Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1806-05-02 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XIVth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1256.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum....paid in advance.]
FRIDAY, MAY 2, 1806.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Valuable Medicines.
PUBLIC confidence has never been more deliberately and firmly reposed, and perhaps in no instance more justly, than it appears in the efficacy of HAMILTON'S WORM LOZENGES , prepared and sold, wholesale and retail, by RICHARD LEE , no. 56, Maiden-lane , New York. And in Richmond, (only) at S. Pleasants' Printing-office .
The proprietor has lately presented to the public eye the testimony of the Hon. A. C. Hanford , Chancellor of Maryland, the Rev. Mr. Molner , and of other distinguished and respectable characters. The following cases, of more recent occurrence, are now respectfully submitted.
Copy of a letter from Mr. Henry Ackerman, Bricks-lane, Magazine-street, near Broadway, Jan. 24, 1804.
Sir—It would be ungrateful were I to withhold my testimony in favor of Hamilton's Worm-destroying Lozenges . I had been between five and six years put much indisposed, and latterly often tormented with severe griping and pains of the bowels, troubled with offensive breath, and with violent feverish fits, and other obvious symptoms of worms; but frequently hearing your Worm Lozenges recommended in cases similar to mine, I determined on a trial of them, as my last resource. The first dose evacuated twelve or thirteen feet of a tape worm; two other doses were taken which brought away a quantity of matter like broken skins and pieces of worms. I suppose the tape worm, voided at different times, must have exceeded forty feet. The almost incredible benefit I received from this medicine, induced me to give a dose to a child of mine who was pining and sickly; it produced the same good effect in this instance, expelling a worm of a different kind, from nine to twelve inches long, and at the same time restoring a good state of health. I remain, Sir, yours, &c.
HENRY ACKERMAN. To Mr. Richard Lee.
FOR SALE AS ABOVE, Hamilton's Essence and Extract of Mustard,
A safe and effectual remedy for acute and chronic Rheumatism, Gout, Rheumatic Gout, Palsy, Lumbago, Numbness, White Swellings, Chilblains, Sprains, Bruises, Pain in the Face and Neck, &c.
"AN OUNCE OF PREVENTION IS WORTH A POUND OF CURE." For the prevention and cure of Bilious and Malignant Fevers is recommended.
Hahn's Anti-Bilious Pills. The operation of these pills is perfectly mild, so as to be used with safety by persons in every situation, and of every age.
Hamilton's Elixir, A sovereign remedy for Colds, Obsolete Coughs, Asthma, Sore Throats, and approaching Consumption.
To Parents who may have children afflicted with The Hooping Cough.
This discovery is of the first magnitude, as it affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and in a short time entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are liable. The Elixir is so perfectly agreeable, and the dose so small, that no difficulty arises in taking it. From LUTHER MARTIN, Esq. attorney general of the State of Maryland.
GENTLEMEN—I comply with your request in stating my opinion of Hamilton's Elixir . It has been used in my family for two or three years past with uniform success, whenever coughs, coughs, or similar complaints have rendered medicine necessary. I have myself found it an excellent and agreeable remedy for a very painful and troublesome affection of the breast, accompanied with soreness, and with obstructed and difficult breathing.
On these accounts, I do not hesitate to recommend Hamilton's Elixir as a valuable medicine, and deserving public attention.
LUTHER MARTIN.
HAMILTON'S Grand Restorative,
Is recommended as an invaluable medicine for the speedy relief and permanent cure of the various complaints which result from dilipated pleasures—juvenile indiscretions—residence in climates unfavorable to the constitution—the immoderate use of tea—frequent intoxication, or any of the destructive intemperances—the unskillful or extensive use of mercury—the diseases peculiar to females at a certain period of life—bad lyings in, &c.
Hahn's true and genuine German Corn Plaster,
An infallible remedy for corns, speedily removing them, root and branch without giving pain. The Genuine Persian Lotion.
So celebrated among the fashionable thoroughfare, as an invaluable cosmetic, perfectly innocuous and safe, free from corrosive and repellant minerals (the basis of other lotions) and of unparalleled efficacy in preventing and removing blemishes in the face and skin, of every kind—particularly freckles, pimples, inflammatory redness, leucis, tetter, ring worms, sun burns, prickly heat, &c.—The Persian Lotion operates mildly, without impeding that natural, insensible perspiration, which is essential to health; yet its effects are speedy and permanent, rendering the skin delicately soft and clear, improving the complexion, and restoring the bloom of youth—never failing to render an ordinary countenance beautiful, and a handsome one more so.
The Restorative Powder for the Teeth and Gums.
HAHN'S GENUINE EYE WATER, A sovereign remedy for all diseases of the eyes whether the effect be natural weakness or of accident, speedily removing inflammations, defluxions of humors, dulness, itching and films on the eyes; never failing to cure those maladies which, frequently succeed the small-pox, measles and fever, and wonderfully strengthening to weak sight. Hundreds have experienced its excellent virtues when nearly deprived of sight.
Tooth-Ache Drops, The only remedy yet discovered, which gives immediate and lasting relief in the most severe instances.
The Anodyne Elixir, For the cure of every kind of head-ache.
The Damask Lip-Salve.
Infallible Ague and Fever Drops, For the cure of Agues, Remittants and Intermit-tant Fevers.
Thousands can testify their being cured by these drops after the bark and every other medicine has proved ineffectual: not one in a hundred has had occasion to take more than one, and numbers not halt a bottle.
The Sovereign Ointment for the Itch, Which is warranted an infallible remedy on any application, and may be used with the most perfect safety by pregnant women, or on an infant a week old, not contain a particle of mercury or any dangerous ingredients whatever; and is not accompanied with that tormenting smart which attends the exhibition of other remedies. For the cure of a certain deplorable Malady.
The Indian Vegetable Specific. The Medicines prepared by Richard Lee , have been in high estimation and general use throughout the United States, for upwards of six years; many of them are sold for less than the drugs of which they are compounded could be purchased at a retail store.
It is no inconsiderable evidence of their utility, that during the above period, numerous imitations of every article (the production of ignorance and inexperience, urged by covetousness and penury) have intruded on the public, seen a day and then perished; others soon succeeded them, which in like manner are fast descending "to the tomb of the Capulets," while our remedies become more generally used, and acquire a daily accession of well earned celebrity.
To prevent the imposition of worthless or dangerous preparations, purchasers are requested to remember, that an engraved label, with the signature of Richard Lee (to counterfeit which is felony) is affixed to each of his genuine medicines.
Lee's Infallible Ague Drops.
Recent Cures. A child of Mr. William Loe , grocer, corner of Hudson and Jay streets, was sick about five or six weeks with ague and fever, and in to violent a degree, as for the hot paroxysm to terminate frequently in most alarming convulsions. A variety of medicines, recommended by sympathizing neighbors, were administered, without alleviating the disease; at length hearing of the uniform efficacy of Lee's Ague Drops , a bottle was procured, of which three doses only were found necessary to perfect a cure. Five weeks have elapsed without any return of the complaint.
Mr. James Joyce , assistant in the warehouse of Mr. — Pearlall , Pearl-street, was severely afflicted with an intermitent; but after taking Lee's Ague Drops , was cured in two days. At the recommendation of Mr. Joyce , a friend, Mr. Terence Tole , who had suffered much from an obdinate intermitent upwards of a year (with few and trifling intervals) was cured by a few doses of the same Medicine. At the recommendation of Mr. Joyce , a bottle was procured by M. P. Skooley , who was likewise happily cured with an obdinate intermitent. A small portion completely removed every symptom of the complaint (which may surprise those who regard the bark as the only specific.)—Four persons of Mr. Skooley's acquaintance were by the remaining part of this single phial, cured of the prevailing malady.
The above narrations may suffice to prove the usefulness of this medicine; but if the affection of the proprietor, and the fact of an annual demand for several thousand bottles have any weight, the public will believe that this preparation has never failed effecting a cure, and may without effrontery be termed INFALLIBLE .
Prepared and sold by Richard Lee , No. 56 Maiden-lane New York, and at S. Pleasants' Printing office , Richmond. OR. x, 1804.
Just published and for sale at this office, BROOKES'S GENERAL GAZETTEER IMPROVED; OR, A NEW AND COMPREHENSIVE GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY: CONTAINING A description of the Empires, Kingdoms, States, Provinces, Cities, Towns, Ports, Seas, Harbours, Rivers, Lakes, Mountains, Capes, &c.
IN THE KNOWN WORLD. With the Government, Customs, Manners, and Religion of the Inhabitants. Illustrated by eight Maps, neatly executed.
ORIGINALLY WRITTEN BY R. BROOKES, M. D.
The first American edition from the latest European, with great additions and improvements in every part.
LATELY PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, DISCOURSES CONCERNING GOVERNMENT. By ALGERNON SIDNEY.
With a short account of the Author's Life, and copious INDEX.
Subscribers who entered with the Rev. M. L. Weems , will be supplied on application as above.
Domestic Encyclopedia and Pinkerton's Geography.
SEVERAL of the subscribers to the DOMESTIC ENCYCLOPEDIA , and PINKERTON'S GEOGRAPHY , who were permitted to receive the works in separate volumes as they came out, have neglected to call for the last volumes, in consequence of which a number of broken sets remain on hand; such subscribers are earnestly solicited to send for the vols. wanted to complete their copies, or return those in their possession, for which the printer hereof will pay them the cash. March 6.
BY AUTHORITY.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS a treaty between the United States of America and the Bashaw of Tripoli was concluded and signed on the 4th day of June, 1805, and was duly ratified and confirmed by the President of the United States on the 17th day of this present month, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, which treaty is in the words following, to wit:
TREATY
Of Peace and amity, between the United States of America and the Bashaw, Bey and Subjects of Tripoli, in Barbary.
ARTICLE 1. There shall be, from the conclusion of this treaty, a firm, inviolable and universal peace, and a sincere friendship between the President and citizens of the United States of America, on the one part, and the Bashaw, Bey and subjects of the Regency of Tripoli, in Barbary, on the other, made by the free consent of both parties, and on the terms of the most favored nation. And if either party shall hereafter grant to any other nation, any particular favor, or privilege in navigation or commerce, it shall immediately become common to the other parties, freely, where it is freely granted to such other nation; but where the grant is conditional, it shall be at the option of the contracting parties to accept, alter or reject such conditions in such manner as shall be most conducive to their respective interests.
ART. 2. The Bashaw of Tripoli shall deliver up to the American squadron now off Tripoli, all the Americans in his possession; and all the subjects of the Bashaw of Tripoli, now in the power of the United States of America, shall be delivered up to him; and as the number of Americans in possession of the Bashaw of Tripoli, amount to three hundred persons, more or less, and the number of Tripoline subjects in the power of the Americans, to about one hundred, more or less, the Bashaw of Tripoli shall receive from the United States of America, the sum of sixty thousand dollars, as a payment for the difference between the prisoners herein mentioned.
