier. Richmond, 8th Oct. 1809. [u]
NEW MEDICINE STORE. THE Subscriber has recently taken a store, near the Market Bridge, opposite Messrs. White and Shelton's, where they offer for sale a very general assortment of RUGS & ME- DICINES ; a few of which are enumerated, viz: Gum Aloes Annatto Asa Foetida Arabic Balsamic Camphor Myrrh Opium Copal Shell Lac Tragacanth Aqua Fortis Annatto Arrow-Root Camphor Cowhage Red and Pale Bark Cream Tartar Chamomile Flowers Magnesia Jalap Ipecac Caramel Tart Emetic Essence Sargamot Lemon Spruce Cloves Nutmegs Mace Cassia, &c. &c. &c.
ALSO A general assortment of PAINTS & DYING DRUGS—all of which will be sold as low as in any other store in this city. Medical practi- tioners and gentlemen who are in the habit of selling medicine in the country, will do well to call. VAIL & ROGERS. Richmond, 29th Aug. 1-09.
A BANK NOTE of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS, was taken from a black boy who called himself James Smith, & says he found it in the street—Not thinking it proper to let the boy keep it, I detained it for the proper owner, who may have it, on giving satisfactory evi- dence of his or their right to it and paying the expense of this advertisement. JOHN McDONALD. Richmond, March 10th, 1809. tf
IN COUNCIL , Sept. 19th, 1809. It is advised, that from and after the 1st day of January next, the Auditor be instructed in every case where any claim by virtue of an order or certificate of court is presented to him by a per- son whose name is not mentioned therein, to re- quire such person to produce also an order or power of Attorney from the individual in whose favor such order or Certificate of court was made, together with an affidavit of one witness at least, certified by a Magistrate or Notary Public, that such individual actually signed and acknowledged the same. And to give general information of this rule, it is advised, that a co- py hereof be published in the Virginia Argus, Enquirer, Petersburg Intelligencer, Norfolk Her- ald, Lynchburg Star, Staunton Eagle, and Win- chester Gazette, once a week, until the first day of January next. Extract from the Journal, (1809) DANIEL L. HYLTON, C. C.
VALUABLE LAND FOR SALE. —The subscriber intending to remove to one of the Southern States, in the course of fifteen or eighteen months, offers for sale the tract of land on which he now dwells. It contains, by a late survey, about eleven hundred and eighty acres, of which six hundred and fourteen are yet in woods. The soil is peculiarly suited to the pro- duction of wheat, and is excellent for corn and tobacco. The situation is remarkably healthy, and is only one mile from the navigation of Ap- pomattox. Those who wish to purchase, a good tract of land at a reasonable price, are invited to view this property. It should not be sold by private contract before the sixth day of January next, it will then be put up to the highest bidder, at Farmville, on a credit of one and two years. PETER JOHNSTON. Prince Edward, November 27th 1809. 4w
One Thousand Pounds WANTED, FOR their interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are in low grounds, now in cultivation lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer September 8, 1809. tf
REMOVAL. THE subscriber has removed near the Basin, where he continues to keep a house of  Private Entertainment. He has also for sale, a general assortment of GROCERIES. Likewise sells all kinds of country produce on commission. HENRIETTA PURYEAR. Richmond, May 17th, 1809. tf.
NEW STORE. THE SUBSCRIBER, Is now opening, opposite the GLOBE TAV- ERN, a General Assortment of Piece and Fancy  GOODS; AMONGST WHICH ARE, Superfine and Com. White and colour- mon Broad Cloths ed Habit do. Do. do. Cassimere. Cañoné Musins. Do. do. Coatings. Plain and Seeded Flannels. Moll. do. Fancy Vesting, Spid'er Nett and Red & Black Bom. Fancy Craps do. Bazzetts. Knotted and Sprig'd Worsted, Cotton & Leno, do. Silk Hosiery. Diagonal and Vein- Ginghams, ed do. do. Cotton Shirting, Elegant Worked Irish Linen and Dresses. Dowlas, Duto Silk Shawls & Fine and common Handkerchiefs. Printed Calicoes, Black Plain and Plain Velvets, Coloured Lustings. Cords, Plain, Silk and Fancy Umbrellas, Cy Cut Velvets, Threads, White Satin and Sewing Silks. Craps, &c. &c. &c. Extra long white and coloured Nal Gloves, JOHN WOOD. Richmond, Nov. 10, 1809. t. L.
