Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1807-07-25 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS
[XVth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1573.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
Four Dollars Per Annum—paid in Advance.]
SATURDAY, JULY 25, 1807.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
BUCKINGHAM COUNTY, JUNE COURT, 1807.
John Guerrant, Plaintiff, Against, John Hamilton and Hill Winfrey, Defendants.
ON the motion of the plaintiff's motion by counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant Hamilton is without the jurisdiction of this court in parts unknown: It is ordered and decreed, That unless he shall appear here on or before the first day of August term next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to him, and decree the matter thereof accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
A copy—Teste, R. ELDRIDGE, D. C.
BUCKINGHAM COUNTY, MAY TERM, 1807.
Daniel and Wm. Guerrant, vs. Thomas Ballou, administrator of Chloe Ballou, dec'd.
THE defendant not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the rules of this court, and it appearing to the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state. On the motion of the plaintiff by their counsel,—It is ordered, that unless the said defendant shall appear here on or before August term next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed and decree the matter thereof accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, & another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
(A Copy.) Teste, R. ELDRIDGE, Jr. D. C. (Wht)
BUCKINGHAM COUNTY, MAY TERM, 1807.
Jones Gill, complainant. Against, William H. Clayton and Clarissa his wife, and Mary Mosby Hales, an infant under the age of twenty-one years, defendants.
ON the motion of the complainant, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant William H. Clayton is not an inhabitant of this state: It is ordered and decreed, that unless he shall appear here on or before August term next, and answer the bill of the complainant, the same will then be taken for confessed as to him, and the matter thereof decreed accordingly, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
A copy—Teste, R. ELDRIDGE, Jr. D. C.
VIRGINIA, TO WIT: At a Quarterly Court, continued and held for Pittsylvania County, the 21st day of May, 1807.
Johnson Lansdown, plaintiff, against John Holder and Jephthah Holder, defendants.
THE defendants not having entered their appearance, and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this state; on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the third Monday in August next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in this state, for eight weeks successively, and posted up at the front door of the courthouse of the said county on some court day.
A Copy, Teste, WM. P. HARRISON, D. C. P. C.
VIRGINIA: At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol in Richmond, May 2d, 1807.
Mary Vaughan, adm'x. with the will annexed of James Vaughan, plaintiff. Against, Polly Mitchell and Obedience Mitchell, by John Mitchell, now assigned their guardian, and Daniel Robertson, an infant, by John Robertson, now assigned his guardian, Joseph Brown and Sally his wife, formerly Sally Robertson, and Thomas Aniore, John Foster and Jacob Roberts, defendants.
THE defendants, John Robertson, Joseph Brown and Sally his wife, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this country: On the motion of the plaintiff by her counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city.
A copy—Teste, PETER TINSLEY, . C.
At a Court held for Prince Edward County, April the 21st, 1807
John Watts and Thomas T. Scott, Ex'rs of William Watts, dec. Complainants. against Jesse Hamblet, and Betsey his wife, late Betsey Clarke, and Susanna Clarke, Heirs of John Clarke, deceased, Maston G. Harper, Maston G. Clarke, and Lucy G. his wife, late Lucy G. Harper, Joel B. Harper, and Elizabeth E. Harper, Heirs of James Harper deceased. Defendants
THIS day came the complainants by their counsel, and the attachment for answer awarded them against the defendant Jesse Hamblet, being returned executed, and the said defendant Jesse Hamblet, still failing to appear and answer the complainants' bill. It is decreed and ordered, that the complainants' bill be taken for confessed as to the said defendant Jesse Hamblet, and the court will proceed at a future day to decree the matters thereof, unless the said defendant Jesse Hamblet, shall on or before the first day of the next court after being served with a copy of this order, show cause to the contrary. On the motion of the complainants, a new subpoena in chancery is awarded them against Thomas Clarke, as guardian of the defendant Susanna Clarke, and the defendants Maston G. Harper, Maston G. Clarke, and Lucy G. his wife, late Lucy G. Harper, Joel B. Harper, and Elizabeth E. Harper, not having entered their appearance, and given security according to an act of the General Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this state; on the motion of the complainants, by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants Maston G. Harper, Maston G. Clarke, and Lucy G. his wife, late Lucy G. Harper, Joel B. Harper, and Elizabeth E. Harper, do appear here on the first day of July court next, and answer the complainants' bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and also posted at the front door of the court-house of this county.
A Copy, Teste, BENJAMIN WATKINS, D. C.
NOTICE.
THE business carried on under the firm of DANIEL GORDON & CO in this place, is this day dissolved by mutual consent—all persons having claims, are requested to bring them forward, and those indebted to make immediate payment to Daniel Gordon, who is alone authorised to receive and settle the same.
DANIEL GORDON, DANIEL WEISIGER, Manchester, 3d July, 1807.
The remaining Stock on hand, will be Sold at a reduced price, by DANL GORDON.
TAKEN up by the subscriber on the 10th of April, a Bay Mare, supposed to be with foal, five or six years old, four feet ten inches high, a star in her forehead, the off hind foot who has the hoof, has been docked, no brand perceivable, shed before, appraised to forty dollars. RICHARD CURD. Henrico. 9th July, 1807.
At a meeting of the Masters and other Officers sailing to and from the Ports of Norfolk and Portsmouth, held at the Eagle Tavern, in the Borough of Norfolk, the 26th day of June, 1807.
Mr James Tucker, unanimously appointed chairman.
The undersigned viewing with extreme regret and abhorrence the late unparalleled indignity offered their country by his Britannic Majesty's ships lying in the vicinity of this place, and not knowing where those acts of outrage may end, do, in consequence of the defenceless state of this harbor, think it necessary to repair Fort Norfolk and to erect such works on Craney Island as may prevent the passage of ships of war to this place.
Resolved unanimously, That this association tender to the President of the U.S. their services for the erection and reparation of said works, for the defence thereof when completed, or for the purpose of manning gun-boats or other vessels, that may be deemed necessary for defence on the waters of Elizabeth and James rivers.
Resolved, That the chairman transmit a copy of these Resolutions to the President of the United States together with the list of the members associating for the objects aforesaid.
Norfolk, June 27, 1807.
Sir,—The recent outrage committed on the national honor, and the rights of humanity, has excited those feelings of indignation which arouse the spirit of freemen, and urge their efforts for the service of their country. Under these impressions, the inclosed resolutions have been adopted, and it is now transmitted to you in conformity to the wish and instruction of the meeting, at which I had the honor to preside. With the most perfect respect, I am your most obedient, JAMES TUCKER, Chairman.
To the Masters and other Officers sailing to and from the ports of Norfolk and Portsmouth.
The tender of your services for the erection or reparation of Fort Norfolk & works on Craney Island, and for manning the gun boats and other vessels for the waters of Elizabeth and James rivers, are received with great satisfaction. They are the more important in proportion, as we have much to do in the least time possible. Knowing their peculiar value for manning and managing the gun boats and other vessels, it is in that direction I am in hopes they will have been applied, and that the necessary aid for erecting or repairing works on the land will have been found in the zeal of other citizens, less qualified to be useful in the employments on the water. I return to your country the thanks you so justly deserve. TH: JEFFERSON. Washington, July 8, 1807.
FROM THE AURORA.
QUID DIPLOMATIC SKILL.
The following article was put into the hands of the editor by the author, and written in his hand writing. The object and intention of it every man of discernment will perceive, that it is an emanation of the spirit of the emperor of the penitentiary himself; and that Bollman is once more doomed to act an inferior character in the great tragic-comic "FARCE." The writer has requested that our animadversions should not accompany it: the length of the article itself exerts from us what we should otherwise not have granted—we shall offer our remarks to-morrow.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE AURORA.
SIR—So much has been said of my disclosures to the executive, respecting the pretended conspiracy of colonel Burr, and they have recently been brought into notice by the counsel for the prosecution, against him in so extraordinary and unwar-rantable a manner, that I think it incumbent on me, to make a few observations on that subject, with a view of removing erroneous impressions which otherwise might prevail with regard to my character.
A few days after my arrival at New Orleans, in September last, letters were received in town from general Wilkinson, then on the Sabine river, stating that hostilities with the Spaniards were unavoidable, that his next letter would bring the details of the first engagement, and that he hoped to give a good account of the done.
In consequence of this information, which occasioned considerable alarm, about three hundred men were dispatched from New Orleans, to proceed by land to the Sabine, to reinforce general Wilkinson. Some artillery was sent off by water to ascend the Red river for the same purpose, and two gun boats were ordered up the Mississippi, to be ready for an attack on Baton Rouge.
By what magic general Wilkinson, whose letter in so positive a manner, had announced hostilities as unavoidable, wrought such a change in the mind of the Spanish commander, who was at the head of fifteen hundred men, and actually invaded the territory of the United States, as to make him describe to terms of accommodation which general Wilkinson has termed most humiliating, and to induce him to retreat twenty leagues beyond the ground in dispute—this general Wilkinson alone can explain!—The fact is, that to the astonishment of all the world, such an accommodation did take place, and that general Wilkinson suddenly arrived at New Orleans, where he came, to use his own phrase, "to play the devil!"
When in the month of December, I was seized and arrested by order of general Wilkinson, but in the name of the United States, and was forcibly transported, I left New Orleans under the impression that colonel Burr, in consequence of the transmitted information to him of the hostile complexion of affairs on the frontiers, and of the supposed certainty of war, might find himself with a large body of volunteers, determined to push on towards Mexico, and whom perhaps it would be difficult to divert from that purpose, notwithstanding the unexpected pacific arrangements between the Spanish commander and gen. Wilkinson.
When I arrived at Charleston, Annapolis, and Washington, all the newspapers represented col. Burr as being at the head of two thousand men and they were ringing at the same time with reports of his pretended treason.
These circumstances occasioned in my mind great indignation, with regard to the reports just mentioned, and great solicitude lest gen. Wilkinson's conduct, and col. Burr's situation might lead to occurrences which col. Burr would deprecate, and which, involuntarily, would put him in the wrong.
I therefore requested an interview with the President of the United States, for two decided objects. 1. To remove from his mind the false impressions he had received with regard to treason. 2. To endeavour to convince him that the interest of the United States would be best consulted by going to war with Spain, and giving countenance to the expedition which Col. Burr had planned.
It appeared to me, that this step might do some good, could do no harm, and in my situation, ought to be attempted. I saw the President, together with Mr. Madison, and having first, when questioned on that point, declared to the former that I had no personal motives for this interview, spoke to them to the effect just mentioned.
The day after the interview I received the following note from the President, the original of which, in his own hand writing now remains in my possession.