ART. 3. All the forces of the United States, which have been, or may be in hostility against the Bashaw of Tripoli, in the province of Derne, or elsewhere within the dominions of the said Bashaw, shall be withdrawn therefrom, and no supplies shall be given by or in behalf of the said United States, during the continuance of this peace, to any of the subjects of the said Bashaw, who may be in hostility against him, in any part of his dominions; and the Americans will use all means in their power to persuade the brother of the said Bashaw, who has co-operated with them at Derne, &c., to withdraw from the territory of the said Bashaw of Tripoli; but will not use any force or improper means to effect that object, and in case he should withdraw himself as aforesaid, the Bashaw engages to deliver up to him, his wife and children now in his power.
ART. 4. If any goods belonging to any nation, with which either of the parties are at war, should be loaded on board vessels, belonging to the other party, they shall pass free and unmolested, and no attempts shall be made to take or detain them.
ART. 5. If any citizens or subjects with their effects, belonging to either party, shall be found on board a prize vessel, taken from an enemy by the other party, such citizens or subjects shall be liberated immediately, and their effects so captured shall be restored to their lawful owners, or their agents.
ART. 6. Proper passports shall immediately be given to the vessels of both the contracting parties, on condition, that the vessels of war belonging to the Regency of Tripoli, on meeting with merchant vessels, belonging to citizens of the United States of America, shall not be permitted to visit them with more than two persons, besides the rowers; these two only shall be permitted to go on board, without first obtaining leave from the commander of said vessel, who shall compare the passport and immediately permit said vessel to proceed on her voyage; and should any of the said subjects of Tripoli, insult or molest the commander or any other person on board a vessel so visited, or plunder any of the property contained in her, on complaint being made by the consul of the United States of America resident at Tripoli, and on his producing sufficient proof to substantiate the fact, the commander or rais of said Tripoline ship or vessel of war, as well as the offenders shall be punished in the most exemplary manner. All vessels of war belonging to the United States of America, on meeting with a cruiser belonging to the Regency of Tripoli, on having seen her passport and certificate from the consul of the United States of America residing in the
Regency, shall permit her to proceed on her cruise unmolested and without detention. No passport shall be granted by either party to any vessel, but such as are absolutely the property of citizens or subjects of said contracting parties, on any pretence whatever.
ART. 7. A citizen or subject of either of the contracting parties, having bought a prize vessel, condemned by the other party, or by any other nation, the certificate of condemnation and bill of sale, shall be a sufficient passport for such vessel for two years, which, considering the distance between the two countries, is no more than a reasonable time, for her to procure proper passports.
ART. 8. Vessels of either party, putting into the ports of the other, and having need of provisions or other supplies, they shall be furnished at the market price, and if any such vessel should so put in, from a disaster at sea, and have occasion to repair, she shall be at liberty to land and re-embark her cargo, without paying any duties; but in no case shall she be compelled to land her cargo.
ART. 9. Should a vessel of either party be cast on the shore of the other, all proper assistance shall be given to her and her crew. No pillage shall be allowed, the property shall remain at the disposition of the owners, and the crew protected and secured, till they can be sent to their country.
ART. 10. If a vessel of either party shall be attacked by an enemy within gun shot of the forts of the other, she shall be defended as much as possible. If she be in port, she shall not be seized or attacked when it is in the power of the other party to protect her; and when she proceeds to sea, no enemy shall be allowed to pursue her from the same port, within twenty-four hours after her departure.
ART. 11. The commerce between the United States of America and the Regency of Tripoli; the protections to be given to merchants, masters of vessels and seamen; the reciprocal right of establishing consuls in each country and the privileges, immunities and jurisdictions, to be enjoyed by such consuls, are declared to be on the footing, with those of the most favored nations respectively.
ART. 12. The consul of the U. States of America shall not be answerable for debts contracted by citizens of his own nation, unless he previously gives a written obligation so to do.
ART. 13. On a vessel of war belonging to the United States of America, anchoring before the city of Tripoli, the consul is to inform the Bashaw of her arrival, and she shall be saluted with twenty-one guns, which she is to return in the same quantity or number.
ART. 14. As the government of the United States of America has, in itself, no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility of Musselmen, and as the said states never have entered into any voluntary war or act of hostility against any Mahometan nation, except in the defence of their just rights to freely navigate the high seas, it is declared by the contracting parties that no pretext arising from religious opinions shall ever produce an interruption of the harmony existing between the two nations. And the consuls and agents of both nations respectively, shall have liberty to exercise his religion in his own house. All slaves of the same religion shall not be impeded in going to said consul's house at hours of prayer. The consuls shall have liberty and personal security given them, to travel within the territories of each other both by land and sea, and shall not be prevented from going on board any vessel that they may think proper to visit. They shall have liberty likewise to appoint their own drogman and brokers.
ART. 15. In case of any dispute arising, from the violation of any of the articles of this treaty, no appeal shall be made to arms; nor shall war be declared on any pretext whatever; but if the consul residing at the place where the dispute shall happen, shall not be able to settle the same, the government of that country shall state their grievances in writing, and transmit it to the government of the other; and the period of twelve calendar months shall be allowed for answer, before the returned; during which time no act of hostility shall be permitted by either party; and in case the grievances are not redressed, and a war should be the event, the consuls and citizens, or subjects of both parties respectively, shall be permitted to embark with their effects unmolested, on board of what vessel or vessels they shall think proper.
ART. 16. If in the fluctuation of human events, a war should break out between the two nations, the prisoners captured by either party shall not be made slaves, but shall be exchanged rank for rank. And if there should be a deficiency on either side, it shall be made up by the payment of five hundred Spanish dollars for each captain, three hundred dollars for each mate and supercargo, and one hundred
Spanish dollars for each seaman so wanting. And it is agreed that prisoners shall be exchanged in twelve months from the time of their capture; and that the exchange may be effected by any private individual legally authorized by either of the parties.
ART. 17. If any of the Barbary states, or other powers at war with the United States of America, shall capture any American vessel, and send her into any of the ports of the Regency of Tripoli, they shall not be permitted to sell her, but shall be obliged to depart the port, on procuring the requisite supplies of provisions and no duties shall be exacted on the sale of prizes, captured by the vessels sailing under the flag of the United States of America, when brought into any port in the Regency of Tripoli.
ART. 18. If any of the citizens of the United States, or any persons under their protection, shall have any disputes, with each other, the consul shall decide between the parties, and whenever the consul shall require any aid or assistance from the government of Tripoli to enforce his decisions, it shall immediately be granted to him, and if any disputes shall arise between any citizen of the United States, and the citizens or subjects of any other nation having a consul or agent in Tripoli; such disputes shall be settled by the consuls or agents of the respective nations.
ART. 19. If a citizen of the United States should kill or wound a Tripoline, or, on the contrary, if a Tripoline should kill or wound a citizen of the United States, the law of the country shall take place, and equal justice shall be rendered, the consul assisting at the trial, and if any delinquent shall make his escape, the consul shall not be answerable for him in any manner whatever.
ART. 20. Should any of the citizens of the United States of America, die within the limits of the Regency of Tripoli, the Bashaw and his subjects shall not interfere with the property of the deceased, but it shall be under the immediate direction of the consul, unless otherwise disposed of by will. Should there be no consul, the effects shall be deposited in the hands of some person worthy of trust, until the party shall appear who has a right to demand them, when they shall render an account of the property. Neither shall the Bashaw or his subjects give hindrance in the execution of any will that may appear.
Whereas the undersigned Tobias Lear , consul general of the United States of America, for the regency of Algiers, being duly appointed commissioner, by letters patent under the signature of the President & seal of the U. States of America, bearing date at the city of Washington the 18th day of November, 1803, for negotiating and concluding a treaty of peace between the United States of America, and the Bashaw, Bey, and subjects of the Regency of Tripoli in Barbary.
Now know ye that I, Tobias Lear commissioner as aforesaid, do conclude the foregoing treaty and every article and clause therein contained, reserving the same, never the less, for the final ratification of the President of the United States of America, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the said United States.
Done at Tripoli, in Barbary, the fourth day of June, in the year one thousand eight hundred and five; corresponding with the sixth day of the first month of Rabbia, 1220. TOBIAS LEAR.
Having appeared in our presence, colonel Tobias Lear , consul general of the United States of America, in the Regency of Algiers, and commissioner for negotiating and concluding a treaty of peace & friendship between us and the United States of America, bringing with him the present treaty of peace, with the within articles, they were by us minutely examined, and we do hereby accept, confirm and ratify them, ordering all our subjects to fulfil entirely their contents without any violation and under no pretext.
In witness whereof we, with the heads of our regency, subscribe it. Given at Tripoli in Barbary the sixth day of the first month of Rabbia 1220, corresponding with the fourth day of June, 1805.
(L. S.) JUSUF CARAMANLY , Bashaw. (L. S.) MAHAMET CARAMANLY , Bey. (L. S.) MOHAMET , Kahia. (L. S.) HAMET , Rais de Marine. (L. S.) MAHAMET DEGHETS , 1st minister. (L. S.) SALAH , Aga of Divan. (L. S.) SELIM , Damadar. (L. S.) MURAT , Dularville. (L. S.) MURAT RAI , Admiral. (L. S.) SOLIMAN , Keh a. (L. S.) ABDALLA , Basa Aga. (L. S.) MAHAMET , Sahag el Belad. (L. S.) ALLI BEN DIANA , First Secretary.
Now THEREFORE to the said that the said treaty may be observed and performed with good faith on the part of the United States, I have caused the premises

be made public; and I do hereby enjoin and require all persons bearing office civil or military, within the United States, and all others, citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, faithfully to observe and fulfil the said treaty, and every clause and article thereof. IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF , I have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. DONE at the city of Washington the twenty second day of April, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and six; and of the independence of the United States of America, the twenty ninth.
JEFFERSON. By the President, JAMES MADISON, Sec'y of State.
LONDON, Feb. 27. A report was yesterday circulated, that the difference between Prussia and France had risen to such a height as to render hostilities almost inevitable. There is, not, we believe, any foundation for this report; but there can be no doubt that the Cabinets of Berlin and the Tuileries must view each other with a degree of suspicion and distrust which may very probably lead to open hostilities; though in the present state of Europe, they have both strong reasons to avoid it. Prussia cannot wish for a war with France, the result of which may not only diminish her power, but endanger her very existence as an independent state: on the other hand, Bonaparte, with all his confidence in his own fortune, and in the bravery of his troops, with all his lust of conquest, must be aware of the difficulties he would have to encounter in engaging in a war with Prussia, acting in concert with Russia and Great Britain: besides, Italy, though nominally subjected to his power, is in a very unsettled state; and Austria, though humbled, is by no means subdued. It seems, indeed, from the last Moniteur , that Bonaparte already begins to entertain some uneasiness with respect to the disposition and intention of the Cabinet of Vienna. The French official paper makes a formal complaint against the Emperor of Germany for employing Count Stadion as his Minister; and if it be true that Baron Thugut is again to be placed at the head of the councils of Austria, we may expect to find those complaints converted into menaces.