20 Dollars Reward, IS offered for apprehending ANDREW, a ne- gro slave, who about the beginning of this month RUN AWAY from the subscriber resi- ding in the neighborhood of Amelia Court House. Andrew is about thirty years old an intelligent, active, small man, a good house and stable servant, drives a Carriage well, un- derstands a little of Shoemaking, and readily performs any kind of plantation lab. r. Some years ago he was in the service of Mr. Turner, at the Bell Tavern in Richmond, where I be- lieve he generally acted as hostler and after- wards last Christmas, was employed by Mr. Henry L. Biscoe of Manchester in his tobacco manufactory. He has a wife living at the Man- chester coal yard, a free mulatto woman named Sukey Hollinger, by whom I have reason to be- lieve he is secured. I will pay the above re- ward to any person who will deliver to me the above mentioned slave, or secure him in jail, so that I get him again. James Henderson. 20th June, 1809.
THE Subscriber being anxious to dis- charge his debts, offers for sale, that valuable Plantation, lying in Amelia coun- ty, on Flat Creek, containing upwards of 900 acres, a considerable quantity of which is very valuable meadow land. For terms apply to WILLIAM MURRAY. Grove-Brook, October 12th, 1809.
AS just received and offers for sale—Sivil- ly Madeira and Sherry Wine, by the hhd. and gr. cask; Green Coffee; Orleans Sugar by the hhd; German Paxillas Simplex by the piece or case; half point glass Tumblers, in cases of 1000 each—and New York Soap and Candles. ON HAND—Madeira Wine—Orleans and Muscavado Sugar—Green Coffee—Molasses— Prime Pork—Liverpool and Stone-Ware— Sonchong, Hyson Skin and Gunpowder Tea— Spanish Segars—Raisins—Almonds—Nutmegs— Window Glass—Men's and Women's Shoes —which he will dispose of by wholesale on rea- sonable terms. Richmond, 20th July 1809.
SHAPARD & LUCKE have received a general assortment of GROCERIES consisting of, Sugar, Coffee, W. I. Rum, Country Gin, Whiskey, Sherry and Mala- ga Wine, Pepper, Pimento, Ginger, Impe- rial Tea, English Mustard, Salt in Sacks, ALSO, Earthen, Glass, China, and Stone Ware; German, Crowley and Blistered Steel; Bar Iron, Nail Rods, Coal Leather, Writing, Wrapping and Printing Paper, Spanish Se- gars, Cotton Cards, Shot, Powder, Window Glass, Indigo, Copperas, Allum, Logwood, Cut Herrings, &c. &c. which they offer low for cash, country produce, or approved pa- per. N. B. Cash given for flour as usual. Nov. 6, 1809. wtf
RAGS. THE SUBSCRIBER WILL PAY THE HIGH- EST PRICE FOR LINNEN or COTTON  RAGS; (For the VIRGINIA MANUFACTORY.)
AND will contract with country Store- keepers for all they may be able to collect, which will be paid for in cash, on delivery at my store, near the Courthouse; where may be had a general assortment of GROCERIES, BOOTS, SHOES, & PA- TENT NAILS. WILLIAM FARR. Richmond, 22d Jan. 1809. w12m
In Pownall county court, October the 18th 1809. William Jenkins, assignee of Allen Bowles, } Plaintiff. AGAINST Samuel Owen and Joseph Mayo, ex- ecutor of David Owen, dec. Defs. } In Chancery.
IT appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant Samuel Owen is not an in- habitant of this commonwealth—Therefore it is ordered, on motion of the plaintiff by his attor- ney, that the said defendant Samuel Owen do appear here on or before the first day of Feb- ruary next, and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inser- ted in some one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months success- ively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A Copy—Teste, JAMES POINDEXTER, CLK.
VIRGINIA: At a superior court of chancery holden at the ca- pitol in the city of Richmond, the 15th day of October, 1809. Thomas Foster and Susanna his wife, which said Susanna is the daughter of John Mitchell, deceased, } Plaintiffs. AGAINST Robert Scott, administrator of John Mitchell, the said Robert Scott, administrator of Su- sanne Mitchell, and the same Robert Scott and Janet his wife, Thomas Holloway, adminis- trator of John Mitchell, junior, deceased, and Walter Logan and his wife, } Defendants. The defendants Walter Logan and his wife not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of as- sembly, and the rules of this court, and it ap- pearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs—and that a copy of this order be forth- with inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months success- ively, and posted at the front door of the ca- pitol in the said city. A Copy—Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c.
