Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1809-06-16 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIIth Year.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1662.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS,) BY SAUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, JUNE 16, 1809.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, May 26.
VOTE OF APPROPRIATION.
MR. RANDOLPH in continuation.
If, sir, we are not to have a full discussion of the conduct of the present administration, and it is to be blended and identified with the conduct of the last—which I very much deprecate, because I see nothing but a most striking difference between the two—we must take into view the situation of the two countries, Great Britain and America, at the time the first session of the 9th Congress commenced, in the beginning of the winter of 1805, that unhappy year of schism. Were those orders then in force which Mr. Canning has withdrawn? No, sir. What was then the language of gentlemen in this house? That something must be done, and that unhappy opinion that something must be done, that some medicine must be taken, has destroyed many a patient, political as well as individual—that something turned out to be the old non-importation act. After that, the disease instead of yielding to the remedy, only became exasperated by it. Something more must be done. What was that, sir? The embargo. When that was laid, was the existence of the British orders in council known? It was not—and I take the opportunity of saying so here, because I see it has been asserted in the British Parliament, by a gentleman of the first respectability for talents and character, that they were known here. They were not as was in my opinion unequivocally demonstrated on Saturday night the 17th and Sunday the 18th December last—although that debate has been suppressed. I say they were not. The embargo was laid on the receipt of the documents expressing the determination of the French government to enforce the Berlin decree and the copy of the proclamation of the king of England, which last was cut out of a newspaper. I again repeat what I said and repeated that night, unknowing whether it will go to the public or not. That in my opinion the President of the United States acted with perfect propriety in sending us that newspaper information; that though it was unofficial, it was proper to have been laid before this House as a guide to its decision—and it is an irrefragable proof, the President having sent us that paper, that he did not possess information official or unofficial on the subject of the orders in council when he recommended and we received the proposition of the embargo. It cannot be gotten over, unless gentlemen are willing to admit, which I, totis viribus, deny, that the President of the United States was deficient in his duty, or that the newspapers of this place gave earlier and more correct information on the subject of our foreign relations than our government. I say that by a recurrence to that message of the President of the United States it will be found that there was no knowledge in the cabinet of the existence of these orders in council—for, although we received the British proclamation, we did not receive any information of those orders in council, though I presume that something might have been apprehended without distinctly knowing what it was. The non-importation act was passed previous to the orders in council, and consequently did not grow out of them; and the embargo, though posterior, was recommended and received by this house before they were known
either to the President or to this House, as the journal and a comparison of the file of the National Intelligencer brought into this house on a former occasion will shew. The non-importation & the embargo acts were passed. They no longer exist—the one no longer exists at all; the other no longer exists as to Great Britain—and the removal of these obstructions was the alleged and true reason of the revocation of the orders in council which were not the moving consideration to passing the non-importation act or laying the embargo. This is the truth. The withdrawal of the orders in council, out of which the non-importation and the embargo did not arise may be considered as the cause of doing away both the non-importation and the embargo, and the non-intercourse act besides—for the non-intercourse act did grow out of the orders in council and the affair of the Chesapeake—there is no doubt about that—or more properly speaking, sir, the non-intercourse act grew out of the embargo; for, really smarting under the tortures of that most wretched measure, this house and the nation were goaded to that pitch of madness, that a declaration of war from any quarter would by many have been considered better than our then situation. We were in a situation, in which if something be not administered to the suffering patient, he must die—and we took the non-intercourse act. We rejected, and (thank God for it!) not without some little of my instrumentality, the proposition to issue letters of marque and reprisal, which, if adopted, I leave to you and the house to decide whether we should have met in our present agreeable situation. Yes, sir, with the embargo, like a plaster plaister upon our backs, we were in such a situation that the committee of foreign relations said, and we affirmed their decree, we must be disgraced or fight all the nations of the earth—fight all, fight nobody; fight like demi-gods. A worthy gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. D. R. Williams) now not a member of this house, also thought that we must fight every body, but he thought better of it, and was content to fight one, and to choose his antagonist. Gentlemen in the other house were of the same opinion; and as they alleged they could not get at France, they chose to fight Great Britain. This was the situation in which we were placed by the operation of the embargo on the public mind. Sir, if we were not quite cool, like Sir Anthony Absolute who has been quoted on the floor of the British house of commons, as the prototype of the British minister, we were something like honest Bob Acres—fighting Bob, who was not sensible, till he was put to the pinch, how little he liked, really liked fighting—our fighting disposition, like his, oozed out of our finger ends, or rather our tongues' ends—and we are at peace. It is for these reasons that I hope this slur will not be cast upon the government of the United States though I do not conceive that they greatly overreached their antagonist. But I am willing to concede they have done their duty, and to give them my approbation for having so done. Mr. Canning, to be sure, most dextrously seized upon our situation, but still our government have shown how easy it is for men, when they set about it bona fide, with honest intentions, to make up a difference—and I have not the least doubt, that if his majesty the emperor of France and king of Italy will meet our PACIFICUS, a much more honorable designation than any in the
long list of his majesty's titles, that we shall be placed in the same state of amity in relation to France in which we are in relation to Great Britain; in which we were five years ago, and from which we have, for reasons which gentlemen no doubt are prepared to give, so wantonly strayed. After all our friskings and curvettings, we have come back to the same point. All my fear is, sir, lest the cure be not complete—lest some political wizard should discover that, inasmuch as in 1805, prior to the existence of the orders in council, we stood in need of the non-importation act, and as in 1807-8, prior to a knowledge of the orders in council, we stood in need of an embargo, for the same reasons we now stand in need of some other substitute—not the same, sir; for I undertake to say that we never shall have another embargo without limitation of time—it was indeed a horse medicine, but it has worked a complete cure. Really, sir, if we could have been brought to believe in 1805-6, that we could do as well without a non-importation as we can now; in 1807-8, that we could have dispensed with the embargo as well as we can now—and more especially, if we could have been brought to accept the treaty negotiated by our commissioners at London, which treaty, to say the worst of it, that its enemies ever pretended to allege, was only deficient as containing no express stipulation on the subject of impressment, and redundant as containing this note by way of rider, the object of which I have explained to the house, and which has been accomplished already, by undoing the non-intercourse, withdrawing the prohibition of our waters to British ships, and repealing the old non-importation act—if we had consented at this time to accept the treaty, we should not only have saved ourselves the price of the embargo—how many hundred millions our secretary of the treasury himself, great a financier and able a calculator as he is, cannot tell; I do not believe he could come within an hundred—but have avoided other disagreeable consequences. Yes, sir: as to the note attached to that treaty, the object of that has been attained. The state of the two countries is materially changed for the better, as it regards England; and for the worse as it respects France. We should then have had the colonial trade placed in a most eligible situation—our East India trade placed on a better basis than our commissioners were instructed to have it placed upon, viz. on the footing of the most favored nation. For, if Great Britain be, as we have heard, at war with Sweden, what are the terms on which the most favored nation is admitted? No terms at all. The terms obtained therefore were unquestionably better than the footing of the most favored nation. We should also have had an excellent stipulation as to the sealine; but above all a practical arrangement of the great question of impressment. It now remains to be seen whether we shall get better terms, in relation to impressment than that informal understanding. It now remains to be seen whether we shall obtain better terms from the Portland and Canning administration, than we have heretofore been unwilling to accept from the Grenvilles and the Foxes. If we do, sir, I shall most cordially rejoice at it; and I will, if gentlemen will tell me to which of the causes they ascribe it, whether to the promptness and frankness of our Executive in meeting the British government half way, which I much applaud, or to the de-
feat of the British arms in Spain—if they will but make up their minds how these better terms shall have been obtained, I will agree to the cause which they shall assign. If they scout the idea of their being ascribable to the present administration, I will agree to ascribe them to the defeat of the English in Spain. I will only beg of them, when they wish to touch the chord of our good old revolutionary principles that they will not ascribe it to the defeats in Spain, and on the next occasion when their object is to do honor and blazon forth the merits of the men who conduct our affairs, that they will not ascribe it to the wise and most excellent measures of our former most sapient and virtuous administration. I am willing to take either as the cause, but I will not subscribe to both, & as it shall suit their purpose. I protest against gentlemen's coming out upon us with the Spanish successes, and the wisdom of the administration at the same time. I am sensible, sir, of having detained your attention and that of the House, not only now but on many former occasions much beyond what I had a right to do. It is an offence, and I am willing to confess it; but it grew out of the unprecedented manner in which I conceive a very unexceptionable motion has been met by gentlemen of this House. You cannot be ignorant, sir, that there are gentlemen in this House who, when their object is to obtain the passage of any motion however reasonable, certainly have to encounter greater difficulties than others; and who, when they see any thing like opposition arising in a certain quarter of the House, like counsel addressing a jury supposed to be somewhat prejudiced against their cause, have to labour their points and impress them much more than the counsel who knows that the ear of those to whom he speaks is attuned like that of a partial mistress to his addresses, and will put the most favorable construction upon them. This subject which I have opened in regard to the renewal of intercourse with one of the belligerents, which I hope in time to see renewed with the other—and then, sir, we shall have choice whether we will begin again the tollition of non-importation, embargo and non-intercourse, or reap the rich harvest of neutrality like men of sense; whether we shall put the interests of the nation at stake, for the purpose of making very grand and warlike speeches on this floor—this charge on which I most cordially congratulate the nation, is a subject which I should not have opened at this time & in this manner if gentlemen had been willing to take my motion for what it is worth—if my motion had been taken at its current and actual value, I should have waited until I could have presented the points which I have endeavored to enforce in a more condensed form—for I have not even a note—and nothing but the manner in which this motion has been received has compelled me to endeavor to show that the motion ought not to be indefinitely postponed, to show that there does exist a difference of opinion in the nation and in the house in relation to that proclamation and the construction of the non-intercourse law, and to show the means resorted to and very ingeniously too to smother and keep out of sight that difference of opinion. Those who think that America ought to take warning by all nations who have first resisted and soon after succumbed to the power of France, and that we ought therefore to bend the knee whilst we can do it with a good grace—and there are those, who think so, for you see that opinion expressed in papers of a high character (for their influence; of no other character) in one edited by an officer holding a high rank in your public armies—I believe I have the extract in my desk, I will read it—We have been told that "our band and antidote [speaking of England and