The Paris papers , which arrived last night to the 26th, and Dutch Journals to the 23d instant, afford little in addition to what we have before stated respecting the situation of affairs on the continent. The French army, on the Main, was, it appears, receiving reinforcements, not only by means of the troops returning from Moravia, but the Division of General Laval, which formed part of the Army of the north, and afterwards returned to Strasburg, had received orders to march to the banks of the Main. This is an additional proof of the want of cordiality between Prussia and France; and although there may be at present a disinclination to enter into hostilities, we have little doubt as we before stated that Prussia will ultimately find that she must either sacrifice her honor and her rank as a first rate power, at the shrine of the inordinate ambition of Bonaparte, or resolutely combat in the field the armies of France.
To the Freeholders of Caroline. Essex King and Queen, and King William.
FELLOW CITIZENS, AS the session of Congress has nearly terminated, I believe it to be my duty, as it certainly is my inclination, to give you some account of our proceedings. This account shall be as full as the limits of a letter will admit. And it becomes the more necessary on this occasion; because upon several very important questions I have been one of a very small minority, whose motives, have been grossly misrepresented in several newspapers of extensive circulation—whilst in others excuses unasked, and such as I think myself bound to disavow, have been given for our votes. Upon one of these occasions, when a bill was passed, restricting our intercourse with Great Britain, I was in a minority of eight republicans. A proposition to prohibit the importation of every species of British manufacture, offered before the measure above mentioned, was debated for a week or ten days—then postponed, and finally, after the passage of the restricting bill, withdrawn. Against both these measures I voted in all their stages. The causes, which it was said, justified and required them, were the capture and condemnation of many of our vessels, and the impressment of our seamen. The opponents of these measures contended, that no commercial restrictions should be attempted, such as we could persevere in maintaining, and that none could safely be adopted until we had previously provided by an embargo, for the security of a multitude of vessels which we had abroad. That such a measure as either of those offered to the House, would be totally ineffective, and could never answer the end proposed. Because, it would either be used by the (late) minister, Mr. Pitt, whose implacable hostility to this country no one could doubt, as a pretext for seizing every vessel of ours which he could catch—or if it failed to produce a war with England, would have the certain effect of enhancing enormously in our markets the price of all her manufactures, without excluding them, at the same time that it would greatly diminish, as the mere expectation of its adoption had al-
ready done, the value of those commodities with which alone we could purchase them. The known superiority both in quality and cheapness of British manufactures, and the habit which we had long been in of preferring and using them, would force them into our markets under some other name, and by some more circuitous route—but one not less certain. And it would be nothing more than a slight tax upon the ingenuity of smugglers to evade this law, in such a way as to bring very near as many articles of British manufacture into our country as ever, without the possibility of detection. The irresistible conclusion in our minds, from this reasoning was—that G. Britain would be little injured by any such measure; at the same time that the injury done to us, and particularly to the agricultural part of the community, which constituted a large majority of the whole people of the United States, would be incalculable. But it was said, suppose such a measure did produce war; would you not rather go to war, than sacrifice your rights by suffering your commerce to be restrained and your seamen impressed. To this it was answered that not going to war, particularly whilst we had a negotiation depending between our minister and the court of London on these very subjects, could not be thought to imply a relinquishment of our rights. The right of going to war, which nobody disputed, was one thing. The physical power and the expediency of doing it, was another thing. That Great Britain had eight hundred ships of war, America a few frigates and gun-boats. That Mr. Pitt, as we had every reason to believe, would rejoice at such a pretext, either for continuing the seizure of our vessels, or for an actual declaration of war. That the consequence to America would be the immediate loss of her commerce, upon which depended her revenue, an entire stoppage in the payment of the public debt. The creation of heavy taxes, at the moment too, when our capacity to pay them was much diminished, if not entirely destroyed by the depression in the price of produce; the augmentation of our navy, a thing so much deprecated at all times by the republicans; and the establishment perhaps of a standing army. These things would necessarily be accompanied by a sensible change for the worse in the administration, whose patronage and power would unavoidably be enormously increased, by all those changes and arrangements incidental to war. And for what should we hazard such a sacrifice? For the protection of that commerce, which, as soon as it is extended beyond supplying us with such articles of foreign manufacture as our own necessities and comforts require, in exchange for our surplus produce, must inevitably become dilatory and destructive to the manners, the morals, and the government of the nation. But the commerce essential to the best interest and prosperity of our country was not in reality that for which this protection was desired. It was the carrying and the covering trade alone which had been assailed by Great Britain. A trade, beneficial chiefly to a few individuals, many of whom were foreigners, stationed amongst us only for a short time, or at any rate to a minority only of that class of citizens called merchants. A trade too, which would in a great measure cease with the war between France and England. If it ever should be consistent with sound policy to attempt affording this branch of our commerce any protection beyond that which it receives at this time; it was in the present situation of our country a physical impossibility. To engage in any contest to which the resources of our country were so incompetent, would be an evidence rather of madness, than courage. It was no disgrace to our country to be at this time incapable of waging a commercial war with Great Britain, nor was there a shadow either of justice or reason, in charging us for asserting this incapacity, with any partiality for England, unless the opinion which we had been hardly enough to pronounce, that six American frigates were not a match for eight hundred British ships of war, could be construed as a proof of such partiality. That love of country, which prompts the glorious sacrifice both of life and fortune, would prove a curse instead of a blessing, unless accompanied by the judgment at all times to perceive our true interests, and to estimate properly our capacity to assert and maintain them. Another objection to the proposed measure was, that it could not, at one and the same time, be considered, as some called it, "taking strong ground, and such as would tend to coerce G. Britain," and as others said, "taking such a pacific step as could give her no offence." It must be either the one or the other. If the first, its ruinous tendency, we thought, had been sufficiently demonstrated. If the last, its inefficacy to cure the evils complained of, must be manifest. It was asserted that Great Britain could be coerced only by strong measures; and all we asked was, that those who proposed them, would prove to us the policy and the power of using them at this time, and the capacity of the country to persevere in them. We conceived it a sufficient answer to all the arguments, used on these points, to remind gentlemen of the difference between six frigates, or twenty if they pleased, and eight hundred ships of war; and of the magnitude of the sacrifice, which we were called upon to hazard, compared with the object for which it was to be made. To the arguments,
urged in favor of doing something at this time, we answered that our minister at London, was at this very time engaged in discussing our differences with that court, and that he had given us reason to hope he should amicably adjust them; that if any reliance could be placed in this assurance, it would be premature to do anything whilst this negotiation was pending. If England was disposed to go to war, this measure, before it could be brought to operate upon her, might enable her to do us incalculable mischief, by the capture of our vessels, and perhaps the plunder of some of our seaport towns. On the contrary, if she was inclined to peace, any evidence of hostility on our part, might retard, but could not possibly accelerate it. Unless indeed we could presume that she feared us, which, after our conduct towards Spain, it was utterly impossible that she could do. Whatever impression we might have made upon her at the first of the session, by the proposed measure, she could not now be made to believe that we would persevere in this, or any other measure adopted ostensibly to coerce her, after knowing that a power, which had injured and insulted us full as much in proportion to her ability to do it, as G. Britain had done, had been treated in the manner in which we had treated Spain. After seeing, apparently, at least, so pusillanimously towards that nation, nothing less than an actual declaration of war, could make Great Britain believe us in earnest, in any attempt to force her into a compliance with our wishes. We had deprived ourselves of credibility on this point, and we must take the consequences. If we had acted consistently—if the outrages of Spain had been met with the same spirit of just indignation as those of Britain, there might, perhaps, have been some probability of accelerating the attainment of our object with this last power, by the proposed measure, even admitting that this was the sole motive of its adoption. But when Great Britain knew (as she certainly would do from her minister here, who had our secret almost as soon as we had it ourselves) that we had acted, to all appearances at least, a dastardly part towards Spain; or rather France, she would not, she could not believe us capable of any other conduct towards her. The veil, which has heretofore concealed this part of our proceedings from the public eye, is at length removed, and I hasten to exhibit a concise statement of that transaction, before that tribunal, whose right finally to decide all questions of national import, I hope will never be infringed. At the commencement of the present session, the President sent us two messages, the one public, the other confidential. The first breathing a spirit of just indignation at our wrongs, and a determination to pursue all proper means to redress them; the other certainly not contradictory to the first. The public message recommending decisive measures, particularly towards Spain, with whom our negotiation had failed, and who had injured us as much to the extent of her power, as Great Britain. The private message, upon which the majority of the House has determined, much to my regret, to continue the injunction of secrecy, containing no sentiments in opposition to the public one. A committee, appointed on this message, brought in a report, expressive of sentiments consentaneous to those in the first, and consequently not hostile to those in the last message. This report recommended it to Congress to authorise the President to raise certain troops, the number of which was intended to be four thousand, for the purpose of repelling and punishing any aggressions on our frontiers; which had been violated, and which were threatened with invasion for several months previous to the battle of Trafalgar, the issue of which compelled Spain to turn her attention to another quarter. Another object for which this force was designed, was the defence and protection of our lately acquired territory, which was, and still is, entirely destitute of defence, and several hundred miles distant from the nearest western state. No offensive expedition against the Floridas, as some have falsely asserted, was either wished or intended by any of the friends of this report, as far as I heard or understood their sentiments. Nothing was more remote from our wishes than a war, either with Spain or England. A large majority of the House rejected this report. In this instance, I was in the minority. A resolution, which had been previously laid upon our table, (after being rejected by the committee who brought in the report) was then offered to the House by one of the majority. This resolution proposed to appropriate two millions of dollars, ostensibly for the vague purpose of defraying any extraordinary expenses which might be incurred in our intercourse with foreign nations, but asserted to be in reality for the purchase of the Floridas. It also authorised the President to borrow the money at six per cent. without fixing any time or fund for the redemption of the debt; and proposed to continue the additional duty of two and a half per cent. on imports, commonly called the Mediterranean fund, which fund, the law creating it, declared should cease with the Tripolitan war. We proposed to specify the object, and to limit the sum. The specification was agreed to, fifty-eight voting against it; and the debt to be incurred, made redeemable at will; but the limitation was rejected, and even the specification itself afterwards struck out in the bill. Amongst the arguments, urged
