The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1805-06-04 00:00:00

G. Senior
The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM... (PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 8.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 4, 1805.
[VOLUME 2.]
Richmond Prices Current.
   D. C. D. C.     TOBACCO 5 50 a 6   FLOUR 9 50 a 10   WHEAT 8 a 9 50   INDIAN CORN 1 a 1 75   WHISKEY 5 a 5 25   BACON 50 a 60   HEMP 15   BAR IRON 180 200   110  
Just received, and for sale at RITCHIE and WORSLEY's book store, [Price one dollar and fifty cents and two dollars.]
A NEW SYSTEM OF MODERN GEOGRAPHY: Or a general Description of the most remarkable countries throughout the known world; their respective situations, extents, divisions, cities, rivers, mountains, soils and productions; their commerce, manners, customs and religions, together with their principal historical events and political importance in the great common-wealth of nations; compiled from the most modern systems of Geography, and the latest voyages and travels, and containing many important additions to the Geography of the United States that have never appeared in any other work of the kind, illustrated with eight maps, comprising the latest discoveries, and engraved by the first American artists, designed particularly for the use of schools. BY BENJAMIN DAVIES.
FOR CHERBOURG. The copper-bottomed ship MARATHA, Capt. PETRIE, burthen about 650 bds. having two thirds her cargo now engaged, is expected to sail about the 15th July, and will take 100 or 150 bds. tobacco on a moderate freight. For terms apply to JOHN NEWELL, Jr. Norfolk, or BROWN, RIVES & Co. Richmond. (ep4w)
THE SUBSCRIBER begs leave to inform his friends, and the public in general, that he has leased of Capt. Samuel Ellis, for a term of years, his white house at Rocketts, nearly opposite Mrs. Sarah Leffers lower Wharf; where he purposes carrying on the COMMISSION BUSINESS in its various branches. Merchants of this place, who are in the habit of making shipments, may frequently be furnished with good & substantial vessels to transport their commodities, by application to him. Those who may be pleased to employ him in this line of business, may rest themselves assured that every exertion in his power will be made, to render general satisfaction. He expects to be in the habit of receiving a very considerable quantity of Lumber of all kinds, suitable to this market, particularly half and three quarters inch Shingles, one hundred thousand of the former he imagines will be up in the course of ten or fourteen days, which will be sold on terms, not displeasing to the purchasers. Bacon, &c. will also be received by him. EDWARD FAULCON. May 31. (ep1m)
A LL persons having claims against the estate of the late Rev. Robert Ware, decd. of Middlesex county, are desired to bring them forward, properly authenticated, on or before the first day of September next, otherwise this advertisement will be plead in bar against all claims exhibited, after that date; as the subscriber is desirous to close his administration account as soon as possible. EDWARD WARE, Admin'r with the will annexed. Effex, May 31. [ep1m]
TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the subscriber, a negro wench, named NANCY, with a boy child a bout nine months old. She is a very black, flout wench—she has a very bad burn on the right side of her face, which injures one of her eyes. I bought her of Laurence Ashton in King George County, and she will endeavour to get there again. She got away about six miles from Hanover court house. She had on a striped home spun habit and a hat. She has very thick lips. I will give the above reward to any person that will deliver said wench and child to me, living in Greenfield County in Virginia, near Belfield town, or secure her in any jail so that I get her again. May 31. (34. 1.)
MILITARY CERTIFICATES. FOR SALE, Certificates of this state, bearing interest of 6 per cent. and receivable at the Treasury, for all arrearages of taxes, prior to the year 1798. WILLIAM PRICE, Cashr. Genl. M. A. S. May 10. (tf)
TO BE SOLD, To the highest bidder, on the premises, on the last Saturday in June next, SO much of the LAND, wherein John Kelfo lives, in the county of Cumberland, late the property of Peter Francisco, as will pay the balance claimed of him, by Samuel G. Adams, of J. 160, with its interest, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to me, by the said Peter Francisco, for that purpose. CREED TAYLOR, Trustee. May 17. (eptds.)
NOTICE. THAT by virtue of a Deed in Trust, I shall (as the assignee of John Barret, Esq. of Louisa county) on the 8th Monday in June next, being Henrico court day, expose to sale by Public Auction for ready money, before the door of the said Court-house, A TRACT OF LAND containing one hundred acres more or less, lying and being in the county of Henrico, on the Three Chopp's Road, being the same land, on which the late Thomas Ginnett, decd., resided in his life-time. This sale will be made to satisfy a debt with the interest due thereon, by Thomas Ginnett, decd. to John Barret, as surviving partner of Reid & Barret, together with the costs of executing this trust. SAMUEL M'CRAW, Assignee of the celsui que trust. May 7. (epds)
BURR MILL STONES, of all sizes; and PLASTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, at usual, at WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. Dec. 4. [ep1m]
WANTED IMMEDIATELY AT THE Washington Tavern: A YOUNG MAN qualified to act as BAR-KEEPER.—To one who can come recommended for sobriety and morality, liberal wages would be given. May 31. (30)
WILLIAM TEMPLE Has imported in the ship Rolla, Captain Cottle, from London—An Extensive Assortment of SPRING & SUMMER GOODS, which he offers for sale on liberal terms, by Wholesale and Retail.—And by the ship Shepperd, from Liverpool, daily expected, he will receive a very extensive and general assortment of HARDWARE & CUTLERY. April 30. (ep6w)
[BY AUTHORITY.] RICHMOND ACADEMY LOTTERY. CLASS No. II. 4000 Tickets at 10 dollars each, dolls. 40000 1 Prize of dolls. 10000 2 of 5000 5 of 1000 20 of 500 50 of 100 50 of 50 100 of 25 227 First drawn ticket after 500 are drawn, 500 after 1000 500 after 1500 500 after 2000 1000 after 2500 1000 after 3000 1000 after 3500 1000 after 3950 10000 The above Lottery will certainly commence drawing the first Monday in November, or sooner, if the tickets are sold. May 21. 4.
ELLIS & ALLAN Have received by the Rolls from London, part of their SPRING GOODS, amongst which are the following articles: LONDON Superfine Cloths and Cashmeres, Quiltings and Dimities, Handsome fashionable worked & laced Mullins, 3-4, 8-4 and 10-4 Diapers, 3-4, 8-4 and 10-16 Damask Table Cloths, Gentlemen's white and brown Cotton Stockings, Ladies' elegant laced white do. Do. Tortoise-shell bent and braid Combs, Chintzes, Callicoes and Furniture Gentlemen's black fashionable Hats, Do. drab beaver do. Do. do. patent silk do. Umbrellas, Boys' Morocco Caps, plain and furr'd, Belt Hemp Roles, English White Lead, Spanish Brown, Yellow Ocre, ground in oil, and Verdigris, Prussian and Fig Blue, Best Boiled Oil in jar, Durham Mustard, &c. &c. Which, added to their present stock, and those expected (daily) from Liverpool, will render their assortment general. May 7. (ep1f)
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET (RICHMOND.) MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported BOOTS and SHOES, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were on the spot. A—the length of the Boot—C—round the Calf—B—the pitch of ditto—D—round the heel and instep—E—round the instep—G—across the ball of the foot—F—the heel against a perpendicular, and a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. January 1. ep1f
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. LOST, on Saturday last (in Henrico Court-House, or in the streets between that and the residence of the subscriber) A BUNDLE OF PAPERS, marked "Henrico May term, 1805." Within this bundle, were manifests for twenty hogsheads tobacco, sundry accounts, notes and other documents, relative to suits depending in that court, and were subdivided into six bundles, and marked 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th and 6th day. Those papers cannot be of any possible utility to any one except the subscriber and his clients—the tobacco mentioned in the manifests having been some time since delivered by the Inspectors at Shockoe warehouse, and shipped. Upon a delivery of those papers I will give the above reward, and ask no questions in relation to them. But if Rosen I will give ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS for such information as may lead to a conviction of the culprit. Richmond, May 17. tf
SAML. M'CRAW. FOR SALE OR LEASE: THAT large and convenient TAVERN, situated in the centre of the town of Lynchburg, at the corner of the street leading to the court-house and jail, and not more than thirty yards from both, opposite Lynch's warehouse and the street leading from the ferry in the said town. The Tavern contains four rooms and a bar on the first floor, including two very large rooms suitable for a ball and dining room, with a lining partition to the ball room. The second floor contains six rooms, one the size of the ball room and the others suitable for lodging rooms, with an excellent garret. This Tavern has a large portion the full length of the house, also a good dry cellar, and a well opposite the door, together with a kitchen, smoke-house, dairy and a stable with twenty-two stalls therein, with a spacious garden and yard leading to the stable. Other improvements will be made to suit the purchaser or lessee. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, or say more as to the advantage arising from its central and eligible situation for a Tavern, as it is presumed no person would be inclined to purchase or lease the above property without viewing the premises, there being no doubt but they would be better satisfied after seeing the convenient situation, than any information they could get from this advertisement. A liberal credit will be given any person desirous of the purchase or an advantageous lease. For further particulars, apply to William Rose, jun. Richmond, or the subscriber, residing about three miles from Lynchburg. SAMUEL SCOTT. April 30.
HE subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public at large, that he has obtained a commission for the exercise of the duties of a NOTARY PUBLIC, in and for this city; and that any business committed to him shall meet with prompt dispatch. SAMUEL M'CRAW. May 21.
MOUNT SION FOR SALE. THE subscriber offers for sale, his Plantation in Northumberland county, known by the name of MOUNT SION. The above tract contains about 300 acres, all of which is equal to any land in that part of the country for fertility of soil, and has every requisite to make it a desirable situation for a central family. There is on the land an excellent brick dwelling house, with every convenient out house; it is situated on the navigable waters of the Potomack, and commands an elegant view of the river; it is very convenient to Alexandria, Norfolk, &c. and is within one day's sail of Alexandria, Norfolk, and Baltimore. Terms of the sale will be made known by application to Mr. Henry Ball, who resides on the land, or to the subscriber. JESSELL JONES. May 3. ep1f
VALUABLE PROPERTY. The subscriber desires to close his business in this place as soon as possible, is induced to offer for sale, the following valuable property, viz. A CONVENIENT two story dwelling house, 24 feet square, having one room and a passage on the lower floor, two rooms on the second floor, and two good rooms in the garret, a cellar with plank floor, and divided into three apartments, one used for cooking; the yard enclosed with a brick wall seven feet high, the whole in good repair. This tenement is situated near the Bell-Tavern, on the cross street leading to the Rock landing, and is insured in the Mutual Insurance company, against fire in the state of Virginia, and the premiums paid. Eleven unimproved half acre Lots, on Shockoe-Hill. 600 acres Military land in Kanawha county, on the waters of Oldtown creek, a branch of Ohio river, being a grant made to George Muff, Adam Stevens, Andrew Lewis and others, in the year 1772. 25 tracts of Land in Montgomery county, containing 32,172 3/4 acres, the whole patented in my name, viz. 4000 acres surveyed 3d April, 1736 in Montgomery county, on Cole river. 2080 acres surveyed 24th July, 1786 in same county, on 16 mile creek, adjoining the late General Washington's survey on Kanawha river. 3062 3/4 acres surveyed 23d July, 1786, in same county, on Loop waters, waters of New-river. 1000 acres surveyed 13th May, 1786 in same county, on the Ohio river. 2310 acres surveyed 5th April, 1787 in same county, south of a creek running into Cole river. 2138 acres surveyed 21st February, 1787 in same county, on Cole river. 320 acres surveyed 3d February, 1787 in same county, on the waters of Cooper's creek and Little Blue floue. 1300 acres surveyed 16th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of the south fork of Cole river, that heads against Guyandott. 95 acres surveyed 10th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Glade creek. 78 acres surveyed 8th Feb. 1787 in same county, on a branch emptying into Glade creek on the south side of the farm, and about one mile above the ford of said creek. 500 acres surveyed 10th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the north fork of Mud river, that heads against Guyandott. 1500 acres surveyed 12th May, 1786 in same county, on Ohio river. 2000 acres surveyed 8th May, 1786 in same county, on the great Kanawha. 1000 acres surveyed 16th May, 1786 in same county and on ditto. 265 acres surveyed 8th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head of Glade creek. 214 acres surveyed 7th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the waters of Glade creek, on the south side thereof. 135 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the west end of Joe's Ridge, and on the waters of Glade creek. 154 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county on Joe's ridge. 223 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county, on Joe's ridge, and the waters of Glade and Cooper's creek. 414 acres surveyed 22d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the second fork of Cole River, on the road crossing from Piney river to Guyandott. 2000 acres surveyed 20th Feb. 1787 in same county, under the big pipe stem knob, and running down both sides of the creek. 415 acres surveyed 4th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the waters of Coopers creek, and Joe's ridge. 380 acres surveyed 3d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Cooper's creek. 3338 acres surveyed 20th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the south fork of Cole river. 1545 acres surveyed 2d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of little blue floue, about half a mile north from the White Oak creek. Three tracts of land in Monongalia county, patented in my name, viz. 350 acres by survey 1st June, 1796 in Monongalia county, adjoining Matthew Richey's land, and the Randolph county line, on waters of Cheat river. 400 acres surveyed 20th October, 1797 in same county, adjoining lands of Abner Harper, above the mouth of White Dry creek. 400 Acres surveyed 15th Nov. 1797 in same county, adjoining Peter Drago, on Finchie's run, to include an improvement made in the year 1773. 1000 acres in same county, on the west of Cheat river, above the lands of Thos. Butler. 800 acres in same county, on Buffalo creek, on a preemption right of David Gray. 250 acres in Greenbrier county, on Little Deer creek, adjoining lands of Joseph McClure. 891 acres in Montgomery county, surveyed 1st August, 1787, on the waters of Piney river & Paint creek, waters of Kanawha river. 435 acres in Montgomery county, surveyed 20th June 1786, joining the lands of Joseph Eaton, Richard Muff, and James McCrindle. 230 acres in Wythe county, surveyed 4th Nov. 1795, on the Led Mine Mill creek. 150 acres in Albemarle county, patent dated 5th July, 1787, on William Hill creek, waters of Buck Island creek. One undivided moiety of five lots, in the town of Winchester, No's 89, 90, 100, 101, and 109. The above will be sold very low, and the terms made known on application to Wm. AUSTIN. Richmond, April 9. (tf)
BROKER'S OFFICE. THE Subscriber has opened a Broker's Office, opposite the Union Tavern, and over the Counting-house of Thomas and Ames Ladd. All business confided to him, will be transacted with great fidelity. THOMAS NORVELL. He has for sale—A FEW SHARES IN THE MANCHESTER TURNPIKE. Also—Old State Certificates, bearing six per cent interest. March 12. tf
A FEW HUNDRED EXCELLENT QUILLS FOR SALE AT THE ENQUIRER OFFICE.