France] are both before us, and that after the examples of the nations of Europe who have first resisted and then succumbed to Napoleon, the people of the U. States would be fools indeed if they did not see their course,"—which I presume, sir, is succumbing first, without resistance. I see "the little state governments" denounced too, and I confess I tremble; I see this country told that it is time to put them down—for that reason, and not from any deliberate hostility which I believe the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Gholson) entertains for the state governments it was that I was alarmed, when I yesterday heard the doctrines of 1800 revived, that we ought to have little federal courts for the trial of every possible controversy; that the state courts were not even to be trusted with the decision of suits to the amount of five pounds or even five shillings. It gentlemen suppose I throw out this in the spirit of an adversary they are much mistaken. Let us rally around the state governments,—pronounce with my friend from North Carolina (Mr. Macon) oblivion to former distinctions. Let us if we do approve the policy by which the administration have so much to their honor changed the affairs of this country—so much to their honor as to the quo animo not as to the quid pro quo or value received—let us express it in moderate, decent terms, that it may be a guide to the administration of the country hereafter, that it may be a sort of pacific pledge from ourselves to ourselves. I know the aversion of my friend on my left (Mr. Macon) to pledges—I hope he will excuse me. But do not let us give the thing the go-by, though the motion for so doing come from a member connected with the administration (Mr. J. G. Jackson.) If the President has done well let us say so; and if not, let us say nothing. If the majority be of opinion that the President has not done well, I am agreed so to decide. But I think the President ought to take a vote for indefinite postponement, as an expression of our opinion that we disapprove of his conduct, but will not directly express that opinion to him from motives of delicacy. Mr. J. G. Jackson. The equality in the restrictions imposed by us grew out of posterior acts of the French government. France had not invaded our national jurisdiction, had not murdered Pierce or taken the Chesapeake; even admitting her other attacks were equally flagitious with those of Great Britain—and the only discrimination made as consequent on those injuries, was the partial non-importation law, and the prohibition to enter our waters with their armed vessels—afterwards when France to the extent of her power attacked our rights we prohibited the vessels of both nations and their manufactures from entering our ports; and how an exclusion of all articles and all vessels by law, was a more favourable state of things to G. B. than the partial exclusion of either, at a time when the few French that ventured upon the ocean and escaped capture were admitted, it remains for that gentleman (Mr. Randolph) to demonstrate. In the very sentence wherein the gentleman approves of the conduct of government, he tells us G. Britain has conceded nothing. We have obtained an important concession inasmuch as reparation is made for the attack on the Chesapeake, and Mr. Erskine was instructed to offer an abandonment of the orders in council without a repeal of her decrees by France or a promise to refuse trading with her; but merely on a renewal of intercourse with G. Britain; which I repeat it, is obtaining better terms than we offered to accept. Then we were told that unless the French decrees were formally rescinded the orders would be adhered to. Now the British orders are abandoned whilst the French decrees are unrevoked. Mr. Monroe's treaty is drawn into discussion, and the gentleman says that the objection to it, was because there was no provision against impressing seamen; and we nevertheless came to an accommodation now without any such provision. Does the gentleman recollect, that when the affair of the Chesapeake took place all negotiation had been suspended for some time, and except in relation to it and the orders in council has never been renewed? The affair of the Chesapeake was a barrier to all other negotiation; it was impossible at a time when the blood of our citizens was crying for vengeance, and the survivors were confined in slavery worse than death, it was impossible to sit down coolly and calculate how far the East India or colonial trade could be given up by us. Nothing could be done in relation to minor points of difference, when highly paramount concerns pressed upon us. But does it follow, sir, because these points are not now settled, that the seamen are to be abandoned, that the West-India trade is to be given up? That all points of collision are to be considered as conceded? The negotiators
(Continued on Fourth Page)

Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND.
FRIDAY, June 16, 1809.
GREAT BRITAIN.
IT may perhaps be considered by many as the part of policy to withhold any sentiment of harshness in regard to the recent conduct of Great Britain until her views are more fully developed to the world. But to be candid, we must confess that we are no admirers of that cold, timid, and fastidious course, and therefore we shall not hesitate a moment, to lay before our readers the impressions which exist upon our mind. And according to them the prospect which lately flattered us with the restoration of commerce, the recognition of our rights together with an adjustment of our differences upon a permanent basis, has passed away like the transient light of the glow-worm, and left us if possible, in deeper obscurity. From the propositions which were offered by the resident minister here in a tone of such honesty and sincerity, there were few persons indeed who did not look forward to the 10th of June with the anxious anticipation, that it would be the end of our commercial troubles, at least with England. What can be more explicit than the language of Mr. Erskine, when he says that "his majesty would be willing to withdraw his orders in council of January and November 1807, so far as respects the United States, in persuasion that the President would issue a proclamation for the renewal of the intercourse with Great Britain?" In another letter he states that in consequence of the acceptance of these proposals, "He is authorised to declare that his majesty's orders of January and November 1807, will have been withdrawn as respects the United States on the 10th day of June next." These proposals are clear and transparent. There is no subtlety or ambiguity upon which to hang a doubt. And Mr. Madison with frankness and fromtitude performed his duty in receiving them; he embraced them as the happy precursors of amity and peace, but now it seems they will probably turn out like the fable of Ixion and the Cloud. The hypocrisy and treachery of Great Britain is almost too evident to require a remark. But it is said by many of her advocates in this country that she would not have acted in this manner if she had known of the progress which has been made by her minister in the way of adjustment, and it is said by others that she has not violated her propositions, because she has withdrawn her orders as they respect the United States, and that she never did intend to withdraw them as they respect France. These remarks are either founded in folly or the most stubborn determination to advocate the cause of Great Britain, no matter how much it may be distinguished by treachery and injustice. Great Britain was either sincere in the propositions she communicated to her minister, or she was not. If sincere they ought at least to have respected the explicit and unconditional assurances which they desired their minister to make to us; it was their duty according to the law of nations, and most emphatically so, from existing circumstances. They had every possible reason to induce them to believe that their propositions would be accepted, not only because they had been before offered by us, but because they themselves pretended to consider the non-intercourse as a favorable change in regard to them, & hence Mr. Erskine stated in his correspondence that "on these grounds & expectations, he is instructed to communicate to the American government, his majesty's determination of sending to the U.S. an envoy extraordinary invested with full powers to conclude a treaty on all the points of the relations between the two countries." Here then they so confidently calculated upon the acceptance of their proposals, that they were determined to send an envoy extraordinary, &c. of course they could have entertained no doubt about the progress thus far in the way of adjustment. If insincere they merely intended to delude us, while they might entrap our commerce. Else why at the very moment almost when these proposals were under consideration did they issue these new orders? There is substantially little or no difference between the new and old orders. They may not apparently be so extensive; but in fact they blockade every port of much importance to our commerce. But what did they solemnly pledge themselves to do in the face of the world? That the orders of January and November 1807 should be revoked! According to these orders we could not go to any port from which the British flag was excluded. Have they performed their engagement and revoked them? No, like proteus they have only changed their appearance. We are still excluded from France, her colonies, &c. from Holland and from Italy. So that if France should alter or revoke her edicts, it would be perfectly unavailing. So much for British faith and honor. This however was almost precisely her conduct in '93 and '94, and when the president refused at that time to ratify the treaty unless the provision orders were revoked, the British minister perfidiously suggested the expedient of taking them off for a time, and then to renew them again when public suspicion had subsided. We have frequently before given to our readers the history of British conduct about this time, and in an essay in the beginning of last month under the head of what has happened may happen again, we feared this very event. That the conduct of 1808 and 9 would be similar to that of 1794 and 5. And according to present appearances, they have not forgotten the one million of dollars worth of property which they obtained by this base artifice. When the treaty was signed in London on the 19th of November, 1794, the orders of the British council, which had injured and disgraced the neutrals, and brought on defensive retaliations from France, were either re-
voked or considered as superceded. In this state of things, the treaty and Mr. Jay, came forward to America. The President received the treaty early in March, 1795. No objection to it being promulgated, and the Senate being called to receive it for ratification, there was every reason to presume that it was so far agreeable to the President, that he would offer it without objection, to that body, as indeed, he afterwards did. Such being the appearance of things in the beginning of March, it may be fairly presumed that the British government relied in May, (two months after the call of the Senate) with firm confidence that the treaty would be ratified before any thing England might then do, could be known in America. In this state of things, the NEW ORDERS of the British Council in May, 1795, for carrying in our provision vessels, were insidiously, ungratefully, and cruelly issued. In consequence of this, the President made an immediate stand, and caused it to be made known to the British minister, that he would not ratify the treaty while those orders continued in force. The British minister here suggested the advice of revoking them for a time! to give a factitious moment of their non-existence for the ratification. He audaciously proposed that they should then be renewed. It is impossible to describe the atrocity of this conduct. The most bold and daring HIGH-WAY ROBBERY loses some of its guilt in comparison, because there the danger may be calculated, and measures of protection may be taken, but here, even suspicion is banished by friendly assurances, precaution is believed to be unnecessary, and in this moment of faith and unguarded reliance, the hand of perfidy invisibly fixes its grasp, and you become a victim, when you surely expected to be regarded as a friend. If Great Britain should again pursue this nefarious scheme, we trust that it will eternally destroy the British faction in this country, and that if any person should lift his voice to extenuate her enormity, that he will be regarded as a fixed figure for the hand of scorn to point at. But why do we express a doubt? What other motive can actuate Great Britain, what other object can she have in view? If she never intended to rescind her orders of council, why did she make the proposition, and induce us to suspend our non-intercourse, the preservation of our seamen, property, &c.? Our property now floating on the high seas is incalculable, and her orders are still in existence, to be carried into the most rigid execution. She pretends to say that if the vessels are unapprised of the existence of these orders, which of course they will be, as they sailed from their ports under the assurances of friendship, they will be warned to discontinue their voyage or go into some British port. In either case, the mischief to the merchant will be considerable. Whether his cargo returns home, or goes into a British port, where it is probable he will not make enough to pay costs and charges.