to justify the measure finally adopted, it was said that these were the secret wishes of the President. To this we answered, that although we were disposed to treat with respect the opinions of the President, when officially communicated, yet even then we did not conceive ourselves under any obligation to adopt them. We considered ourselves the representatives of a free and independent people, who sent us here to be governed, not by men, but by principles; and to yield obedience to nothing but the convictions of our own deliberate judgment. That if the President had any opinions on this subject, other than those which he had communicated, they ought to form the subject of another confidential message. And that if this scheme for appropriating two millions towards an object not specified, was his, it was in direct contradiction to a principle, which he himself had recommended and enforced in one of his former messages. In his message to the seventh Congress, he says—"In our case too, of the public contributions entrusted to our direction, it would be prudent to multiply barriers against their dissipation, by appropriating specific sums, to every specific purpose susceptible of definition; by disallowing all applications of money, varying from the appropriation in object, or transcending it in amount; by reducing the undefined field of contingencies, and thereby circumscribing discretionary powers over money; by bringing back to a single department all accountability, where the examination may be prompt, efficacious, and uniform." How far this bill, appropriating two millions of dollars towards an object not specified, and giving at the same time a discretionary power to exceed that appropriation, conforms to the excellent and truly republican doctrine contained in the above extract, I shall leave the public to judge. Amongst other arguments in favor of specific appropriation, I must not omit the following—that if this business was to be kept secret, (and a strong effort was made to be the very last to conceal it,) specifying the object of the appropriation, could do no possible injury—whilst it would fix the responsibility on the President, where it ought to be. That although we had no disposition to doubt for a moment, the disposition of the officer, to apply the money in the way intended—yet that law, and no confidence, was, and ought, forever to be the rule in all public cases, under which we should act towards him. The right to make appropriations of money in secret, was also denied, as a practice calculated to destroy one of the most efficient checks, which the people had over their representatives.—But the objection which appeared to us most important, and indeed insuperable, was the apparent disgrace of the proposed measure. For whatever might be said, respecting the policy of acquiring the Floridas; the advantage of which we did not deny—yet the appropriation of money to buy them, under existing circumstances, must, and would be considered as in the highest degree pusillanimous and disgraceful. The true motives of those gentlemen who were in favor of purchasing the Floridas, however pure they might be, could not be known abroad, but would be inferred from the known facts. These facts must inevitably produce an unfavorable influence; whether it was true or not, and the consequence to our country, would be as fatal from this conclusion, although it might happen to be false, as if it was fairly deducible from the true motives of those who supported this measure. For it had frequently been declared on the floor of Congress, and none had denied it—that France had threatened us with war, if we came to a rupture with Spain—that Spain was not averse to an accommodation of our differences, but that France would not suffer her to make it, unless money was used as the means of propitiation. That France had intimated her willingness to interfere upon this condition, and had given us assurances, that Spain should do what we wished on these terms. Under these circumstances we contended, that whether gentlemen were governed by fear of France; or really preferred purchasing the Floridas, to an exchange of territory, (which was the only thing we could consent to propose to Spain,) if money was thus appropriated, it would, and must be understood, not only by France, but by the world, as the effect of intimidation—and that the necessary consequence of such a relief abroad, must be the entire prostration of our national character. The day after this bill passed, which was on the 16th January, dispatches from our minister at London were sent to us, which had been received before Christmas. These dispatches, several members declared would have changed their vote, if they had seen them in time—whilst others affirm that they served to confirm them in the propriety of their's. From the above statement, it must be evident, what connection our conclave transactions (which were all known to two at least of the foreign ministers here, notwithstanding the injunction of secrecy,) had with our proceedings towards Great Britain. The insults, and the injuries of Spain, were to be met with money—apparently—if not in reality, given to France, to purchase her mediation. The insults, and the injuries of Great Britain, by commercial restrictions, calculated as we thought ourselves, justified in believing, (if Mr. Pitt had lived,) to produce at least an aggravation of those insults, and injuries—if not war. Restrictions too, which in their operations at home would amount, as we believed, almost to a total sacrifice of the agricultural, to the commercial interests of our country. Uniformity and consistency of conduct towards both nations, were necessary in order to produce any effect upon either. If the coercion of Great Britain was to be attempted, our conduct towards Spain should have been firm and decisive. But admitting that we had acted towards Spain as was right, which I can never be induced to think, consistency required, at least a suspension of our proceedings towards Great Britain, until we could hear the result of our minister's negotiation with her. The sole object of which negotiation was, the redress of those very grievances, of which we at present complained. I have endeavored as concisely as possible, to give you an intelligible account of transactions, with which, I am sure it is both your inclination, and your interest to be acquainted. They are such, as have deservedly excited the public attention, more than any other proceedings which have occurred in Congress for some time. And I thought it a duty, which I owed, both to you and myself, to justify my conduct upon these occasions, as one of a minority, whose opinions, and whose motives had been most grossly misrepresented. The course pursued towards Spain, I considered, from the circumstances already stated, as one which would stamp indelible dis-
grace upon my country, whether the resolution of those who advised it were good or bad. I viewed it also as a precedent, for violating upon a pretext of expediency—that excellent republican doctrine of "appropriating specific sums, to every specific purpose." The measure adopted in relation to Great Britain, was one which I contemplated, as particularly injurious to the agricultural interests of our country—at the same time, that it did not appear to me calculated to produce the effect which its friends expected. Although I was willing to admit, that there was an intimate connection between agriculture and commerce, yet I never considered that connection of such a nature, but that cases might, and would occur, in which their interests would conflict with each other. This I viewed as one of those cases, and I had the alternative of choosing, to which of these interests I would adhere—to that of the agricultural part of the community, which constituted a very large majority, not only of my own state, but of the United States—or to that of the commercial part which composed the minority: upon this alternative too, I was compelled to decide, at a time, when I thought it bestrally premature, to do any thing. In this situation, I had no hesitation in determining how my duty prescribed that I should act. But the minor interest in the community has prevailed, and I believe it is the first, as I hope it will be the last instance in the annals of our country. Memorials from commercial towns have been considered as expressing the public sentiment, when it is a notorious fact, that the great body of the people, the yeomanry of the country, have been entirely silent. It remains now, for you to determine how far your Representative has acted upon these important occasions with fidelity to your interests—and in conformity to those principles upon which he was elected. I am, your fellow citizen, JAMES M. GARNETT. Washington, April 16th, 1806.
(By Authority.)
AN ACT To regulate and fix the compensation of the officers of the Senate and House of Representatives. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the officers of the Senate and House of Representatives herein after mentioned, shall be, and hereby are entitled to receive, in lieu of their compensations fixed by law, the following sums, that is to say: The secretary of the Senate and clerk of the House of Representatives two thousand dollars, each, their principal clerks one thousand three hundred dollars, each, and each of their engrossing clerks one thousand dollars per annum. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the sergeant at arms of the Senate, who also performs the duty of a door-keeper, the sergeant at arms, and the door keeper of the House of Representatives, shall be, and they are hereby entitled to receive, nine hundred and fifty dollars, per annum each; and that the assistant door-keeper of the Senate, and the assistant door-keeper of the House of Representatives shall be, and they are hereby entitled to receive nine hundred dollars, per annum, each. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That any appropriation which shall be made by the Senate, or House of Representatives, out of the contingent fund of either House, towards the compensation of any of the officers of the Senate, or House of Representatives, shall be taken and considered as a part of the salary allowed by this act. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the compensations provided for in this act shall commence and take effect from and after the thirty-first day of March one thousand eight hundred and six. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the act entitled "An act to regulate and fix the compensations of the officers of the Senate and House of Representatives," passed on the twenty-ninth of April, one thousand eight hundred and two, shall, from and after the thirty-first of March, one thousand eight hundred and six, be, and the same is hereby repealed. NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, pro tempore. April 10, 1806.—APPROVED. TH. JEFFERSON.
RESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives, of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be made known to Nicholas C. Nissen, esquire, his Danish Majesty's Consul, residing at Tripoli, the high sense entertained by Congress, of his disinterested and benevolent attention manifested to captain Bainbridge, his officers and crew, during the time of their captivity in Tripoli. NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, pro tempore. April 10, 1806.—APPROVED. TH. JEFFERSON.
THE subscriber is particularly requested by Messrs. Abbott & Shewald, (successors to Isaac W. Morris of Philadelphia, in the Brewing Business) to make known to the citizens of Richmond, and the public generally, that they mean to keep him supplied from time to time, with sufficient quantities of PORTER AND BEER From their Brewery, to answer the consumption of Richmond and the country trading therewith. The subscriber can say with confidence that judging from the sample heretofore received, that both the Porter and Beer is of superior quality, & will be sold as low as it can be had in Philadelphia. Orders from the country will be properly attended to. DANIEL TRIPLETT. April 17th, 1806
ALL persons having claims against the estate of DIDIER COLIN , dec. are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement—And those indebted to the said estate must make immediate payment, to Catharine Colin, Adm'x. of Didier Colin, dec. Richmond, April 11th, 1806.
JOSEPH H. MAYO, HAS just received, per the Schooner Sally & Mary, from Baltimore, a quantity of FIRST PROOF WHISKEY, Of good body and flavour, which he offers for sale at his Lumber House in Port Mayo, on moderate terms. Port Mayo, April 13, 1806.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, A PAMPHLET, Containing Sketches of the History of France and England—And an account of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, Emperor of France, from his birth to the battle of Austerlitz—price 3s. April 28, 1806.

Delegates elected to serve in the next General Assembly of Virginia.
Charles City, John Christian, Cornelius Egmon. New Kent, John D. Watkins, Robt. Christian. Elizabeth City, Charles R. Mallory, Saml. Watts. Amherst, David S. Garland, Charles Taliaferro. Fluvanna, John Forbes, Doct. John Wills. Hampshire, John Snyder, William Donaldson. Norfolk Borough, William Newsum, jun.
Captain JAMES BARREN, is appointed commander of the American squadron in the Mediterranean—and captain Stephen Decatur, jun. the command of the frigate Chesapeake, ordered on that service.
We are concerned to learn, that the two British frigates, whose vexatious practices off Sandy Hook were the subjects of so much public irritation last year, have returned that station. It is to be hoped, for the credit of their commanders, and the repose of the country, that similar outrages on the commerce and independence of the United States, will not be attempted. In case of their renewal, the president will have no alternative but the exercise of the powers vested in him by a late act of congress.—Phil. Gaz.
Mr. MONROE, Minister of the United States to the court of England, has transmitted, at the request of the king of Prussia, resident in London, & by order of the King, a Gold Medal to Dr. RUZE, of this city, as an acknowledgment of the high sense entertained of his answers to sundry questions proposed to him upon the yellow fever, and of his other publications, upon that disease.—Phil. Gaz.
FROM THE AURORA.
New Rochelle, April 23, 1806.
Mr. DUANE, I see, by the English papers, that some conversations have lately taken place in parliament in England, on the subject of repealing the act that incorporated the members elected in Ireland with the parliament elected in England so as to form only one parliament.