Pleadings of Counsel, ON THE IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21.
[Mr. Campbell's speech concluded.]
The next charge to be inquired into is that stated in the third article, in rejecting the evidence of Colonel Taylor, a material witness in favor of the defendant, on the pretence that he could not prove the truth of the whole of one charge. In this instance the judge acted contrary to all former precedents in courts of justice, and without the shadow of law or reason to justify his conduct. Not a solitary case could be stated by any of the witnesses of a similar conduct in a judge. The rule here adopted, with regard to the admissibility of evidence would decide the jury of their undoubted right to decide on the credibility and weight of evidence, as well as on the extent to which it proved the matter in question: would transfer in substance this right to the court, and thereby make to its very centre the fabric so justly admired and held so sacred, of trial by jury . It would make it necessary for the party to present to the court, all the evidence relied upon to make out his case. This evidence the court or judge would first deliberately examine, compare it with the charges or case to be supported, and if it did not, in his opinion, prove the whole of one charge, or go the whole extent of the case to be established by it, he would reject it, and not permit the jury to hear it. This would strip the jury of the very prerogative that renders this kind of trial so much superior to all others, that of deciding on the weight and credit of evidence. There is a manifest distinction between the right which a judge has to decide upon the admissibility of evidence, on the ground of its being proper or improper according to the established rules of law, and the right here assumed of deciding upon the extent to which such evidence, that is admitted to relate to the matter in question, will go to support the case: the former is the exercise of a proper authority to prevent the admission of extraneous and improper matter, wholly irrelevant to the matter in question; the latter is an arbitrary assumption of power, to decide on the extent to which evidence admitted to be relevant, at least in some degree, would go to prove the matter in question; and is a direct innovation on the most sacred privilege in the jury. Nothing can be more absurd and dangerous, than the consequences that would flow from such a doctrine. The judge would first weigh the evidence himself, measure its extent, reject it at pleasure, and call this a trial by jury. But I must here be permitted to notice the reasoning resorted to by the judge in his answer, to excuse his conduct on this occasion, which is as dangerous and absurd, in its consequences, as it is futile and evasive. It is stated by the judge, that the plea of justification must answer the whole charge, or it is bad on the demurrer; and that when the matter of defence may be given in evidence without being formally pleaded, the same rules prevail. This doctrine of the judge would require the party to show, that the evidence he offered would cover the whole of his case, with the same exactness and formality that he would file a plea to avoid being held bad on a demurrer: thus narrowing down the province of the jury, and subjecting the decision of all the facts as well as the law to the court. There is no rule of law to warrant such a proceeding, and it is manifestly contrary to all reasoning on the subject. The plea, in order to be good, must state matter sufficient to justify that part of the charge or suit to which it is put in; the demurrer admits all the facts stated in the plea that are well pleaded, but cannot admit facts that are not stated in it; therefore the plea must appear to contain sufficient matter of justification, or it will be held bad on demurrer; but no such rule was ever heard of before to apply to evidence offered to a jury. They alone are the proper and only tribunal to decide whether the evidence offered and given is sufficient to prove the whole matter in dispute or not; and if the jury be deprived of this right, there is nothing left them that deserves the name of a trial. The judge infers, if he was mistaken it was an error of judgment. This cannot be presumed. Ignorance of the law is no excuse in any man; but in a character of such high legal standing and known abilities as that of the accused, it is totally inadmissible and not to be presumed. How could any judge with upright intentions commit so many errors, or hit upon so many mistakes in the course of one trial, as are manifest in that of Callender. They must have been the result of design, and a predetermined to bear down all opposition in order to convict and punish the defendant. But it is stated that judge Griffin concurred with him in opinion, and this is insisted upon by the accused in different parts of his answer, as an excuse for the errors he committed, if, as he states, they were errors. This seems to be a kind of forlorn hope resorted to, when all other expedients fail. To this argument of the judge I would in this place answer once for all, that it can be no excuse for him, nor any justification of his offences, that another has been equally guilty with himself; and it must strongly prove the weakness of his defence to rely upon this ground. Though judge Griffin has not yet been called to an account for his conduct on this occasion, that is no reason why he should not hereafter be made to answer for it. The nation has not said he was innocent, or that he will not be proceeded against for this conduct; and there is no limitation of time that would screen him from the effects of charges of this kind, if they should be brought forward and supported against him hereafter. No ground of excuse therefore can arise from the circumstance of judge Griffin not having been called upon to answer for his conduct in this respect. I will now proceed to notice very briefly the conduct of the judge in the subsequent part of this trial. Compelling the defendant's counsel to aduce to writing all questions to be asked the witness, was a direct innovation on the practice in our courts of justice, and tended to embarrass the management of and weaken the defence. It is proved by the testimony of all the witnesses, that no such practice ever prevailed in our courts of justice, for such a purpose as that avowed in this instance; the only cases in which it is required to reduce to writing questions to be asked a witness, and the only cases in
which it can be proper or consistent with reason and justice to do so, are those in which an objection is made to a question proposed to be asked, on the ground of its being improper and contrary to the rules of evidence; and in order to ascertain the precise meaning and effect of the question, so as to decide on the objection made to it, it may be proper to require it to be reduced to writing, but it never was before done, so far as we can discover, for the purpose of ascertaining how far the witness could prove the matter in question, and whether he could prove the whole of one charge or not, and thereby decide whether the witness should or should not be examined. According to this rule the judge would first try the cause himself upon the evidence offered, by the questions thus reduced to writing, and if he did not consider such evidence fully sufficient to support the whole of the charge or case to which it was offered, he would reject it, and not permit the jury to hear a word of it, lest they might consider it stronger than he did, and give it sufficient weight to support the case to which it was offered. This mode of proceeding was left to be discovered and adopted by judge Chase. No other court or judge ever attempted in this manner to trifle with the rights of the jury, and establish a doctrine so tyrannical and oppressive; but this is in perfect conformity with the whole of his conduct on this occasion; a preconceived system of oppression, to bring the defendant, Callender, to certain conviction and punishment. For the same purpose the defendant's counsel were ridiculed, treated with indignity, and the whole audience entertained at their expence. They were frequently and abruptly interrupted in perverting the law, in order to impose upon and deceive the multitude; called by way of derision, and treated as mere mushrooms of the day, who ought to cringe submissively when they appear before a circuit court in which the honorable judge presided. He was factious, witty, and fierce, as the occasion required; and it is pretended there can be no harm in this; it was all in jest and good humour! It is too serious a matter, Mr. President, for judges to jest and trifle with the rights and liberties of the citizen. Though this proceeding was levelled immediately at the counsel, it was the defendant who was the principal object of resentment, who was intended to be made an example of, and who felt the injury and became liable to the consequences of such illegal and unjust conduct of the judge. Barely to notice the conduct of the respondent, at New-Castle, in Delaware, as charged in the seventh article, is sufficient to show that he was there actuated by the same spirit of persecution and oppression that has, as already stated, marked the whole of his conduct during the course of these transactions. That he should descend from the elevated and dignified station in which he was placed as a judge, to hunt for crimes as a common informer against his fellow-citizens; urge the jury to take notice of, and present certain persons sufficiently designated, though not named; and press the attorney for the district to search for evidence among the files of newspapers to support a prosecution, was degrading to the sacred character of a judge, and was perverting the judicial authority to a mere engine of persecution to answer party purposes. Of the same complexion with this is the conduct of the respondent in delivering an inflammatory and disorganizing charge to the grand jury at Baltimore, as stated in the eighth article of the impeachment. This proceeding evinced a mind inflamed by party spirit and political intolerance; it was calculated to disturb the peace of the community, and alarm the people at the measures of government; to force them by the terror of judicial denunciation to relinquish their own political sentiments and adopt those of the judge. This was the favorite object of this whole proceeding, and to obtain it no means were left untried. It was attempted to excite the fears of the public mind, to destroy the confidence of the people in the administration of their government. The judicial authority was prostituted to party purposes, and the fountains of justice were corrupted by this poisonous spirit of persecution, that seemed determined to bear down all opposition in order to succeed in a favorite object. Citizens of all descriptions felt alarmed at this new and unusual conduct. All the counsel at the bar, wherever the respondent went, though consisting of the ablest and most enlightened in the nation, were agitated into a general ferment, and the whole community seemed shocked at such outrages upon common sense; for to go to trial was to go to certain conviction. Is this, Mr. President, the character that ought to distinguish the judiciary of the United States? No, Sir. The streams of justice that flow from the American bench, ought to be as pure as the sun beams that light up the morning. The accused should come before the court, with a well-founded confidence that the law will be administered to him with justice, impartiality and mercy. When this is the case, he submits without a murmur to his fate, and hears the sentence of condemnation pronounced against him, with a mind that must approve the justice of the law, and the impartiality of those who administer it.
The decision of this cause may form an important era in the annals of our country. Future generations are interested in the event. It may determine a question all-important to the American people; whether the laws of our country are to govern, or the arbitrary will of those who are entrusted with their administration. Mr. President, we, on this important occasion, behold the rights and liberties of the American people, hover round this honorable tribunal, about to be established on a firm basis by the decision you will make, or float on the ocean of uncertainty, to be tossed to and fro by the capricious breath of usurped power and innovation.
TO BE SOLD, On liberal credit, and in lots to suit purchasers. FROM two hundred and fifty to three hundred acres of LAND, in the county of Henrico, about four miles from Richmond—a distance which renders it but little liable to pillage, yet sufficiently near to one of the best and most improving markets in the United States. The advantage of small farms near large towns, are so obvious and generally admitted, as not to require particular enumeration. Persons residing in the city, with large families, and who are obliged to keep horses, would be able in one year to have more than the original purchase. For further particular enquiry at Mr. Thomas Norvell. May 14. [ep1f]

East-Indies.
HOLKAR. —The following account of this celebrated General, and the war in which he is at present engaged with the British in India, is given in a late London paper, & stated to be derived from official papers laid before Parliament.  JESHWUNT HOLKAR , is not the legitimate heir of the Holkar family; but has by violence and usurpation, possessed himself of the dominions of the lawful representative of the family, Cahjee Rao Holkar . Jeshwunt, however, has made himself one of the most powerful princes in India, and has raised an army which is far greater than all the dominions that ever belonged to the Holkar family would be able to maintain. The only resource upon which he calculated for supporting such an army, was the plunder of the surrounding nations, and the tribute that he could extract from them. He had already driven his lawful sovereign, the Peshwa, from his capital of Poona, when the British government found themselves obliged to interfere and protect the Peshwa. Holkar then fell back for a while, and appeared neutral during the war between the Company and Scindia. In the course of that war, however, the British arms met with the most brilliant success; and many of the native powers, whom Holkar had been in the habit of plundering, put themselves under the protection and alliances of the Company. The governor general then owed those nations the protection of the British power. He signified to Holkar, that although the influence he had justly obtained with the Peshwa would entitle him to demand the restoration of Cahjee Rao Holkar to his territories, yet he did not wish to interfere in this point, or to dispute his titles to the territories of which he was now master; but that he could not suffer the allies of the Company to be invaded or plundered, and that the continuance of peace depended upon his confining himself to his own dominions. As he has chosen war, the government of India have expressed their intention of reducing him to his original insignificance, and restoring to their possession those princes of his family, which he has drove out.
European Intelligence.
SALEM, May 28.
Amidst all the fears of invasion at home, the English find the greatest necessity of their most vigorous exertions to defend their colonies. The state of the West-Indies at this critical period has been explained to them by some very interesting occurrences, and by many alarms which will prove groundless. The affairs in the East-Indies also remain uncertain. It is not to be expected that any government will publish events which might be very injurious to their colonies and which admit of a secrecy, very easily observed, as experience has shown, till investigation could never be obtained. It is well known that the English contend with the greatest power in India. We hear of three naval commands in India, for the greater security of commerce. The English persevere in their researches, and from some powerful examples, an ambition has been excited which will eventually give the full command of the literary as well as other treasures of the east. The Bengalese is now faithfully taught, and the zeal of christians is daily furnishing in the Arabic, Persian, and Hindostan languages, the most valuable christian scriptures. Even the dialects of the country are not forgotten. A gospel of Matthew in the Turkish, is in great forwardness. The English have found that the means to administer justice according to the laws of India, and to increase an acquaintance with European manners, have contributed to give a stability to the friendship of the Asiatics, and a strength to the English governments in India.