OUTRAGE.
As we have uniformly deprecated "doing evil that good may come" we cannot but abhor a transgression of law on pretence of obtaining justice. The attack on the Chesapeake, or the murder of Pierce by the British, was not greatly superior in atrocity to the act, committed by a party of our troops in Upper Canada. The account is extracted from a Montreal paper of May 22. Bennet deserves punishment; but, as we have never had spirit to drag British offenders to punishment for violating our laws, we fear it would look like pusillanimity, to give up one of our officers to the British. The good and royal federalists—how will they act? Having defended Britain for the outrage on the Chesapeake, on the plea of British deserters being on board, they cannot now condemn Bennet, without running into an inextricable dilemma. Luther Martin, alias the honest politician, alias Atolophus, having written a book in defence of the attack on the Chesapeake, laying the blame on our own government, must now defend Captain Bennet; unless the sagacious gentleman should discover by dint of vast law-learning, that a crime amounting to murder on land—is but justifiable homicide, or chance medley, on water. We are indeed curious to know how the great body of the Tory printers will act on this occasion. We say, promptly, that captain Whitty, admiral Berkeley, and captain Bennet, ought to swing gracefully together on the same gallows.
Whig.
** We published an Extra Argus on Tuesday afternoon, containing the whole of the late very important news, received from Europe by the Pacific, Lieut. Reed. Such of our subscribers as did not receive it, are requested to send to the office for it.
FOR SALE, A Young Negro Woman, About 17 years old. Enquire at this office. wtf.
NEW-YORK, June 8. THOMAS PAINE —With heartfelt sorrow and poignant regret, we are compelled to announce to the world, that Thomas Paine is no more. This distinguished Philanthropist, whose life was devoted to the cause of humanity, departed this life, yesterday morning. But if even a poor memory deserved a place in the breast of a freeman, it is that of the deceased, for Take him all in all, We ne'er shall look upon his like again!
PHILADELPHIA, June 9. Latest from Europe.
The ship Pacific , in 23 days from Falmouth, arrived at New York yesterday morning. Lieut. Reed, the messenger, immediately landed, and came on in the Mail this morning. From hence he continued in the Mail, and will, by this route, reach the City of Washington to-morrow afternoon. The letters per the Pacific did not come on by this day's Mail. An intelligent friend, who is a passenger on board the Pacific , has favoured us with the following observations upon the present state of Europe.—
New York, 8th June, 1809. Dear Sir— I have just arrived in the Pacific from Falmouth. We sailed thence on the 8th May. Not having immediate access to my papers, I send you, the following remarks, by Lieut. Reed, who proceeds with his dispatches for Washington city.—
Austria is making a vigorous and noble effort to preserve, or rather to recover her independence; she stands singly against Napoleon, (himself an host) aided by the valour and genius of Berthier, Massena, Davoust, Bernadotte, Lefebvre and nearly the whole of his veteran troops made fierce by repeated victories. The Duke of Auerstadt in his proclamation issued in Germany, asserts positively that Russia will unite her forces with France against Austria, and circumstances render this assertion probable.—The demon of ambition appears to have possessed Alexander, as well as Napoleon; they are animated by the same desire of dividing the whole of Europe into two great empires: when Austria shall have been reduced to a level with the Petty kingdoms of Europe, a blow will probably be struck at the empire of the Turks, and in all human probability they must fall successively, unless an internal revolution should animate the whole mass of the population of the countries, and give the direction of their affairs to abler hands. When or where this mania for conquest will stop who can say? It is proverbial that ambition has no limits—
"This Philip's son proved in revolving years, And first for rattles, then for worlds shed tears."
England will constantly annoy the conqueror in his career; should this fortress be reduced nothing short of universal empire will be aimed at; let America look to it and be prepared. The red section of England is not a probable event, but sound wisdom dictates the expediency of making ourselves strong enough to ward off all possible dangers: pretexts of attack will not be wanted: Louisiana was surrendered only because the war with England deprives France of the power of defending it, and the free principles of our government will naturally make us at all times, obnoxious to a despotic power.
Sir Arthur Wellesley had sailed for Portugal, and will have about 30,000 British troops; while the armies of France are employed on the side of Germany, he may keep alive the flame of patriotism in Spain and Portugal, but whenever reinforcements can be sent, the influence of Britain must disappear.
The late revolution in Sweden has doubtless been produced by French intrigue, she is now tied to the wheels of France, and must hereafter co-operate with the views of Napoleon.
Information (though not well authenticated) has reached England of a victory over the Austrians, which received additional credit on account of a firing, which was heard off Bologna.
The system of conscription introduced into Holland had excited loud murmurs; the principle, however, is to be extended over all the countries subject to the great nation.
The public mind in England is much agitated by the abuses of power, and gross corruption, which have been developed.—Since Mr. Wardle's famous enquiry into the conduct of the Duke of York, facts have come to light which taint the purity of the administration of the affairs of the E. I. Company—of the direction—some of the public hospitals, and which strike deeply at the integrity of some of the king's ministers. Lord Castlereagh was charged with an attempt to obtain by corrupt means the election of a member into the House of Commons: the fact was admitted by himself and he also acknowledged that the principle, if extended, would prove fatal to the independence of the Commons. The only apology offered by himself and his friends, was that the attempt was not successful: notwithstanding the pernicious and alarming tendency of the crime, and the plain evidence of facts demonstrating his guilt, he was acquitted; and he afterwards declared in the House of Commons, that he would not resign his office while he had a majority on his side.
With regard to the orders in council, it may be said, that the United States were warranted in expecting an entire revocation of the old orders, without the adoption of others, asserting the same new and unacknowledged principle, and having (though to a less extent) the same injurious effect upon the lawful commerce of our country. It must be confessed, that to acquiesce under the new orders, will be to acknowledge a privilege hitherto denied: that it will be offensive to France, and increase the difficulties of an amicable accommodation. The manner and circumstances attending the express engagement entered into by Mr. Erskine, that the orders would be revoked by the 10th of June, give it the force of a positive obligation, making it as binding as a treaty. It may be hoped that the good faith and honour of Great Britain, will induce her to fulfil this compact: "To violate the spirit of a treaty (says Vattel) while we pretend to respect the letter, is an artful and deliberate fraud; a complicated crime of falsehood and dishonesty." An act of this nature it is to be presumed will not be committed by the government of Great Britain.—When Mr. Oakley was sent to America, it was expected that we would rigidly persevere in the system we had adopted; & his mission was a decisive proof that the system was not an "inconvenient restriction" upon the American people alone. Mr. Canning began to perceive that it was inconvenient elsewhere. Before the new orders were issued, it was known that the embargo system was relaxed: the relaxation was considered as the offspring of folly, or weakness, and the news was welcomed with joy: it was perceived that such articles of our produce as were most wanted, would be carried in abundance into Spanish, Portuguese, and other ports friendly to Great Britain: that the price would be low, as there would be little competition among buyers; that the expense of carrying them to England would not be an evil, as British vessels would be employed, which by creating a new branch of trade, would increase the nursery for seamen. One principal point therefore which caused Mr. Oakley's mission, was obtained without any concession: it only remained for Great Britain to recover the custom of the United States for her manufactures; having fewer points to gain, it is to be apprehended, that at the time when the new orders were issued, she had determined not to grant terms as favourable as before. The embargo act was extremely injurious to our interests; other measures might have been adopted better suited to the genius of the country, and less hurtful in their operation; but having endured all its various evils for more than a year, we should have persevered until the end in view had been accomplished: it would at least have maintained our reputation for firmness. When the orders in council were under discussion in Parliament, Mr. Whitbread observed that "that nation which had made itself illustrious by a contest rigorously maintained in defence of her liberty and independence, would now persevere in the system she had adopted in defence of her neutral rights." This character for firmness is now, if not lost, at least impaired: fluctuating measures in fact are always injurious and disgraceful.—Notwithstanding the situation to which wavering councils have reduced us, every sincere lover of his country must hope that a treaty of amity and commerce may yet be formed. A long time must elapse before we can coerce terms more favorable than can now be granted. England will now have the opportunity of sending us a supply of her manufactures; of getting flaxseed, cotton, tar, turpentine, and other articles she may want; so that a new embargo and non-intercourse cannot produce much effect for a long period to come. Moreover it cannot be too often urged that England is the bulwark which protects all nations independent of France against injury, if not against absolute conquest. The present situation of Europe has no parallel in modern time; what has been called the balance of power in Europe is now destroyed. If England falls, the determined courage of Americans may proudly maintain liberty and independence: America may and will remain a free, but she would be a poor nation; her territory would be constantly annoyed; her revenues wasted and her blood spilt in its defence; her commerce would dwindle into a mere home trade, and with its manufactures, the arts, and agriculture would languish. This is a consideration of the first magnitude, and some minor interests ought to be sacrificed to it. Hereafter if circumstances should change, and wisdom should dictate it, we may assume a higher tone. The decided ascendancy which Great Britain has upon the seas, will induce her to claim some commercial advantages over every other people: she acts from an inherent principle of human nature, and which governs nations as well as individuals: she has acquired and maintains her superiority by a vast expense of blood and treasure; and at this moment she must maintain it, as her essential interests, her very being rests upon it.—It is true that much profit will not be derived from a trade confined to England and her dependencies, but if we make an amicable arrangement, without uniting with her in the war against France; if Napoleon perceives that he cannot persuade or frighten us into hostilities against England, he will soon be inclined to restore a lucrative commerce, which has only been
interrupted by his gasconading decrees. He wants cotton for his manufactures; he wants a market for his Italian silk and fruit, for his Dutch and German manufactured goods, and for his wines and brandy; he will repeal his decrees, and England will then have no pretext for persevering in her retaliatory system.