As England could not dominate Ireland more despotically than it did through the Irish parliament, people were generally at a loss, (as well they might be) to discover any motive for that union, more especially as it was pushed with unceasing activity against all opposition. The following anecdote, which was known but to few persons, and to none, I believe in England except the former minister, will unveil the mystery.
When Lord Shelburne arrived in Paris, in the time of the Directory government, to open a negotiation for a peace, his credentials ran in the old stile of, "George, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, king"— Shelburne was informed that though the assumed title of king of France in his credentials would not prevent France opening a negotiation, yet that no treaty of peace could be concluded until that assumed title was renounced. But then hit on the union bill under which the assumed title of king of France was discontinued.
THOMAS PAINE.
The following melancholy article is copied from the "Pennsylvania Correspondent," printed at Doylestown, in Bucks county, Pennsylvania.
A man living on or near the Dry Lands, who had to pay the sum of $800. about the first of April, called on his neighbour who kept a public house, informed him of the payment he had to make, and observed, he had the whole amount, at his own house except 15/, which he wished to loan for a few weeks; the landlord very cheerfully agreed to lend the sum required, stating that he had it not in possession, but expected to go abroad the next day to collect the money, and would return in the evening when his neighbour might call and receive the sum wanted.—With the joy which an honest man derives from the expectation of being able to fulfil his contracts, did the neighbour call at the time appointed; the landlord had not returned: he therefore waited contentedly, every moment expecting him to come in;—at the request of the landlady, he concluded to retire to bed, and if asleep, at the return of her husband, he was to be called up; it being late he soon fell asleep—but he had not slept long before his slumbers were disturbed by terrific dreams; he awoke his bed-fellow (a pedlar who had taken lodgings there for that night only) and informed him he had dreamed his house was on fire, and his wife and children enveloped in the flames:—The pedlar intreated him to lie down and quiet his apprehensions; but expostulations are unavailing to a man whose imagination is disordered from the idea that his family are in imminent danger. He would go home, and the pedlar feeling interested in the interpretation of the dream, agreed to accompany him: taking along a pair of pistols which he had with him well loaded. The night was dark, and as they approached the house, a bright light excited new and strong suspicions. Each taking a pistol, they cautiously approached the lighted window, where with astonishment they beheld three men with blackened faces counting money on a table; each of the spectators singled out his man, and two of the midnight plunderers felt lifeless on the floor; the third was met at the door, conscious guilt had unnerved his arm—he was soon despatched.—Reader—if you have tears prepare to shed them now—The agitated husband went into his bed chamber, where the wife of his bosom and three young children, were weltering in blood, and closing their eyes in death, having been inhumanly butchered "in unsuspecting moments of sleep," by the three persons before mentioned. My informant could not give the names of the
parties, but states that on washing the blackened faces of the deceased robbers, they proved to be near neighbours of the owner of the house, and were intimate family connections.
Richmond Academy Lottery.
THIRTY-NINTH DAY.
Prize of 50 dollars—No. 4433. Prize of 25 dollars—No. 4343. Blanks—Nos. 6537 7114 6448 7501 5311 4977 6634 5851 6623 4841 7147 4779 5947 7686 7164 7562 5948 5410 5189 5778 4146 6748 7583 7052 4645 7513 6312 4397 5608 4855 6903 5049 6066 4929 3142 4598 4312 4652 7582 4619 4201 7154 5970 6070 7272 7105 6076 5197.
FOR THE ARGUS.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES.
CONCERNING AN ALLIANCE WITH G. BRITAIN.
Long has it been known that a party, dispersed over the United States, contemplated an indissoluble political connection, between this country and Great Britain. Many public events, not necessary to be retraced at this time, establish the fact. But the experience of several years, and the disappointment of every effort, taught the schemers to know, that the mass of the people were in every way opposed to the project. The subject would not bear reflection. It could not stand the light; & therefore every man, who was even suspected of being friendly to its accomplishment, whatever were his pretensions to popularity and public confidence, not only lost his station, but likewise became the object of censure and malediction.
Thus disappointed, thus having become the objects of public distrust, these martyrs, to their own erroneous and unpopular projects, have been compelled to bear the mortification of an overthrow, and the constant regrets of political degradation.
Although this important question has been, as it were, decided, and the disinterested patriot was in hopes that the day of a general federation of hearts was about to arrive—yet it is now evident that the spark which had been long concealed, begins again to brighten. It is supplied with new fuel. The slumbering intrigues avow their designs, and pursue the courses which they think necessary to promote success. The agent to which they resort is prejudice —the toxin is sounded—the alarm is proclaimed—and the feelings of the people are aroused, in relation to an object which appears to be quite distinct, but which, when strictly examined, will exhibit to the impartial mind the same tendencies.
The prejudice which is alluded to, is the pretended fear of the emperor of France . The friends to a connection with Great Britain, such as has been mentioned, overleap every thing which has been formerly urged. They will not pause for the purpose of examining one of the many questions which may be urged against it. They play their game with equal ardor and dexterity—they bring before the public, in terms of irritation, suspicion and disgust, epithets and phrases which are too apt to catch and delude the unwary. They know well enough, that their purposes will be answered—provided they can persuade the people to assume an attitude of hostility, opposition or counteraction against the policy or rights of France. They hope that the vigilance of the emperor, and a proper regard to the rights of the nation over which he presides, as well as a respect for his own personal character and glory, will urge him to measures which will be deemed hostile.
If such a state of things (no matter from what cause) shall happen, the greatest dunces in the land knows well enough, that we shall become direct parties in the war, with Great Britain. In this event, the cabinet of London will take care, after we shall be thus entangled, to promote their own interests and designs. They will take care when they grant the protection of their fleets, to offer also, one end of a yoke, which, though at first, it may appear light, smooth and portable, will contain hidden conduits through which its weight will be increased, and whereby springs and contrivances may be introduced, which will entangle the people of this country for ever.
In representing this matter, by the aid of a figure, it is not intended to say that the United States will again become appendages of the British crown; that we shall entirely surrender the rights and privileges of self-government, and yield to the insults and degradation of the old colonial systems. Far from it. The cabinet of London knows that ancient prejudices, or rather, that the inextinguishable love of country, which has been so often manifested in the United States, would produce one general effort, and that the schemes and schemers would be at once overthrown. The American confederates are also well aware, that they dare not openly espouse a project, which would excite the simultaneous opposition of every man, who made it his first political duty, to preserve the independence of his country.
What then, it will be asked, is contemplated? What ought we to avoid, and what to follow? What are the projects which the schemers propose to accomplish? Many other like questions are the natural results of these trite observations, each of which opens into a field, too wide for a newspaper discussion. Ignorant, indeed, must that man be who does not see that a single act of hostility towards France, will justify a reprisal, and that a state of war will call upon our rulers to adopt those courses which promise most
certainly and most cheaply to secure us from invasion. And what, prith thee, follows? A direct proposition to the cabinet of London, to grant us the aid and protection of the British fleets!!!
The aid and protection of the British fleets!!! Yes, Americans, this is the unavoidable tendency of those projects and schemes which are designed to arouse your prejudices against the power of France & the ambition of the emperor Napoleon. The aid and protection of the British fleets!!! It is right that the people should know the dilemma, and see the precipice, that they may in time weigh well the projects, and appreciate the tendencies of the conduct of those, who, either by entreaty, persuasion or alarm, attempt to hurry them into the arms of a meritorious connection.
Here, for a moment, let us forget that we are independent—that we are a nation—that we have rights—that we are advancing by sure and rapid steps to a strength and power, which will enable us to uphold our own rights without the aid of the British fleets. Let us forget, that now we have half a million of fighting men—and that in ten years, our numbers will be doubled. Let all these advantages and prospects be covered with a mantle; let every consideration of prudence and policy, of honor and pride, all bend before the terrors, fears and prejudices, which relate to the emperor Napoleon, and then contemplate the naked question which the cabinet of London will consider, that is, the terms upon which they will grant to us the aid and protection of their fleets.
Already we know that they man their fleets by the impressment of their own people, and by the violations of national rights towards our own seamen, and in our own vessels. The cabinet of London pretend that the British power gives to them a pre-eminence over the ocean—and that they can likewise, every where assert an immediate agency over their own subjects. This right, or rather power, they never fail to assert, and as the Americans and the English speak the same language, they have, under the semblance of impressing British subjects, taken American seamen, out of American vessels, and compelled them to fight in battles, in which they had no interest, and in support of a cause and a claim which degrades injuries and disgraces their own country.
If this is true, is it likely that the cabinet of London, after we shall be reduced to the humility of asking the aid and protection of the British fleets, will listen to propositions upon terms more favorable than those which they enforce, while we are in a state of peace; while France extends to us the arm of commercial and political intercourse; while France manifests that she wants nothing from the United States but honor, justice, candor and a reciprocation of good offices? All this is true, and yet there is reason to fear that the old projects and new prejudices, though extremely unlike in their motives, will form a temporary union, which will plunge this country into a labyrinth of difficulty, the end and consequences of which, no man can foretell.
Again. The aid and protection of the British fleets!!! This, Americans, is the question for consideration, in case of a rupture with France. It affords prospects and arguments which are far beyond the reach of our immediate perceptions. It will not only separate us at once from France, but from the commerce of Europe, except such as the British cabinet may condescend to permit; or such as the policy of Bonaparte may not influence. It will prostrate every thing which is American at the foot of the British throne, and we, who now speak the language of independence, will become humble vassals and suppliants, and shall be obliged to ask for co-operation and protection against an enemy, which has been created by our own imprudence—by our prejudices and fears—an enemy which neither claims nor wants any thing from us but peace and justice—an enemy which asks nothing from Great Britain but repose, independence, the freedom of the seas, and the establishment of such principles as will ensure the permanent tranquility of Europe.
It is not necessary to retrace the conduct of the emperor of France, to prove that this is true; it will be here sufficient to assert it, and to demand of those who deny it, that they will illustrate their opinion by a plain exposition of the causes upon which they justify their hostility. It is foreseen that this will not be attempted. Even if any thing should be said, the supporters of the prejudice, will content themselves with general terms of denunciation. They will not dare to go into detail—they will not endanger their projects, by writing down times, places, facts and words, because they know that the cloven foot will be immediately exposed—and that although the terms of denunciation are potent and terrific; yet that nothing upon which the accusation is made will bear either the probe or the touch.
While these things combine to entangle and mislead the Americans into the most dangerous situations, the ancient hopes of disappointed projectors are revived, and they venture to proclaim their designs. The Boston Repository, a paper which derives its support from anti-republican patrons, has had the boldness to proclaim its designs, and to claim for its friends the confidence of republican America—as the following quotation proves:
From the Boston Repository.