VIRGINIA: At a superior court of chancery holden at the capitol in the city of Richmond, the eigh- teenth day of September, 1809. Hugh Mercer, } Plaintiff. AGAINST Betty Green, } Defendant. THE defendant not having entered her ap- pearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that she is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff—and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months suc- cessively, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A Copy—Teste, PETER TINSL. c.
By virtue of two deeds of trust executed by Robert Campbell, one on the 16th of June, 1807, and the other on the 24th of September, 1807, for the purpose of secur- ing to Niel McCall, certain sums of money therein mentioned, will be sold, to the high- est bidder, at the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday, the 6th of January next, the following tracts or par- cels of LAND, belonging to the said Ro- bert Campbell—One tract lying on Cum- berland river, in the state of Kentucky, surveyed for John Crawford, by virtue of a military warrant, dated 6th January, 1785, numbered 2562, and containing four hun- dred and forty-four acres. Seven other tracts of Land adjoining each other, and containing five hundred acres each, lying in the county of Kanawha, on the waters of Sandy Creek, surveyed in October, 1778. The sale will be made a- greedly to the act of assembly, passed on the 31st of January last, entitled, an act con- cerning executions and for other purposes. And will be conducted by one or more of the TRUSTEES. Richmond, November 28th, 1809. wtds
BOOKS for Sale. JUST received and for sale by S. Pleasants Rich- mond, a few copies of the following valuable works:—The American Annual Register, vol. 4th—Bordley's Husbandry—Woman, a new no- vel by Miss. Owenson—Burder's Village Ser- mons—Gurney's System of Short hand, writing —Ferguson's Lectures, a new edition—Mar- shall's Life of Gen. Washington—Thomson's seasons, a cheap edition for the use of schools— Russell's ancient and modern Europe—Carey's general atlas, (the best collection of Maps yet made in this country)—Morse's Universal Geo- graphy—Goldsmith's Natural History—a general assortment of quarto Family Bibles, with and without plates, concordance, psalms, &c. &c. from $3 50, to $12 each—Gibson's surveying —American Clerk's Magazine—Walker's pro- nouncing Dictionary—also, school Bibles, Testa- ments and Spelling Books.
NOTICE —A petition will be presented to the next General Assembly, praying that a law may pass for selling the lands of Samuel Dixon, deceased, lying in the county of Han- over. The object of the said intended sale is to make a more beneficial division of the subject a- mong the subscribers. Mary Richard, Henry St. John Dixon, George Dixon, Rosanna Dixon and George Dixon, Jr. (who are the only heirs at law of the said Samuel Dixon) than it is believed can otherwise be effected, as the said Samuel Dixon died intestate, and some of the said sub- scribers are infants, and the said lands not sus- ceptible of an advantageous division. Mary Richard. Henry St. John Dixon. George Dixon. George Dixon, Junr. } By their near- est friend, Rosanna Dixon, } John Richard October 6th, 1809. wtf
NOTICE —Intend to petition the le- gislature at their next session for leave to convert one of my mills on Bear Garden Creek, near New Canton, into a manufac- turing mill, which shall be exempt from the necessity of grinding corn, while the of- ther it kept for that purpose. RANDOLPH HARRISON. October 3d, 1809. wtf
WILLIAM WARDLAW , inform- ing his friends that he is receiving by the PROTESTANTS from Liverpool, a large supply of VIALS, WINDOW GLASS  PAINTS ,—also by the POWHATAN from LONDON, a general assortment of ME- DICINE, SURGEON'S INSTRU- MENTS, AQUA FORTIS, &c. Richmond Nov. 1. (8w.)
NEGROES FOR SALE. —On Friday the 29th day of next month, will be sold, at Mecklenburg courthouse, to the highest bidder, 20 Likely Negroes, on 12 months credit, the purchasers giving bonds with approved security, bearing interest from the date, but such interest to be re- mitted in case of punctual payment. WM. MUNFORD. Richmond, Nov. 25th, 1809. tds
NOTICE —The subscriber having administered upon the Estate of the late Mr. JOHN HUGHES, sen. of Cumberland, and now Powhatan county, it is earnestly requested if there be any demands against that Estate, that they may be brought forward on or before the first day of Ja- nuary next, properly authenticated, and receive payment, as I intend to make a division of the residue of that Estate immediately after the said first day of January next, after which this adver- tisement will be plead in bar against any claim whatsoever. JOHN CUNLIFFE, Adm'r. with the will annexed. Coalpit, Chesterfield county, 15th Oct. 1809. (t. L.)