The European papers speak of the influence of Prussia in quieting the temper of Sweden. The situation of Pomerania is not forgotten by these powers, and the continual acquisitions which Prussia has made in that country, with its more convenient situation for Prussian than Swedish government, has not been a circumstance forgotten by the French. It was an important object to the late king of Prussia, to furnish Prussian Pomerania with a most useful population, and he had great success in his attempt. The whole revenue of both the Swedish Pomeranias, in 1753, gave only 124,000 rix dollars, when Prussian Pomerania gave annually 800,000. And in 1785, the Swedish territories did not double their revenue. In 1775, in Prussian Pomerania, were 389,323 men. In 1776, the towns gave 24,764, and the lands 306,752, making 401,516, but in 1777, 405,368. The Swedish part gave in 1781, 100,549, exclusive of the militia, and in 1790, 105,826. From Stettin, in 1756, failed, 1671 vessels, in 1777, 1148; in 1786, 1131. This is the capital of Prussia's capital of Prussian Pomerania. From the Swedish ports, in 1780, were exported, 10,628 lasts of grain, of different kinds. By the treaty of Westphalia, all the Hither Pomerania, with Rugen, and the Hinder Pomerania, Stettin, Garz, Dam, Gollnow, the island of Wollin, the Oder, and the Frischen Haf, with its three outlets, were assigned to Sweden. But by the northern war, and the peace of Stockholm, in 1720, Sweden lost the greater part of the Hither Pomerania, ceding to Prussia the city of Stettin, the country between the Oder and the Peene, the island of Wollin and Usedom, the mouths of the Swina, Divenow, the Frischen, Haf and Oder, at its conflux into the Peene, making the Peene the boundary. At the Diet of Pomerania, each have a vote, Sweden having been assigned at 128 rix dollars, and Prussia at 270, and Prussia bears the arms of Pomerania. In the principal places belonging at present to Sweden, the population is given in 1790, at 11,253. Greifswalde, at 5335. Wolgast, at 3516. Barth, at 3,000, and Bergen at 1435. In the Prussian part, Stettin has 16,249. Stargard, 5919. Colberg, 4178. Colsin, 3046 besides other large towns. When we recollect that the whole country is contiguous to Prussia, and recollect how much this kingdom has profited from the weakness of its neighbours, we may expect that the thousand square miles which Sweden holds, will under some pretence be alienated, to assist the increasing power of Prussia. The French know how to profit from this situation of the Swedish territory, and how to flatter the present pacific policy of Prussia. Register.
NEW-YORK, May 24.
By the British Packet, we have received our regular files of London papers and Lloyd's List to the 7th of April. Though not so late, by two days, as the accounts received via Boston, in glancing at their contents we perceive several articles of an interesting nature, which we shall occasionally extract.  The news of the arrival of the French fleet in the West-Indies, and their successful attack on Dominica, reached England the beginning of April, but had not produced so strong a sensation as might have been expected.  The papers in April are principally occupied with observations on the case of Lord Melville,
who has been charged by the Commissioners of Naval Enquiry of applying the public money, while Treasurer of the Navy, to purposes of private emolument.
Ship Columbia, for Philadelphia, failed from London the 24th March, and was wind-bound in the Downs, 4th April.
LONDON, April 3. —It was reported yesterday, that the French government had ordered 30,000 troops to enter Portugal immediately.
L'Abbe Alaric is said to be among the persons lately arrested at Paris, charged with being concerned in the new pretended conspiracy.  April 4. —By private letters, with the perusal of which we have been favoured, we learn that M. Batz, Deputy for the states of Wirttemberg, at Vienna, was arrested thereupon the requisition of the elector of Wirttemberg, being accused of a conspiracy, of which it was the object to assassinate the Elector, and his principal minister of state. Mr. Klupfelt, Deputy from the states of Wirttemberg, is full at Vienna. Both of these Gentlemen are unfriendly to the Elector, who lately demanded that they should be sent away from Vienna; a request which was refused at the time.
Sir George Rumbolt is at Berlin. On the 13th of March, a French futter was shot at Hanover, convicted (as it is stated in the sentence of the military commission) of Espionage, of crimping, and of corresponding with Mr. Pitt!
It will be remarkable, should the reported interview absolutely take place in Italy between Francis and Napoleon, that though only making two persons, it will be an interview of three Emperors, and three or four Kings; for it will consist of an imperial and royal Congress of the Emperors of Germany, Austria, and France, the Kings of Hungary, Bohemia, Italy, &c. &c.
At the Whig Club, on Tuesday Mr. Fox alluded to the disclosures in the Tenth Report of the Naval Commissioners, which have excited such a spirit in the country. He observed that, as a Member of Parliament, it would not become him to pronounce any decisive opinion as to the noble Lord who was unhappily implicated; but as to the practices imputed to him, he trusted that the vote of the house of Commons would strongly reprobate and censure them. He did not think it proper to say more. As to the Catholic Petition, he thought it a very great honor to have been selected as one of the persons to present it to Parliament. Major Cartwright took occasion to inform the Meeting that measures had been taken to assemble the Freeholders of Middlesex, in order to address the Crown for the dismissal of Lord Melville from his Majesty's Councils and presence forever, and that he understood a similar meeting would shortly take place, for the same object in the county of Surrey.
Unfortunate Adventure in High Life. —An event has lately taken place in high life, which whilst it occupies the attention and engrosses the conversation of the whole of the fashionable world, has excited the astonishment of every individual acquainted with the parties. The circumstance is as follows: It is roundly asserted, and the report is generally credited, that a certain lady of distinguished rank has lately lost at the Faro Bank of a titled dame, a sum of money little short of half a million sterling. Even family connections are said to be by this unfortunate affair so deeply involved, that the carriages, horses and servants, are all upon the wisp, i.e. the former shortly to be consigned to the hammer, and the latter discharged. The whole of the transaction, and the motives which produced it, appear to inexplicable that time only can develop the seeming mystery. Although a bond is said to have been given for the amount of the sum lost, yet the husband is advised to litigate the matter.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT,
HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 1.
Tenth Report of Naval Enquiry.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer with a view to the discussion which stood for Thursday next, thought it desirable to have the house put in possession of every possible information that might enable it to come to a just decision on this important subject. It was material that the discussion should not be unnecessarily protracted, but it was also to be wished that every assistance should be afforded to the judgment of the house. With this view it was that he proposed to submit a motion to the house for the production of a letter written by Lord Viscount Melville to the Commissioners of Naval Enquiry on Thursday the 28th of March, in elucidation of some points in his Lordship's case, which would be important to have before the house previous to its final decision on this question. He was not aware of any objection to his motion, but if any should exist, he should content himself in the present instance with a notice for to-morrow. As the printing of this letter would take up some time and gentlemen would require also time to consider its contents, in order to come to the discussion fully prepared, he submitted whether it would not be desirable to have the notice for Thursday withdrawn, and some early day in the ensuing week fixed instead of it.
Mr. Fox asked across the table, whether any answer had been returned to this letter?  The Chancellor of the Exchequer was not aware that any answer had been sent, but was desirous that all the papers relating to the subject should be laid before the house and printed for the information of gentlemen.
Mr. Grey in the absence of his hon. friend (Mr. Whitbread) felt it impossible to say whether he would consent to put off his motion to next week. Of this, however, he was certain that it was the wish of his hon. friend, that opportunities of information should be afforded to the house. He agreed with the right hon. gentleman, that the discussion of this important question should not be protracted. He thought that by deferring the motion till Friday, sufficient time would be afforded, and suggested the propriety of adding to the hon. gentleman's motion, a copy of any answer or proceeding thereon.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer thought that Monday would be the earliest day when the house could be prepared for the discussion if the hon. member, (Mr. Francis) who had a motion for that day, would consent to defer it. If it should appear on the production of the letter, that any further proceedings had been taken upon it, they also would be necessary to be laid on the table, which would require further time.
Mr. Fox was of opinion that Friday would be the most convenient day. The house was already completely in possession of the Report, and it would not require much time to examine this fresh document. Besides, gentlemen were aware how difficult it would be to have a full attendance in session week.
Mr. Francis made some objection to a further delay of his motion, which had already been put off to accommodate the other side of the house.
But on the suggestion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Francis's motion relative to
the present state of India, was fixed for Friday next, and Mr. Grey consented to put off his notice on the part of his hon. friend to Monday, under an understanding on all sides, that no further delay should take place, unless something not then foreseen, should occur to render it necessary.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer then moved "that there be laid before the house a copy of the letter of Lord Viscount Melville, dated the 28th of March, to the Commissioners of Naval Enquiry; and also, a copy of any proceedings had thereon, or of any answer thereto by the said Commissioners of Naval Enquiry."
LONDON, April 2.  It will be seen by our Parliamentary Report, that Mr. Whitbread's motion relative to the Tenth Report of the Commissioners of Naval Enquiry has been put off from Thursday to Monday next. Some further papers, which are necessary to place the question fully and fairly in all its bearings before the house, have been moved for by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and principally a communication from Lord Melville to the Commissioners, on Thursday last, which will require some time to be printed; and on this ground the delay was suggested by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Nothing certainly, can be more reasonable than the grounds of this delay. Every opportunity should be afforded the accused party of justifying his conduct; and, for our own part, until we have heard both sides of the question, we conceive it would ill become the inflexible impartiality of our character, to pronounce any judgment whatever upon its merits. In due time, the public, we trust, will find us not wanting in the duty we owe it, or deserting our post when the country demands our exertion.
NEW-YORK, May 25.
The fast sailing ship Hardware , Captain Mattack, arrived at this port last evening in 39 days from Liverpool; and the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser is indebted to the politeness of Captain Mattack for London papers to the evening of the 11th of April, four days later than any previous advices. They are almost entirely occupied with the proceedings of the House of Commons on the delinquency of Lord Melville, who has been charged with converting the public money to his own emolument. We have copied the outlines of the decision of the House.
Merc. Adv.
LONDON, April 10.
We received late last night Paris Papers to the 4th, and Dutch to the 7th. They confirm the intelligence we communicated a day or two ago, that the Spanish fleet at Cadiz being ready for sea; its force is stated to be twelve sail of the line, and two or three frigates; it is now in the outer road of Cadiz. The activity of preparations at Toulon has induced a belief that the fleet will again, if it has not already, put to sea. Admiral Cochrane's being off the Tagus, is mentioned in an article from Lisbon of the 6th.
A paper printed at Lempergh asserts, that a large Russian Army is assembling in Volhynia, and that Russia and Sweden have agreed for a subsidy of five millions, to place 80,000 men at the disposal of this country. A great Russian army is to be sent to the Mediterranean. Rumour has swelled the amount to 150,000 men. We believe we may say, with confidence, that all the accounts of unfavourable advices having been received from Petersburg, are unfounded; they are far otherwise. It is said now too, that the politics of the Cabinet of Vienna have undergone a change favourable to this country—it would be surprising, after the events that have recently occurred, if they had not.
The French papers are unacquainted with the events that have taken place in the West-Indies.  The expedition has not yet failed.  Mr. Canning yesterday morning intimated to Mr. Trotter that he could no longer permit him to hold the place of Paymaster of the Navy. At the same time Mr. Trotter had tendered his resignation.
APRIL 11.
PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK:  Consols for money, 58 1-8—for May 58 1-2-5-8—Omnium 8 1-4-1-2.
Last night, in the House of Commons, Mr. Whitbread followed up the resolutions of Monday, with moving an Address to his Majesty to remove Lord Melville from all places of trust and emolument, which he held during the pleasure of the Crown.
Many gentlemen, however, who supported the resolutions voted on Monday, were of opinion and probably a majority of the public will entertain the same sentiment, that enough had been done to satisfy the House; and that the long and meritorious services which the public had received from Lord Melville should be allowed their full weight, and nothing be done which could bear the complexion of rancour, virulence, or party spirit.
After some debate the motion was withdrawn, and the House voted that the resolution of Monday should be laid before his majesty, and that the same should be carried up by the whole House: and it was also agreed that there should be no adjournment until this communication had been made.
Mr. Whitbread then gave notice, that after the holidays he would move, that instructions be given to the Attorney-General to prosecute Lord Melville and Mr. Trotter, to make them account for their improper intrusions of the public money.
The public may certainly expect one essential benefit from the proceedings that have taken place. If the misconduct of individuals, of whom mal-practices the nation has not suffered any actual loss, is now to be followed up with such severe and salutary punishment, it may be concluded that the acknowledged defaulters, who not only speculated with the public money, but applied the same to their own private use, will speedily be made to refund the monies they have thus withheld.
The public will now look for this—they have a right to expect it; and if their hopes be disappointed, they will not give all that credit to the House of Commons which its members expect from the present proceedings.
It is not yet settled who is to succeed Lord Melville as first Lord of the admiralty.