"The news from Europe will, we should suppose, change the love of imperial Bonaparte into dread. The par-
tisans of that ambitious republican, among us, must now see the fallacy of their dreams and the absolute necessity of commencing all our public concerns into the hands of those who will be least likely to encourage insolent requisitions, & invite a foreign dictator's authority."
This, Americans! is plain language. You must withdraw your confidence from, and abolish the power of those, who have most happily preserved you from foreign connections, and from foreign wars—and put your confidence in others, who are ready to surrender the independence of their country to our ancient task masters, because they pretend to entertain fears from the ambition and strength of Bonaparte. Was there ever any thing more absurd than to expect that the people of the U. States, in order to guard against unauthorised fears from Bonaparte, would surrender more to the king of G. Britain, than Bonaparte would ask even if we were vanquished and depended upon his mercy? Nobody believes that he would even if we were overthrown in a war which we had provoked, be compelled to submit to more ignominious terms than were granted to Austria. He would not say that France should govern the seas; that the subjects of foreign nations should be seized and compelled to fight against their consciences, their rights and their country. And yet we find, that there are Americans, whose prejudices induce them to surrender all this and more to the British, because Bonaparte denies these usurpations to that government.
Terrible as the prospects which are afforded by this measure would be. It is admitted that a co-operation with Great Britain ought to be desired if Bonaparte by his conduct, proved that he did really intend to subjugate the rest of Europe, and to render himself the universal monarch of that portion of the globe. Strange indeed that the most feeble understanding does not teach these deluded dreamers that Bonaparte cannot be so unwise, as to indulge in theories and projects which would not fail to defeat themselves—How often has it happened that such extensive and gigantic projects have been overthrown by their own weight and incongruity?—The pages of history, have brought before us, the extensive empires of the Medes, & Persians, the Babylonians, the Macedonians, and the Romans—and in later times the dominions of Clovis, Charlemagne and the projects of Lewis the fourteenth—at this moment the empire of the Turks, so lately the scourge and terror of half the world, is sinking into a state of imbecility and will soon disappear.
These empires have grasped at too much. Bonaparte takes caution from the great examples. He has circumscribed the limits of that empire over which he presides, and neither suffers the terrors of confederated nations, nor the advantages of his own success to change his plans. In this consists his wisdom. In this consists the prospects of peace and national concord in Europe. Were it not so, would he have surrendered twenty millions of conquered Germans to German rulers?—Would he have retraced his victorious steps and given to the conquered countries examples of clemency, which cannot fail to endear him to their hearts?—
The defamers of Bonaparte, pretend that the princes of Bavaria, Wirtemberg and Baden, are no more than Satraps or Viceroys or Governors of provinces; this is necessary to their projects, because, if they should, in a single instance admit the truth, if they ever allow the people of America to understand the details, and that Bonaparte has in fact given up to these princes a great dominion, that he asks nothing from them, except an honest and honorable discharge of public duties, then it will be impossible to persuade them that he entertains designs which are hostile to the American states, and threaten to endanger our independence. It will be equally impossible to prove that Bonaparte has not most honestly observed his promises, so solemnly made and so often repeated, "that he contended for the repose of France, and the happiness of the world." AN AMERICAN.
Returns of votes for Governor of Massachusetts had been received at Boston on the 23d ult. from 401 towns; from which appears that
Mr. Strong had 26,203 Mr. Sullivan 34,735 Majority for Mr. Strong 1,468
No less than three cases of Suicide are said to have occurred in the city of Philadelphia the last week.
APRIL the 27 day 1806 notice given to all persons that some in authority in the commonwealth and some officers and some other persons all gined together and the Peasegans in dunwoody county the leaders of mischeefe and I take my oath I was beaten many times, and robbed in his majestys name the king of england and I take my oath they made young of a letter forged from my name Henry Daniel to rob the judgement as I obtained against the commonwealth in the year of 1798 April and they claimed themselves in my name Henry Daniel and harwood Daniels name to rob the judgement as I obtained against the commonwealth I do not no what rights they had with british subjects and their property and they gave me a forged letter with my name forged to it and the king of englands name forged to it and I take my oath I thought I was in danger of my life when I go from home they had threatened me many times they wanted to rob those clames from the king of england and his ares and to kill me to make li treason city of vitchmon virginia Henry Daniel agent
I wanted all persons to keep peace [Verbatim.] (1 paid.)
RETIREMENT.
BY CLIFTON, AN AMERICAN POET.
EXTENDED wide, the desert scene, My happy casement shall command, The busy farm, the pasture green, And tuffs where sheltered hamlets stand.
The fairies through my walks shall roam, And sylphs inhabit every tree, Come, Ariel, sublimest spirit come, I'll find a blossem there for thee.
From crag to crag, with devious sweep, Some frantic flood shall headlong go, And bursting o'er the dizzy steep, Shall slumber in the lake below.
The muse shall hail, at peep of dawn, Melodiously the coming day; At eve her song shall soothe the lawn, And with the mountain echoes play.
'Tis mine! 'tis mine! the sacred grove, Where truth and beauty may recine; The sweet resort of many a love; Monimia, come and make it thine.
For thee the bursting buds are ripe, The whistling robin calls thee here, To thee complains the woodland pipe, Will not my lov'd Monimia hear?
A fawn I'll bring thee, gentle maid, To gambol round thy pleasant door; I'll cut thee wreaths that ne'er shall fade: What shall I say to tempt thee more?
Mecklenburg County, March Quarterly Court, 1806.
John Wilson, son of Lemuel, plf. Against Richard H. Walker, adm'r. &c. of Thomas Vaughan, dec'd, who was adm'r. de bonis non of Thomas Hoard, dec'd, William Gill, adm'r. &c. of Wagstaff Maynard, dec'd, Robert Saunders and Susanna his wife, Henry Chauler and his wife, Edmund Heard, James Hoard, Jesse Hoard, William Hoard and John Hoard, children and legatees of Thomas Hoard, dec'd.
THE deft. Edmund Heard, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the second Monday in July next and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper in Richmond or Petersburg for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
A Copy, W. Baskervill.
Mecklenburg County, March Quarterly Court, 1806.
Thomas Pritchett, plf. Against John Sawman, William French, Andrew Buchanan, George Buchanan, James Hopkirk, Ronald Crawford and John M'Kee, citizens of the kingdom of Great Britain, and surviving partners of Alexander Spiers, John Sawman, George Crawford, William French, Andrew Buchanan, George Buchanan, Thomas Hopkirk, James Hopkirk, Ronald Crawford, John M'Kee and Andrew Johnson, late merchants and partners acting under the firm of Alexander Spiers, John Sawman & Co.
THE defendants not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth: On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the second Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper in Richmond or Petersburg for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
A Copy, John Dortch, d. c. m. c.
TO THE PUBLIC.
I INTEND, on the 22d day of May next, to commence and prosecute with assiduity and attention the Practice of Law in all the Superior Courts held in the City of Richmond, together with the Hastings Court, and the County Court of Henrico. I shall also continue to practice in the District Court of Brunswick as heretofore. The place of my residence in Town will be on Shockoe-hill near the Public Square, in a brick-house adjoining the Washington Tavern.
WILLIAM MUNFORD.
April 23d, 1806
Lighty Dollars Reward.
STOLEN, on the night of the 4th inst. from the subscribers, living in the county of Loudoun, near Frying Pan, TWO MARKS—one a scuce-bell, of a light roan color, 14 hands & an half inch high, nine years old, with a sorrel mane and tail, paces, trots an canters well; the other a sorrel bay, with a star in her forehead, white feet, and a white spot on her rump, about 14 hands high, four years old, paces, trots and canters. We will give the above reward for both, to any person, or Forty Dollars for either of them.
John & Wm. Marshall.
April 19th, 1806
Independence,
A fine formed well grown JACK, will stand at my stable this season at Powhatan Courthouse, to cover mares at the moderate price of Six Dollars each, payable on the first day of August, at which time the season will expire—Breds of haws from gentlemen who send mares, will be expected.
Peter F. Archer.
April 25th, 1806.
Negroes for Sale.
FOR SALE, at Taviton Mines' Tavern, in the lower end of Goochland county, on the 9th day of May, for cash.
Twenty Likely Negroes.
Consisting of young men, boys, women and children amongst them two good weavers, an excellent house servant, and a good cather: none of these slaves exceed 25 years of age.
Gideon Hatcher.
April 21st, 1806.
Bail and Delivery Bonds
For sale at this office.

Bohn & Hubner, HAVE RECEIVED FROM BREMEN, A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF GERMAN LINENS, CONSISTING OF Danzigs, Romans Sheetings, Pickenburg, Brüllas, Hessians, Brown Rolls, &c. Which they offer for sale on the most reasonable terms. Richmond, March 22d, 1806. 12t
WANTED as House-keeper, in a large family, an elderly Lady, who can come well recommended. Liberal wages will be given. Enquire at the printer. Nov. 6, 1805.
Advertisement. IN consequence of a resolution of the General Assembly, passed at their last session, I am instructed by the Executive to make enquiry respecting the situation of all Ordnance and Military Stores, belonging to the state (not including those in the service of the United States or of this State) and make report thereof to the Governor. In obedience to this instruction, and as the most probable mean of effecting the object contemplated by the Executive, I have thought proper thus publicly to request of such of the citizens of the commonwealth as may have any knowledge of the situation, number, quality and size or weight of any cannon or other ordnance, and muskets, cannon balls, shells or other military stores, supposed to belong to the state, and not in immediate use, to communicate a particular report thereof to me as soon as convenient. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Clerk to the Executive. Richmond, Feb. 7, 1806. (14)
JUST received from London, and for sale by Wm. Crozier, in Manchester, a complete and general assortment of Fresh Garden Seeds, All of the last year's growth. N.B. The above collection of seeds may be had at Mr. Oakley Philpotts' next door above Russell & Wallace's, main street, Richmond. William Crozier. Richmond, 7th March, 1806
STRAYED or stolen from the commons, some time last week, a likely grey HORSE, in good order, about 7 or 8 years old, nothing remarkable recollected about him. I will give a generous reward to any person that will bring him to me in Richmond. April 9th 1806. J. PENN.
TO BE RENTED, THE TENEMENT where I now reside, and possession given in June. April 9th, 1806. J. PENN.