"The communications which doctor Bollman made yesterday to Thomas Jef-
* Urged on this point gen. Wilkinson has declared before the grand jury, that after receiving Mr. Swartwout's communication on the Sabine river, he terrified the Spanish commander with a account of an approaching expedition of volunteers, sufficiently strong to crush him, and to march to Mexico in spite of resistance. By this means he made him listen and subscribe to an humiliating accommodation! Thus peace has been preserved, through col. Burr! and the plan of an expedition, justly calculated on events actually impending, which would have rendered it 'egal and laudable', has acquired an opposite character through the inimical conduct of a weak and treacherous friend.
ferson were certainly interesting; but they were too much for his memory. From their complexion and tendency he presumes that doctor Bollman would have no objection to commit them to writing, in all the details into which he went yesterday, and such others as he may have then omitted. Thomas Jefferson giving him his word of honor that they never shall be used against himself, and that the paper shall never go out of his hand." January 25, 1807.
I immediately complied with the President's request, and considering the communication, in conformity with the tenor of his note, as strictly confidential, I had no motive to be unusually guarded or to weigh every expression with more than ordinary care.
The paper, containing nearly twenty pages, was hardly finished, when I immediately sent it to the president. I borrowed it from him some time afterwards when in prison, in order to take a copy, and then returned it!
The whole of it goes to the two points above mentioned, viz. to disprove treason, and to show the expediency of war. It can give no other ideas to an unbiased reader, unless one or two expressions, improperly used, and for which the allowance ought to be made, that the English is not my native language, are singled out, and are considered disconnectedly with what precedes and follows and construed in a hostile manner.
The president had given his word and honor that this paper should not be used against myself; yet on it was predicated the pretended necessity of a pardon for my personal safety. The attorney for the district in open court, when offering me the patent of pardon, referred to it. Nay, when I indignantly refused that pardon, he reminded me of the barrows of an ignominious fate, in order, it is possible to charge my determination! Is a paper not used against me when, on account of its contents misunderstood, I am thus called with the tender of a badge of infamy? Is life in Mr. Jefferson's opinion all, and character and reputation, which alone can render it desirable, nothing? The great inquest of the nation after hearing a variety of testimony, and paroling daily that of gen. Wilkinson by an opinion nearly unanimous on my subject have also been from guilt! No indictment has been preferred against me, though they have indicted various gentlemen in different parts of the United States. Was it then becoming the first magistrate of the union, whom I had approached with some degree of confidence, who stood pledged not to use that confidence against myself, and with regard to whom neither my conduct nor my language have ever been unfriendly—was it becoming him in a measure to forestall the opinion of the grand jury & to stigmatize me as a pardoned criminal? The paper was never to get out of the president's hands—but it is now in the hands of the attorney for the Virginia district. On the 23d of June, an occurrence of which the prints have taken no notice—the grand jury came into court their foreman stated that one of the witnesses mentioned to him an important paper, written by and to him, which was in the possession of Mr. Hay, the attorney, and of which they wished the delivery. Mr. Hay replied that this referred to my letter to the president which was in his possession, but that he did not consider himself warranted to give it to the grand jury. He also declared it to be his firm persuasion that the paper was written in my own hand writing; it has further appeared that he had occasioned gen. Wilkinson to read it. Through him he had brought what is falsey stated to be its contents insidiously before the grand jury. Gen. Wilkinson, when before that body and of course on his oath, did assert that he saw the paper in Mr. Hay's hands; that it was my hand writing and my signature!
This measure however, of the attorney has proved injurious to col. Burr. The contents of my letter even communicated to the grand jury, through such a channel of communication and injury, have had no influence on their decision. It is well understood that their indictment has arisen from a misconstruction of the law of treason. From 20 to 30 armed men had assembled on Blennerhassett's island. They demeaned themselves peaceably but embarked in three boats and descended the river towards New Orleans. They were, with others, to proceed all the very tibiter in case of certain contingent and probable events, in order to be equipped for a further expedition, but were to stop at the Washita, to effect a settlement, should those events not take place. This fact and the false supposition that New Orleans, for the purpose mentioned, was to be occupied by force, and was to be held by force, until the party were ready for their enterprise—these are the grounds which, in their opinion, have warranted the indictment. A close investigation of the law and of the facts before a petty jury, with the advantage of testimony from both sides, will, ere long, correct that opinion, will remove every doubt with regard to col. Burr's patriotism and justify his views!
I have nothing to add except that, notwithstanding the ill treatment I have on this occasion received from the president of the U. States, I should have forborne making these observations, if I had not been forced to it by considerations of self defence. I am inclined to believe that Mr. Jefferson has not been actuated by any ill will towards me—His pardon was not intended to affect my character; he did not mean to forfeit his word and honor by transmitting my letter to him to Mr. Hay, but the injury I have suffered remains the same. The history of the pardon will have flown over Europe, and the impression of treachery to a friend—this more detestable, more odious crime than any infraction of the laws of the country, because essentially fraught with infidelity, will be blended with my name in the minds of many who may never see this letter. And if all this injury could be inflicted by Mr. Jefferson without ill will merely from want of consideration under the disturbing influence of passion and resentment against col. Burr, notwithstanding his mature age, and the dignity of his station—it will amount to a strong proof at least, that I, in my humble sphere, and with a more youthful imagination, may have become enamored with the beautiful prospect of the emancipation of an enslaved kingdom—a project, which Mr. Jefferson himself approved.
of, and connived at when planned, not by col. Burr, but by Miranda—and that I may have engaged in it without meaning any harm to the U. S. or to their president.
But not only have I been injured by Mr. Jefferson himself, his agents and confidants, from the secretary of state to his private secretary, and from him, still downwards to the attorney who represents him in the prosecution in Richmond, have on more than one occasion manifested hostility, and have been guilty towards me of glaring infractions of every rule of every rule of propriety and decorum. The secretary of state has dictated letters directed to me, and has only given them up after I had accidentally discovered the fact, and when I urged them for their delivery. The private secretary has several times betrayed an unbecoming temper, & the attorney in particular, sheltering himself behind his privileges as counsel, and taking advantage of the peculiar delicacy of my situation at this moment, has treated me in open court with the most unprovoked, and therefore most abominable indecency. If this was mistaken zeal, arising from an extreme want of discernment and sound policy,—it was unauthorised by the president, and if it is therefore not to be attributed to him—it will strongly remind him at least, that if some unfortunately wild heads, lately associated with col. Burr, should have blended their own incongruous ideas, with his honorable views, their guilt ought not rashly to be transferred to their principal.
Even the papers in the interest of government propagate on my subject the most injurious falsehoods. Before the pardon came out, and before it was known, that the president of the United States, in transmitting my letter to him for Mr. Hay, had violated his word of honor, no inuendoes appeared against me. But since the measure of the pardon has proved abortive and ridiculous, and since the fact of his breach of the word of honor can no longer be denied—the tone is changed. As usual I am abused, not for the wrong I did, but for the wrong which has been committed upon me. They insinuate among other things, that at Washington I had obtained promises from Mr. Jefferson, and had asked him for a pardon; that I refused it at Richmond, in order to have a pretext for withholding testimony on the ground that it would incriminate myself, tho' it is well known that such promise, such agreement, never took place, and that before the grand jury, during an examination of upwards of two hours, I answered, without a single exception, every question that was asked me. Mr. William Duane, moreover says, that I am indebted for my life to the benevolence of Mr. Jefferson—Sixteen of the first characters of Virginia, after hearing evidence decided that there is no ground of accusation against me, but the editor of the Aurora, without having any evidence, decides that I am indebted for my life to Mr. Jefferson's benevolence!!!!
ERICK BOLLMAN.
FROM THE SAME.
THE EMISSARY BOLLMAN.
IT appears to be one of the necessary consequences of criminality that it should, for the warning of others and the moral good of the world, take no steps but such as are calculated to betray itself. When Bollman presented the article which we published yesterday, from the manner of his address, coupled with a declaration which he made in the hearing of the editor, in the district court of Richmond, that the communication of the treasonable projects of Burr, which he made to the executive, "should be made public by him," we expected that such was the paper he proffered for publication. After a perusal, however we perceived, that the real purport of the paper offered, was only the offspring of that system which the unfortunate author of the treason has pursued towards the country, the public, the executive, the persons whom he deluded, and those whom he failed to delude.
Instead of asserting his innocence or attempting to prove it by facts of evidence, Mr. Burr, has endeavored to roll back upon the government by which his treason has been frustrated, and on the public officers who have been most active in defeating his treason, and on the public officers who have conducted the prosecution, odium and reproach and contumely.
"Like master like man!" as Burr has done so does Bollman. This unfortunate object of mercy, with a pardon registered in a court of law, issued upon the voluntary revelation of his own treason and the treason of the "master spirit" by whom he was led; this is the man who comes forward to the public, with the expectation of making an impression on the public mind in favor of the man whom he had before betrayed, and of depreciating the character and conduct of the man to whose benevolence and good faith he owes his liberty and life.
Was the disclosure made by this person brought before the district court in an extraordinary and unwarrantable manner? The manner was thus: Mr. Hay, attorney for the district of Virginia, in discharge of his duty as public prosecutor, called the several witnesses for the public, to be sworn in open court on their passage to the grand jury. On Bollman being called, Mr. Hay stated that he conceived it to be his duty to inform the court in what situation Bollman stood as a witness. This Bollman had made important disclosures of Burr's plans, projects, and the means of accomplishing them, and in consequence thereof the President had issued a pardon; which pardon Bollman had first received, then returned, then said he would neither receive nor reject. In this situation, Bollman stood when he came into court, and Mr. Hay there tendered the pardon to him in open court, which Bollman refused, and thereupon the pardon was recorded in the court by the clerk thereof.

Was this either an unwarrantable or an extraordinary manner of acting? Could any course be more fair and liberal? How could Mr. Hay omit to notice the pardon, or the cause of the pardon, when the man pardoned, was to be called as a witness, and appeared to temporise between his first revelations of the treason, and his later intercourse with his accused principal. The notice of the information given by Bollman to the executive, was rendered necessary then by Bollman himself, and what his own unprincipled conduct throughout; had rendered unavoidable, for every act but that of the pardon, which rescued him from the gallows, were his own voluntary acts—he embarked in the treason with Burr, voluntarily—he went to New Orleans voluntarily—he opened his overtures to Wilkinson voluntarily—he was sent thence to Washington, indeed involuntarily; but without any solicitation or expectation on the part of the executive, he voluntarily proposed to reveal the plans, projects, and means, by which Burr was to accomplish his treason. The executive, however, he must detest the traitor, was bound to hear the revelation of the treason; he condescended to let Bollman come into his presence, and to reveal at once the demonstration of his own criminal purposes, and the foreign aid which Burr was to receive, and had already received, and to which Bollman before his departure to New Orleans from Philadelphia, was privy and a participant. Here then we see this Bollman, who first embarks in a scheme of perfidy to the United States, of which two foreign powers were the aiders, and abettors, if not the original instigators—after, but not till after he is seized and transported from the proposed theatre of his perfidy, come forward with a new act of that very species of perfidy which he in his essay of yesterday affects to reprobate.