AT a meeting of the directors of the Richmond Turnpike Company on Wednesday evening, the 15th of Novem- ber, 1809. Resolved, That all shares of delinquent holders of shares in the said company be sold at the Washington Tavern in the city of Richmond on the 19th day of next month at 12 o'clock. Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share be paid by the share-holders in the company to the treasurer, on or before the first day of December next. A Copy. N. SHEPPARD, CLK.
NOTICE. NECESSITY compels me to make fur- ther application to all those who are indebted to the trustees of the Richmond Aca- demy, by sales of lottery tickets of the first and second class and voluntary sub- scriptions, and all such are hereby request- ed to make payment to the subscriber to enable the building committee to pay all ar- rears for work done, and to procure materials this winter in order to proceed with the work next spring, it being for the education of our rising progeny, which orna- ments and attaches them to republican prin- ciples and gives a spring to liberty and in- dependence. I have undertaken the collec- tion by agreement with John Brockenbrough and William W. Henning, Esqrs. the other members of the committee appointed by a board of trustees. As the building of the Academy has progressed considerably, I flatter myself there will be but little trou- ble in obtaining the money for the purpose of carrying into effect so laudable an insti- tution. ROBERT MITCHELL. December 8th, 1809. tf
FOR SALE , to the highest bidder, on the 20th of December next, on the prem- ises, a PARCEL OF GROUND, on the main street, at or near Rockers building, and ad- jacent to Lewis's wharf, belonging to the estate of Wilshire M. Lewis, dec. con- taining one hundred feet, or upwards, which will be divided into convenient lots for pur- chasers. Also, about 50 acres of LAND, bounded by the main Road and the lines of Mr. William Mayo, Mr. Blakey and Gil- lis's Creek, which will also be laid out into tenements to suit purchasers. The terms of payment will be made known on the day of sale. WALTER P. SHELTON, Executor of the said WILTSIRE M. LEWIS. November 29th 1809.
FOR SALE —A handsome, second hand, London built CHARIOT, which has been but little used and is in a good state of preservation. Apply to the printer, or to Mr. HUGHES, coach maker, opposite the Old Gay Tavern, where the carriage may be seen.
JUST RECEIVED, A general assortment of  Dutch Bolting Cloths, of superior quality, ALSO,  2 Piano Fortes. J. DARMSDATT. Richmond, Nov 21, 1809.
Penitentiary Store. THE subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary, offers for sale the following articles, the ma- nufacture of that institution, at very low prices at wholesale and retail.  CUT NAILS. Wholesale prices Retail prices. 3d 13 1-2 cents. 14 1-2 cents per lb. 4 13 14 6 12 13 8 11 12 10 10 1-2 11 1-2 12 10 1-2 11 1-2 20 10 1-2 11 1-2
CUT BRADS. 8d 10 1-2 11 1-2 10 10 11 12 Do. Do. 20 Do. Do.  SPRIGS. 3d 32 cts. p. lb. 50 per m. 4 22 1-2 67 6 17 84  WROUGHT NAILS. 6d 14 15 per lb. 8 13 1-2 14 1-2 10 13 14 12 12 1-2 13 1-2 20 12 13 30 12 13
Broad and narrow Axes, Matches, Hoes, Plough Shares & Coulters, Hinges, Wedges, Ham- mers, Fenders, Traces, Stretchers, and Ox Chains;—Bridle, Collars, Halter, Braces, Surcingles, Back Bands, Belly Bands, Breach- ing, Five Buckets, &c. &c.
Boots and Shoes. Fair tops, back straps, $ 9 Ditto plain 8 Suwarrow, 7 Half Boots, 5 Mens calf skin shoes lined & bound 1 06 12 1/2 Do. side leather, 7 56 a 96 Negro shoes (strong russet) 7 56 a 86 Womens leather shoes, thick soles, 7 56 Do. do. thin, do. 6 59 Do. do. slips, 6 59 Do. Morocco do. 7 56 Do. do. ties, 7 56 Girls leather shoes, 4 56 6 59 Boys do. 4 56 7 56 Any of the above articles made to order left at the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle Tavern. D. J. BURR. Richmond March 22, 1809. 6th July, 1809.—The price of Wrought Nails is raised half a cent per pound, by order of the Executive.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale at this Office the eight edition making near twenty thousand copies already sold, of the Life of  George Washington.
A Life how useful to his country led! How lovd, while living!—how reverd, now dead! Ye living Sires! with pleasure all attend, And read the History of your Glorious Friend. Lisp! Lisp his name, ye Children yet unborn! And with like deeds, your own bright lives adorn.