Robin Red Breast, A fine bay, fifteen and a half hands high, imported from England in spring 1804—Will stand the ensuing season at my stable, in the Manakin Town, on James river, 17 miles above Richmond, to cover mares at twenty-five dollars the season, for which notes will be expected, dischargeable by the payment of twenty dollars, on or before the first of October, 1806, with one dollar for each mare to the groom. Good and extensive high and low ground pasture grass, under strong fences—the greatest attention shall be paid to mares left in my care, but will not be liable for accidents or escape. PEDIGREE. ROBIN RED BREAST was got by Sir Peter Teazle, his dam Wren, by Woolpacker, his granddam Papillon (Sir Peter's dam) by Snap, his great granddam Miss Cleveland, by Regulus, his great great granddam Midge, by son of Bay Bolton, Bartlett's Children, Honeywood's Arabian, dam of the two True Blues. [Taken from the general Stud Book.] PERFORMANCE. In 1800, (the only year he ran) at Bridgnorth, June 18, 4 mile heats, at four years old, he won the maiden plate, beating Mr Day's Magister, by Precipitate, and Mr Carr's Proprietor. The next day, at the same place, 4 mile heats, he came in first and 2d, but lost the race for the want of a few ounces in weight the last heat. At New-Castle, July 3d, he won the member's purse of £50, 4 mile heats, beating Mr Hanton's Tumpater, and distancing Sir T. Moslyn's Hederus. At Nantwich, July 10, he won the town purse of £50, beating Mr Smith's Sultan, and distancing Mr T. Moslyn's Hederus. At Warwicks, Sept. 2, he won his majesty's plate of 100 guineas, 4 mile heats, beating Lord Donegall's Fugleman, & distancing Mr Tharm's Marquis. He won the purse at Litchfield, Sept. 11, 4 mile heats, beating Lord Donegall's b. h. by Po's b. c. and distancing Brooke's Baron Nile, Lord Oxford's Victoria and Mr Cox's Cocoan Tree. He was never beaten 4 mile heats except at Bridgnorth, as above stated, where, although it was given against him, it was evident that he was much the best horse. THOMAS HARRIS. March 1st, 1806. 1m
THE holders of Prizes in the first Class of the William & Mary Lottery, are informed, that every exertion is making to obtain payment for the tickets sold on credit, which those thus indebted, are again apprized, will become due on the 15th present; and are earnestly entreated, to make immediate remittances to the subscriber. Sufficient funds sufficient to discharge such claims or the major part of them, are on hand, and will be daily given. In the mean while, those inclined to receive bonds, or notes in payment, may on application have their claims immediately satisfied. The TICKETS for the 2d CLASS are printing, and will be shortly ready for delivery by RO. GREENHOW, Agent & Treasurer. April 10, 1806. 4w
JUST Received and for Sale at this Office, THE ELEMENTS OF CHESS; A TOASTS COMPRISING THE WHOLE OF PHILIDORN'S GAMES, And EXPLANATORY NOTES, new modelled; And arranged upon a new plan. 149
The Fairfield Races Will commence on Monday the 5th of May, and continue for four days. 1st DAY—The SOCKET CLUB CUP , free for all ages, the horses being bona fide the property of the members, distance 3 mile heats. 2d DAY—The SOCKET CLUB PURSE , of four hundred and fifty dollars, 12r mile heats. 3d DAY—The PURSE of the PROPRIETOR of the COURSE , for two hundred and fifty dollars, three mile heats. 4th DAY—A SWEET STAKE for three years old colts and fillies, two mile heats; one hundred dollars entrance—This subscription will remain open until the 5th May. Weights as follows; Aged Horses, 133 lbs. 6 years old, 128 5 do. do. 118 4 do. do. 108 3 do. do. 90 Mares and Geldings allowed 3 lbs. I wish to rent the Dining House, & the Booths in the Field; those who have formerly rented them, shall have a preference, application must be made immediately. The members of the club, will please to observe a little more punctuality, in paying up their subscriptions, as the money on each day, has to be placed in the hands of the Judges. Those gentlemen, who have not yet paid up their subscriptions, in the produce Sweep Stake, won last October, by Mr. Hugh Wylie, will be so good as to pay it to Mr. Wylie, or the Treasurer, by the last day of the races in May next. ESME SMOCK, Treasurer and Proprietor of the Course.
Valuable Property for Sale. BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by Doctor James Warrell and Rebecca his wife, bearing date the 22d June, 1805, to secure the payment of a purchase made of Mr. William M. Lewis, executor of Francis Lewis, dec. will be SOLD, on the premises, on Friday the 9th of May next, ONE TRACT OF LAND, conveyed in said trust, lying in the county of Henrico, about 10 miles from Richmond, and containing one hundred and ninety-three acres, more or less, together with one Negro Man, Austin, one Negro Woman, Rachel, two bay Horses, three milch Cows, three Heifers, and one Wagon and Gear, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to raise the sum of £1515 19 6 current money of Virginia, due the said William M. Lewis, exr. of Francis Lewis, dec. together with the expenses attending the execution of said trust—in the following payments as expressed in said deed of trust, viz.—one moiety thereof for ready money, with the interest on the amount of said purchase £1515 19 6, from the 21st day of February, 1804, to the 21st of February, 1805, except 550 dollars, which has already been paid—and the residue payable in two years from the 21st February last (1806) with interest thereon from the aforesaid 21st February, 1806 payable on the said interest annually.—A deed of trust on the property will be required. At the same time and place will be SOLD, the remainder of the Stock and Plantation Utensils, on said farm, on a credit of six months, for all sums above ten dollars, with bond and approved security. Also, will be HIRED, the time of 3 Likely Negroes, until Christmas next. John Prosser, William Moncure, } Trustees. Richmond, April 14, 1806. id
Thirty Dollars Reward. RAN from the subscriber about the 20th of November last, a negro man named TOM, 17 or 18 years old, of a very black complexion, about 5 feet 8 inches high, and very stout made; I deem it unnecessary to describe any of his clothing which he took with him as it is presumed he has changed them before this time. I am told he is looking about Richmond and passes as a freeman, and calls his name Billy. Any person delivering the said negro to me, or securing him in any jail so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward. All persons are forewarned from employing or harboring the said slave. RICHARD CLARKE. New-Market, Ararat; March 26 1806. 6w
Marshal's Sale. TO be SOLD, for ready money, under a decree of the Court of the United States for the fifth Circuit in the Virginia District, between Phineas Bond, attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, plaintiff, and David Ross and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 11450 dollars 94 cents due and payable the first day of January last, that valuable and well known estate, in the county of Botetourt, called FORT LEWIS. The sale will be made on the premises, on the 5th day of June next. BEN. MOSBY, D. M. for JOS. SCOTT, M. V. D. April 16, 1806. ids
LOST or mislaid, a NOTE, for one HUND. Tobacco, inspected in the name of Thomas H. Wooding on the 27th May, 1805—Weights, No. 2763, 1590, 150, 1440, I forewarn any person from receiving or trading for the same, as the law has been complied with. Colin MacRae. Manchester, 14th April, 1806. 8w*
Notice. WE do hereby forewarn any person or persons from trading or taking an assignment of a Note, executed by us to John C. Jackson of Prince Edward county, for the sum of 48 pounds, dated the 10th January, 1805, and payable the 1st day of October, 1807; as we are entitled to a credit on said note, agreeable to contract pointedly agreed on between the parties. Josiah & Thos. Perkinson. Amelia county, April 13, 1806. 3w
Notice. THE subscriber wishes to employ five or six good JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS MONCRIEFFE HILL. Cantersville, 15th April, 1806. 1m
Bottled Porter. The subscriber has on hand, and intends keeping a constant supply of Philadelphia Bottled Porter, Of the first quality.—Purchasers may have it put up to be fit for use at any time required. D. J. BURR. Second door above the Eagle Tavern. 19th April, 1806. 6t
Subscribers to the DEBATES of the VIRGINIA CONVENTION, and to GIBBON'S HISTORY of the DECLINE and FALL of the ROMAN EMPIRE, are requested to apply at this office, where their copies are now ready for delivery. 4w
Geo. Watt HAS removed from the store he formerly occupied to a brick house on the cross street leading from the main street to Shockoe warehouse, where he has on hand and offers to dispose of on moderate terms, by wholesale, The following Articles, viz: Loaf and Mucavos to Sugars, N. England, W. Island, and Antigua Rum, Cognac, Barcelona and Apple Brandy, Sherry and Malaga Wine, Coffee of a superior quality, Molasses, Ginger and Fig Blue, Young Hyson and Imperial Tea, 400 Sacks Liverpool Salt, Patent Shot, assorted sizes—And The remainder of his Stock of Dry Goods, consisting principally of articles suited to the present and approaching season, which he will either sell on a credit of 3, 6 and 9 months, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia, with approved endorsers, or barter for Tobacco, Flour or Hemp. Cash given for Tobacco. Richmond, 22d Mch, 1805.
FOR SALE, THAT well known and very valuable farm belonging to the estate of Samuel Couch, dec. lying on James River, near Goochland court house, containing about 900 Acres of LAND, about half of which is well timbered wood land; about 200 acres of River Low Grounds and from 50 to 100 acres of valuable Creek Bottom. The cleared land is well enclosed and improved, with convenient dwelling and out houses in good repair, with a commodious Store, a valuable still, and a choice collection of about 1,500 bearing fruit trees. The terms of sale may be known on application to Daniel Couch on the premises (who will show the land to any person inclined to purchase) or to Micajah Crew in Hanover. The above tract of land contains improvements and accommodations for two families, and, if more agreeable to the purchasers, they may be divided and sold separately. MICAJAH CREW, ANN COUCH, Ex'or. & Ex'ix. of S. Couch.
A. Hewes & Co. HAVE for Sale at their Store, next door to Messrs. Shepard & Lucke's, opposite the Market, Richmond, an assortment of Groceries and other Articles, Which they will dispose of at the lowest prices for each or country produce. Among which are, Jamaica and Antigua Rum, old and very superior Cognac Brandy, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Coffee, Chocolate Imperial, Hyson, Hyson Skin, and Young Hyson Tea; Port and Sherry Wine, Honey, Molasses, Figs, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Allspice, Pepper, Fig Blue, Starch, Soap, Candles, Salt, Tubbs in sars, &c. &c. Richmond, Feb 10th, 1806.
A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it is represented to the Executive, by the Keeper of the Penitentiary, that two of the prisoners therein confined, to wit: JOHN TRAMBLE and ISAAC HARRIS, have made their escape from the Penitentiary; I have, therefore, thought fit, with the advice of the Council of State, to issue this Proclamation, hereby offering a reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS for the apprehension of each, or either of the said prisoners and for their delivery at the Penitentiary; and I do, moreover, enjoin all officers, civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth to use their best endeavors to apprehend and convey to the Penitentiary the said John Tramble and Isaac Harris. Given under my hand, with the Seal of the (L. S.) commonwealth, annexed, at Richmond, this 3d day of February, 1806. (Signed) Wm. H. CABELL.