Bollman says that a few days after his arrival at New Orleans in September last, advices were received from general Wilkinson, stating that he would chastise the Dons .
Now the first question we would ask is, what has this to do with vindicating Bollman's character, which he professes to be the object of his essay?
What has general Wilkinson's conduct, or his threats on the Sabine, to do with Bollman's pardon, or his disclosures to the executive?
But a more important question precedes these enquiries—how and for what end came Bollman to Orleans? How came letters to be addressed to him in cypher, under the name of Henry Windbourne ? Why, possessed of all the knowledge concerning the perfidious intentions of foreign powers against the U. S. did he go to New Orleans, endeavor to seduce the commander in chief of the army and leave his very tender solicitations for the United States and his ideas of the great necessity of a war with Spain unrevived, until he came prisoner to Washington city? Why did he keep the plans concealed, until they were frustrated? And for what purpose was it, after they were frustrated, that he requested an interview with the executive?
It is ridiculous to say that he had no personal motives—he may deceive himself into the supposition that others will be deceived by him, but the biter is the only one bitten ! His concern in the plans—his being a principal emissary, his being taken in a situation that subjected him to be hanged as a spy—the very mercy of Wilkinson, which changed his fate from a gibbet to a transportation by sea to Washington—his situation at Washington—the mode in which he made the application to the President—the very disclosure of the secret plans of Burr, and of the foreign resources from which Burr drew his funds, and his hopes, of establishing that empire , with which in or near the fiftieth year of his age the more youthful imagination of Dr. Bollman , became enamoured in the prospect of emancipating an enslaved king- dom .
Dr. Bollman stands precisely then in a situation similar to that of one of a number of high-waymen, seized on the road in the attempt to rob; the robbery to be sure was not perpetrated, but the Dr. turns stag , and backs out with a full (or a half full) disclosure, and for his useful discoveries as state's evidence, the executive deems him entitled to a pardon.
In this situation it is that this state's evidence comes forward as the vindicator of the man he at first betrayed, and the reviler of a magistrate to whom he owes his being at large and exemption from punishment; and thus he insults the very people against whose peace and union he had been a conspirator.
These we believe to be the real merits and the true character of Bollman's conduct all round —like his principal, he betrays and betrays every body—old friends and strangers, benefactors and partisans—all are alike the victims of his duplicity and wily artifices.
Under such circumstances, and against such an antagonist, so fallen in the estimation of every man of worth and real honor, it may perhaps be superfluous to say another word. But public information demands a few further remarks, in relation to gen. Wilkinson and to the President of the United States.
The whole course of Burr's conduct, has been since his seizure, to heap revilement and distrust on gen. Wilkinson. Bollman, in his curious note upon gen. Wilkinson's returning to New Orleans "to play the devil," (and he appears to have played the devil with Burr, Bollman, and co.) confesses the whole extent of Burr's treason; and he admits it too in a curious way, for while it convicts Burr, it establishes the sagacity and sound generalship of Wilkinson; for says Bollman, Wilkinson made use of the information which Swartwout gave him of Burr's expedition, to close the dispute with the Spaniards, and then very ungratefully (he infers) after preventing the Spanish war, by using the name of Burr, he comes back and after having rendered both illegal and illegalable Burr's plan (by frustrating the Spanish war) he then fixes upon Burr's own project its original and true character of treason!
There is one other point in this note that merits notice. Bollman says Burr's expedition acquired an illegal character through the unofficial conduct of a weak
and treacherous friend." The reader will do well to consider this sentence.
Was Burr's expedition originally or at any time legal ? Did not Burr to more than ten of the witnesses who were examined by the grand jury, declare that it was not only without the knowledge or consent of the government, but that he held the government itself in contempt? But Bollman says that had not Wilkinson by a stratagem brought the Spaniards to a truce on the Sabine, Burr's project would then have succeeded.
Here then we have the clue to the unofficial conduct of a weak and treacherous friend." That is, Wilkinson was so weak as to avert a Spanish war by one stratagem, and to destroy a treasonable conspiracy by another; had the Spanish war been suffered to go on, Wilkinson would not have acted inimical to Burr, had he suffered Burr to come down to Orleans in force he would not have acted inimical; but says this renowned intriguer from the county of Ho. & Wilkinson by frustrating both was weak and treacherous. We shall leave the weakness to be judged by the events; let us see by whom it is and how consistently general Wilkinson is called treacherous . Treacherous to whom! To his country?—No! To the Spaniards? No! To whom then? Why treacherous (says Dr. Bollman who exposed Burr's treasons after the fact) to Aaron Burr! Was impudence and audacity ever so barefaced as is this conduct of this man Bollman? Let us suppose the very worst—let us suppose that the very worst could inspire Burr to insinuate or assert. Let us suppose the very worst, that Wilkinson had a previous knowledge of Burr's imperial designs —of his determination to seize on New Orleans and make it the seat of his guid empire , of which the youthful fancy of Dr. Bollman was so enamoured. Let us suppose even more than ever was asserted or surmised, that Wilkinson had entered into written engagements to consummate such a scheme of treason as the severation of the western and southern territory—and having arrived at the point which Swartwout reached him; that at this moment he had determined and continued resolved to conceal this plot from every one but Swartwout and Bollman, and that on arriving at New Orleans he had, like Coriolanus at the gates of Rome, repented , and instead of prosecuting the scheme of treason and severation of the national territory, compunction filled his bosom, and the love of his country triumphed over his premeditated scheme of treason; we suppose all this freely, because we know that the very reverse is the truth—but suppose this true. Why after all, Wilkinson would have had the merit of at least saving his country, and if he was guilty of treachery, it was treachery to the most treacherous of men, to one with whom no faith ought to be kept. We do not admire Mr. Bollman's idea of honor. It is that vulgar honor called, honor among thieves . He cannot see any turpitude in treason, but he can discover treachery in saving a nation from division of territory, and civil war, and its concomitant horrors—Wilkinson at the very worst has acted a nobler part than the admired Coriolanus. He is frustrated not only a foreign, but a civil war.
In this place, and we thank Bollman for the opportunity, we will inform the public of two important facts—and they will enable the public to determine the chastisement which this hardened conspirator merits, who has dared to speak as he has spoken of Wilkinson.
We above assumed that Wilkinson had concealed the communication made by Burr through Swartwout and Bollman from every one; it has been repeatedly said that he concealed these and even Dayton's famous communications, from the government. Mark the real state of the case. Swartwout reached general Wilkinson's camp in the afternoon, and made his communication that evening. The first intimation of Wilkinson was that he ought to be immediately disposed of as a spy; but recollecting that there were further communications to be made by Bollman; he determined to pursue another course. Early in the morning he called on Col. Cushing, the second in command, and to him communicated the mission and the dispatch brought by Swartwout; with him it was agreed to be best to temporize with Swartwout, until the whole treason should be revealed by the prime emissary Bollman, and upon the possession of that full information to seize upon them and send them to the seat of government. The government was immediately addressed by an express dispatch; and Wilkinson took his measures with that admirable skill which has ended in preventing a Spanish war and in frustrating the conspiracy.
In like manner the recent rumors concerning measures proposed in the grand jury, were founded upon the assumption that gen. Wilkinson had concealed Dayton's treasonable letter from the government. Had any question been asked by the grand jury, this mistake could not have arisen, as a copy of Dayton's letter had been forwarded to the government and fully communicated to the President, and was known to the secretary of war. These are facts which we know to be true, and which will appear on the trial.
Let us see it then in another point of view—we entreat the pardon of gen. Wilkinson naming them at the same time with Bollman, but it is the public cause.
Wilkinson was treacherous! says Bollman! To whom? To Burr.
The President was treacherous! says Bollman! To whom? To Bollman.
But it is Bollman who, after Wilkinson had frustrated the treason, that complains of Wilkinson's treachery! What treachery?—Why good reader, Bollman upbraids Wilkinson for not aiding Burr in his treason, and his treachery consists in not being treacherous to his country—he saves his country and frustrates Burr, and for this Bollman calls him treacherous—this same Bollman who after detection betrays all Burr's schemes to the President voluntarily and without solicitation, nay, who writes five folio sheets of treachery to his principal.
Here then we find Bollman first a traitor to the country which received him with hospitality, and then treacherous to Burr—unbraiding the chief magistrate, who had not only frequently proved his good wishes
for him, but who had on several particular occasions given him proofs of his good will; who after being guilty of treason upon his own confession, and guilt upon the proof of gen. Wilkinson and others; who after voluntarily revealing his treason and obtaining from the President the highest exertion of power and the greatest gift of mercy—his forfeit life ; this man comes forward as the calumniator of his former benefactor, and of the head of that government which he had conspired to disserve, and of the individual who had been his generous benefactor.
Such is Bollman—but let us see what it is that he charges upon the president. His own story is, that he meant to "remove false impressions" of treasonable purposes; and to convince the president that he ought to go to war with Spain, and give countenance to Burr! This is his own story! The reader will recollect that this self created privy counsellor and teacher of political ethics, was no other than the prime minister of the emperor in prospect . This very man Bollman, had gone to N. Orleans with foreign gold in his pocket, and treason digested and methodised in his mind; detected in that treason and sent to the seat of the government against which he conspired; and he tells the American public in an address to the American people, that from the cell in which he was imprisoned as a traitor he of his own motion undertook to become the privy counsellor of the government he aimed to destroy, and to preach politics and purity to the executive.
It is his own story; he says he requested the interview for those two decided objects—Well! let us see how he is treated. His story is heard; he said he had no personal motives. What motives then? If he meant only to add another scene to the atrocious cheat; for he says he sought to remove impressions of treason, and to persuade the executive to a war with Spain. If these were the objects, he must be one of the most flippant and hardened of conspirators; we will not credit him, he is not entitled to it; we believe the wish to save his life by turning state's evidence. The very best prostitutes sometimes talk of purity and disinterestedness. They nevertheless pursue their traffic with the world. Bollman revealed the secrets of his principal and was pardoned. Let us now see what were the conditions.
The president's note, which Bollman fortunately furnishes, speaks both the sentiments of the president concerning Bollman, and the purpose for which he wished to obtain the statement in writing.