April 12.  The resolutions passed by the house of commons were presented to his majesty yesterday by the speaker and about thirty members; none of those who, to give greater solemnity to the proceeding, had been so anxious and eager for their being presented by the whole house, neither Mr. Fox, nor Mr. Windham, nor Mr. Whitbread, nor Mr. Grey, attending. The speaker left the house of commons at a little before 4 o'clock. Upon being introduced to the king, who was seated on the throne, he informed his majesty, that by the command of the house of commons he was to present to his majesty the resolutions of that house: he then read them aloud and presented them to his majesty, who returned a most gracious answer; in which he thanked the commons for their care and attention to the public interest, and expressed himself
to be fully sensible of the importance of the resolutions which they had presented to him. The speaker and members then withdrew. The house of commons had previously adjourned for a fortnight.
If the funds rose on Tuesday, in consequence of the debate on the preceding day, which, in the opinion of the speculators, justified a belief that the opposition would immediately come into power, and make overtures of peace to Bonaparte, it was natural to suppose that they would experience a depression yesterday, in consequence of the debate of Wednesday, which rendered it impossible any longer to entertain such a belief. They did experience a depression, which some attempted to attribute to the bad news received from the West-Indies. No intelligence whatever was received from that quarter, nor from any other part of the world.
NORFOLK, May 27.
Translated from Papers in the French and Italian Languages received at the Office of the Public Ledger, per the ship Roborius, arrived at Baltimore from Bordeaux.
PARIS, 27 Ventose—19th March, 1805.
This day, at two o'clock in the afternoon, His Majesty the emperor, repaired to the Senate attended by the whole court, according to the order announced in the programme published yesterday, passing through an immense concourse of citizens who crowded to witness this sublime spectacle.
His Majesty was received at the exterior gate of the Senate, by the Grand Officers, and twenty four members of that body, who preceded him into the new hall.
His Majesty seated himself upon the throne, surrounded by the Princes, Ministers, Grand dignitaries of the Empire, and Grand Officers of his household. The Grand Master of Ceremonies having taken the orders of the Emperor, called M. de Semonville and M. de General Perino, lately appointed Senators, who were presented to His Majesty by His Imperial Highness, Prince Joseph, Grand Elector, and took before him the oath prescribed by the constitution.
The Grand Master of Ceremonies having again received the orders of His Majesty, communicated them to M. Maret, Minister of State, who read the following Message and decree.
SENATORS.
The Principality of Piombino, which France has for many years possessed, has been during all that time without any particular laws or superintendence. Situated in the heart of Tuscany, separated from our other possessions, we have thought it expedient to establish for it a particular government. The country of Piombino is interlaced to us on account of the facility it presents in communicating with the islands of Elba and Corsica: We have therefore considered it right to give this territory, under the supreme dominion of France, to our sister, the Princess Eliza; at the same time conferring on her husband the title of Prince of the Empire. This donation is not an effect of fraternal tenderness, but an effect proceeding from, and conformably to, the public safety, the splendour of our crown, and the interest of our people.
By the Emperor,  NAPOLEON. H. B. MARET, Secretary of State.
Palace of the Tuileries, 27 Ventose, 13.
NAPOLEON, by the Grace of God, and by the Constitution of the Republic, Emperor of the French, to all present and future time Greeting.
We have decreed, and hereby decree, as follows.
ART. I. The Emperor Napoleon cedes and gives, in full property, the principality of Piombino to the Princess Eliza, his Sister.
ART. II. The government of this state, and the right of the domain of the Prince, shall be hereditary in the descendants of the Princess Eliza, and shall be perpetual in the elder branch: the younger branches and females having no more than a collateral legitimate right.
ART. III. At each mutation, the hereditary Prince of Piombino, in order to be entitled to the succession, must receive the investiture from the hands of the Emperor of the French.
ART. IV. Children born, or to be born, of the Princess Eliza, cannot marry without the consent of the Emperor of the French.
ART. V. The posterity of the Princess Eliza becoming extinct, or having forfeited its rights, by an infraction of the preceding article, the Emperor of the French shall dispose of the Principality of Piombino, in such manner as the interest of the country and of France shall seem to require.
ART. VI. The husband of the Princess Eliza shall assume the title of the Prince of Piombino; and shall enjoy the rank and prerogatives of a Prince of the French Empire.
ART. VII. The Prince of Piombino shall maintain in good condition the fortresses of Piombino. He shall carefully preserve the communications with the island of Elba. He shall ensure the defence of the coasts by maintaining such batteries as may be judged necessary.
ART. VIII. The Prince of Piombino shall support, at his proper charge, for the defence of the coast and fortresses, a battalion of five companies of eighty men each.
ART. IX. In receiving the investiture of his estate, the Prince of Piombino shall take an oath of the following tenour—
"I swear obedience and fidelity to His Majesty Napoleon, Emperor of the French. I promise to succour with all my power, the French garrison of the island of Elba, to contribute all that in me lies to the supplying that isle with provisions; and I declare that I will not cease to fulfil, under all circumstances, the duties of a true and faithful subject, towards his majesty the Emperor of the French."
Signed, NAPOLEON. By the Emperor, H. B. MARET, Secretary of State.
M. de Mareseculchi, minister of the Exterior relations of the Italian Republic, conducted by the Grand Master of Ceremonies, then ascended the Tribunal and read in the Italian language, the following—
Extracts from the Register of the State Consulta 17th of March, 1805.
THE CONSULTA OF STATE, having considered the Unanimous vote of the Consulta and United deputation, of the 15th—having also considered the 60th article of the Constitution, relative to the constitutional initiative. Decree.
ART. I. Napoleon the first, Emperor of the French, is King of Italy.
ART. II. The Crown of Italy is hereditary in his legitimate descendents, by the direct line, whether natural or adoptive, from male to male, to the perpetual exclusion of females and of their issue. The right of adoption cannot be extended to any other than a citizen of the French Empire, or of the Italian realm.
ART. III. On the moment when the foreign armies shall have withdrawn from the states of Naples, the Ionian Isles, and the island of Malta, the Emperor Napoleon shall transmit the hereditary crown of Italy to one of his legitimate male children, either natural or adoptive.
ART. IV. From the epoch of such transmission the crown of Italy cannot be again united with that of France in the same person—the succession of Napoleon the first, in the throne of Italy, must reside within the territory of the Italian Republic.
ART. V. Within the present year, the Emperor Napoleon, with the advice of the electoral colleges, shall give a constitution to the Italian monarchy, founded upon a basis similar to that of the French Empire, and upon the same principles as the laws which he has already given to Italy.
Signed, NAPOLEON.
MARESECHULCHI,  PENAROLI, GUCCIANI,  CATARA, PARADISI,  MELZI, COSTANZI,  LUONI.
We command and ordain that these presents, sealed with the seal of state, and inserted in the bulletin of the laws, be addressed to the tribunals and the administrative authorities, to the end that they may transcribe them on their registers, observe, and
cause them to be observed: and the Grand Judge, Minister of Justice in our Kingdom of Italy, is charged with the Execution of this our will.
NAPOLEON.
By the Emperor and King,
MARESECHULCHI.
West-Indies.
NORFOLK, May 29.
Captain Drummond of the brig Faro , in 16 days from Dominica, states that a frigate belonging to Sir John Orde's Squadron, had been despatched and arrived at Barbadoes, with the news of the Toulon fleet of 19 sail having arrived at Cadiz—That Sir J. O. had put into Gibraltar. The frigate had 17 days passage.
By the arrival of the brig Fair American , from Grenada, a gentleman in this town received a paper of the 10th ultimo, which he has obligingly permitted us to peruse—from which we extract an article under the Barbadoes head, confirming the above report. We are now certain that the Toulon fleet has entered the Atlantic: but of course its destination was a secret to the English Admiral.
If the Toulon fleet consisted of 10 sail of the line, and should be augmented by 10 sail more from Cadiz, we are not disposed to join in the opinion of the West-India writer that its present object is the receding of the islands. Twenty sail of the line, proceeding directly to Brest, uniting with the fleet in that port, would give no very agreeable surprise to Admiral Gardiner, whose fleet cannot consist of more than twenty or twenty one sail of the line. It will be remembered that Bonaparte has lately ordered all the troops constituting the army of England, to return to their former encampments on the coast: he has made a new appointment of officers, Maling to command in England, Augereau in Ireland, and Marmont in Scotland—These circumstances, together with the active movements lately observed in the Boulogne, do not indicate any relinquishment of the favorite scheme of invasion; and it may very easily be conceived that a fleet of forty or fifty sail of the line would make a very powerful diversion in favour of that enterprise. Our opinion is that whatever may be its subsequent movements, the first object of this fleet will be to relieve Brest—it is probable that before this is attempted it will be joined by the Ferrol Squadron.
From the Barbadoes Mercury, May 4th.
Dispatches were yesterday received here, brought by his majesty's ship Mercury , Capt. John D. P. Bouverie, from Vice-Admiral John Orde, dated, "His majesty's ship Glory , at sea, April 10th, 1805," communicating their important intelligence of the sudden appearance of Cadiz, of the Toulon fleet, consisting of 20 to 24 sail, eleven or twelve of them of the line, and the rest heavy frigates. This fleet, it appears, was on the evening of the 9th, close off Cadiz harbour, where one French ship of the line, and six or seven Spanish, were then ready to join them, and three or four more would be in about 24 hours. Whether any troops were on board these ships was not known, nor had the destination of this force after its junction been ascertained, but it was judged to be to the eastward; and it was reported that the Spanish ships were bound to the Havana.
From this intelligence, it is very evident that the safety of the West-Indies is again threatened, and that we ought not to be lulled into inactivity. The enemy's object, it has been already experienced, is predatory warfare; and that they can effect this with impunity, the escape of Messieurs sufficiently evinces. According to the latest accounts, this enterprising hero, after having landed the remainder of Lagrange's troops at St. Domingo, and carried his system of destruction and pillage into further effect, has failed from thence, and proceeded, as is confidently said, to Newfoundland, where we can look for nothing short of his late wantonness, well corresponding with his valiant prototype Richery, who formerly robbed the fishermen there, and burnt their boats.
The Mercury , after the dispatches were delivered, immediately proceeded to sea, and stood to the westward. Sir John Orde, we understand, had also sent advices of the enemy's appearance off Cadiz, to England, and to Lord Nelson, on the Mediterranean.
His Majesty's ship Cyane , Capt. the hon. G. Cadogan, arrived on Wednesday with the prize privateer Spanish Schooner La Justicia , of 7 guns and 80 men, from Cumana, eight days, and taken in the latitude of Deseada.
PHILADELPHIA, May 27.
We understand that a letter has been received by a respectable Merchant in this city, from his correspondent in Kingston, Jamaica, which states, that on the 22d April, the governor had informed a deputation of the merchants that he was determined to enforce the prohibition against the admission of American vessels—but a packet arriving from England on the 29th, it was announced that the ports of that island would be opened to the vessels of the United States, as heretofore. Register.
Domestic Intelligence.
Extract of a letter from Bordeaux, to a respectable mercantile house in Boston, dated April 4, 1805.
"A new law has appeared under the date of the 30th Ventose (21st March) authorizing the seizure and confiscation of all colonial produce imported in foreign ships, which shall not be accompanied with certificates of the French commercial agents, certifying that it is not the production of any colony or country under the dominion of Great-Britain. It will be rigorously enforced, even against vessels coming from ports where no such agent

PENNSYLVANIA.
[We find the following statement in a Northumberland Gazette, for the truth of which the writer stakes his reputation: It will serve to explain some of the points of the present controversy in Pennsylvania upon the re-election of Gov. McKean.]
The following is in substance, and as near as possible in words, the conversation which took place between the governor and Abraham M'Kenney.
M'Kenney. I understand fir, you have got a new recommendation for Hugh Branton.
Governor. I have, and it is signed by the elders of Harrisburgh, by Cooper and Simpson, and Steward of Lycoming, the old sheriff. These are men that I can rely upon, and I cannot withhold them. It is only from personal motives he is opposed.
M'Kenney. I shall be very sorry if he is appointed, for many people may perhaps lose money by him.
Governor.  Bring down the 100 dollars here, to the 101st. act, and then be cannot get much into his hands to lose!
M'Kenney. I hope you will not appoint a Federal.
Governor. I have commissioned too many good republicans already, I find that won't do. They talk of lawyers, they have been bred to the law, and who can be better judges.
M'Kenney. The people in our settlement are all Germans, Branton can't speak that language, and I am sure, it is not the will of the people to have such a man.
Governor. I do not care for the people. I must consult my own conscience, and do as I think best.
During the course of the above conversation, Daniel Montgomery, senator from Northumberland county, and general John Steel, Speaker of the senate, came into the room.
The governor suddenly adverting to the memorial for calling a convention, declared it an infamous libel, that the promoters of it were scoundrels and villains who dare not avow it—that the signers were liars and rascals —that base falsehoods were in the memorial, that amongst the rest it was said, that the executive of this state possessed more patronage than the king of Great Britain. Does your executive create peers? Does he appoint generals, admirals, tide-waiters, &c. &c. A groom in his majesty's stable, possesses more power, than a governor of Pennsylvania.
The constitution of Pennsylvania, he said, was the admiration of, and the best in the world—that it was the production of the most patriotic and enlightened men ever assembled for a similar purpose, and now a set of clodhoppers, fools, and geese , found fault with it, and attempted its overthrow, but added he, it shall not be, I will not suffer it!
His excellency then adverted to the judiciary bill, and said "and forsooth you must refer all suits at law to arbitrators—men who are ignorant and know nothing about law, are to decide as though men learned in the law were disqualified from deciding fairly, there is, continued he, a base prejudice against lawyers, which is founded in ignorance."
INDIAN WAR.
By a gentleman from the Missouri, intelligence has been received, that war-belts have been sent, probably from the Sac nation of Indians, to the southern and northern tribes on this side of the Mississippi, and to various tribes on the western side of the river. The object of this mission is, to engage those nations in a common cause against the Otagos, who are represented as the enemies of all the other nations of Indians. It is likewise their intention to cut the whole of the Otagos off, being deemed extremely perfidious and vindictive to the other tribes, and from their force capable of robbing and destroying those who are compelled to resort to their neighborhood in pursuit of game. The gentleman who brings this intelligence, says, it is expected that the Otagos in case of attack, will apply for assistance to the government of Upper Louisiana; by which means it is there feared, that the United States will be induced to take arms in their defence. [ Balt. American. ]
NATCHEZ, April 12.
APPOINTMENTS BY THE PRESIDENT.
ROBERT WILLIAMS, Esquire, Governor of the Mississippi Territory. Any encomium on this gentleman, would be superfluous. Mr. Williams has been many years a representative in Congress from the State of North-Carolina; was, whilst a member of Congress, appointed a Commissioner for deciding land claims in this Territory. He is well qualified for the important office to which he has been appointed, and his appointment will give general satisfaction.
Thomas H. Williams, Register of the Land Office.
Dr. John Sibley, of Natchitoches, a member of the Legislative Council of the Territory of Orleans.
Miscellaneous.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
DESCRIPTION OF THE FULL MOON AT MIDNIGHT. And now conspicuous, mid' the vault of night, O'er all the lesser lamps, the full orb'd moon Superior shines, in tranquil majesty: And now in transitory shade immens'd, She veils her placid face, but soon emerging From th' unwelcome gloom, again her silver light Illumes the silent arch, and o'er the fields, Her languid lustre streams.
Lines addressed to a very beautiful and amiable young lady, who aided the writer in a ball-room, whether a gentleman to whom she was supposed to be betroth'd, and who was then dancing did not look like an angel.
In Florio's form, the graces all unite, Which kindle admiration and delight, Youth, health and sensibility divine, Glow on his cheek and in his aspect shine, In thy accomplish'd lover we behold, "A costly diamond in a case of gold;" Yet beauteous maid, thy Florio's human fill To make him more, demands thy magic skill, When in these arms imparted he lies, Then may he plead his title to the skies.
EUGENIUS.
Home Manufactures. —With pleasure we announce to the public a proposition of JAMES TATTERSON of Bridgehampton, to establish a Cotton and Wool Manufactory , on the east end of Long-Island, in this state, on an extensive scale. The machinery is now making in New-Jersey, and will consist of twelve looms, with double boxes (together with all other necessary apparatus) which will weave all kinds of broadcloths, carpets, coverlids and vest patterns. Mr. T. also gives notice "that the factory will be subdivided into 200 shares, at 200 dollars per share," the number of shares to be increased if adventurers should offer. On a subject of such importance to the public as the encouragement of domestic manufactures, and its tendency to render our country completely independent of foreign nations, as well as the necessity of patronizing our own artisans, and consuming our own raw materials to as great an extent as possible, but one sentiment can prevail among native Americans; and, for the honor of this state as well as the interests of the union, we hope that neither this nor any similar attempt will prove abortive for want of public support. New-York paper.
NEW-HAVEN, May 21.
THUNDER STORM.
On Sunday the 19th inst. between the hours of 1 and 3 o'clock, a very severe storm of thunder and lightning was experienced through the greater part of this country. The flashes of lightning followed in quick succession, and uncommonly vivid and terrific; but though thus threatening generally, the force of the storm seems to have been principally in and about the parish of North-Guilford. Within the compass of a few miles the lightning struck in no less than five or six places; but with one exception, no injury was sustained. The floor of doctor David S. Brooks of that parish was surprisingly shattered by the dreadful element, and the damage done to the store and contents, is supposed to exceed 500 dollars. It appears that a very extraordinary charge of the electric fluid entered by the chimney, and penetrated almost every part of the building to the cellar.
A large cellar door was burst from its hinges, and thrown to the distance of 2 or 3 rods, the chimney is nearly levelled with the ground, every rafter removed from its place, many pieces of brick carried upwards of thirty rods, and one of the corner posts together with another large post, was found still fifteen rods from the building to which they were attached. But the most singular circumstances of this explosion was the effect manifested upon certain articles in the store. Among other goods, a parcel of crockery stood on the shelves, about five or six feet from the floor. A part of this was thrown down, directly under where it had been placed and broken in pieces. A considerable part however, seems to have been carried to different and more remote sections of the room, and there deposited without injuring the ware. In one instance a pile of plates containing two dozen, was thus borne off the shelf and placed upon the floor, at upwards of twelve feet distance and on examining them not a single crack or other injury appeared! A large bowl, carried the same distance, had a perforation through the bottom exactly resembling that of a gimblet hole, in other respects it was perfectly found.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 4th JUNE, 1805.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE AURORA.
I had fondly hoped, that the controversy between us had closed for ever. I was willing to believe that even you would have approved of my forbearance, and have at once admitted the propriety of my principles. But your last attack has awakened me to a new consideration of the conduct which you have observed towards me. I most sincerely lament my inability to touch a sympathetic chord in your bosom, as well as the necessity which you have imposed upon me of assuming a different attitude. My friends have now a right to expect an answer to your ungenerous insinuations: my principles demand it: and it is a duty I owe to myself, to assert my native independence. I approach the task with reluctance and tremor. I already anticipate the delicate embarrassments in which it will involve me: but I may still be permitted to enjoy this consolation, that my present criticisms upon your conduct, are the result, not of choice, but of necessity.
I know not whether it is an advantage or a defect in your political education, that it has been directed by warnings and not by examples. The persecutions which you so nobly provoked and so bravely endured under the government of Bengal, and the ineffectual exertions which you made in London to promote a radical reform in Parliament, must have excited in your bosom an eternal hatred of tyranny. The pleasing contrast, which this country spread before you; a government in which you saw mildness and strength blended together; a nation which was free without being led obedient to the law, must have quickened this hatred of despotism into a devoted love of liberty. When you came to study the two parties in this country, it was impossible for you not to perceive at once the policy of the one that was the most congenial to your theory: and, in almost the same moment that made you a citizen by choice, you must have become a republican through conviction. You now only wanted a fit theatre, on which you might display the treasures of your experience and the native resources of your mind, in support of your principles, and immediately a fit theatre presented itself to your aspiring ambition. The grand-son of Dr. Franklin was cut off in the bloom of his life & the maturity of his services, but even in the agonies of death, he forgot not his duties to the living; and with his dying breath, he named you as his successor. Now then we behold you surrounded by adventitious advantages, which a man of much more moderate abilities than yourself might have successfully employed for promoting his own honor and the freedom of his adopted country. You were now at the head of a press, which your illustrious predecessor had used every faculty of his mind, and all the resources of his private fortune to raise to its deserved importance. It was placed in the wealthiest and most populous city in the union, the constant seat of the federal executive and the governor of Pennsylvania, the occasional residence of congress, and the resort of the wisest men from every part of the union or of Europe. It became the ORGAN, if not of the "public voice" at least, of the sentiments of the most leading republicans. By their patronage, it was supported; from their literary contributions it received knowledge and decoration. You had the advantage too of seeing before you the public procession of federal measures; you might have traced the secret springs which produced them, and the distant consequences which they would lead to; you might even have caught many of those measures before they arose upon the public eye; and there were not even wanting some faithful federalists, who initiated you in the unhallowed rites of their most secret caucuses.
I am proud to say, that in the use of these instruments you have never disappointed the hopes of your friends or the fears of your enemies. The illiberal conduct which you have lately observed towards me, is little calculated to win my affection or esteem; but I should be unjust to you, to myself, and the holy cause of truth, if I ever denied or even if I should wish to conceal my gratitude for your past services. I could almost join Mr. Mason in the sentiment, that under heaven I view you as one of the principal agents to whom we owe the restoration of our liberties and the auspicious administration of our public affairs. I would not be mean enough to say as the wavering Windham once said about the hiring Cobbett, that you deserve to have a statue of gold erected to your memory, but I am willing to give you attribute which the heart of a freeman only can feel, and the heart of a freeman only can bestow, the tribute of my sincere gratitude for upholding the liberties of our country. You may call this as you have once done before, the language of "reluctant compliment." 'Tis unfortunate, Mr. Duane, that you are so "a victim of the frailties of men," that you are dead to the richest luxury which can animate the bosom of man; when he pays that tribute to others which is justly due to their meritorious services and when he receives that tribute for his own which springs directly from the heart.
I have not, however, fir, approved nor do I mean to commend every step of your career under the two first administrations. I was at that time young, and I will admit with you that I am still inexperienced in the current incidents of that day. Lienemany actor of your life may have escaped my memory which would command all my detestation, and would chase away every impression of respect which I feel at present for your conduct. Yet there are two defects which exact my disapprobation. The one is a transient error which I hope never will return; the other has haunted you from the very first lift of your editorial life, and will expire only with it, because it flows from "the coarse familiarity of hourly habits." & which to say, that it is common to most of the press in this country, may indeed serve to apologize for your own conduct which it aggravates the extent of the general mischief.
I would touch lightly upon your clandestinely removing the books of the treasury office, copying out their statements, and publishing them to the world. I should scarcely know which most to condemn, the means you employed, the mismanagement and corruption of the treasury which you exposed, or the suspicious firing of the war and treasury offices, by which all the chances of detection were forever destroyed. I am not sufficiently versed in the "Canon of casuistry" to settle these uncertain points to your satisfaction, nor to estimate how far a private individual has a right, upon mere suspicion, to employ such equivocal expedients. Turn Jesuit, for once, Mr. Duane, and justify the means by the end. Your "rough sense (you say) has been accustomed to estimate motives by actions"—for once reverse your rule: estimate your actions by your motives, and I am not unwilling to deny you all the benefits of your maxim. I am not disposed to touch with so delicate a hand, upon the perennial vein of sourcillery, which runs through the columns of your paper. Tis , fir, a defect which is common to most of the papers in this country and you would feel less sore under the censures which you deserve, because there are so many others to divide it with you. But this paltry plea will be of little avail to you until you surrender your high pretensions to reputation and influence.
A general should receive a greater share of the censure in proportion to the greater extent of his example, and you, fir, even if you have not acquired, have boldly assumed a dictatorial power over the press of the union. I have already called your the " left vaper in the union ," and I will not now be illiberal enough to say with Junius, that you owe "the acknowledgment to my bounty," and that I scorn to retract the charitable donation." Filling thus "a wide space in the eye of mankind," you are not thus entitled to the same privilege of an excuse by which inferior editors may profit. The sublime duty was before you of reforming the prevailing immorality of our press. If the "newspapers in America before Mr. Miller was born, were even more scurrilous than they have been since," you had it in your power to make them even less scurrilous than they are now. You have breathed a new spirit into the political principles of our papers, & it is a pity you did not see your glory in giving a new fostering to their moral aspects. But your "homely habits" have blinded you to the path of your real interests. You have sunk in the same pool of servility in which too many of your contemporaries are floundering with disgrace. I do not mean to narrow down this term to words, to phrases or to sentences. I should give it a scope as wide as that which Addison gave to the term, pedantry. There is a servility of manners, of fiction, of fact even, and even of principle. Every thing should have the name of servility, which tends to wound the feelings of your adversary, without promoting the public interest. Every thing is scurrilous which interferes the broad line of politeness: yet forty am I to observe, that the discussions of the Aurora should so often violate the rules of a liberal and accomplished gentleman.
Your career, therefore, under the two first administrations without these two blemishes, would have been truly conformable to your own duty, and to the public good. Hitherto you had done little which did not promote the cause of the republican party, and by promoting that cause you became a creditor of society. But a crisis was now approaching in the affairs of this country which was calculated to excite all your fears, and to call forth the most delicate circumspection to avert it. Had you paid any attention, fir, to the progress of parties in England, or to the schisms of the christian church, or even to the usual effects of the passions, you might have foreseen that the triumph of your party would really have been the crisis of its fate. You might have known that when any foreign enemy was once put down, a civil war is likely to arise in the very body of the camp. The contrariety of opinions or an opposition of interest is apt to separate men, who can no longer be kept together by a sense of common danger. You might have also seen that these disputes as often arise from the overheated enthusiasm of such as prefer their opinions too far , as from a suspicious moderation of those who relax in the pursuit. You may say indeed that opinions at such a time will have much less influence upon men than their interests, and that every man should become the object of suspicion because having once triumphed over the enemy, he has no other ambition to gratify but the success of his private views. But were this argument correct, do you not still perceive that the same spirit of interest is to be found in those, who are the loudest in their denunciations, as in those who are made the objects of their profliferation? Is there not in fact as much danger that the men who are once stopped in their pursuit of private aggrandizement, should with to accuse them of uniting with the federalists, as that such men should really unite with the federalists, to lift themselves into a temporary superiority over their fellows?