John Tramble was convicted of Horse Stealing before the District Court of Washington, in the spring of 1805, and sentenced to five years and five months confinement. He was born in Maryland; is 5 feet 7 1-2 inches high; 25 years old; fair complexion; light hair; grey eyes; has a niche in his left ear; scars in his forehead, and a shoemaker by trade. Isaac Harris was convicted of Larceny before the District Court of Monongalia in the spring of 1805, and sentenced to two years confinement. He was born in the county of Wood, in this state, is five feet nine inches high, 18 years old, swarthy complexion, dark hair and hazel eyes.
NOTICE. I DO hereby forewarn any person or persons from trading or taking an assignment of a Bond executed by me to Charles Matthews of the county of Buckingham, for the sum of two hundred pounds, dated 5th February, 1805, and payable the 25th December, 1806, as the same was given in part purchase of a tract of land, which said Matthews was not possessed of. Walter Irvine. New-Canton, 20th Feb 1806. it
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by John Christian, jr. to secure the payment of a debt therein mentioned due to the late firm of Dunlop, Pollock & Co. will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Prince Edward courthouse, on Monday the 19th day of May next, (being court day) a TRACT of LAND, containing 150 acres more or less, lying on the waters of Big Rough creek, in the said county of Prince Edward, being the land bought by said Christian, from Abner Coffey, per deed bearing date the 28th day of May, 1805. The land may be viewed previous to the day of sale, by applying to the said John Christian, jr. Samuel W. Venable, } Trustees. Peter Johnston, Prince Edward, 17th March, 1806. ids
JAMES WALKER & Co. RESPECTFULLY inform their friends and the public in general that they have just received from Baltimore and Philadelphia a complete assortment of GOODS Suitable to the approaching Spring season, which they are now opening in the House formerly occupied by Gibson Garland, esq. in the town of Warren, where they will sell very low for Cash, country Produce, or on a short Credit to punctilious customers. They will also receive flour, &c. on storage, and will pay great attention in having the same forwarded to Richmond, as the owners may direct. 6w Warren, Feb. 20th, 1806.
A FEW COPIES of the American Clerk's Magazine, Or, POCKET COMPANION. Are just received at S. Pleasants' Book-Store.
CHASE'S TRIAL. THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, BY SAMUEL H. SMITH, TRIAL OF SAMUEL CHASE, An Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, Impeached by the House of Representatives, for High Crimes and Misdemeanors, before the Senate of the United States. Taken in short hand, By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD.
In two large octavo volumes—in boards, price, to subscribers four dollars and a half—and to non-subscribers five dollars. A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the Editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect dress; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public, with the expectation of the editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and inserted at length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial. March 24, 1806. wtf
TAKEN up as a runaway on the 20th of March, and committed to Hanover jail, a negro man slave, who calls himself RICHARD BROWN, and says he is the property of James Hollie of Lynchburg. The owner is requested to come forward, pay charges and take him away, or he will be dealt with according to law. HENRY H. VAUGHAN. April 1, 1806. 2m
In Henrico County Court, February 4th, 1806. William Sydnor & Amey Sydnor, complets. Against Lucy Sydnor widow and adm'x. of Robert Sydnor, dec. Anthony Sydnor, Fortune Sydnor, and William Moss and Judith his wife, defts. THE defendant Anthony Sydnor, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly in such case made and provided, and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainants for their counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendant do appear here on the first Monday in June next and answer the bill of the said complainants; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the courthouse door on two successive court days. Teste, GEO. CHISMAN, d. o.
VIRGINIA: In the Superior Court of Chancery, held in Richmond, the 27th day of March, 1806. Between John Michie, plaintiff, And Daniel Brodhead, junior and Thomas Miller, Henry Wood and William Sampson, defendants. THE defendant Daniel Brodhead, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country; on motion of the plaintiff by counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next September term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A copy—Teste, P. TINSLEY, d. o.
REMOVAL. DOCT. WILSON has removed from the Bell Tavern to the Brick House opposite the stores of Messrs. J. & R. Gamble and Mr. Neil McConl, and the 2d door below the corner formed by the main street and the cross street leading from Col. Mayo's bridge. In addition to his former stock, he has just received a considerable supply of Articles in the Apothecary line, all of which are offered for sale at reduced prices. It is his intention to devote a great share of his attention personally to his shop. Orders from Merchants, Physicians and others, will be faithfully attended to.—Families can be supplied with Medicines of every kind, accompanied with proper instructions as to their mode of exhibition. Richmond, Jan. 29th, 1806. wtf
BY virtue of a deed of trust from Jeremiah Rawlins, jr. to us, for the benefit of James Oliver's executors, will be SOLD, for ready money, at Hanover courthouse, on the 15th of April next, The following Slaves, to wit: Beck, Caroline, Doctor, alias Glasgow. Esther and her five children, Polly, Judith, Lucy, Harry and Billy, or so many of them as will raise the sum of 3201 with the interest due thereon, and the costs and charges attending the execution of the said trust. J. TEMPLE, TH. POLLARD, March 6, 1806. wids
The sale of the above Slaves is POSTPONED until the 1st of MAY next.
THE subscriber has extended his practice to the Superior Court of Chancery for the Williamsburg district. Patrick Hendren, Attorney at Law. Shirley, Guss. City c'ty. March 4, 1806. wms
Notice. THE Copartnership heretofore existing between the subscribers in the Tanning Business in Cantersville, carried on under the firm of WILLIAM HAMLY & Co. was dissolved on the first instant. All persons having claims against said concern, may receive immediate payment by applying to John & Edward Cunningham—and all persons indebted thereto will please call on them and discharge their respective debts, they alone being authorized to settle the business of said concern, and to dispose of the stock of leather remaining on hand, which will be sold on moderate terms for prompt payment only. WILLIAM HAMLY, JOHN & ED. CUNNINGHAM. Cantersville, April 15, 1806. 8*
The extraordinary, high bred, improved race of DIOMED, In as high health and vigour as he was ever since his arrival in America, will stand the ensuing season, at any stable in Greensville county, 30 miles north of Belfield, and 35 south of Petersburg, and cover mares at 50 dollars the season, the money to be sent with the mare, or 60 dollars the insurance, to be paid in October, and returnable in every instance where the mare shall not prove to have been in foal (except the property shall be charged) with one dollar to the groom in every instance. Good pasturage in separate enclosures, to suit mares in all conditions, gratis. Servants boarded at 10s 6d per week—Grain furnished on moderate terms, for which the money must be sent. Great attention will be paid to mares, but no liability for escapes or accidents. Notes of hand for the insurance will be expected to accompany the mares. The season will commence the 15th of February and end the first of August. The great size, figure and performance on the turf, added to the high price which his colts command, give him a decided superiority over any station in America. January 3, 1806. Nathaniel Rives. w13t
THE NOTED IMPORTED HORSE WHIP, WILL stand at my stable, in Albemarle county, about 15 miles from Charlottesville, and 3 from Warrenton, during the ensuing season. He will be let to mares at Six Guineas the season, to be discharged by five, provided the money be paid by the 15th of September following. Three Guineas will be required by the leap, and nine to ensure a mare with foal—in either case, one dollar to the groom. Should any gentleman engage six mares, they will be accounted as five. WHIP is a beautiful bay, twelve years old, of great size and strength, being 15 hands 3 inches and 3 quarters high; and as a foal gaiter, in movement and in action, is thought by the best judges to have been seldom, if ever equalled, by any horse in America. His pedigree and performers on the turf are inferior to no imported horse whatever. He was got by the noted horse Sir Tristram, by O'Kelly's Eclipse, and his dam, King Herod, as may be seen in the general stud book and calendar, which are kept along with him for the inspection of such as may wish to satisfy themselves as to his abilities. There are four excellent, extensive and well-furnished clover lots, sufficient for the support of mares without feeding, should that be required, corn will be furnished at the market price. Gentlemen may assure themselves that they will meet with every accommodation, and that every care will be taken of their mares that lies in the power of the subscriber—he will not however be liable for any accidents. The season will commence on the 20th of March, and expire the last day of July. Pasturage and boarding for boys gratis. William Tompkins. (with M c Intosh A.) Feb. 25th, 1806.
SANS-CULOTTES, Believed to be inferior to no station in Virginia, in point of form and action, and the beauty of his stock, will stand this season in, or near Farmville, and will be let to mares at Ten Dollars payable with Eighty Dollars for accidents. He was got by Old Celer, dam by the imported horse Medley, grandam by Fearnought. wtf April 10, 1806.
FOR SALE—IMMEDIATELY, WOODBURY MILLS, Lately built of brick and stone, 50 by 42 feet, three stories high, with a durable stone dam, two pair Burrs and one pair Colubine stones, with elevators, screens, bolting cloths, &c. on the most approved construction and now in complete order for business: situated on a constant stream, in the midst of a delightful wheat country, in the county of Powhatan, only one and a half miles from James river, and 23 miles above Richmond. To the mill will be attached a lot of about 100 acres land, on which stands a commodious two story dwelling house and other necessary offices, handsomely enclosed, under a post and rail fence, with garden planted in, all new, being lately finished: a cooper's and blacksmith's shop, miller's house, houses for the accommodation of the workmen, and excellent water very convenient for all purposes. If not sold before the 10th day of May next, they will, on that day, be offered for sale at public auction, to the highest bidder, on the premises—Terms of sale—one third cash, and the other two thirds at two annual payments. THOMAS HARRIS, Jun. Powhatan c'ty, Jan 27, 1806. [eps&awards]
Fifty Dollars Reward. RAN away from the subscriber near Revil's bridge, in Charlotte county, on February the 5th, 1806, a very notable fellow—He is about five feet five or six inches high, very knuckle-kneed, has uncommon large feet, a scar on his nose, is a very good black-smith, and his name is DANIEL. He wore away a negro cotton pair of breeches and waistcoat—Whoever will lodge him in any jail so that I get him, or will bring him to me, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid. wtf Samuel Wilkinson.
TO be SOLD, for ready money, on the 12th day of June next, if fair, and if not, the next fair day, at the Ten Yard near Elijah Wrenn's in Louisiana, agreeably to a deed of trust executed to us by Cecilia Bell and Pleasant Bell, in order to secure the payment of a sum of money due to Elijah Johnson, the said TAN TARO and the LANDS belonging thereto, estimated at fifty-acre acres—also, three NEGRO BOYS, Jack, Darby and Charles, and some STOCK and HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE; or so much of the said property as will raise the sum of three hundred pounds, with interest, and costs of the said deed, &c. David Watson, Elizah Tuckerson, } Trustees. Wm. O. Morris, 4th April, 1806. wtf
LOST, the SCRIP for nine Shares of Stock of the Bank of Virginia, viz. No. 105, for eight shares, dated 17th Oct. 1804, and No. 5090, for one share, dated 24th Feb. 1805. Whoever has found the above scrip will please to leave it at the Bank, as the subscriber intends to apply for a certificate. JOHN WARE. April 24th, 1806. wtf
Poolscap & Letter Paper For sale at this office.