The conduct of Col. Burr had excited the suspicion of the British government; he was ordered to leave the country and had embarked for Gottenburg; he must now tread with cautious steps: his restless aspiring soul will be "cribbed and confined" by rigorous laws; if he should offend and receive his passports from the ruler of the continent, he will be literally an outcast of the civilized world.
Our countryman West maintains his pre-eminence in the art of painting; his years decline, but his genius blazes in the meridian. The annual exhibition of the Royal Academy was opened on the 1st of May; and connoisseurs admit that the contributions of West stand unrivalled: the subject of his best picture is taken from the following part of Gray's Bard. "On a rock where haughty brow Frowns o'er old Conway's loaming flood, Rob'd in the sable grab of woe, With haggard eyes the poet stood; Loose his beard and hoary hair, Stream'd like a meteor to the trouble air, And with a master's hand & prophet's fire Struck the deep sorrows of his lyre."
The silent picture of the painter is more vivid and impressive than the speaking picture of the poet. Col. Trumbull who left America last winter had sent some landscapes which were much commended. Our young and thinly populated country, notwithstanding untoward circumstances has been fertile in the production of eminent painters. Besides those whose fame is already known to the world, we have younger artists who are bursting from obscurity into light. The portraits of Mrs. Vanderlyn, of New-York, and his historical and original picture of "Marius sitting amid the ruins of Carthage," have been admired by connoisseurs in Italy, and Angelica Kauffman before her death in 1807, pronounced another American to be superior in landscape painting to any of the numerous pupils from different countries who were then at Rome.
Painting is nearly allied to poetry; no inconsiderable degree of taste, judgement and imagination are necessary to form a Painter; and although vanity has been imputed, and perhaps in some cases justly, to the American character, yet the genius for painting, which is displayed, is a fair object of pride, and warrant a hope, that the sister art of Poetry will ere long be cultivated with equal success.
The following is extracted from a letter written by another passenger to the Pacific.
"The British Orders in Council were in part rescinded by a new Order, substituting a blockade of the ports of France, Holland and Italy, and their dependencies, as far South as Orbetello and Pesaro."
"A few days previous to sailing a French privateer had been captured, who reported an engagement had taken place between the French and Austrians, which lasted days, and terminated in the latter being defeated with the loss of 30,000 men."
"The French squadron, at the Isle d'Aix, has been destroyed by the British."
Dr. Lehman and Mr. Wm. J. Mecke of this city, are passengers in the Pacific. The passengers on board the brig Isabella, Capt. Newcomb, from Havana to leave to return the capt. their grateful acknowledgments for his attention and kindness during the voyage. The gentleman and servant who died on the passage were not Spaniards, as it has been reported, but Americans from Baltimore.
WASHINGTON CITY, June 12.
Some of the London papers state, that Mr. Pinkney, and the American merchants, at London, were pleased with the new orders in Council.
In the House of Peers, on the 4th ult. Lord Selkirk rose pursuant to notice, after some remarks, moved an humble address to his majesty, praying that he would be pleased to direct, that in the negotiation now pending with America, the character of the affair between the frigates Lepard and Chesapeake in 1807, should be ascertained, the causes that led to it, and the consequences with which it may be attended. It was objected to on the ground that it was improper to agitate this question at a time when negotiations were going on. After a short reply by the mover the question was put and negatived without a division.
A new schedule of duties was under consideration of the British Parliament early in May, by which the duties on American produce will be considerably advanced, particularly cotton.
[By Authority.]
An act for the disposal of certain tracts of land in the Mississippi Territory claimed under Spanish grants, reported by the land commissioners antedated, and to confirm the claim of Alexander Ellis and Daniel H. regal.
Be it enacted by the Senate & House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the several tracts of land, in the Mississippi territory, titles to which have been derived under Spanish claims, and which have been disallowed by the boards of commissioners east and west of Pearl riv

on suspicion of the grants, warrants or orders of survey, on which the claims are grounded, being antedated or otherwise fraudulent, and which are embraced in the report of the said boards of commissioners laid before Congress, agreeable to the third section of an act, entitled "An act supplementary to the act entitled an act regulating the grants of land, and providing for the disposal of the lands of the United States, south of the state of Tennessee," shall be, and the same are hereby directed to be sold, in the same manner at the same price, and on the same terms and conditions, as have been, or may be by law provided for the sale of the other public lands in the said territory; and any person or persons claiming under a Spanish grant, warrant or order of survey as aforesaid, shall be entitled to institute, in the highest court of law or equity in the said territory, his or their suit or action for the recovery of the tract or tracts so claimed as aforesaid: Provided, such claimant or claimants shall institute his or their suit or action within the term of one year from and after the tract or tracts so claimed shall have been sold by the United States, or in case the same is now inhabited and cultivated, in virtue of a pre-emption right, within one year from and after the passing of this act; and if any person or persons claiming lands as aforesaid, shall fail or neglect to commence or institute his or their suit or action, in the manner and within the time prescribed by this section, or shall be non-suited, or discontinue the same, his or their right to commence such suit or action, in any court whatsoever, shall be forever barred and foreclosed.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That if the person or persons claiming under such grant, warrant or order of survey, shall make it appear to the satisfaction of the court, before whom such suit or action shall be pending, that the tract of land therein specified, was actually surveyed prior to the twenty-seventh day of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, then, and in that case, the same shall be deemed and held to be good and valid, to all intents and purposes, any thing in this act to the contrary notwithstanding, but in case the claimants shall fail to prove the tracts of land so claimed, to have been actually surveyed prior to the twenty-seventh day of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, or in case the same shall appear to be otherwise fraudulent or illegal, the grant, warrant or order of survey, granted by the Spanish government, as aforesaid, by virtue of which such tract or tracts of land may be claimed shall be, and the same is hereby declared null and void to all intents and purposes, and shall not be read in evidence against any claim or certificate of pre-emption, derived from the United States.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful, in the trial of such suit or action, for either party to introduce parole evidence for the purpose of supporting or invalidating the grant, warrant or order of survey as aforesaid; and the judgment, sentence or decree of the highest court of law or equity, in the cases aforesaid, shall be final and conclusive between the parties, and may be plead in bar to any subsequent suit or action brought in the same or any other court, for the recovery of the same land or any part thereof.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That Abraham Ellis be, and he is hereby confirmed in a tract of land granted by the British government of West Florida, to Stephen Jordan, containing the quantity of two hundred acres, lying and being on the waters of Boyd's creek, according to the metes and bounds of said tract of land set forth in the plate thereof, made by the surveyor general of said province of West Florida: and that the amount of money which the said Ellis may have been compelled to pay to the receiver of public monies west of Pearl river, in the Mississippi territory, for said tract of land, be refunded to him by the receiver aforesaid.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That Daniel Harregal be and he is hereby confirmed in his title to fee simple to the tract of land whereon he resides, containing the quantity of five hundred and fifty acres, agreeably to a plat thereof filed with the register of the land office, west of Pearl river, in the Mississippi territory.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the house of representatives. JN. MILLEDGE, President of the senate, pro tempore. Feb. 28, 1809.—Approved, TH: JEFFERSON.