But whatever be the causes of such divisions, it requires no great strength of mind to foresee some of the ruins which must flow from them. You hold forth a new object to revive the drooping hopes and to keep together the scattering fragments of the federal party. You place the republicans who are denounced under the ban of proscription: you take away their power of promoting the interests of the people, who can no longer receive the services of the man in whom they will no longer repose the means of serving them. In some bosoms you will extinguish all the desire of acting, and in some you will light up a flame of indignant resentment which will shrink from no sacrifice that promise the means of vengeance. In every country and in every sect there are Coriolani, whom the goadings of persecution will cast into the arms of the Volsci. Let such dissensions prevail in any considerable degree amongst the republicans of this country, we may bid adieu to the uncontaminated purity of their present principles. A state of society will arise before them, whose phases may defy the calculations of the prophet, but must in every event claim the sensibility of the patriot. Whether the federal factions shall use upon their ruins, whether this fiction shall unite with the Brittonic part of the republican party, or whether the Girondists of that party shall hurry us into the excesses of anarchy, are events almost equally to be dreaded by us, and to be averted by a cautious circumspection. Our only refuge will be in a system that shall combine vigilance with toleration, and shall equally repress the apostasy of the weak and the excesses of the daring.
What opinion then are we to form of the republican who takes into his own hands the thunders of the party, who lays down his own standard of faith, & inflicts his will against every man who does not exactly fit its measurement? What opinion must he then form of you, Mr. Duane, who instead of trying to conciliate who have laboured to divide the republicans? You, who have used your press like the tongue of the demagogic orators to make yourself the petty demagogue of our republic? You! who with your usual want of discrimination, have treated the division among the republicans by the same rules which you have applied to their division with the federalists! You! who because you could not keep too widely apart the principles of the two parties which were incapable of any amalgamation, which no toleration can reconcile, no concessions can combine & which require as great a force to unite them, as to press together the poles of the earth, are now attempting in the same manner to contract together the different republicans, who having the same general ends to pursue can only differ about subordinate means, and who require only the slightest sacrifices to bind them together; what, fir, must we think of your conduct who have sometimes adopted this erring policy? That such has been your conduct, let a few simple facts declare!
In the last Congressional election in Philadelphia you supported the claims of a candidate, who had been charged with the grossest and most scandalous fraud. Public documents were produced to prove that he had swindled the children of Penrose out of some public certificates. These facts or conclusions might have been erroneous and yet they might have had their fullest effect upon the minds of his opponents. But what was the policy you pursued? Not contented with replying to these charges, you forthwith charged the republican opponents of Dr. Leib with apostasy; with joining the federalists not from an opposition to
him but from an affection to them, and with wishing to form a third party, a tertium quid. A proposition so made to amend the constitution of Pennsylvania, and to petition the legislature to form a new convention for the purpose. Those who are in favor of the first, might properly have been opposed to the last measure; and yet there was nothing in the first to obtain the uniform sanction of the republican. Some rational fears might surely have been entertained of the danger of so frequently altering their constitution. Some or even all these amendments might surely have provoked their disapprobation. In truth a few days only have elapsed since one of the most sagacious republicans in the union, and whom you, fir, would not dare to accuse of false interest or of federal views, declared in this city, that he was opposed to a change in your constitution. Yet what was your policy on this occasion? You once more levelled your anathemas at the heads of your opponents, and you are now attempting to hunt them down with the cry of their being federalists, a third party, a tertium quid.
The legislature of Virginia is employed in the choice of an auditor of public accounts. Mr. Barbour thinks proper to nominate the last incumbent of the office, a man who derived all his qualifications from his experience, who though he was a federalist at heart had scarcely ever let it escape from his lips and who was neither able by the turn of his mind nor the patronage of his place to give a wider spread to his opinions. Among such arguments, Mr. B. takes occasion to recommend the practice of political toleration. He asks them whether "when republicanism sweeps the continent, they would deem themselves so low, as to pry into an humble cell of the capitol for new victims to satiate a fury without a reason and a fear without a cause?" What is your conduct on this occasion? Without making a single enquiry into the past services of Mr. Barbour, you proceed at once to denounce his principles and to represent him as "ripe for the purposes of the federal party."
It would be of little avail for me to review your opinion of the Yazoo vote and your profliferation of Mr. Findley. I am pleased that you still have modesty enough to respect the characters of some of the advocates of the Yazoo compromise; and that in spite of your vaunted bravadoes, you have not been "daring" enough to "suspect" such men as Madison, Gallatin, Lincoln, or T. M. Randolph of "artful or insidious designs." As you have thus virtually admitted the great principle for which I contended, I am not particularly anxious to follow you into its various applications.
As to the character of Mr. Findley, it hangs at present upon two charges; "his tergiversation" in the case of the British treaty and of the Yazoo compromise. I am free to confess that there is an ambiguity in Mr. Findley's conduct on both these measures which is susceptible of very different constructions. A man "jealous" as you are "of the frailties of men, and who comprehends with a glance and decides without ratification," might at once be willing to condemn, where you have the slightest cause for suspicion: but to me you will allow the humbler office of enquiring before I decide, of collecting undeniable facts before I can arrive at unchangeable conclusions, and of holding most men innocent, before they are proved to be guilty. In this precise point of view, you will still permit me to place Mr. Findley. On what circumstance do you rest your charge of tergiversation on the question of the treaty? Was it that he gave his express vote for that measure? Was it that he even raised his voice in its favour? No. Your reproaches are directed against him, not for his positive, but his negative conduct. It was not from his having given his vote or voice for it, but because he did not lift his vote and his voice against it, when his opposition might have turned the scales of the decision. Have you however undeniable proof, that this silence is to be attributed to none but most plunilunous purposes? Have you been altogether deceived by the information of a most respectable member of Congress, that after the question had been elaborately discussed in the committee of the whole house, for 10 or 12 days, when not a member could foresee the end of the discussion and the period of deciding, the attention of Mr. F. was directed for a short time to his private affairs, and that the question was put and carried during his absence from the house? Will you also permit me to add, that the same uncertainty still hangs over my judgement, in the case of the Yazoo compromise? I have looked in vain for decisive information from his two letters on that subject, and from your reply to the first, with the succeeding extracts from the journals of Congress.
The editor of a republican paper composed some effects on the "present policy of the federal party." His subject necessarily carried him into some reflections upon the menaced division of the republicans, and the means necessary to avert it. He deplored that spirit of proscription, which appeared to have acquired some of his party, who seemed anxious to erect every particular measure such as the Yazoo question into a standard of political orthodoxy. What was your policy on such an occasion? You denounced the author of that essay as "a wolf in sheep's clothing." He replied in a calm and he believes in a liberal style. Your rejoinder is fraught with empty encomiums upon yourself and illiberal critiques upon him. He waves in his turn the privilege of a reply. He once more deplores the danger of division, and immolates his own feelings on the altar of his party. What now, fir, is your department? Instead of admitting the obvious propriety of this concession, instead of regretting the temporary misconstruction which had ensued, and offering once more the delightful pledges of friendship, you burst forth into ridiculous ribaldry; forgetting that he was not at all conversant, in the different music of cleavers and marrowbones, so suitable to your own "rough sense," you declare how much you are disappointed that he had not chanted forth his notes in the firebrand style of music; and you politely conclude with assuring him, that his paragraph was "either very profound nonsense, or a very paltry apology for that current article ." I leave it to your rough sense, fir, to reconcile this very liberal attack to the principle of political conciliation or the rules of ordinary politeness.
A few remarks more upon the former frictures of the Aurora , and I shall drop this correspondence forever! "The metaphysical imagination of the Enquirer (you say) may have the capacity of discrimination between motives and actions." According to the most metaphysical definition of the terms, it is undoubtedly true, that every sense however rough or refined, must estimate motives by actions; "because it is impossible for any man to know what is passing in the mind of another, without diligently observing the actions of his external body. But this is not the definition, most conformable to the whole context of the passage. You intended to circumscribe the extent of these terms, and to advocate the idea, that the "motives of every individual action must be eliminated by the consequences of that action itself." Are you really willing to adopt all the ridiculous consequences of this maxim? Are you prepared to admit, that all the soldiers who fall in the field of battle, or all the republicans who support the present administration are actuated by the very same motives of patriotism or ambition? 'Tis a pity indeed, Mr. Duane, that you do not possess some portion of that metaphysical imagination, which you have so charitably attributed to the Enquirer.
To what other cause, can I ascribe the obvious confusion which prevails among your moral ideas? After having asserted that there was no discrimination between motives and actions, you conclude that "right principles and wrong actions are irreconcilable." But the question was, whether right motives and wrong actions are irreconcilable? Am I then to suppose you ignorant of the obvious distinction between the principles by which we test the propriety of actions, and the motives from which they are supposed to proceed?
Is it to this cause, or is it to your vanity, that I am to ascribe your obvious misconstruction of the plainest phrases? "There are men (I formerly observed) whom the Editor of the Aurora would not dare to suspect of artful or insidious designs." Had any man taken these words in their obvious import, he would immediately have perceived, that I did not deny you the power to suspect any man upon well authenticated grounds, but the grounds to suspect some men on the
bare opinion which they had already produced of the Yazoo compromise. But fir, you wished to read in a compliment upon your own dignity, and upon the unqualified integrity of your rough, Roman principles; and you found it necessary to create a specious opportunity out of specious misconstruction. Still, fir, I am willing to accept you as a dangerous intention at the expense of your understanding. I am willing to ascribe it to either the excess of your vanity, or the want of a metaphysical mind. Either of them is sufficient to explain the phenomenon, and either of them makes you the subject of ridicule and reproach. Here, fir, I shall close my correspondence with you on this subject perhaps for ever. Should you bring forward more important arguments against me I may feel it my duty to reply; but these must be something more than empty obliquions upon yourself or illiberal criticisms upon me. You may attack me in personal structures: you may ridicule my youth; my inexperience, and my profound nonsense: but I shall pass them by, as I have done on the present occasion, with the profound contempt which they deserve. The principles by which I am guided, will enable me to support both your errors and your denunciations. You may think the comparison a vain one; but I feel at present like the traveller on the top of the Alps, who hears the thunders rolling beneath his feet without danger of without perturbation.
EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
THIRD PARTY.
In this state, we have only heard of a third party there has been no separation amongst the republicans upon questions of principle. 'Tis very true that some clamor was raised in this town last winter; but it was brewed by Federalists alone, who were willing to make a difference without any material distinction. The contest simply arose about the appointment of Federalists to subordinate offices, and retaining those who had heretofore received appointments. Indeed, we had been governed by federal examples; this exclusion and dismission would have been complete: not a man whose principles varied from our own would have been seen at a writing-desk. And if the federal standard had been fixed for our rule, we should have passed a sedition law !—Taking it for granted then, that we are not to be directed in our course by Federalists—that it would be the height of folly and madness to adopt the precepts and examples of a party whose path had led to distraction and disgrace, I shall, in all that I may say or do, treat every question upon its own merits, without reference to such a fact as once gave weight and importance to federalism.
To contend that it is as necessary to exclude one political adversary from offices insignificant and subordinate, as it is to exclude them from trusts of high importance, is at once destroying degrees of comparison. It is confounding great things with small: a man had as well say that three common soldiers supposed to be fighting, were as ruinous to an army as a cowardly general. Besides,—offices of high trust and honor, are sure to command men of talents and influence; while those of inferior grade, command, for the most part, neither. And since their appointment adds nothing to their talents, while it conveys an idea that the man has fixed but a moderate standard to his own pretensions, it serves to lessen his influence, & to clothe republicanism in the splendid habiliments of forbearance and generosity.
And shall we say that our cause depends upon official influence? We who rallied under the banners of truth and of reason, assailed the ramparts of patronage, supported by millions and defended by a standing army? For heaven's sake let us hear no more of this: 'tis too flimsy for a cloak, too weak for argument, and too intolerant for the enlightened and enlightened people of these States.
If however a third party adverse to democratic principles shall dare to rear its head in VIRGINIA, the writer of this article will prove to the people, as he has heretofore proved to them, that in proportion to the talents which he has received from his creator, he will be second to no man. Without patron or fortune, he fought for, and found a friend in the PEOPLE. In return, he has only to offer his labour and his life—both shall be devoted to their service and defence.
He now begs leave to request of Mr. Ritchie, to publish at the foot of these remarks, the following extract from a series of numbers published in the American Citizen of New-York, under the signature of Fabricius. This little quotation most admirably describes the views and qualities of a THIRD PARTY .
PHILODEMUS. May 31st, 1805.
"No political position can be more evident, than that in a state of society, like the present, if such a party should ever become established it would necessarily be composed of individuals exclusively in pursuit of personal aggrandizements and whose tenors in regard to government are loose, fluctuating, and undetermined. Men of found morality, elevated honor and independent spirit are indivisibly attached to one or other of the two great parties, which have alternately presided over the administration of our affairs. The specious name of moderators may be used to cover the most dark and desperate designs, and while it implies a total indifference to principle, it invites every profligate adventurer to the standard of faction, and allure the thoughtless and the giddy into a participation with measures, by which they are alternately deceived and sacrificed. Such a system would prove precariously as it is desirable. Jarring pretensions, plots and underplots, unnatural coalitions, and the indecency of betraying old friends to purchase new connections, would produce a total want of harmony and confidence that would speedily terminate in ruin. Like the Rudis indige stague mole of the Disfordia femina verum of the Roman poet, the unaffiliated particles, the dissenting and repulsive materials of such a political chaos, could never be united into a firm, harmonious and consolidated body. The unsubstantial pagenantry of power would soon dissolve, "And like the baseless fabric of a vision, Leave not a rack behind." [ Amer. Citizen. ]
* Third Party.