The president states that Bollman's communications were "interesting," because they unfolded designs against the peace and unity of the nation, and the connection between the conspirators and foreign governments; but he assumes, that their complexion and tendency was such as Bollman would not scruple to "commit to writing, in all the details into which he had orally entered," but hints at "omissions," which must have alluded to some circumstances necessary to complete the narration, or some incompleteness or inconsistency in the narrative given. The manner of the president's note is obviously decorous but distant, and it displays a guarded caution against the man, and a want of confidence in the completeness or fidelity of his communication. But the point that appears to be most dwelt upon by Bollman, is the promise of its being kept secret, and secluded from the public.
From the manner in which Bollman attempts to distort this point, we are firmly of opinion, that when Burr made so many Sempsonian protestations about the fidelity of confidential letters, in relation to the letter of the 38th May, before the district court, that he had a special apprehension of this state's evidence of Bollman, and that it was by it his who apprehensions and sensibility were aroused into such an inflation of affected honor.
But as regards Bollman, what does the president say?—Thomas Jefferson gives "his word of honor that the communication in writing shall never be used against Erick Bollman ."
Now what is the fact?—have these papers ever been used against Erick Bollman ? No! on the contrary to prevent the possibility of it, the president issues a pardon, so that upon any change of president or any alteration of circumstances, that paper, which is an official paper, & which the president under the obligations of duty must file in the secret department of the state, he took care by issuing a pardon should never bring the author and informer into jeopardy. The pardon is issued and the promise is fulfilled.—But let us see what was this revelation made by Bollman. It is not said that it specially concerned the president; but it is said deeply concerning the state; well then, was the president to keep against Bollman, the whole end and purpose of the disclosure, and of the commitment in writing? Having brought the examination of Bollman's essay to this point we at once see the man, and his profligacy stars the public in the face. The communication of the treason is to be committed to writing, and on what condition? Look at the condition, it is not on the condition of saving Aaron Burr, or Jonathan Dayton, or James Adair, or any other principal or associate in the treason; the condition was single, and on that single condition was the communication deliberately written and delivered, that condition was that it should never be used against Bollman . Here then we have not only the history of the disclosure, but the purpose is unfolded, and we find that Bollman, who talks so much of "essential fraud and turpitude" had actually made all these disclosures upon the single condition of saving himself; leaving his principal and all his associates to shift for themselves. This is the true character of the transaction, and we deem it wholly superfluous to say more upon it, though there is room for ample animadversion. We trust we have placed this agent of treason fairly and in his true colors before that country before which he had the impudence to intrude himself.
The notice we have taken of him has been on public grounds, nor should his profligacy have obtained a place in this paper, had we not at once seen the propriety
of suffering him to convict himself before the country he endeavored to betray. If we ever take notice of him again in any way it will be only from similar motives, though we think it will be hardly even necessary to say a word about him again.
FRENCH GRAND ARMY.
SEVENTY-THIRD BULLETIN.
Elbing, May 8, 1807.
The Persian ambassador has had his audience of leave. He was the bearer of very handsome presents to the emperor, on the part of his master, and has received in return the portrait of the emperor enriched with diamonds. He proceeds for Persia direct: he is a considerable personage in his own country, and a man of spirit and of sagacity: his return home was necessary. It has been settled, that there shall be henceforward a numerous legation of Persians at Paris and of Frenchmen at Teheran.
The emperor has returned to Elbing, and has reviewed from 18 to 20,000 cavalry, cantoned within the neighbourhood of that city, and in the Isle of Nogat, a country which much resembles Holland. The grand duke of Berg commanded at this manoeuvre. At no period has the emperor seen the cavalry in better condition or better disposed.
The journal of the siege of Dantzic will show that they have taken shelter within the covered way, that the fires at that place are extinguished, and will give details of the fine operation, which was directed by General Drouet and executed by col. Ame, the chief of battalion, Arnaud of the second light infantry, and captain Avy. This operation has put in our power an island which was defended by 1000 Russians, and five redoubts mounted with artillery, and which is become important for the siege.
The Russian body guard have been surprised; 40 were slaughtered with the bayonet without having time to defend themselves, and 600 were made prisoners. This action, which took place in the night between the 6th and 7th, was undertaken principally by the Parisian troops, who have covered themselves with glory.
The season is very mild, the roads are excellent, the buds are appearing on the trees, herbage has begun to cover the face of the country; but it will be a month longer before the cavalry are able to procure subsistence from it.
The emperor has established at Maldeburg, under the orders of marshal Brune, a corps of observation which will be composed of nearly 80,000 men, one half of them French, and the remainder Dutch and confederates of the Rhine; the Dutch troops amount to 20,000.
The French divisions Molitor and Boudet, which make also a part of the observation, will arrive at Maldeburg on the 15th of May. We are therefore prepared to receive the English expedition at whatever point it may present itself. It is true they may debark; it is not equally so that they will be able to re-embark.
GENERAL ORDERS
FOR THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Lancaster, 13th July, 1807.
THE PRESIDENT of the United States having required a draft of fifteen thousand six hundred and thirty-five men, as the quota of Pennsylvania, towards a detachment of one hundred thousand men, the Governor hastens to perform the duty which the constitution and laws have assigned to him, with all the sensibility and zeal, that the occasion is calculated to inspire.
After a lapse of more than thirty years the HONOR, the LIBERTY, and the INDEPENDENCE of the UNION, are again at stake, upon a contest with the same power, over whose arms and ambition the patriots of America triumphed, in the war of 1775. The resources of patriotism and valour, which were then employed, to establish our existence as a nation, must now, therefore, be displayed, in order to preserve it. The sacred trust descends upon the shoulders of our revolutionary heroes and statesmen. In for them, at the present crisis, to embalm the memory of the many, who are dead; to enliven the declining day of the few, who survive; and, in short, to deserve the inheritance prepared for them.
While the glory of the Revolution excites a laudable emulation, the justice of our cause will give confidence to every effort, for resisting unprovoked aggression, and repelling unexpected aggression. The memorable declaration of Independence had placed the people of Great Britain on the same footing with the people of every other country—"as enemies in war—as friends in peace;" and from the moment, that the treaty of 1763 terminated the revolutionary conflict, it became the duty, and it has been obviously, the desire of the American government, to preserve an harmonious intercourse between the two nations. But a far different policy seems to have animated the government of Great Britain. It would be difficult to trace in their conduct, any instances of good will; while the indications of wounded pride, of arrogant power, and of political as well as commercial jealousy, are every where to be seen. It must be remembered, that even the faith of the treaty of peace was long disregarded; that our seamen have been cruelly impressed, abused and slaughtered; that lawless depredations, committed on our commerce, have enriched the British navy; that the jurisdiction of our coast has been violated, and its harbors, in effect, blockaded; that our towns and territory have been actually menaced; and that the rights of neutrality, founded upon the law of nations, have been arbitrarily subverted for sinister and selfish purposes.
In the consummation of these outrages (accumulating year after year) we behold at length, a premeditated, a direct insult to the flag of the Union! For while peace existed, and friendship was professed, a public ship of war of the United States, has been attacked and subdued by surprise; many of her crew were killed and wounded; and four of them (native citizens of America) have been forcibly seized and carried away! This is not the case of plundered property—of private wrongs; or of doubtful jurisdiction; which may admit of pecuniary reparation, or of diplomatic arrangement. But it is the case of public war, treacherously waged, under the sanction of a British commission: And every ball fired by the Leopard at the Chesapeake, inflicts a wound upon the heart of every American.
If the government of Great Britain has inferred from our love of peace, an indisposition to war, upon any provocation they will be deceived by the vigor and fortitude of the federal administration, who justly estimate the honor of the nation to be more precious, even than its peace. If the government of Great Britain has imagined, that our domestic dissensions on political questions, have destroyed, or impaired the national unity, in relation to foreign countries; the opportunity has already occurred, to learn that the patriotism of America, when
drawn into action by foreign outrage, is of all parties; and constitutes the pride and safeguard of our government. Whomsoever our government is administered. If the government of Great Britain, viewing our citizens only occupied with the arts of peace, without a standing army, or a permanent navy, to meet at once, the exigencies of war, have thought that we may become an easy, as well as a lucrative, conquest to their arms; let them seriously reflect upon the exploits of our militia during the former contest, and the exemplary spirit now manifested by our brethren of Norfolk and Hampton; let them candidly estimate the maritime character recently displayed, in our hostilities with France and with Tripoli; and let them calculate the resources of our population, industry and enterprise, to convince them, that (however we may suffer in the onset) we have nothing to apprehend from the result.
With this view of our situation, whatever hope may still be indulged of an adequate accommodation, by amicable means, it would be folly to postpone our preparations, for the last appeal of an injured and indignant nation. The governor, therefore confidently relies upon the co-operation of the militia and volunteers of Pennsylvania, to give the most prompt and efficient execution to the requisition of the president of the U. States. And the adjutant General is particularly charged with the measures necessary to organize the quota of the state, conformably to the following plan.
1. There shall be forthwith drafted from the militia, in the manner prescribed by law, 15,635 officers and privates, to be formed into two divisions, four brigades, and twenty-five regiments.
But Volunteers, accepted by the president of the U. States, either under the act of Congress of the 13th April, 1806, or the act of Congress of the 24th February 1807, will be considered as substitutes for the whole, or for any part, of the quota, on notice of the tender of their services to the Governor.
The corps of artillery, cavalry, riflemen and infantry, shall be in the following general proportions as nearly as practicable:
Artillery 731 Cavalry 1 563 Riflemen 1 563 Infantry 11 728 Total 15,635
II The whole quota required, shall be apportioned among the several divisions of the State, agreeably to a detail to be furnished by the adjutant general.
The quotas of the several divisions of the State, shall be formed into two divisions, for the present service.
The quotas of the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh divisions of the State, shall from the first division for service, under the command of major general Thomas Craig, a brigadier general from the first division of the S. A. e. and a brigadier general from the second division of the State.
The quotas of the eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth divisions of the state, shall form the second division for service under the command of major general Joseph Heister, with a brigadier general from the third division, and a brigadier general from the fourth division of the state.
III. As soon as the drafts are made, the men shall be mustered and inspected; and muster and inspection returns shall be made to the adjutant general, who will, with all delay, transmit copies to the secretary at war.
When the detachment and organization shall be effected, the respective corps will be exercised under the officers set over them. Drafted militia by their proper officers.—Volunteers, under the first act of Congress, by the present militia officers, or others, at the option and direction of the constitutional authority of the state. And volunteers, under the second act of Congress, by their own officers, if already organized; and, if not already organized, by officers appointed in the manner prescribed by the law of Pennsylvania.