An act to extend the time for making payment for the public lands of the United States. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Uni-
ted States of America in Congress assembled, That every person who has heretofore purchased any of the public lands of the United States, at any of the land offices established for the disposal of the said lands, whether such purchase was made at public or private sale (sales by virtue of a pre-emption right only excepted) and whose lands have not already been actually sold or reverted to the United States, for non-payment of part of the purchase money and the time for making the last payment on account of such purchase according to former laws, may have expired or shall expire, on or before the first day of January next, shall be allowed a further time of two years for the payment of the residue of the principal due on account of such purchase; which further term of two years shall be calculated to commence from the expiration of one year from and after the day on which the last payment on account of such purchase should, according to former laws, have become due, and shall be allowed only on the following conditions; that is to say: First, That all the arrears of interest, on the land purchased, to the end of one year from the day on which the last payment on account of such purchase should, according to former laws, have become due, shall have been paid at or before the end of such year. Second, That the residue of the sum, due on account of the principal of such purchase shall be paid with interest thereon, in two equal annual payments, (viz.) one half of the said residue, with the interest which may then be due thereon, within one year; and the other half of the said residue, with the interest which may be due thereon, within two years after the expiration of one year from and after the day on which the last payment on account of such purchase should, according to former laws, have become due.
And in case of failure in paying either the arrears of interest or each of the two installments of principal, with the accruing interest, at the time and times above mentioned, the tract of land shall be forthwith advertised, and offered for sale in the manner and on the terms and conditions now prescribed for the sale of lands purchased from the United States and not paid for within the limited time, and shall revert in like manner, to the United States, if the sum due, with interest, be not at such sale bidden and paid.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the house of representatives. JN: MILLEDGE, President of the senate, pro tempore. March 2d, 1809.—Approved, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT for the relief of Daniel Cotton. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the proper accounting officers of the treasury be and they are hereby authorised and directed to settle the account of Daniel Cotton, and allow him for the detention and use of his ship, called the Anna Maria, from the twenty-third day of December in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred, when she was arrested by the Bey of Tunis until the twenty-third day of May following, when she discharged her Tunisian cargo at Marseilles, allowing him while in port the usual rate of demurrage, and while on the voyage the usual rate of freight, agreeably to the burthen of the said ship; and after deducting from the whole sum allowed for such detention, demurrage and freight, five thousand dollars paid to the master of said ship by William Eaton, then consul for the United States at Tunis, they pay the balance with interest to said Daniel Cotton out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate pro tempore. February 28, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT making provision for the further accommodation of the household of the president of the United States.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That after the third day of March next, the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised and empowered to cause to be sold, such articles furnished by the United States, for the President's household, as may be decayed, out of repair, or unfit for use; and that the proceeds of such sale, and so much of a sum not exceeding fourteen thousand dollars in addition thereto, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, as the President of the United States may judge necessary, be and hereby are appropriated for the accommodation of the household of the President, to be laid out and expended for such articles of furniture as he shall direct.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate, pro tempore. March 2, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT. Extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana Territory, and for other purposes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the citizens of the Indiana Territory, en-
titled to vote for representatives to the General Assembly thereof, shall at the time of electing their representatives to the said general assembly, also elect one delegate from the said territory to the congress of the United States, who shall possess the same powers heretofore granted to the delegates from the several territories of the United States: any thing in the ordinance for the government of the said territory to the contrary notwithstanding.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the sheriffs of the several counties which now are, or may hereafter be established, in the said territory respectively, shall within forty days next after an election for a delegate to congress, transmit to the secretary of the territory a certified copy of the returns from the several townships in their counties respectively. And it shall be the duty of the governor, for the time being, to give to the person having the greatest number of votes, a certificate of his election.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That so soon as the governor of the territory shall divide the same into five districts, the citizens thereof, entitled to vote for representatives to the said General Assembly, shall, in each of the said districts, elect one member of the legislative council, who shall possess the same powers heretofore granted to the legislative council in the said territory, and shall hold their offices four years and no longer; any thing in the ordinance for the government of the said territory to the contrary notwithstanding.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the general assembly of the said territory shall have power to apportion the representatives of the several counties therein, or which may hereafter be established therein, according to the number of free white male inhabitants, above the age of twenty one years, in such counties: Provided, that there be not more than twelve, nor less than nine, of the whole number of representatives; any act or acts to the contrary notwithstanding, until there shall be six thousand free white male inhabitants, above the age of twenty one years, in said territory; after which time the number of representatives shall be regulated agreeably to the ordinance for the government thereof.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN MILLEDGE, President of the Senate, pro tempore. February 27, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT for the relief of certain Alabama and Wyandott Indians.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States, be, and he is hereby authorised to cause to be surveyed and designated by proper metes and bounds, a tract of land not exceeding two thousand five hundred acres, out of any lands of the United States, lying in the territory of Orleans, and west of the river Mississippi and by lease vest the said tract of land in a certain tribe of Alabama Indians and their descendants for the term of fifty years: Provided nevertheless, That it shall not be lawful for the said tribe of Indians to transfer or assign their interest in the said land, and every suit, transfer or assignment, shall be null and void. And provided also, That if the said tribe of Indians, shall remove from the said tract of land, their interest in and to the same, shall thenceforth cease and determine.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That there shall be designated, under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury two tracts of land in the Michigan territory, one including the village called Brown's town, and the other the village called Maguaga, in the possession of the Wyandott tribe of Indians containing in the whole not more than five thousand acres; which two tracts of land shall be reserved for the use of the said Wyandotts, and their descendants, and be secured to them in the same manner, and on the same terms and conditions as is provided in relation to the Alabama Indians, by the first section of this act.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate pro tempore. February 28, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
A Pair of Horses Stolen.
20 Dollars Reward.
STOLEN from the commons of Manchester, on Thursday night 8th inst.
A Pair of Black Horses.
One a BROWN BLACK, very thick set and well made, his left hind foot white—The other a jet or deep black, of rather slender make, both nearly the same age, 8 or 9 years, and about five feet high; they pace, trot and gallop, and run well in harness. I will give Ten Dollars Reward, with reasonable expenses, to any person delivering them to me, or five Dollars for such information that I get them again—$ Twenty Dollars for the apprehension and conviction of the Thief.
CORNELIUS BUCK. Manchester, 14th June, 1809. (t.f.)
Proposals for furnishing materials, and building a Powder Magazine.
IN pursuance of an advice of the Council of State, proposals will be received by me until 1st day of July next for furnishing materials and building a Powder Magazine: the plan and dimensions will be made known by application to Abraham Douglas. Richmond, June 15, 1809. t.f.
General Assembly, begun and held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, on Monday the second day of December, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and five, and of the Commonwealth, the thirty-third.
AN ACT giving further time to the proprietors of certain lands, forfeited for the non payment of taxes, to redeem the same.
[Passed February 1st, 1806.]
BE it enacted by the General Assembly, That the proprietors of lands forfeited to, and vested in the commonwealth, by the non payment of taxes, agreeably to the act, entitled, "An act more effectually to provide for the payment of taxes upon lands within this commonwealth," may redeem the same by paying into the treasury of this commonwealth, on or before the first day of March, in the year eighteen hundred and seven, all arrears of taxes due thereon.
This act shall commence and be in force from and after the passing thereof.
A Copy from the Roll.—Teste, J. PLEASANTS, Jr. Keeper of the Rolls.
General Assembly, begun and held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, on Monday the first day of December, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and six, and of the commonwealth, the thirty-first.
AN ACT to amend an act, entitled, "An act more effectually to provide for the payment of taxes upon lands within this commonwealth."
[Passed 20th January, 1807.]
BE it enacted by the General Assembly, That when the taxes on any tract or parcel of land shall have heretofore remained, or shall hereafter remain unpaid for the space of two years, such tract or parcel of land shall be forfeited to the commonwealth, and shall not be subject to location Provided nevertheless, That the tract or parcel of land so as aforesaid forfeited, shall be subject to the redemption of the former rightful and proper owner at any time within three years after such forfeiture shall have accrued, upon payment of the taxes due thereon, according to the following rules, to wit: That if the said taxes shall be paid in the first year after such forfeiture shall have accrued, there shall be paid an interest of twenty-five per centum per annum on the amount of the said taxes from the time they became due, till paid. If the said taxes shall be paid in the second year after such forfeiture shall have accrued, there shall be paid an interest of fifty per centum per annum on the amount of taxes due aforesaid: If the said taxes shall be paid in the third year after such forfeiture shall have accrued, there shall be paid an interest of one hundred per centum per annum, as aforesaid: Provided also, That nothing in this act shall be so construed as to affect the rights of infants, femes covert, or persons of unsound mind, until one year after the disabilities shall have ceased, on their paying all taxes due, with an interest thereon at the rate of ten per centum per annum on the amount due as aforesaid.
All acts and parts of acts coming within the purview of this act, are hereby repealed.
This act shall commence and be in force from and after the first day of March next.
A Copy from the Roll.—Teste, J. PLEASANTS, Jr. Keeper of the Rolls.
General Assembly, begun and held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, on Monday the fifth day of December, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the commonwealth, the thirty-third.
AN ACT providing for the redemption of certain lands forfeited by the non-payment of the taxes thereon.
[Passed February 4th, 1809.]
BE it enacted by the General Assembly, That all lands heretofore forfeited or hereafter to be forfeited to the commonwealth for the non-payment of taxes, by virtue of the laws now in force, shall be redeemable at any time within three years from the time when such forfeiture hath heretofore accrued, or shall hereafter accrue, and until the first day of March next succeeding the expiration of the said term of three years, on payment of the taxes due thereon, with an interest of ten per centum per annum on each year's tax, from the time when the same became or shall become due, until the time of such redemption: Provided, nevertheless, That all lands heretofore forfeited, shall be redeemable in like manner, and on payment of the like interest, on or before the first day of March in the year one thousand eight hundred and ten.