A letter from a gentleman in Liverpool to his correspondent in this city, states, that premiums on American vessels had got up to 5 guineas per cwt. Spain having declared the world capture all American bottoms bound to and from Great-Britain.
By Last Evening's Mail.
NEW-YORK, May 27.
The pilot who conducted the Rochefort frigate from the city of Santo-Domingo proceeded with it as far as latitude 25, long. 63, and was then put on board the American Schooner Captain Portly , of Norfolk, bound to St. Martins, and landed at St. Bartholomew, where captain Waterman (who arrived here yesterday from that port) saw and conversed with him. He gave it as his opinion that the squadron was on its way to Europe. [ Merc. Adv. ]
The Council at Montego Bay, have declared the ports of Jamaica open to American vessels for six months, from the 1st instant. [ Ibid. ]
SALEM, May 24.
We hear that a vessel arrived at Portsmouth on Wednesday, from Marfeille which saw the Toulon fleet 50 days ago, in the Straits, bound down. It consisted of 13 ships of the line, 4 frigates, and other vessels, amounting in all to 27. Saw nothing of the British Mediterranean fleet.

[We have been favored with copies of the correspondence between His Excellency the Spanish Ambassador and the Governor of Pennsylvania, respecting Don Joseph de Cabrera, accused of divers forgeries on the Banks of Pennsylvania and the United States, who has been asserted by the very learned civilians, his counsel, lately to have been a public minister of Spain, which we give to our readers as authentic.]
[No. I.]
Samuel M. Fox, Esquire, TO THE GOVERNOR. Bank of Pennsylvania, Aug. 24th, 1804.
Sir, I do myself the honor to enclose to Your Excellency, the examination of Charles Lange, respecting an offer of a forged check, at the bank of Pennsylvania, drawn in the name of the Marquis de Casa Yrujo. Permit me to suggest for your consideration, the propriety of a demand to be made to the Spanish Minister to surrender up, that he may be legally prosecuted, the person from whom the forged paper is said to have been received. As this involves a very delicate question of the law of nations, I do not presume to express any sentiment upon it, but respectfully submit it to your excellency to direct such measures as shall appear to you consonant to justice, and the privileges of those attached to a foreign embassy.
I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obed't serv't, SAM. M. FOX, P. B. P. His Excellency the Governor of the state of Pennsylvania.
[No. II.]
Rough draft of a letter to His Excellency the Marquis de Casa Yrujo. Philadelphia, August 24th, 1804.
Sir, The President and Directors of the Bank of Pennsylvania, have just now informed me, by their President Samuel M. Fox, Esquire, in writing, that a forged check for three hundred dollars had been offered at that Bank, drawn in your Excellency's name, dated yesterday, which they refused to pay.
The President has also enclosed to me an affidavit of a certain Charles Lange, a black freeman, with his mark subscribed thereto, taken before Alderman Hillegas of this city, dated the 23d instant, whereby it appears that the deponent is an hired servant of Don Joseph de Cabrera, one of the gentlemen belonging to the legation of Spain, and that his said master had delivered the aforesaid check to him, with directions to go to the said bank for the money, and to receive one moiety or half part in gold, and the other moiety in bank notes. It otherwise appears, that two other forged checks on the said bank have been there presented & paid, both drawn in your Excellency's name; the first dated May the 15th last, for six hundred dollars; the latter, dated June the 15th last, for one thousand dollars; and on comparison of the hand-writing of your name to each, with that offered yesterday, and other circumstances, little or no doubt remains about their having been forged and counterfeited by one and the same person.
The government and citizens of Pennsylvania, have at all times evinced a sacred regard to the law of nations (which is a part of the law of the state) and to the acknowledged independence and inviolability of foreign ministers, their domestic, and those of their train; M. de Cabrera, I understand, is a young gentleman attached to the Legation of Spain, and belonging to the office of the Secretary of Legation, all under your control. Your privileges have been sacredly regarded, and notwithstanding the violent presumptive evidence against Mr. Cabrera, no arrest has been attempted, nor any process issued against him. Under all the circumstances of this case, I do not doubt you will think it just and proper to withdraw your protection from a person thus charged with an offence so immoral in its nature and so injurious to society.—Therefore, as Governor and Commander in Chief of Pennsylvania, you will excuse me in requesting, (however painful the duty) that you will submit Mr. Joseph de Cabrera to the laws and justice of this state; this, I well know, must be conformant to your private ideas of propriety, and, I trust, it will appear to you, to be also for the honor of the just and great monarch whom you represent in the American nation; and I rest assured, from your humanity, it will be readily assented to, when it is known, that the punishment of this gentleman (should he be convicted of the offence, whereof he is accused, in our courts) will be very mild, compared with that he would undergo in his own country.
Accept, fir, the assurance of the great respect and high consideration of Your Excellency's Most obedient humble servant, THOMAS M'KEAN. His Excellency the Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary of his Catholic Majesty.
[No. III.]
Letter from His Catholic Majesty's Minister, the Marquis de Casa Yrujo, respecting Don Joseph de Cabrera. Philadelphia, 27th August, 1804.
Sir, I have duly received your excellency's letter of the 24th inst. and given it all the attention its contents so justly deserve. The information your excellency has the goodness to communicate to me, concerning the forged check of 300 dollars stopped at the Bank of Pennsylvania; the circumstance of two others of the same nature having been formerly presented and paid; and the strong and violent presumption, that these forgeries have been committed by Don Joseph de Cabrera, one of the gentlemen belonging to the Legation of Spain near the United States, had already reached me, through the channel of the President and Cashier of the said Bank, who have made application to your excellency. I have also in my hands a copy of the sworn evidence of Charles Lange, Don Joseph de Cabrera's servant, who presented the check, and declaring he had received it from his master, with other partial circumstances very little favorable to the honor and good name of the said Don Joseph de Cabrera. Your excellency does justice to my feelings on the occasion, and to my ideas of the propriety of delivering a culprit into the hands of justice; but Mr. Cabrera by his station is undoubtedly under the protection of the Laws of Nations. Did he enjoy this advantage, either because he belonged to my suite, or because he had been appointed by me to the place he now holds, I would not feel the least hesitation in having him delivered to your excellency, by previously withdrawing from him my protection; but, fir, Mr. Cabrera has been appointed to his place immediately by the King my master, and I do not believe myself authorized to take from him, what he has not received from me; it belongs, in my opinion, to his Catholic Majesty alone to decide of his fate, and to determine whether he is to be judged
ed here, or sent to Spain for his trial.—In suggesting to your excellency this opinion of mine, I am far from thinking that the object of the protection and privileges granted by all nations to persons either invested with a diplomatic character, or attached to it, is, or should be, to shield crimes, or support a wanton violation of the laws of any country. I think, on the contrary, for the satisfaction of this, and as a proof of the sincerity of my professions, that Don Joseph de Cabrera's person should be secured, until his Majesty's will is known; but he is to be detained, according to my ideas, by my directions and orders. With these impressions, I take the liberty of requesting your excellency that a comfortable room may be prepared for him in the Debtor's Apartment of this city, & that the government of Pennsylvania may afford to me the means of coercion, if such prove necessary, to secure the person of the said Don Joseph de Cabrera. This arrangement will meet, I hope, with your excellency's approbation, as by it the state of Pennsylvania will be convinced I do not pretend to screen the transgressor of its laws, and of those of all the civilized societies; but only to retain unimpaired those privileges so justly attached to the persons under the safeguard of the laws of nations, and which in this particular case it appears to be my duty to defend.
I have the honor to be with particular consideration and regard, Your Excellency's Most obed't serv't, EL MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO. To his Excellency Thomas M'Kean, Governor of Pennsylvania.
[No. IV.] His Excellency the Marquis de Casa Yrujo, to his Excellency Thomas M'Kean, Esquire, Governor of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 31st August, 1804.
Sir, The respect your excellency has shown for the diplomatic privileges, in the unfortunate affair of Capt. Cabrera, deserves and receives my sincere thanks. Capt. Cabrera, trusting to the justice of his cause, and depending on the uprightness of the courts of justice of Pennsylvania, wishes to prove his innocence by the most expeditious means, desires to submit his case to the decision of the laws of this country. Therefore, to relieve him from the state of anxiety, under which he labours at present, I withdraw from him, at his own request, the protection of the rights of embassy, with which he has been hitherto sheltered, and request your excellency to retain the said Capt. Cabrera, during the time preceding his trial, and until its final decision, in the same lodging he actually occupies in the Debtor's Apartment. I have given to him a formal promise, that he will continue to be treated with the same humanity he has hitherto experienced, and don't doubt that your excellency will show, on this occasion, as you have done on many former ones, that you know how to foist the severity of justice, by the feelings of a man.
I avail myself of this opportunity, to renew to your excellency, the sentiments of respect, and high consideration, with which I have the honor to be, Your Excellency's most obed't, EL MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO. His Excellency, the Governor of Pennsylvania.
[No. V.] Samuel M. Fox, Esquire, to his Excellency Thomas M'Kean, Governor of the state of Pennsylvania. Bank of Pennsylvania, Sept. 2d, 1804.
Sir, I have received a letter from the Marquis de Casa Yrujo, informing, that he had withdrawn his protection from Don Joseph de Cabrera, who is suspected of forging a Check upon the Bank of Pennsylvania. I take the liberty of mentioning this circumstance to your excellency, and of requesting that you would be so good as to intimate to me, whether any measures on the part of the officers of the Bank are necessary in this stage of the business.
I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obed't serv't, SAM. M. FOX, P. B. P. His Excellency the Governor.
[No. VI.] His excellency Marquis de Casa Yrujo, to his Excellency the governor of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 26th December, 1804.
Sir, When at the request of the Bank of Pennsylvania, Your excellency desired me to deliver to the jurisdiction of this state, Don Joseph de Cabrera, a gentleman of his Catholic majesty's legation near the United States, accused of forgery and of defrauding the said Bank of different sums of money, I had the honor to observe to Your excellency in answer, that however violent the suspicions would be against the said Cabrera, I did not think myself authorized to give him up, by the reasons minutely mentioned; but I suggested that, as the true channel and depository of the King my master's authority, I would have him myself arrested on his royal name, until his majesty's will was known. Your excellency acquiesced under my proposal, and Cabrera was arrested under my orders for some time. After a short period, and at the request of Mr. Cabrera himself, I delivered him into your hands, having appeared desirous to justify himself by a trial by the laws of Pennsylvania. When the trial was about to take place, Mr. Cabrera has sent me a new request, accompanied with several observations, to have him sent to Spain to be tried by the laws of his country. Although it is my intention to accede in all its extent to Mr. Cabrera's demand, upon reconsideration of this business, I think myself justified in reclaiming again from your excellency, the person of the said Cabrera, whom I'll keep in the same state of confinement until the King my master's will is known, as to further proceedings. I indulge the hope your excellency shall not have objections to replace the prisoner at my order, and under the same footing agreed upon between us in the beginning of this affair, as his person is equally secure, and the Bank is in reality put on a more advantageous ground for the recovery of the money.
With sentiments of high consideration, I have the honor to be, Your obed't serv't, EL MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO. His Excellency Thomas M'Kean, Governor of Pennsylvania.
[No. VII.] Copy of a letter to his Excellency the Envoy Extraordinary of Spain. Philadelphia, Oct. 29th, 1804.
Sir, I had the honor to receive your excellency's letter of the 26th inst. and have duly considered your request, that Mr. Joseph de Cabrera might be again placed under the directions of His Catholic Majesty. Since he had submitted, with your consent, to the laws and jurisdiction of the state of Pennsylvania, a Grand Jury of the city of Philadelphia, in the Mayor's court,
have verified, as far as their power extends, the truth of the accusation against him; and, when his trial was ready, he prayed by his counsel, a postponement until the twelfth day of, November next, which was granted. I perceive, and it is natural, that he wishes to put the evil day afar off.
Although I consider his claim to exemption from the jurisdiction of the state, to be rather derived from his attachment to the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of his Catholic Majesty, and to his being one of his retinue and household, than to any appointment he has under His Majesty, he being no Public Minister; yet willing to comply with your humane request in his behalf, I have directed the Attorney-General to withdraw the prosecution against him, and to leave him confined entirely subject to your instructions; but at the same time I cannot omit mentioning my confidence, that the Bank of Pennsylvania will be indemnified for the one thousand six hundred dollars, obtained from them by fraud, or that the offender will be duly punished.
Accept, Sir, of my sincere attachment and very great regard, T. M'KEAN. His excellency the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Spain.
[No. VIII.] Copy of a letter from the Governor of Pennsylvania to the Spanish Minister. Philadelphia, April 16, 1804.
Sir, Having received a written notice from some person, not named, that a habeas corpus has been allowed by the circuit court of the United States for Joseph Cabrera, charged with divers forgeries of checks on different banks of the United States, particularly on the Bank of Pennsylvania, now confined in a room of the debtor's apartment, in the jail of the county of Philadelphia, until the pleasure of his Catholic Majesty the King of Spain, concerning him shall be known; and that he is to be brought before the court on Saturday next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, for their decision; permit me to request of your excellency, to communicate to me, as far as it may be consistent with your situation, whether you have as yet received any, and what instructions, from your court, concerning him, in order to be delivered to the Attorney-General for the information of the circuit court.
I have the honor to be, With great regard, Your Excellency's Most obedient servant, THOMAS M'KEAN. The Minister, &c. of Spain. [copy.]
[No. IX.] The Spanish minister to the governor of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 16th of April.