But the corps (either of drafted militia or of volunteers) will not remain embodied, nor be considered as in actual service, until by subsequent orders, they are directed to take the field.
If the divisions, brigades, and regiments, have not been organized, agreeably to directions of the militia act of this state, the same shall be done with all possible dispatch, and the returns of elections be forwarded to the Governor.
THOMAS M'KEAN, Governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. By the Governor. A. J. DALLAS, } Aide-de-Camp. J. B. M'KEAN, }
GENERAL ORDERS,
FOR THE MILITIA OF NEW-JERSEY.
Head-Quarters, Trenton, July 9th, 1807.
The President of the United States, having on the 6th inst. required the executive of this state, to take effectual measures for having 5,212 of the militia of New-Jersey detached and duly organised, armed and equipped according to law: the commander in chief therefore orders; that the Brigadier Generals and Commandants of Brigades, detach the officers and men from the corps under their several commands, according to the detail which will be furnished by the Adjutant General. Any companies of volunteers, who may tender their services, conformably to the act of Congress of the 24th February last, will be considered a part of the above quota according to their number. It is presumed the uniform corps will evince their spirit and patriotism, on the existing circumstances of our country, and the sooner these corps offer their services the more acceptable, as it will lessen the detail on the other militia, which for this purpose, will be delayed until the 25th of this month.
The Brigadiers and Commandants of Brigades, will direct correct muster rolls and inspection returns, to be made by their Brigade Inspectors, of the officers and men of the several corps which may be detached from their respective Brigades, and copies thereof must be transmitted to the Adjutant General as early as possible, in order, that a general return of this requisition, may be made to the War Department.
This detachment will consist of six regiments of Infantry, one of Cavalry and four companies of Artillery, and will be arranged in three Brigades, to be commanded by Brigadier Generals to be ordered on service by the Major Generals of the 1st, 2d and 3d divisions. When this detachment and organization shall have been effected the several corps will be exercised under their respective officers, but will not be embodied or considered in actual service until by subsequent orders they shall be directed to take the field under the command of Major General Helms of the 4th Division. By order of the Commander in Chief.
PETER HUNT, Adjutant-General.

WASHINGTON CITY, July 20.
Rumor says the British Commodore held a very rude and undignified language to the person who communicated the President's proclamation to him. It is also said, on the authority of letters from Hampton, that menacing verbal messages had been sent to the inhabitants of that place, notifying the intention of the British to effect a landing by force, and recommending the removal of their women and children, to avoid the spilling of innocent blood. — Ms. Int.
Information from the Mobile, early in June, gave rise to serious apprehensions that the Creek nation of Indians would be hostile to the U. States. But by letters of a later date, we learn, that the present indications of their disposition are entirely pacific. — ib.
The Committee of Norfolk have closed their duties—duties the more arduous from the extraordinary nature of the crisis, and the peculiar circumstances in which they were placed. Their services are already rewarded in the thanks of their country. Unappalled by danger, energetic yet dispassionate in the measures they took, feeling their high responsibility in the discharge of duties, whose only justification was to be found in the manner in which they were performed, it has rarely fallen to the lot of any men to have acted more correctly or to have given a more complete satisfaction to their countrymen. The spirit, dignity and justness with which they have conducted themselves deserve to be recorded, as adding another evidence of the safety with which the people may be confided to make up for those deficiencies of delegated power, perhaps inseparable from the nature of free governments.
It is the best justification of the leading step taken by them, that it is the very one adopted by the government, and consequently the step, which, had the government from its local situation, possessed the means of immediately acting, would have been adopted by it. But why talk of justification in a case where the nation has already most ardently expressed not merely its approbation, but applause; and in which the insignificant murmurs of disaffection only serve the more decidedly to call forth public opinion. — ib.
NORFOLK, July 20.
On Saturday a public dinner was given by the Mayor and a number of the Citizens of Norfolk, to the Officers and Soldiers serving in the Infantry and Cavalry from Richmond and Petersburg.
Never did we witness a scene so interesting as was exhibited on this occasion. To convey a just idea of it, in appropriate language is beyond our powers, all that we can do is to make the attempt.
In the morning early, the fifty-fourth Regiment, with the volunteer corps attached thereto, was paraded (with the exception of Captain Taylor's Cavalry detached on duty) in order to receive the Petersburg and Richmond troops, stationed at Portsmouth. The regiment moved to the foot of the Bridge, and was there formed in two lines, with a space for the troops from Portsmouth to pass between. About 11 o'clock they arrived; the Richmond Light Infantry Blues, under Captain Richardson, in front, followed by Captain Bolling Robertson's Republican Blues, then a detachment of the Petersburg Militia, the rear was brought up by Captain Randolph's Richmond Republican Blues. In this order they passed through the lines, receiving salutes from the officers, the colors, and the regiment with presented arms. The regiment being again formed, the whole of the troops then proceeded to the Parade, where they were dismissed.
At 3 o'clock the company, consisting of 700 persons, sat down to a handsome dinner, at which the Mayor presided, and Col. Sharp acted as Vice-President.
Our last noticed that a detachment of cavalry had been sent to Cape Henry and its vicinity, to prevent the boats from the British ships coming on shore.
On Thursday night about 9 o'clock, a boat came on shore near Lynnhaven, where a party of militia under Captain Reed was stationed. Upon the firing from the militia, the persons left their boat and ran into the woods; in the morning they surrendered themselves to Captain Sheppard of the cavalry, and consisted of a master's mate, a midshipman, and three seamen belonging to the Triumph . They were informed they were not considered as prisoners of war, but as offenders against the law. — They came on shore for water, and had only a musket and a fowling piece in the boat. We can say with confidence, that these persons have been treated with every mark of politeness and attention. — They are not yet disposed of, the orders of the government being thought necessary on that head.
On Saturday morning another boat was on shore with fifteen men, but put off at the moment that Captain Taylor's cavalry appeared in sight.
Another boat has been, we understand on shore, bearing a flag of truce; but as the officer who came had no written communication to prove the character he appeared in, he was ordered on board, without inquiring into the object of his mission, which we believe was to ascertain the fate of the persons who are detained. — Ledger.
The Catherine Shepherd , Capt. Webb, from Antigua, arrived here this morning in 13 days. By a paper which he has favored us with, we observe that the May packet has arrived from Falmouth, having sailed from that port the 29th May. As no movement upon our commerce was observed in the West-Indies, it is presumed that no general system of hostility was contemplated when she sailed, and further induces an expectation that Admiral Berkeley's movements originated with himself. — ib.
It is stated that the Cleopatra , British frigate, has joined the ships below. The ships that have remained were the Triumph and Leopard , so that Sir Thomas Hardy now commands on the station. — ib.
This morning the general issued orders countermanding the return of the Richmond and Petersburg Infantry. — ib.
July 21. The British frigate Cleopatra , has joined the Triumph and Leopard , now anchored in Lynnhaven Bay; and as Douglas has sailed, it is the general opinion that he is bound for Halifax, to visit his Admiral, who is not the mildest man in the world, and that perhaps, in a few days, we may have the whole of Berkeley's squadron in our waters. — ib.
July 22. YESTERDAY, at 11 o'clock, the Leopard returned to Lynnhaven Bay, (we were mistaken in stating that she remained,) and anchored. About four o'clock ALL THE BRITISH SHIPS WENT OUT FROM OUR WATERS, and from a boat which came up last night, we learn that they were seen steering to the eastward under a press of sail. We are not possessed of the knowledge of any circumstance which has induced this movement, of course we are not enabled to form a conjecture, whether their departure is final or temporary.
Yesterday the whole of the troops stationed here and at Portsmouth, was reviewed by Brigadier General Mathews. The appearance of the troops did credit to themselves and their officers, and was we understand, satisfactory to the general. A violent rain prevented the troops from going through all the evolutions that were intended, to advantage.
17 th Major Ambler, his officers, staff and gentlemen composing his command, return their most grateful thanks to the mayor and citizens of Norfolk, for the hospitable and splendid entertainment which they had the honor to receive at Butt's gardens, on Saturday. They can arrogate to themselves no merit for having so anxiously flown to the assistance of their fellow citizens of Norfolk and of Portsmouth; and they most sincerely lament, that the situation in which they are most unfortunately placed, does not permit them to manifest their ardor in a more exemplary manner. — They can arrogate no merit to themselves, because such is the patriotic spirit of their country, that there is no man who is not ready to fly to the assistance of every part when invaded; and they cannot entertain a moment's doubt, if their homes were placed in a similar situation, if they too were menaced by a perfidious and outrageous foe; that the citizens of Norfolk and Portsmouth would fly with equal alacrity to their assistance. We are all of us members of a common country, attached to her constitution and her laws, most of us by blood, and all of us by benefits, and he that would not fly to arms to rescue her from invasion, would be unworthy the name of citizen or the arms of a soldier.
Head Quarters, Portsmouth, Monday, July 20.
POSTSCRIPT.
At the instant that our paper was just about to press, a bay pilot-boat came up from the Cape, which she left this morning at 10 o'clock, reports that the British ships were at anchor at their usual anchorage.
From the N. Y. Commercial Advertiser
New-York, July 15, 1807
To MATHURIN LIVINGSTON, Esq. Sir: — I have arranged with the secretary of marine and war, that my submarine experiment for destroying a brig of 200 tons shall commence on Saturday next, at 11 o'clock, for which purpose the brig will be anchored between Governor's & Ellis's Island. The operation on Saturday will be to exhibit with dumb torpedoes, the various modes, by which vessels may be assailed & destroyed while at anchor or under sail, and on Monday next between the hours of 12 and 2, it will be shown how an enemy's vessel or vessels on entering our ports may be annihilated, to prove which the brig shall be blown up.
As the success of such experiments may become of some importance to those who are interested in the safety of New-York, I beg leave, through you, to invite the governor, mayor and members of the corporation, with such other persons as you may think proper. Those gentlemen who may think proper to attend will have the goodness to provide themselves with good row boats, and meet me at Governor's island on Saturday morning, between the hours of 10 and 11, that I may exhibit to them the machinery before the engines are put into the water. I am, sir, your most obedient, And very humble servant, ROBERT FULTON.
The ticket, No 26133, in the New-York Black River Lottery, which drew 5000 dollars at the 18th day's drawing, remained unsold at Waite's lottery office, Maiden Lane; and No. 16617, which drew 2000 dollars, was sold at the same office.
Notice.
THE subscriber anxious to close his administration of the estate of James White, deceased, adopts this mode of requesting all persons who have claims against the estate, to make them known without delay; and to inform those who are indebted, that no further indulgence can be extended to them. JESSE HIGGINBOTHAM, Adm'r. Cana, Cumberland, 20th June, 1807. 4w
TO BE RENTED, A HOUSE in Manchester, now in the possession of Edward Johnston. For terms, enquire of him on the premises. 23d July, 1807.