Be it further enacted, That the auditor of public accounts, shall on or before the first day of March, in the year one thousand eight hundred and eleven, and on or before the first day of March in every year thereafter, deliver to the collector of the taxes of each county, a list of all such forfeited lands therein, as on the first day of March preceding, had become irredeemable, which list shall be forthwith posted or hung up in the most public place in the courthouse of the county.
Be it further enacted, That on the first Monday in August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and eleven, and on the first Monday of August in every year thereafter, the collectors shall proceed, by public auction, at the door of the courthouse of each county, to sell to the highest bidder, each tract of land contained within the list of such forfeited lands, as were irredeemable on the first day of March in the preceding year, for ready money.
Be it further enacted, That if at any such sale, the former owner or owners of any forfeited tract of land so about to be sold, or any person for him, her or them, or in his, her or their behalf, with or without any authority or direction for that purpose, shall appear and pay the taxes due thereon, with interest as aforesaid, until the time of such sale, such tract shall not be sold, but an entry of such payment shall be made by the collector on the list aforesaid, and a receipt for such payment given to the person making the same in the name of the former owner or owners, and thereupon such land shall be taken to be redeemed, and the forfeiture accrued thereon, shall be, and the same is hereby fully waived and remitted.
Be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the commissioner or commissioners of the revenue, annually, on the first Monday in August, to attend at the courthouse of their respective counties, and to take and make out a list of all the sales so to be made by the collector, specifying the name or names of the former owner or owners, the sums paid and to whom sold; which list the commissioner or commissioners shall forthwith transmit to the auditor of public accounts, who shall charge the collector with the amount of sales appearing thereon.
Be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of every collector to pay annually into the public treasury, all such sums or sums of money as he shall receive by virtue of this act, deducting a commission of five per centum thereon, which payment shall annually be made on the same day on which the taxes collected in the same year shall be payable.
Be it further enacted, That the lists of sale so certified and taken by the commissioners, or either of them, shall be sufficient to charge the collector or his security or securities, his, her or their heirs, executors or administrators thereon, with, on any motion to be made to recover the same by the auditor of public accounts. And if,
any collector shall make default in the payment of any monies by him received, by virtue of this act, at the time hereby required, such collector and his security or securities, his, her or their heirs, executors or administrators, shall be liable to all such fines, interest, damages and costs, and be recovered in the same manner as in case of a default in the payment of the commonwealth's revenue.
Be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of every collector making a sale by virtue of this act, to make and execute to the purchaser or a deed in fee simple for the lands purchased, editing the cause of sale, and in every action or suit at law or in equity, in which a former owner or owners of any tract of and so sold and conveyed, his, her or their heirs, devisee, or other person or persons claiming under him, her or them, shall contest the validity of the sale so made, theonus probandi shall lie on the party so contesting.
Be it further enacted, That the commissioner or commissioners for discharging the duties required of them by this act, shall be entitled to receive from the public treasury a commission of one and a half per centum on the amount of sales, on a warrant from the auditor of public accounts.
Be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the auditor of public accounts, at the public expense, to cause a copy of this act, and of an act passed the first day of February, in the year one thousand eight hundred and six, entitled, "An act giving further time to the proprietors of certain lands forfeited for the non payment of taxes, to redeem the same, and also of an act passed on the twenty-sixth day of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, entitled, "An act to amend an act entitled, "An act more effectually to provide for the payment of taxes upon lands within this commonwealth," to be published for six months successively in the present year, and for three months successively preceding the first Monday in August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and eleven, to be published in some newspaper of general circulation, editor in each of the United States, if any such there be.
And be it further enacted, That the duties herein joined to this act to be performed by the collector or collectors, shall, where the sheriff is collector, be performed by the high sheriff in person, and every purchase made, wholly or in part, by the sheriff or his deputy, or by any other person being a collector, or by any other person, wholly or in part for the use of such sheriff, deputy sheriff or other person being collector, shall be void; and every sheriff, deputy sheriff or other person being a collector, making any purchase, either wholly or in part, for himself, or procuring any other person to make such purchase, wholly or in part, for the use aforesaid, shall forfeit and pay the sum of $500, to the use of the public, to be recovered by bill, plaint or information, in any court of record having jurisdiction thereof.
This act shall be in force from the passing thereof.
A Copy from the Roll.—Teste, J. PLEASANTS, Jr. Keeper of the Rolls.
LAND for sale.
WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, on the 18th day of July next, The Tract of Land, Whereon the late David Owen, dec'd, lived, containing 475 Acres, lying in Powhatan County, about four miles from the courthouse. There are two settlements on this land, on each of which is a good orchard from which a considerable quantity of excellent cyder is annually made. The quality of the land is such as usually to be found in the neighborhood; it will be divided into two lots, or sold in one, as may be most conducive to the interest of the estate. The terms will be 500 dollars paid the day of sale 500 dollars in six months and the balance in two equal annual payments. Bond with approved security a deed of trust on the land will be required of the purchaser, the bonds to carry interest from the date of not punctually paid. Possession given the first day of December next, with the privilege of sowing small grain the first day of September next. GEORGE OWEN, living on the land, will shew it to those who wish to view it.
JOSEPH MAYO, Ex'r of the last Will and Testament. DAVID OWEN, dec'd. Powhatan County, 5th June, 1809.
Corn, Oats and Bran, FOR SALE, BY wholesale, and retail, at a reduced price.—Enquire opposite the Bell Tavern.
Samuel Bell, Grocer. Richmond, June 9, 1809. 3t
TO RENT, A TENEMENT
IN Adams's Valley, with a Brick House in complete order for a store or private family. Enquire as above. N. B. There is also a Large Lot fenced and a commodious Brick Kitchen with a Cellar. June 16th, 1809. 4t
Fluvanna County,
May Quarterly session, 1809. James Cole, Plaintiff. AGAINST Joshua Bartley and James Payne, Defendants.
THE Defendant Bartley, not having tendered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, the rules of this Court, and it appears to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this Country; On motion of the Plaintiff by his counsel, Ordered, that the said Defendant shall appear here on or before the first of the next Quarterly term and answer the Plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of order be forthwith inserted in one of the Richmond news-papers and continued two months successively, and another copy posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
(A copy)—Teste, JOHN TIMBERLAKE, Jr. (S)
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE COPIES OF Bishop Madison's MAP of VIRGINIA

have wisely deferred the subject, for we are informed that a minister with ample powers will be sent here to negotiate a treaty, and we ought to suspend our opinions until it is concluded. The gentleman says another objection to the treaty was on account of the British note, that it was opposed because it tended to bring us in collision with France, and now we have done what it required of us. Sir, there were various objections to that note; one was that G. Britain attempted to bully us into the course she wished us to pursue, to compel us to give "security to his majesty" that we would not submit to the attack made by France on our rights. Now although we did not, and would not submit, we could not tolerate such arrogance in G. Britain.
The note, however, says the gentleman, was no part of the treaty. It was certainly communicated by the British government as forming an indispensable condition of it; and the British commissioners in the correspondence with Mr. Canning, which I read to the House the last session, stated expressly that the treaty was a perfect instrument, no reservation was annexed to it except the one in question, which maintained the right to chastise us in case we did not resist France; and Mr. Canning repeats the assertion to our ministers. The gentleman has gone on to say that Mr. Monroe could have received reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, if his instructions concerning seamen which were blended with it, had permitted him. On this point I have the correspondence before me which must satisfy the gentleman that he is wrong. As soon as the attack on the Chesapeake was known, the President issued his proclamation, & on receipt of it, Mr. Canning wrote a letter to Mr. Monroe, in which he says:—
"Before I proceed to observe upon that part of it which relates more immediately to the question now at issue between our two governments, I am commanded, in the first instance, to express the surprise which is felt at the total omission of a subject, upon which, I had already been commanded to apply to you for information; the proclamation purported to have been issued by the President of the U. States. Of this paper, when last I addressed you upon it, you professed not to have any knowledge, beyond what the ordinary channels of public information afforded, nor any authority to declare it to be authentic."
I feel an indispensable duty to renew my enquiry on this subject. The answer which I may receive from you is by no means unimportant to the settlement of the discussion which has arisen from the encounter between the Leopard and the Chesapeake."
And he goes on to urge the impropriety of making any atonement during the existence of the proclamation. And I ask again, sir, would the nation have been reconciled to the apathy of the President if he had neglected to breathe forth its spirit, freely as it was done, in the forbidding British armed vessels the use of our waters?—whilst the men (except the one whom they hung in Halifax) were retained in bondage, and the outrage had the sanction of a high officer of the British government, which induced the belief that it was with its authority that the act was committed, could the proclamation have been rescinded or a less friendly measures have been resorted to?