Sir, In answer to Your excellency's letter of this morning, just at hand, with the request of my communicating to Your excellency, as far as may be consistent with my station, whether I have as yet received any, and what instructions from my court concerning Don Joseph de Cabrera, detained by me in the debtor's apartment of this city, I am to say to your excellency, that the king my master has been duly informed of Mr. Cabrera's being detained by me in the abovementioned place, and of the motives of this determination of mine; and his majesty, without altering, or changing in the least my dispositions upon this head, has signified to me his royal intentions by enjoining me, that should the investigations made on this affair confirm the violent suspicions already existing against Cabrera, of his having forged my signature, and thus robbed the Bank, I was to give an immediate information to H. M. who would adopt, in consequence, proper measures for the punishment of Cabrera's excesses. Since my receipt of the said Royal Order, I have found out two more forged checks upon the Branch Bank of the United States, in Washington, where Cabrera was in that city, and the Frenchman accused by him in the West-Indies, which upon comparison with those drawn upon the Bank of Pennsylvania, and proved false, appear, by a sworn evidence of the first teller of this last Bank, to be in the same hand writing with the others.
I have the honour to be, Your Excellency's Most obedient servant, EL MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO. His Excellency Thomas M'Kean.
[No. X.] Copy of a letter from the Marquis de Casa Yrujo, to the governor of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 4th of May, 1805.
Sir, When in the month of August last, your excellency claimed from me the person of Don Joseph Cabrera, I had the honor to observe to you in answer, that this gentleman, being under the protection of the Laws of Nations, it was out of my power to give him up; but that equally desirous of defending the Diplomatic privileges attached to his situation, and of removing the idea of the most distant disposition on my part to screen a man, who, by all appearances, had violated the laws of civilized nations, I wished to have him secured in the Debtor's Apartment under my authority. I claimed from your excellency the means of carrying into effect this exercise of my indubitable right, and declared to you at the same time, that any measures taken by your excellency, for that purpose, were to be considered merely as instrumental to establish the authority of the king my master, over one of his subjects.
Your excellency agreed with me on the propriety of such a conduct, and gave orders for the detention of Cabrera, until His Catholic Majesty's decision should be known.—Since that period, two circumstances have occurred, in which your excellency's respect for the Laws of Nations has been evinced, and which are an incontrovertible proof that Cabrera had been arrested under the authority of the king my master, and not under that of the state, as has been maliciously pretended.
But, fir, it is not enough, that the Executive Department pays that regard that is due to the Diplomatic privileges; it should be equally expected from all the other branches of the government of this state. I understand that Mr. Cabrera has applied about two weeks ago for an Habeas Corpus, before the honourable Circuit Court of the United States, and that the learned judges had declared, they had nothing to do in Cabrera's case, whose decision exclusively belonged to his sovereign. I am also informed, that a new attempt has been made of late before the honourable the Chief Justice of this state, but was suddenly suspended, and finally removed before Mr. Frederick Wolbert, an associate Judge of the Court of Common Pleas.
I would consider myself as remiss in the fulfilment of my duty, and in the defence of the rights of my sovereign, was I to be silent any longer respecting proceedings of this nature and tendency. Mr. Cabrera is his Catholic majesty's subject, & with privileges attached to his
person, which must preclude the interference of any court or authority in this country. He is arrested under the king's authority, and to his Catholic Majesty alone it belongs to decide on his fate and situation. Of course, I cannot but apply to your excellency, as the Supreme Executive Magistrate of this state, for the preventing any violations of the rights of the king my master, or of those belonging to my situation, as his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary near the United States. For the same reasons, I must declare to your excellency; that I do protest in the most solemn manner, against the interference of any court or authority whatever of this country, in the case of the said Don Joseph Cabrera, without his Catholic Majesty's consent; and do claim, and expect at the same time from your excellency, the continuation of such measures, as may be necessary for the custody of Mr. Cabrera's person in the Debtor's Apartment, until his Catholic Majesty's will and pleasure may be known. With sentiments of high consideration, I have the honour to be, Your Excellency's Most obedient servant, EL MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO. To his Excellency the governor of Pennsylvania.
[No. XI.] El Marquis de Casa Yrujo, to the governor. Sir, Properly authorized by the king my master, I do give up to the laws of this state, the person of Don Joseph de Cabrera, formerly attached to the office of his legation, and detained hitherto under the authority of his Catholic Majesty, on the charge of forgery. With high consideration, I have the honour to be, Your Excellency's Most obedient servant, EL MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO. His Excellency the governor of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 10th of May, 1805.
[No. XII.] FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. RUN away from the subscriber, on 21st instant a mulatto man named JOHN, alias JOHN STRANGE. He is rather of small stature, well set, has a round and remarkably pleasing visage, and is an excellent house-servant, holler, and driver. He carried but few cloths with him, but I expect will readily procure some, as also a free pass. It is probably he has gone to Richmond, where he has acquaintances, and from thence will attempt to go, by water, to Norfolk, Alexandria, or Baltimore: I have been lately informed, that he escaped to one of those places, before I purchased him. He has a wife at Mr. Mann Pages, near Hanover-town, where he may probably lurk for some time. If apprehended, great care should be taken to secure him, as I expect he is desperate, as well as vicious.
If taken within this County, (Hanover) and brought to me or secured in goal, I will pay 20 Dollars:—if in Richmond, or at any place 20 miles from my residence, and secured in goal, 30 Dollars:—and 50 Dollars, if taken, in Norfolk, Alexandria, Baltimore, or any other place 50 miles distant, and brought to me, or secured in goal in Norfolk. SPENCER ROANE. Spring Garden, near Hanover-town, May 28, 1805. [ep2w&claw1w]
NOTICE. THE co-partnership of ROBERT GAMBLE & SONS, will be dissolved by mutual consent, on Saturday, the 11th instant. All persons indebted to the said firm, are earnestly entreated to make immediate payment to either of the subscribers. A compliance with this request will prevent the painful necessity of resorting to coercive measures. The books will be placed in the possession of Messrs. John and Robert Gamble jun. who are authorised to settle all accounts due by, or to the concern. RO. GAMBLE. JOHN G. GAMBLE. RO. GAMBLE, jr. Richmond, May 6th, 1805.
The subscribers take this method of informing their friends and the public, that they intend carrying on the mercantile business, under the firm of JOHN & ROBERT GAMBLE JUN. They are now receiving by the ship Rolla, a choice selection of LONDON GOODS, and daily expect from Liverpool, a general assortment of HARDWARE, &c. suitable for the season—which will be sold by the piece, package or dozen, on the most moderate terms, for cash, merchantable country produce, or the usual credit to substantial and punctilious customers. They also possess large and convenient Brick warehouses covered with slate, for receiving and storing Flour, Tobacco &c. Those gentlemen who favor them with consignments, will find their charges reasonable, and may rely on their best exertions to afford satisfaction.
The highest rates given for Bees-Wax, good Bear, Deer, and Otter skins, and other shipping Furs. JOHN G. GAMBLE. ROBERT GAMBLE, jr.
The subscriber (Robert Gamble, sen.) avails himself of this opportunity to thank his numerous friends for the very large share of patronage he has received in the Mercantile line—and hereby tenders to the public his future services as a Commission Merchant. He flatters himself, his long experience (with other circumstances unnecessary here to mention) entitles him to the confidence of those who may have business of that nature to transact in this city—affuring such of his best exertions to merit approbation. Those who yet remain indebted to the late firms of Gamble and Gratton, of Staunton, of Gamble & Temple, of Robert Gamble & Co. and Robert Gamble of the city of Richmond, are once more earnestly requested to make immediate payment of their respective balances. Such as continue regardless of this last notice cannot expect longer indulgence. RO. GAMBLE. Richmond, May 10, 1805. ep3w oawti.
VIRGINIA. To wit: At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 6th day of April, 1805, Helen Gilmour, widow and relict of Robert Gilmour, deceased; and John Morton Gilmour and Robert Gilmour, only children of the said Robert Gilmour, deceased, Plaintiffs. Against Bogle Somerville and company, and Bogle Jameson and company, and James McGregor, John Robertson and Cunningham Corbett, trustees for the creditors of the aforesaid companies, and Gavin Lawson, Defendants.
T appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that the defendant Gavin Lawson, since the institution of this suit, hath left this country, and the said defendant not having given security according to the acts of assembly and the rules of this court—on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, it is ORDERED, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capital in this city. A Copy. Teste, ANTY ROBINSON, C. C. May 21. 72m
DOCTOR WILSON HAS removed his Apothecary Shop to the lower floor of the Bell Tavern, where he has a general supply of MEDICINES, PAINTS, & OTHER ARTICLES IN THE APOTHECARY LINE. He takes the liberty to observe, that he has not an article of medicine but such as he uses in his own practice. Physicians, merchants and others, who may be pleased to patronize him, shall be supplied on the most reduced terms. Persons of needy circumstances, by paying the retail prices of his medicines, will be prescribed for gratis. May 21. (ut.)
LINSEED OIL. A Quantity of Dutch Boiled LINSEED OIL, For Sale by THOMAS WHITE. May 21. 78w
IN HANOVER COUNTY COURT. April 29th, 1805. Austin Morris, Plaintiff. John Shaw, Defendant. This day came the plaintiff by his counsel, and the defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the acts of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this county, on the motion of the plaintiff it is Decreed and Ordered, That the defendant do appear here on the first day of the next quarterly term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of the Court-house in this county. A Copy. Teste, THOS: POLLARD D. C. C. (T2m)
VIRGINIA. In the Superior Court of Chancery held in Richmond, Between Thomas Price and John Sandridge, Plaintiffs. And Alexander Outlaw, senior, and Alexander Outlaw, junior, Defendants.
ON motion of the defendant, Alexander Outlaw, junior, by counsel, this cause is ordered to be re-docketed; thereupon the said defendant filed his answer, to which the plaintiffs replied generally, and commissions are awarded the plaintiffs and the said defendant, to examine and take the depositions of their witnesses; and on the further motion of the said defendant, the court referreth the accounts, between him and the plaintiffs in this suit, to one of its commissioners, to be by him examined, stated, settled, and to the court reported with any special matters thought pertinent by himself, or required by the parties to be specially stated. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C. C.
COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE. Richmond, 15th May, 1805. THE parties will take Notice, that I have appointed the twenty-ninth day of July next, to commence the account directed by the annexed decree. Order of the Court—on which day they are requested to attend at my office in this city, with the accounts & vouchers prepared, and ready for examination and settlement—and with copies of the court papers. SAMUEL GREENHOW, M. C. May 21. 4
100 DOLLARS REWARD. At a meeting of the Fairfield JOCKEY CLUB, held at the Eagle-Tavern, on the 8th day of May, 1805: Mr. Taylor proposed the following resolutions, which were seconded, and unanimously adopted:
WHEREAS a most cruel and unprincipled act has been perpetrated by some person or persons unknown, in wantonly stabbing and killing the Valuable Imported Horse WRANGLER, at the residence of Mr. Haskins, in the county of Prince Edward; and whereas it becomes manfully the interest of gentlemen of the turf, and breeders of horses, to bring to justice the perpetrator or perpetrators of an act so infamous and so injurious to the community—
Resolved—That a reward of one hundred dollars be paid by this club, to any person or persons, who shall give such information to the Secretary, as shall bring to conviction the perpetrator or perpetrators of this barbarous and malicious act.
Resolved—That the secretary of this club be requested to communicate to the secretaries of the different Jockey Clubs in this state, and to the secretary of the club in Washington, the resolutions of this club relative to the atrocious killing of this valuable horse, with a view to their co-operation in making a discovery of, and bringing to punishment the bale and malignant offender.
Extract from the Club Book, MERIWETHER JONES, Secretary. May 21, [13r.]
EDUCATION & POLITE ACCOMPLISHMENTS, FOR YOUNG LADIES: AT WILLIAMSBURG, VA.
WHILST the enlightened period in which we live dawns with benign influence on female improvement, and parents every where become emulous to obtain for their daughters, the advantages which polite education confers, an establishment calculated to gratify this amiable and just solicitude, cannot fail to excite interest, and meet approbation.
Mr. Anderson's institution for the instruction of young ladies, formed in the bosom of a society distinguished for intelligence and refinement, and embracing both the useful and ornamental branches of their improvement, enjoys peculiar advantages of situation.
As the seat of a justly celebrated university, and the residence of many families of the first distinction in our country, Williamsburg presents a scene, propitious in the highest degree to mental and personal accomplishments; and with a view, particularly, to the general improvement of young ladies, no place has superior claims to attention.
The severity of the past winter occasioned a temporary suspension of the exercises of the school, but they are now resumed; and parents, who wish to benefit by this establishment, may obtain further information, on application by letter, or otherwise, to Mr. L. Anderson, Postmaster, Williamsburg, Va. April 26. ep2w&ctf.
JAMES SEABROOK, TAYLOR RETURNS his grateful acknowledgements to his friends and the public, for their liberal encouragement and informs them, that he continues to carry on his business in all its various branches, nearly opposite the Post Office and next door to Kirbie & Worley's Printing-Office.—And as he has established a regular correspondence in Philadelphia, gentlemen may depend on having their clothes made in the newest fashion. May 14. (c15.)
N. B. A few good JOURNEYMEN wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given.
CASH WILL be given for 12 or 15 BOYS, from 7 to 15 years old. Enquire of the Printers. Dec. 15. [epf.]
Printing, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE of the ENQUIRER.