Notice.
THE following is a list of two Hogsheads of TOBACCO, remaining in Trenth's Warehouse over two years, which will be sold according to law, viz: No 909 1700 178, 1522, W. E. □ A. W. Inspected in the name of William Fitzgerald, 18th February, 1807. No. 910, 1760, 179, 1581, W. E. □ A. W. Inspected in the name of William Fitzgerald, BRANCH & HOWLETT. 23d July, 1807. 3w
A FRESH SUPPLY OF Church's Cough Drops is just received from the Proprietor's Dispensary New-York, and for sale at this office.
Virginia News.
RICHMOND: SATURDAY, JULY 25, 1807.
IT is expected that the companies of Infantry and Cavalry from this place and Petersburg, now stationed at Norfolk, will be relieved in a few days by other troops, and will probably be on their return home early next week. We most sincerely hope that this will be the case. It is with no small degree of pain we learn that a considerable number are already on the sick list, and every body knows how destructive to the health of strangers a residence in the vicinity of Norfolk even for a short time is at this season of the year.
We are informed, by a gentleman who arrived in the stage last night, from Norfolk, that the seizure of the officers & seamen by our cavalry, had greatly incensed the British commanders—that they had in return taken five American citizens out of a coasting vessel, and that the commander of the squadron declared he would capture every American vessel going in or out, until the British prisoners were restored.
Gen. Mathews had conceived it prudent, from the aspect of affairs, not to discharge the Militia, agreeably to the orders of the Executive—but intended to retain them until a messenger could be dispatched to Richmond. — Petersburg Refub.
The Aurora of Monday last says—“An entry on the Coffee House books states, that the ship Martha from Ireland for this port, was boarded off the Capes of Delaware, by the British sloop of war Squirrel , and an immediate impressment of thirteen persons, passengers and seamen, took place. The officer of which stated, that war had taken place between the United States & Great Britain, and menaced sending the Martha to Halifax.”
Capt. Neilson, arrived at New-York, informs, that an embargo was laid on all neutrals at Kingston, Jamaica, on the 15th June, to continue until the 30th, excepting such as intended to sail with the fleet, and would give bonds not to leave it but in a certain latitude.
The Governor and Council of Maryland held a session at Annapolis on Saturday evening, for the purpose of adopting measures to carry into effect the requisition of the President of the U. S. who, thro' the secretary of war, has demanded that 5,863 men should be held in readiness to march at a moment's notice, as our quota of the 100,000 militia to be called out. — Post.
Communication.—In the year 1790, Commodore TINGEY, on board the U. S. sloop of war Ganges , of 26 guns, then on the West-India station, was demanded to inform an English frigate of 38 guns, whether all his men had protections—the answer was, they have—look at their colours—Boatswain pipe all hands—boys you will stand by me? Yes—three cheers given immediately—well, says the brave commander, they shall take me before you—being close along side and all ready. The loud three cheers was enough, and the British ship bore away.
SEASONABLE REFLECTIONS.
That it is proper to embrace every consideration that leads to a union of sentiment at this important crisis, must be acknowledged by every citizen who really feels a regard for the happiness and prosperity of the United States. But that this confidence should be so far placed in those whom we have reason to suppose have been the principal causes of all our difficulties, as to admit them into our councils would be highly improper. A few men (leaders of the federal party) we cannot but view as the indirect authors of our present misfortune, who have by their publications in the papers endeavoring to depreciate the administration, and to hold it up as destitute of energy to resent whatever wrongs they might suffer. These men have been constantly exclaiming against every measure of the government; publishing to the world, that all the wise men, all the virtuous men, all monied men, were opposed to the president and the principal officers in the various departments. This constant display of disaffection, both in particular papers and in the several social circles, by toasts, songs, &c. has encouraged the British to try the experiment how far they may venture on commencing hostilities. — The non-importation law was held up by these men as more injurious to ourselves than to the English; it was said we were obliged to repeal it; that it was an evidence of our folly, rather than our strength. In short, every measure heretofore adopted or proposed to retaliate on the British for their insults, has been constantly ridiculed by certain leaders of the federal party. — We therefore ought to make a full distinction between the body of the federalists, who have been deceived by these incendiaries, and the individuals who have been so conspicuous in their nefarious designs. We can confide in the integrity of the main body, but there is a detachment similar to that of Hutchinson's previous to our revolutionary war, who ought never to be trusted. — Boat. Chron.
THE citizens of the county of Cumberland met together for the purpose of taking under consideration, the late flagitious attack, made by the British squadron, on the United States' frigate Chesapeake , have examined the subject with all the temper which the occasion would allow; they have been able, however, to discover nothing in it but evidences of the insolence, malignity, treachery, and wanton exercise of lawless power, which have uniformly, though not on all occasions, so clearly marked the intercourse of the British government with the government and people of the United States. In considering this outrage, they have examined past occurrences to see if anything therein might be found, which, from the goodness of its character, could palliate the guilt of the present, or distinguish it as the rash act of inferior agents, or of individuals unauthorised by the government;
but they have examined in vain. In reviewing the past intercourse between the United States and Great Britain, they have seen on the part of the former, the most scrupulous fidelity observed in the practice of those principles of friendship, which as a peaceful and neutral nation, were avowed towards the latter; and the like good faith, in the execution of those stipulations of treaties, which in their operation, were most destructive of our interest, and in their nature, most obnoxious to our feelings.
While on the part of the latter, every corresponding duty and obligation have been neglected, or violated; she hath failed to observe the stipulations of most solemn treaties; she hath answered our peaceful remonstrances, for redress of injuries, with new stipulations, and again discharged these by new aggressions; while in true character, the debt of our wrongs by her is never paid, but the list of our injuries increased with instances of her perfidy. Her honor pledged has been a stake of treachery and corruption; her intercourse, the ingenious practice of insolence, violence and injury. In times of avowed peace, she hath practised the means of war, vexed our commerce with arbitrary and unjust limitations and restrictions, plundered our property, seized upon our citizens, and carried them into servile bondage on board her ships of war; and that no colour should be wanting to complete the dark malignity and treachery of her character; she hath at the moment when by soft words and forms of civility to our ministers, she appeared desirous of turning away the wrath which her past offences had kindled, ordered her armed vessels to come home to our doors, and in the very enjoyment of the hospitality of our shores, murdered our people, and insulted our national sovereignty and independence. This last act cannot be regarded but as part of a system of hostility, which the British government, under the mask of friendship, hath for a long time practised against the interest and independence of the government of the United States, and as containing a proposition that the independence of the United States, must be merely nominal, or maintained by battle. — This meeting cannot, as far as depend on them, hesitate a moment in closing with the latter alternative. Therefore,
Resolved unanimously, that the opinion of this meeting, that every effort should be used to avenge the aforesaid abominable outrage. That all intercourse with the subjects and government of Great Britain should be refused, and every means of injury towards the latter practised until redress is obtained; and until we have asurances that her stipulations with us and our rights and independence, as a nation will be observed and respected by her with better faith than heretofore.
Resolved unanimously, that the maintenance of our rights and independence inviolate, is an object dearer to our hearts than peace—without them there can be no peace. We therefore expect the government of the U. States will prefer just war to inglorious peace. That war is just, which is waged in defence of a nation's rights—That peace injurious in which a nation's independence is lost.
Resolved unanimously, that we join the citizens of Norfolk, Richmond, and other places, in a like holy pledge of our lives, fortunes, and sacred honor, which they have tendered, to support the government of the United States, in the measures which it may adopt, to avenge our wrongs and to defend and assert our national rights and independence.
Resolved, that a copy of the foregoing resolutions and preamble, be forwarded to the chairman, to the executive of this state, and to the President of the United States, and be published in the Enquirer and Virginia Argus .
RANDOLPH HARRISON, Chairman. WILLIAM THORNTON, Secretary.
The officers and privates of the 17th Virginia regiment, convened this 15th July, 1807, for the purpose of taking into consideration, the outrage committed by the British armed ship, the Leopard , on the United States' frigate Chesapeake ; having already as citizens expressed their sentiments on this subject, in resolutions adopted by a general meeting of the people of the county of Cumberland, on this day, have now nothing to add, but the following resolution, which is unanimously adopted.
Resolved unanimously, that the officers and privates of the 17th regiment, as soldiers, will maintain the rights which to-day they have avowed as citizens; and they pledge themselves in obedience to such orders as may be made by the constituted authorities of their country, to be ready to march at a moment's warning, to defend the rights and independence of this state, and of the United States.
Resolved, that a copy of this resolution be signed by the commandant, & forwarded together with the resolutions of the county, to the executive of this state, and to the President of the United States, and published in the Enquirer and Virginia Argus . WILLIAM DANIEL, Jr. Lt. Col. Comm't. 17th Regt.
At a meeting of the inhabitants of Buckingham county at the courthouse, the 13th day of July, 1807, for the purpose of expressing the public sentiment, on the late daring, base and unprecedented outrage committed on the United States' frigate Chesapeake , by his Britannic Majesty's ship the Leopard ;—Charles Yancey was unanimously called to the chair; and Bolling Branch unanimously elected secretary. A committee was then appointed of the following gentlemen: Samuel Allen, James Walker (Doctor), James T. Hubbard, David R. Patterson, Archibald Austin, James Freeland, James Watt, Henry Flood, Daniel Mosely, Edward Jones, Thomas I. Price, James Walker, Boaz Ford, John Pittman and George Miller, Esquires, to lay before the meeting such resolutions as they thought suitable to the occasion. The committee having retired, returned and submitted to the meeting the following preamble and resolutions.
The citizens of Buckingham viewing with sentiments of the highest approbation, the conduct of the Government of the United States; particularly as exemplified in their pacific, dignified and liberal measures to-
wards foreign nations; cannot but view with sentiments of the deepest abhorrence and indignation, the late unwarranted, cowardly and assassin-like attack made on our frigate the Chesapeake , by his Britannic Majesty's ship of war the Leopard , in time of profound peace; not only insulting, and attacking in the most insidious manner our national flag, but to satiate still farther their detestable and malignant spirit of hostility, brutally and inhumanely wounding and murdering our peaceful fellow citizens. Feeling indignant as we do, at such unheard of outrage; which if submitted to, would disgrace us among the nations of the earth:
1. Resolved unanimously, That as Americans we feel as freemen; that commerce and wealth, with all their pomp and luxury, we willingly sacrifice at the shrine of liberty; and are therefore prepared to meet all consequences in its defence.
2. Resolved unanimously, That we view the base and cowardly attack and murder of our fellow citizens on board the Chesapeake , as an outrage, and an attack on our liberties, our constitution and our government, by an insulting and insidious foe; and that we consider the transaction as flowing from the sanction and authority of the British government.
3. Resolved unanimously, That we will pledge our lives and our fortunes in support of those measures, which shall be adopted by the constituted authorities, for the preservation of our liberties, or which may be adopted as necessary measures of revenge and retaliation.
4. Resolved unanimously, That we consider the British government as base corrupt and unprincipled, that it has arrived at the summit of iniquity, in violating our neutral rights, trampling under foot and changing at its own caprice the law of nations; impressing our seamen, robbing our citizens, by plundering of millions of our property at sea without pretext, even within our own jurisdiction; and lastly, by its base and treacherous conduct in the attack and murder of our fellow citizens; while the British government and its servile subjects are holding out the idea of peace and friendship to the unsuspecting Americans.
5. Resolved unanimously, That we appropriate with the warmest emotions, the spirited conduct of our fellow citizens of Norfolk, Portsmouth and Hampton, and only lament that they were not all able to destroy the whole of the British squadron.
6. Resolved unanimously, That the committees of Norfolk, Portsmouth and Richmond have our thanks, for the promptitude with which they have acted.
7. Resolved unanimously, That the volunteer companies of Richmond and Petersburg, deserve the most hearty thanks of this meeting, for the zeal with which their services were offered in defence of their injured country, and the alacrity with which they obeyed the command of our Executive.
8. Resolved unanimously, That a copy of these proceedings and resolutions be immediately forwarded to the President of the United States, by the chairman of this meeting; and that a copy be also forwarded to the Editors of the several Gazettes in Richmond; another to the chairman of the corresponding committee of that city.
9. Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be returned to the chairman, for the impartial manner in which he has discharged the duties of his office.
CHARLES YANCEY, Chairman. Teste, BOLLING BRANCH, Sec'y.
Portsmouth (N. H.) July 14th, 1807.
Sir, I have received a few days since your favor, with the proceedings of the citizens of Richmond, Manchester & their vicinities; they came to hand just in time for me to lay them before a large meeting of the citizens of this place and others, who received your proceedings with the greatest applause. The meeting passed a number of resolutions, unanimously, appropriating the conduct of our brethren in Richmond and Norfolk, with a full determination to carry the President's Proclamation into effect. One sentiment pervades the whole of the people here: I think I may say there are but few, who feel the insult of the British more. The citizens of New Hampshire will do their duty.
I have the honor to be, Sir, your most humble servant, JOHN LANGDON. Hon. Alexander M'Rae, chairman of the corresponding committee, Richmond.
THE venal pensioned parasites—the slavish tools of British tyranny dispersed throughout the United States for several years past, have represented the Americans, as a distracted divided people, and hence probably have arisen the erroneous opinions formed by the detestable corrupt administration of that despotic government, and the consequent instructions to their pirates and sub-pirates, Berkley, Douglas, Whitty, Lewis, Humphreys, &c. &c. who have incited our citizens for three years past—True to themselves, however, & perfectly worthy of their name & their independence, have the whole American nation, roused by the recent unprecedented atrocities, and infraction of all human ties, passed the indignant, unanimous decree of vengeance, and retribution—Evanescent shades of opinion, prejudice and party, are all swallowed up in the divine enthusiastic sentiments of country, dignity, national honor and independence—The voice of the people—the resolutions of the present time will manifest to the world, to the despots of the earth the energies of our country—they will remain an eternal guarantee of what the nation is capable when roused or provoked by any vast aggression, enormity or emergency—We view this dignified enthusiastic expression of the national will, on this occasion, as of the utmost importance, and we shall, if possible, republish (if not all) the principal resolutions that shall appear, and recommend them to the care in personal of every man, woman, and child in the United States—and in an especial manner to the women charged, with the all-important duties of education, and public opinion.
DIED on the 19th inst. Washington, URLAH T. From the state of Conn.

Tobacco Land for Sale.
IN Amherst county, on Horsey's creek, 509 acres of rich TOBACCO LAND, formerly the property of Mr. Daniel Warwick, and known by the name of WIN-CANTON. This land has the advantage of lying on the main road leading from Amherst courthouse to Waugh's ferry on James river, is a valuable stand for a country store, with a framed house for that purpose, and sufficiently large, having two rooms below and two above stairs, with a good brick chimney, and well underpinned with brick; also a lumber-house sixteen feet square, with a cellar of its full size, walled up with stone: there is also a Taylor and Saddler's shop and other out houses; likewise a tolerable good dwelling-house, with three rooms below and two above stairs, a kitchen, dairy and other out houses within a mile of the store, suitable for a private family.
This tract of land is only seven miles from Bethel, where there is an inspection of tobacco, and within eighteen miles of Lynchburg.
As it is presumed no person will be inclined to purchase without viewing the premises, they will be shown by Messrs. Taliaferro & Loving, who live within a few miles of Wincanton, and are fully empowered to make sale, and the terms of payment may be known from them, as also on application to
THOMAS GILLIAT.
Richmond, June 15th, 1807. tds
The above tract of land and improvements will be offered for sale at Amherst Courthouse on Monday the 17th day of August next (being court day) on a credit of one, two and three years if punctually paid, if not to carry interest from the day of sale.
A deed of trust will be required on the premises, or satisfactory security for punctual payment.
Manchester Turnpike Company.
NOTICE
IS hereby given, that a General Meeting of STOCKHOLDERS, in the Manchester Turnpike Company, will be held at Brooks's Tavern in Manchester, on the first Monday in August next—when business of importance to the interest of the Company, will be submitted for consideration.
By order of the Directors. JAMES BRANDER, Clk. Manchester, June 26, 1807. tdm
Five Dollars Reward.
STRAYED or Stolen from the subscriber on the 21st inst. two Mules, to wit: one black stud Mule, shod all round, with a long switch tail, no other mark recollect- ed. Also one mare Mule, of a bay color, with the end of her tail cut off, only shod before, I believe rather poor. Whosoever will deliver the said mules to the subscriber in the city of Richmond, or give such information so that I get them again shall receive the above reward.
JOHN TINSLEY.
Richmond, June 24th, 1807. tf
Notice.
THE Debtors to the late firm of GILLIAT & KIRBY are hereby informed, that THOMAS GILLIAT alone is empowered to receive payment of the debts due to that concern. All persons having demands against them are requested to apply to Thomas Gilliat, and those indebted to the firm are earnestly requested to come forward without delay, and discharge their respective debts.
For JOHN GILLIAT & SELF, THOMAS GILLIAT. JAMES KIRBY.
Richmond, 25th May, 1807. 2m
FOR SALE,
Opposite Colonel Mayo's new Buildings, 4th, 3rd and 2nd proof Antigua Rum in hds. of the crop 1805—Imported early 1806
New England Rum in hds. and barrels
1 pipe very Superior Holland's Gin
Rye Whiskey in barrels
Loaf and Brown Sugar in Dittos
Coffee by the barrel or bag
Beef and Pork in barrels
Irish Potatoes in ditto, suitable for table or planting
Potomac Shad and Herrings,
Stone Lime in large and small casks.
And a general assortment of GROCE-RIES, &c. &c.—which will be sold low for Cash, good paper, or exchanged for country produce, by
JOE GREENE.
Richmond, 27th May, 1807.
The subscribers having purchased the Stock of Dry Goods
OF GILLIAT & KIRBY, and taken the store lately occupied by them, will carry on the business under the firm of
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR.
They will sell low for cash or on a short credit to punctual customers.
JAMES KIRBY.
RIVERS DRAKE.
EDM: TAYLOR, Jr.
May 29.
FOR SALE.
My tract of Land, In Powhatan county, containing between one hundred and a thousand acres, and lying within two miles of the courthouse, and on both sides of Pine creek. This tract of land would be sold entire, otherwise laid out into lots to suit purchasers. Any persons inclined to purchase, it is expected will view the premises—any further description is deemed unnecessary. For further information, apply to the subscriber, living on the
SAM. BASKERVILLE.
Richmond, Jan. 4th, 1807. tf
TICKETS in the Second and Many College Lottery,
Patent Iron-bound Boots, Bootees, and Shoes.
JOHN BEDFORD,
PHILADELPHIA,
RESPECTFULLY informs the public in general, and Store-keepers in particular, that he is now prepared to supply them with the above valuable goods, wholesale and retail, on moderate terms.
Shoemakers, also, may be supplied with patent-rights, on easy terms, which they will find it highly their interest to obtain, as they can, by this improvement, make four times the quantity of shoes, with their usual number of hands: for example, the usual work of three men, is only three pair of common shoes per day; whereas, in the improved way, three men, with the assistance of a boy, can make from twelve to fifteen pair per day. Thus the advantages resulting from this improvement, are evidently of the most essential importance: in the first place, three-fourths of the labor is saved: in the second place, half the leather is saved, (for one pair of shoes, made in this way, will wear as long as two pair, made in the usual way) and, in the third place, there is a saving of flax (at the rate of one pound, to twenty-four pair of shoes) they are also much more waterproof than the others, and easier mended.
These are well ascertained facts, proved by actual experience. The patentee therefore hopes, that an improvement, fraught with such important public utility, will not only engage the attention, but the encouragement of every friend to the infant manufactures of this country. It may not be amiss to remark, that the country Shoemaker, in particular, may derive in- calculable advantages from this improvement, as he can supply his customers in one-fourth of the time he has usually devoted to that purpose, and have the other three-fourths for the cultivation of his farm, or other avocations.
Price of patent-rights, for the country, 100 dollars. For states, districts or towns, in proportion. Applications may be made to the Patentee, or to Mr. Jacob Harrison, Richmond. 3m Feb. 12, 1807.
PRICES OF Nails, Brads & Springs,
MANUFACTURED at the Penitentiary, and for sale by NICHOLAS HALLAM, agent for the Commonwealth, a few doors above the Swan Tavern, Richmond.
CUT NAILS.
Wholesale. Retail.
4d. 12 1-2 cents. 13 1-2 cents per pound.
4d. 11 1-2 12 1-2
6d. 10 1-2 11 1-2
8d. 10 11
10d. 9 1-2 10 1-2
12d. 9 1-2 10 1-2
20d. 9 1-2 10 1-2
CUT BRADS.
8d. 9 1-2 10 1-2
10d. 9 10
12d. 9 10
20d. 9 10
WROUGHT NAILS.
6d. 12 13
8d. 11 1-2 12 1-2
10d. 11 12
12d. 11 12
20d. 11 12
40d. 11 12
Spikes of all sizes the same price as 50d nails.
CUT SPRIGS.
3d.—50 cents per thousand—4d. 67 cents per thousand—6d. 84 cents per thousand.
Also, for sale as above, a variety of Plantation Utensils, such as Plough-Irons, Harrow-teeth, Axes, Wedges, Chains, &c.
SHOES
Of all sizes made of the best materials, may be had on the most reasonable terms. Where also may be had a general assortment of well chosen GROCERIES.
May 13, 1807. tf
Just Received,
And for Sale on reasonable terms,
20,000 Weight of well cured
BACON,
Amongst which are 700 HAMS of a superior quality.—Likewise,
15 Ton of IRON,
Assorted, with our usual assortment of
PAINTS, OIL, &c. &c.
RUSSELL & WALLACE.
Richmond, 12th June, 1807. 2m
TO BE RENTED,
And possession given in ten days;
FOUR large, elegant and commodious
STORES, in the most central and busy part of this City. To them are attached
ed, elegant, airy and extensive accommo-
dations for the families of the tenants.
JOHN MAYO. tf
ADVERTISEMENT.
ON the night of the 31st of May, there was left at my house, a NEGRO CHILD, supposed to be eight months old. Any person proving said child to be his property, may have the same by applying to the subscriber living on the Cow-Pasture, Bath county, on paying costs and charges.
JOHN BROWN. 1m
Lesueur & Saunders
Are now receiving and will constantly keep
a large supply of
Bar-Iron & Castings,
Of superior quality.
Feb. 2d, 1807. tf
JUST RECEIVED,
AND FOR SALE ON LIBERAL TERMS,
1000 Sacks
Liverpool Salt.
JOHN TOMPKINS.
7th July, 1807. tf
Likenesses Taken and Engraved.
THE subscriber begs leave to inform the ladies and gentlemen of the city of Richmond, that he takes and engraves LIKENESSES in a style never introduced before, in this country; he respectfully solicits from the inhabitants of this place, the same favor and patronage he has met with in the largest cities of the United States, where he has taken a great number of Likenesses, copies of which may be seen at his lodgings in Mrs. Harris's House nearly opposite the Custom-House.
The subscriber in order not to disappoint those who might have a desire to see their likenesses, begs leave to suggest that his stay in this place will be short.
Sr. MEMIN. 644*
July 15.
Ten Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY from the Subscriber, on the 28th of April, a Negro Man JOE, and Woman named FANNY, but called by the black people FANNY KENNY, which eloped on the 11th of June. The man is a bright mulatto, about 28 years of age, straight and well built, and has a very brisk walk, and is a very handy, sensible fellow—about 5 feet, 8 or 10 inches high—The woman is so light, that hardly any person would take her to be a slave—She has blue eyes and straight sandy colored hair, and if her skin was well kept, she would be taken for a white woman—Her right forefinger is off at the first joint, and has a large scar on her left arm, occasioned by a burn, and has a very brisk walk, about 20 years of age, and had on when she went away, a white Virginia Habit, and as they are Brother and Sister, it is likely they will get together, change their names, and pass as free people. Any person that will deliver them to the Subscriber, in Hanover county, or secure them in any Jail, so that I get them again, shall receive the above reward.
BENJAMIN BOWLES.
June 13, 1807.
N. B. I forewarn all owners or masters of vessels from carrying them off.
Twenty five Dollars Reward
RUN AWAY from the Subscriber living near New-Castle in the lower end of this county, on the 27th of March last, a Negro Man
BILLY,
About 30 years of age, and about 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high; he is of rather delicate form, a little inclined to a yellowish complexion, and considerably marked in the face with the small pox; his hair rather inclined to be bushy, tho' not very long: He is a fellow of good understanding, a well informed mind, and very spacious in- sinuating manner; he speaks rather quick and pert, and has a disposition to be very polite: He no doubt, will attempt to change his appearance, by altering his name, changing his hair for a wig, &c.—He is pretty well known in most parts of this state, as well as in the Carolinas and Georgia, as the waiting man and fiddler of Mr. Nicholas M. Johnson, of whom I purchased him—His wife lives in Richmond, where he has frequently been since his elopement; and he has also been a part of his time in Petersburg; and his wife has a daughter a free woman living in Norfolk, where it is probable he has been also—Tho' having so general an acquaintance, there is no knowing where he will keep himself.
I will give the above reward to any person who will deliver the said runaway to me, in Hanover.
P. STREET. tf
Hanover, May 31, 1807.
NOTICE.
THE books, papers, and accounts of the late mercantile firm of McCredie and McMillan, of the city of Richmond, being now in the possession of George McCredie, one of the Adm'rs of John McCredie, deceased, who was the surviving partner of McCredie and McMillan. Therefore all those who are indebted either by specialty or otherwise, are requested to make immediate payment to George McCredie, or make such other arrangement as may be most conducive to the interest of the said concern, as well as to the debtors thereof. It is expected that due attention will be paid to this notice, as it is desirable that a close should be immediately made of the transactions of the above mentioned firm.
NANCY MCCREDIE, Adm'rs.
JAMES PENN,
GEORGE MCCREDIE, Adm'rs.
Manchester, 30th June, 1807. tf
Valuable Property for Sale at Rock-els.
WILL BE SOLD, by Prouder and Moncure, on Saturday the first day of August next, at Public Auction, on the premises, (if not privately disposed of before) all my property, lately occupied by Mr. John Lester, consisting of two WHARVES, and several TENEMENTS, together with some very valuable unimproved lots, lying immediately on the river, sufficiently large to build several new Wharves, which will be divided into lots to suit purchasers. A credit of one, two, three and four years will be allowed the purchasers, on their giving bonds with approved security, and a deed of trust on the property, to secure the punctual payment of the principal and interest as it becomes due.
SUSANNA LEWIS. tds
Richmond, July 3d, 1807.
NOTICE.
THE partnership known by the firm of LYLE and MCCREDIE, is dissolved by the death of the partner George McCredie. The subscriber, the surviving partner of that house, requests all those indebted to that concern, to make speedy payment to him, as he is now the only person who can grant proper receipts and discharges for those debts. Those who may have claims on that firm are also requested to come forward that they may be adjusted and paid.
JAMES LYLE. 2w
Manchester, July 7th, 1807.
TO BE SOLD,
For ready money, at Public Auction, on the premises, on the 25th day of this month, The Tract of Land & Plantation, in the county of Henrico, whereon James Allen now resides, containing by estimation three hundred acres, be the same more or less—By virtue of a deed of trust executed by the said Allen to the subscribers to secure the payment of a sum of money therein expressed, due to Nathaniel Wilkinson, or so much thereof as shall be sufficient to discharge the debt and expense of the trust aforesaid. On the land is a gen- teel dwelling and other necessary out houses with an apple and peach orchard of the choicest fruit now in high perfection. The said plantation is a desirable situation, lying on the north branch of the Brook, about eight miles from the city of Richmond. Any person wishing to purchase the said land ought to view the premises before the day of sale, which will actually take place on the above recited day, between the hours of 12 and 5 o'clock.
PETER WILKINSON, } Trustees.
WATSON PATMON, } tds
July 13th, 1807. The sale of the above land was advertised to take place on the 10th inst. but for want of bidders has been postponed to the above mentioned day.
Wanted.
THE subscribers are in want of a MILLER, who can come well recommended. A single man will be preferred.
Williamson & Jones. 4w
Powhatan, 7th July, 1807.
MATTRESSES.
CAN be had on very short notice, MATTRESSES of all sizes & kinds, agreeably to order, in the large corner white house, opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the Market Bridge—BEDS made & MATTRESSES repaired.—Horses TAILS & MANES purchased.
Jno. S. Pleasants.
THE subscribers being anxious to close their administration on the estate of the late Col. Armistead Watlington, dec. do hereby invite all persons having claims against that estate to come forward with the same legally authenticated, by the 10th of August next. This advertisement will be pleaded in bar against those who do not come forward within the time limited. And those indebted will take notice that no indulgence will be given after that time.
PETER BARKSDALE, } Adm'rs.
WILLIAM TERRY, Jr. } 3w
Halifax county, July 6th, 1807.
MR. ROBERT TERRY.
YOU will please to take notice, that on the 20th, 21st and 22d of August next, I shall proceed to take the depositions of James Thompson and others, at the Tavern house of Newman Haynes in the county of Halifax, between the hours of eight o'clock in the morning and five in the evening of each day respectively, which are intended to be read as evidence in the suit in chancery now pending in the county court of Halifax, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendant. Believing you are not a resident of Virginia, I have adopted this method of giving you notice.
Wm. TERRY, Jun. 3w
Virginia, Halifax county, July 6, 1807.
To Mr. Robert Terry.
For Sale, and Rent,
THE STOCK and TRADE, of a Grocery, consisting of a very complete assortment of Groceries and some Dry Goods. The stock is at present small, and the terms will be made easy to the purchaser: the stand is one of the best in the city, being long established, on the main street, opposite Mr. Wm. Rose, and the court house. It is presumed none will apply after those wishing to purchase.
All persons having demands against, or who are indebted to me, will please to apply for settlement at my usual store.
I hereby forewarn all persons from receiving any order or crediting any persons on my account, as I am determined to pay no debts contracted by any person on my account from this date. Witness my hand, this 17th July, 1807.
WILLIAM FARR. 6w
LOUIS WERCQ,
RESPECTFULLY informs the public in general and his customers in particular, that he has just received some good low priced BLUE CLOTHS suitable for CLOAKS and UNIFORM COATS—Also, some low priced CASSIMERES.
July 20. 3t
FOR SALE,
MY LANDS in Cumberland county, lying on Appomattox river, joining the lands of Messrs. William & George Skipwith; this land is equal if not superior to any land in Cumberland county, off James river, it contains 607 acres, one half of which is covered with timber of every description. There is on this land a decent dwelling house, and between four and five hundred bearing apple trees of choice fruit. One third of the money will be expected when a title is made, the other two thirds may be divided into two annual payments. Mr. Jeiman Baker or Mr. William Skipwith will show the land to any person wishing to become a purchaser.
FRANCIS EPIES. 10
Chesterfield, June 3, 1807.
VIRGINIA, to wit:
At a Court of Appeals held at the Capitol in Richmond, on the tenth day of July, 1807. RULE.—After the end of this present term, it will be expected that the Judges of this Court, respectively, shall be presented with the statements directed by the rule of this court made the fifteenth day of May, 1804, within the four first days of each term and no cause in tended to be argued by counsel in which such statement is not presented accordingly, shall be argued by them in the same term in which the statement may be hereafter presented, unless for some very special reason to the contrary appearing to the court.
Ordered, That the above rule be published three times in each of the Richmond newspapers. A Copy, Teste,
J. BROWN, C. C.</