The gentleman says the orders in council were made inoperative by our measures, and to give them up was in fact to yield nothing; that they were to prevent our trade to France, and we have prevented it ourselves, and therefore G. Britain conceded nothing on that point. It was not upon a trade to France alone that the orders operated, but upon all nations from whose ports the British flag was excluded, and even from some who never had made any such regulations; but independent of this, suppose France without relaxing in her hostility towards Great Britain, admitted our vessels freely, although they had entered a British port, and been spoken by a British cruiser, and in consequence of such relaxation the trade with her was renewed; what then would have been the effect of the British orders? We should still be subjected to the payment of a tribute. We are not now compelled to go first to Great Britain, pay tribute, and receive his majesty's licence to carry on our accustomed trade, therefore a repeal of the orders is a most important measure. Sir, in the wide range of debate the gentleman has repeated his old argument, that the orders in council were not known in this country when the embargo was laid. Afterwards he qualified it by saying they were not known in the cabinet at the time the President recommended the embargo. If, sir, the Executive knew nothing of them it is surprising because the purport of them had been published in the National Intelligencer in this city, and in two or three papers printed in New-York and Philadelphia, which were received here previous to the message of the President. They even stated the date at which his Britannic majesty's signature would be affixed to the orders, and gave minutely the purport of them. The president in his message not only referred to the papers then enclosed, but "the great and increasing dangers" to which our commerce was exposed, thereby alluding to what had come to his knowledge through the medium of the newspapers, as understood to have been determined on by the British government, but not known so formally as to authorise express mention of it.
Sir, the people of the United States are enlightened and intelligent, they do not wait for this House to spin them on to an examination and decision of great national questions, and our vote of approbation or disapprobation will never check or lull their spirit of enquiry—they have already approved the act of the President, and whether they have or not, it is improper for us to enter into abstract resolutions, regardless of our legislative duties, and thereby establish a precedent alike dangerous, and invasive of our independence.
Mr. J. concluded his observations by remarking that he could not conjecture what the dangerous doctrine said to have been advanced by him yesterday, had to do with the question. He controverted the opinion
of Mr. R. however in relation to the doctrine of federal judicial power as conferred by the constitution, and made some remarks on the subject of state and federal rights.
Friday, June 9. A message from the President of the United States, received yesterday, enclosing the proceedings, accompanied by a statement of the case of Olmstead, of the Pennsylvania legislature in relation to this case communicated to congress at the request of the governor of that state, was this day laid before the house by the speaker.
The message and documents being read, a motion was made to have them printed.
Mr. Milnor trusted the motion to print would not prevail. No legislative act could be predicated on the resolutions of the legislature of Pennsylvania, or the documents which accompanied them. That state had now paid the money. The case was settled. The contest between Pennsylvania and the states took place before the confederation had power to enforce its judicial decrees. But the ratification of the federal constitution had put the thing completely to rest. The courts of the United States were impartial tribunals in cases of this kind. No similar case can ever happen again; and it was on this supposition, that future disputes could arise, and on the ground that the case of Olmstead was a contest between the government of the U. States and that of Pennsylvania, that the legislature had instructed its senators, and requested the representatives, to endeavour to procure an amendment to the constitution of the United States, which would erect an impartial tribunal to take cognizance of controversies between the individual states and the federal government—This was entirely a false supposition. The controversy in the case of Olmstead was actually between the judiciary of the United States and the constituted authorities of the state of Pennsylvania. The resistance of Pennsylvania too, was occasioned by a belief that the federal judiciary had acted unconstitutionally. If then these are the facts, the legislature of that state can have nothing to do with this government; and if the judges have acted illegally, they ought to be impeached. Mr. Minor could not for his own part, conceive a more impartial tribunal than the federal judiciary. The government was not concerned; the judges were not in any way dependent; and if they had acted corruptly, it could not have arisen from the peculiar circumstances of the case as it concerned the government of Pennsylvania and that of the United States. He hoped, therefore, the house would take no further notice of the subject.
The question on printing the message and documents was then taken and negatived—60—63. They were ordered to lie on the table.
On motion of Mr. Johnson, the committee of claims were discharged from the consideration of the petition of George Bauhin.
Mr. Johnson, from the same committee, made an unfavorable report on the petition of Hannah Foster, on the ground that it was barred by the statute of limitations. The report was rejected.
A motion was made by Mr. Gardenier, that the house reconsider the report and rejected.
On motion of Mr. Eppes, the report and petition were recommitted to the committee of claims, with instructions to examine the reality of the claim and report thereon.
Mr. Love reported a bill respecting the courts of the District of Columbia. Read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole house.
A message from the senate was received, stating that they had passed a bill extending the benefit of drawback on the duties upon exportation, on all goods, wares and merchandise, transported by land from Newport to Boston, and from Boston to Newport, and that they had also passed the bill sent from the house relative to the employment of an agent, &c. in Kaskaskia, with an amendment.
Mr. Rhea reported a bill altering certain post roads, which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Randolph presented the petition of Joshua Powers, a soldier of the revolution, praying compensation for public services, which was referred to the committee of claims.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved the following resolution, which was adopted; & Messrs. Jackson, Dana, and Howard compose the committee.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to ascertain whether any immediate alterations can be made in the representatives' hall, which will contribute to ventilate it; and they cause the same to be made.
Mr. M'Kim made a report on the petition of the American citizens taken from on board the Leander, and now confined in South America. Referred to a committee of the whole house on Monday next, and ordered to be printed.
On motion of J. G. Jackson, The house adjourned till Monday morning.
Healing Springs.
MRS. ABERCROMBY.
RESPECTFULLY notifies the public, that having taken the HEALING SPRINGS for the present season, in the lower end of Louisa County, thirty-three miles above Richmond, on the old mountain road, is prepared to accommodate such company as may wish to resort thither either for health or pleasure, during the summer and autumn months. The very recent proofs of the efficacy of those waters in removing the disorder, that has so fatally prevailed about Richmond and many other parts of this and the adjacent states, meaning the DIARRHOEA or BOWEL COMPLAINT, with the sore mouth, as also TETTER and RING-WORMS, SCURVEY, and every kind of Cutaneous disorders, give them a decided preference over any other mineral water in this state, by sundry persons of experience, who have attended all the watering places of the upper country, in search of health, and a cure for most of the complaints above mentioned. The water of this spring is a strong chalybeate, and never fails to strengthen and give a tone to the stomach and restore a lost appetite in the shortest time imaginable—are unrivalled as to healthiness & pleasantness of situation, being surrounded with fine groves and in a plentiful and agreeable neighborhood.—The charge for board will be One Guinea per week for Ladies and Gentlemen, and half price for children and servants; and extensive pasturage and stables gratis, and nine pence a gallon for grain.
Mrs. ABERCROMBY pledges herself that no exertion on her part shall be wanted to render comfort and pleasure to her boarders, and relies on her own merits for their patronage.
Mr. ABERCROMBY will himself continue to TEACH MUSIC in Richmond. Healing Springs, June 10th, 1809. 23wtf.
New Book Store.
LEWIS ADAMS
HAS taken the store on the corner of the main street and the street leading to the Basin between the EAGLE & GLOBE taverns on the same side, where he has opened an elegant assortment of Books, in the different departments of science. His collection of LAW is the most extensive of any in Richmond, and generally of the best editions and well bound. He has also a good assortment of medical Books, of Divinity, History, Miscellany, the Latin Classics and most of the school books in general use, with a handsome assortment of Quills, Letter and Writing Paper, Pencils, Wafers, Scaling Wax, Reeve's colors, India Inks, Flutes, Fifes, Fiddle strings, &c.
He has likewise a very handsome selection of the Poets and a good collection of Novels, Romances and Plays.
As it is his intention to keep up his assortment, with the addition of every new work of merit as they appear from the Press in Philadelphia and New York, he hopes by his assiduity and attention to his customers in procuring for them any work to be had from either of those places on the shortest notice, to gain their confidence and merit a portion of their generous patronage.
He assures his friends and the public that his Books shall all be at the regular New York and Philadelphia prices, from which a liberal discount will be made to those who may please to become his constant customers, and purchase to any considerable amount—Law Libraries will be furnished on very liberal terms as to discount or credit.
LEWIS ADAMS has the pleasure of announcing to the public at this time, the following new, interesting and valuable publications, just received, Malhuson on Population, bound & in boards, 5, 6 and 7 dollars.
Gillic's History of the world from the Reign of Alexander to that of Augustus, 3 vols. octavo, 7 50.
Vol. 1, Hening and Munford's Reports, new edition, royal octavo, (vol. 2 expected in a few days.)
STRUGGLES TERO'S LIFE, by Lieut. JOHN HARRIOTT, exemplified in the various travels and adventures in Europe, Asia, Africa and America—an interesting work—
Also, (price $ 2 in 2 vols.) Thaddeus of Warsaw,
BY MISS PORTER.
"This work has more merit than can be ascribed to the crowd of productions of this class, and inculcates virtuous and magnanimous sentiments.—Monthly Review."
"Thaddeus is a work of genius and has nothing to fear at the candid bar of taste; he has to receive the precious meed of sympathy from every reader of unsophisticated sentiments and genuine feeling." Imperial Review.
A consignment of FRESH RALPH'S of different qualities, which will be sold at reduced prices for cash, or exchanged for country produce—also a consignment of LEE'S PATENT and FAMINE MEDICINES.
Richmond, June 7th, 1809. w4t
Rees's Cyclopedia.
The 19th No. or Vol. 10, part 1, is just received and ready for delivery at this office.
DR. TISSOTT'S
CELEBRATED
Gout & Rheumatic Drops.
A CERTAIN cure for Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, weakness of the joints, and all kinds of Sprains; for gleet, be they of ever so long standing, and for the stone and gravel; it is perhaps the most active, penetrating, and effectual remedy in the world; in the cramp and all kinds of pains in the head, face and body, it is without an equal.
This medicine [which justly claims a pre-eminence over all others, as being decidedly adapted for the speedy removal of these complaints above mentioned] owes its discovery to the celebrated Tissot, a physician of most exalted eminence in his profession, and is chiefly the extract of an herb, peculiar to Europe, to whose powerful, healing, restorative and balsamic qualities, this great man, by the administering, owed much of his fame.
It is peculiarly excellent for most disorders attending warm climates, and keeps for any length of time. Bottles, at two dollars each, with copious directions. The following are a few, of the many respectable certificates, which the proprietor has in his possession.
CERTIFICATE OF
GENERAL RIDGELY, of Hampton. I certify, that having received a blow on my knee, which produced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. At another time my wrist was affected with Rheumatism to such a degree as rendered my hand for the time useless; when on making application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of 24 hours was entirely removed.
I therefore from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it as a beneficent act to recommend it in similar cases to others.
Signed, C. RIDGELY, of Hampton.
CERTIFICATE OF
MR. THOMAS CAMPBELL, Harness-maker. It would be an act of injustice to withhold my testimony of the salutary effects of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, as I have experienced a very unequivocal instance of their virtue and efficacy. I was affected with two severe attacks of what is usually called dead palsy, from which I partially recovered, but was obliged to use crutches to aid me in walking when I left home, to this were joined violent Rheumatic pains, the result of the affection, and I had feared the disorder would accompany me thro' life, but providentially was recommended to apply at G. Dobbins and Murphy's for Dr. Tissot's Drops, and after using only one bottle, found myself perfectly liberated from my disorder, and am now, thank God, as free from pain as if I never had been affected; finding this medicine operate so powerfully on myself, I determined to apply it internally to my child [a boy only eleven months old] who was then reduced almost to a skeleton, with the bowel complaint, after administering it four or five times to him, his complaint was entirely removed, and he is now recovering his strength with great rapidity.
Signed, THOMAS CAMPBELL. Baltimore, July 22, 1806.
CERTIFICATE OF
MR. THOMAS KELSO, Butcher. About three weeks since I was most violently attacked with Rheumatic pains throughout my whole frame, in so severe a manner as not to be able to turn in my bed without assistance, proceeding, I suppose from a severe cold; on being advised by a friend to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, I accordingly obtained from the agents, (Messrs. G. Dobbins and Murphy) two bottles, the application of which (under God) have perfectly restored my health. I am therefore induced with confidence to recommend this medicine as a certain cure for the above disorder.
Signed, THOMAS KELSO. Baltimore, July 22, 1806.
AFFIDAVIT OF
MRS. ANNE FIFER. No. 107, Green-street, Old town, Baltimore. Being ever desirous of rendering assistance to my fellow creatures, as far as my abilities will permit, and also give additional credit to DR. TISSOTT'S GOUT AND RHEUMATIC DROPS, which from their powerful efficacy, I have received such surprising benefit, are the only motives for my offering a statement of my case to the public, under the following attested affidavit.
Upwards of five years I had been afflicted with Rheumatic pains, which were seated principally in my loins, shoulders, and right arm; which at last I lost the use of, so that for a considerable time, I could not lift it to my head; at one period it confined me to my bed, in which I could not turn without assistance, and from the violent and agonizing pain in my loins, my cries could often be heard by the neighbors. Every remedy that I could think of, or prescribed by my friends were tried; I also had medical assistance both French and English, but they gave relief only for the moment, so that I despaired of ever being cured, and had resigned myself to be a cripple during life, when I was advised by a friend to make trial of DR. TISSOTT'S GOUT & RHEUMATIC DROPS; I accordingly applied at Love's Drug and Patent Medicine Store, No. 16. Sign of the Mortar, Centre Market-space, where I purchased a bottle for two dollars, from which I do positively declare, received more benefit than I had from all the I remedies attempted for 5 years past; but fearing a relapse, I procure another bottle and was perfectly relieved.
Sworn before me this 17th day of November 1806. JAMES WILSON. Witness, James Norris, Jun.
CAUTION.
No Gout and Rheumatic Drops being known excepting those invented by Dr. Tissot—the public are requested to notice that none are genuine unless the names of Dr. Tissot, and the proprietor Henry Ward, are cut in the glass of the bottle, and the outside cover of each bottle signed by the said proprietor himself.
Sold by H. WARD, sole proprietor, Philadelphia, and at the Book-Store of S. PLEASANTS, Jr. Richmond.
ALSO, Dr. TABB'S
Nature's Restorative Balsamic Cordial. The certificates attached to the bills which inclose each bottle of the above medicine, are from characters of respectability, on whose testimony the fullest confidence may be placed by those who labor under complaints of the Gout, Rheumatism, &c. also those of consumptive habits, general debility of the nerves and various other complaints legions to the human body.
The famous high blooded Horse,
Admiral Nelson,
A BEAUTIFUL dark bay, 16 hands high, full of strength, health & vigor, and inferior to no horse either for speed or bottom, of fine bone and muscle. This horse was purchased by me when in London of Lord Grosvenor, he was then in training; will stand the ensuing season at Sandy Point, Charles City country. The scarcity of money induces the subscriber to let him cover mares this season at 10 dollars the single leap, 20 dollars the season, thirty dollars to insure a mare in foal, the insurance money to be paid, by the gentleman who insured if changed the season money may be discharged by the payment of fifteen dollars by the tenth of August, at which time the season will expire, with half a dollar to the groom for each mare. Large and extensive pasturage of the best white clover gratis; the greatest care and attention paid the mares, but will not be answerable for accidents or escapes. This horse has not run many races, but his performance will sufficiently justify the opinion of Lord Grosvenor & his Son, who certify that they consider him the best three year old horse in England, and challenging any 4 year old, which was not accepted.
In October 1798, at New Market, he won a sweepstake of 1400 guineas, 12 subscribers, at 200 guineas each, half forfeit, colts carrying 8 stone 3lb, fillies 8 stone, beating Sir Harry, Mr. Cookson's b. c. by Sir Peter, Mr. Perrin's b. c. Young Javelin, Sir Francis Standish's ch. c. Split Pigeon—5 to 4 against Admiral Nelson, 7 to 4 against Sir Harry, 6 to 1 against Split Pigeon, and 10 to 1 against Young Javelin.
In 1799 he won a sweepstake of 1600 guineas, 14 subscribers at 200 guineas each, beating Lord Egremont's b. c. by Preceptor, out of Boo Tail, Mr. Perrin's b. c. Javelin, and Mr. Golding's Boaster—3 to 1 on Admiral Nelson. In 1800 he got so much injured in his practice that he did not come on the turf again until 1803, when he won a purse of 50 pounds, 4 mile heats, beating several fine horses.—See Sporting Magazine for this year.
PEDIGREE.
ADMIRAL NELSON was bred by Lord Grosvenor, got by John Bull and foaled in 1795; his dam Olivia, by Justice; her dam Cypher by Squirrel out of Fribble's dam, by Regulus.—See Supplement to the Stud Book, page 15.
WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT. N. B. Notes for the twenty dollar must be sent with the mares.
Penitentiary Store.
THE subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary, offers for sale the following articles, the manufacture of that institution, at very low prices at whole sale and retail.
CUT NAILS.
Wholesale prices. Retail prices. 3dy 13 1-2 cents. 14 1-2 cents per lb. 4 13 14. 6 12 13. 8 11 12. 10 10 1-2 11 1-2. 12 10 1-2 11 1-2. 20 10 1-2 11 1-2.
CUT BRADS.
8dy 10 1-2 11 1-2. 10 10 11. 12 Do. Do. 20 Do. Do.
SPRIGS.
3dy 39 cts. per lb. 50 per m. 4 22 1-3 67. 6 17 84.
WROUGHT NAILS.
6dy 14 15 per lb. 8 13 1-2 14 1-3. 10 13 14. 12 13 1-2 13 1-2. 20 12 13. 30 12 13.
Broad and narrow Axes, Hatches, Hoes, Plough Shares and Coulters, Hinges, Wedges, Hammers, Fenders, Traces, Stretchers, and Ox Chairs;—Bridles, Collars, Halters, Braces, Surcingles, Back Bands, Belly Bands, Breccing, Fire Buckets, &c. &c.
Boots and Shoes.
Fair tops, back straps, $ 9. Ditto plain 8. Suwarrows, 7. Half Boots, 5. Mens calf skin shoes lined & bound 10 3/4 12 3/4. Do. side leather, 7 3/4 a 9 3/4. Negro shoes (strong russet) 7 3/4 a 8 3/4. Womens leather shoes, thick soles, 7 3/4. Do. do. thin, 6 3/4. Do. Morocco do. 6 3/4. Do. do. ties, 7 3/4. Girls leather shoes, 4 3/4 6. Boys do. 4 3/4 7 3/4.
Any of the above articles made to order at the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle Tavern. D. J. BURR. Richmond March 22, 1809.
Richmond Turnpike Company.
AT a meeting of the Directors of the said company, on Thursday the 6th of June, 1809,
Resolved, That a call of four dollars and fifty cents be made on each share in the said company, and that the holders of the shares pay the same to the treasurer on or before the first day of next month.
N. SHEPPARD, Clerk.
Pamphlets, CARDS,
HAND-BILLS
LAWYERS, CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANK, &c ARE NEATLY AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE.