Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-11-29 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1605.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
   (CORRECTED WEEKLY.)     Tobacco $ 4 00 cash   Wheat, new 0 83 do.   Flour, superfine, new 5 00 do.   Flour, fine 4 50 do.   Corn 2 50 do.   Hemp, clean (per ton) 230 00 do.   Iron 110 00 do.   Bacon 12 do.   Whiskey 42 do.  
DOCUMENTS
Accompanying the President's Message of the 8th November, 1808.
Continued.
General Armstrong to M. Champagny.
Paris, April 2, 1808.
SIR—Having submitted to the government of the U. S. copies of the imperial decrees of the 21st Nov. 1806 and 17th Dec. 1807, and of the expositions which your excellency has been pleased at different times to give of them, I have recently received the instructions of the President to remonstrate against both the provisions and operation of the said decrees on the ground of their infracting as well the positive stipulations of a particular treaty, as the incontestible principles of public law.
In discharging this duty your excellency will permit me to recall to your remembrance the 12th and 14th articles of the treaty made between the U. S. and France, on the 30th September, 1800. These articles provide that—
"1. It shall be lawful for the citizens of either country to sail with their ships and merchandise (contraband goods always excepted) from any port whatever, to any port of the enemy of the other, and to sail and trade with their ships and merchandise with perfect security and liberty from the countries, ports and places of those who are enemies of both, or of either party, without any opposition or disturbance whatsoever; and to pass not only directly from the places and ports of the enemy aforesaid, to neutral ports and places, but also from one place belonging to an enemy to another place belonging to an enemy, whether they be or be not, under the jurisdiction of the same power, unless such ports or places shall be actually blockaded, besieged or invested."
"2. That vessels sailing for a port or place belonging to an enemy without knowing that the same is either besieged, blockaded, or invested, may be turned away from such port or place, but they shall not be detained, nor any part of their cargo (not contraband) confiscated, unless, after notice of such blockade or investment, they shall again attempt to enter; but they shall be permitted to go to any other port or place they shall think proper."
"3. That free ships shall give a freedom to goods, and that every thing shall be deemed to be free and exempt, which shall be found on board the ships belonging to the citizens of either of the contracting parties, altho' the whole lading or any part thereof should appertain to the enemies of either, contraband goods being always excepted."
These stipulations are not more clear in themselves, nor of more indisputable application and authority in the present case, than the impositions of public law by which they are enforced, viz. that local regulations (excepting by virtue of convention) cannot apply to foreign nations on the high seas, without violating the rights of the one, and the freedom of the other; that blockades can only exist when places are so invested that no serious attempt can be made to approach them without exposing the parties making them to imminent danger; that merchant vessels may be visited without any degradation to the flag of the nation to which they belong, &c. &c. But why multiply proofs of a position which is not denied? Does not the official report of your enlightened predecessor of the 21st November, 1806, admit the illegitimacy of the original decree? Does it not expressly say that the doctrines of blockade introduced by England, are monstrous and indefensible, and that the practice, like the doctrine, is a mockery of right and an insult upon reason? After strictures so severe, because so just, what can be said for the policy of France, which differs in nothing from that of England? Has your excellency attempted to defend either the theory or the practice of this policy on the ground of its conformity to the principles of public law? Or have you done more at any time, or on any occasion, than to seek a justification for it on the bare suggestion that the U. S. have acquiesced in the measures of England? And how has even this suggestion been maintained? By an exposition of the wrongs inflicted on American commerce, and which have been notoriously practised by all the belligerents in turn? Have not the ships of the U. S. been encountered by all? Have they not been turned from their original destination? Have they not been dragged into foreign ports for adjudication? Have they not in several instances been burnt on the high seas? Is not the argument founded on this state of things equally good for either or for all the belligerents? And can France derive from its rights which do not equally accrue to her enemies? There is however another and a better answer to this suggestion which your excellency has already seen in the letter I had the honor of writing to you on the 10th February last, viz. that the suggestion is neither well nor plausibly founded—and that the U. S. neither have submitted nor will submit to the usurpations of
G. Britain, nor to those of any other nation.
Accept, sir, &c. JOHN ARMSTRONG. His Excellency the Minister of Foreign Relations.
Extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to Mr. Madison.
Paris, April 12, 1808.
"I have detained Mr. Lewis till to day, on the supposition that my letter of the 2d instant would be answered. This was however a mere accommodation to forms, as the absence of the emperor and of the minister of foreign relations rendered this supposition highly improbable. There being then no public reason for Mr. Lewis's longer stay in Paris, and the permission to the Osage to prosecute her voyage to England, not including one to return to France, I have thought it best that he should embark with such dispatches as were ready, proceed to Falmouth in England, and thence, after receiving Mr. Pinkney's orders, return with all possible expedition to the U. S. He has accordingly been instructed to this effect."
Extracts of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to the Secretary of State, dated
Paris, June 25th, 1808.
"The St. Michael arrived at L'Orient on the 1st instant, and, like the Osage, was immediately put under sequestration. It was not till the 8th that Mr. Baker arrived here."
The remonstrance ordered, with respect to the terms of M. Champagny's letter of the 15th of January, shall be executed the moment the Prince of Benevento returns from Valenciennes; and I hope in a way which, while it makes the French government sensible of the offensiveness of those terms, will not obstruct the road to friendly and respectful explanations on its part.
To give this a chance of finding Mr. Livingston at Bordeaux, I must close it here.
With very high respect, sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG.
James Madison, Esq. Secretary of State.
PARIS, July 18th, 1808.
SIR—I avail myself of the detention of the Argus, to transmit copies of two letters, which I have written to M. de Champagny. The one, in execution of the President's orders with regard to the offensive terms employed by that minister in his note of the 15th of January last; the other demanding from him, on the part of his government, an avowal or disavowal of the conduct of rear admiral Baudin, in burning, or otherwise destroying on the high seas, four American ships and their cargoes.
I have the honor to be, sir, With very high consideration, Your most obedient and Very humble servant, (Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG.
JAMES MADISON, Esq. Secretary of State.
Extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to M. Champagny, dated
PARIS, July 4th, 1808.
SIR—It has been made the duty of the undersigned to bring to the view of the French government, an official note addressed to him on the 15th January last, by his majesty's minister of exterior relations, &c. which, in the opinion of the President, is calculated to derogate from the rights of the United States, as an independent nation. The note is in the following words, viz. (See M. Champagny's letter of the 15th Jan. 1808.)
On this note, the undersigned would remark:
1st. That the United States have a right to elect their own policy with regard to England, as they have with regard to France; and that it is only while they continue to exercise this right, without suffering any degree of restraint from either power, that they can maintain the independent relation in which they stand to both: Whence it follows, that to have pronounced, in the peremptory tone of the preceding note, the effects which the measures of the British government ought to have produced on their councils and conduct, was a language less adapted to accomplish its own object, than to offend against the respect due from one independent nation to another: and
2d. That the alternative to be found in the last paragraph, and which leaves the United States to choose between an acquiescence in the views of France, against G. Britain, and a confiscation of all American property, sequestered by order of his imperial majesty, is equally offensive to both governments: to France, as it would impute to her a proposition founded in wrong to individuals; and to the United States, as it would imply, on their part, a subjection to pecuniary interests, totally inconsistent with their principles, and highly dishonorable to their character.
His excellency will be persuaded that the President, in directing the undersigned to make this representation, had no object in view, beyond that of seeking an explanation which cannot but tend to promote the harmony of the two powers.
The minister plenipotentiary of the U. States, (Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG.
His excellency the Minister of Foreign relations.
Copy of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to M. Champagny, dated
Paris, July 10, 1808.
SIR—Your excellency will see, by the enclosed extracts from two letters, which his majesty's minister of marine has done me the honor to address to me, on the 18th of April, and 13th of June last, that the property taken from the four American ships, destroyed by rear admiral Baudin, has been placed under the jurisdiction of the imperial council of prizes, to be judged by it, as a case of ordinary capture.
To your excellency, it will be unnecessary to remark, that whatever may be the decision of this council, in relation to the merchandise which has been saved, the case presents a question of much higher import and entirely beyond the jurisdiction of a maritime court, viz. the kind and degree of reparation which shall be due for the ships and merchandise which have been destroyed? And, by way of opening this subject, your excellency will permit me to ask—whether his majesty's government does, or does not, justify the conduct of rear admiral Baudin in burning, or otherwise destroying, on the high seas, the ships and merchandise of a neutral and friendly power? I pray your excellency, &c.
(Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG. M. Champagny.
Extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to the Secretary of State, dated
Paris, 25th July, 1808.
"It would have given me the highest pleasure to have drawn from this government such explanations on the general subject of our differences with them, as would have met the friendly and equitable views of the United States, but I owe it as well to you as to myself to declare, that every attempt for that purpose, hitherto made, has failed, and under circumstances which by no means indicate any change, in this respect, for the better."
With very high consideration, I am, Sir, your most obt. servant, (Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG.
James Madison, Esq. Secretary of State.
Extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to the Secretary of State, dated
Paris, 7th August, 1808.
"I wrote a few lines to you yesterday. Two weeks have gone by without any new communication. My remonstrance continues to remain unanswered."
"P. S. I enclose a copy of my note of yesterday to M. de Champagny."
Copy of a letter from Gen. Armstrong, dated Paris, August 9th, 1808.
Mr. Armstrong presents his compliments to M. de Champagny, and begs leave to inform him that, having for some months past made trial of the artificial waters of Tivoli, without any useful effect, his physician has prescribed for him those of Bourbon D'Archambault. Should M. de Champagny have any communications to make to Mr. Armstrong, he will be pleased to address them as usual, to the Hotel de Legation Americaine, Rue Vauguard, No 100, whence they will be regularly and promptly transmitted to Bourbon.
On leaving Paris, Mr. Armstrong thinks proper to state his regrets, that the political relations of the two powers should continue to wear an aspect less suspicious to their future good understanding than is wished for by those who are the friends of both.
That his majesty has a right to make such municipal regulations as he may deem proper, with regard to foreign commerce, neither is nor has been denied. For example, he may forbid the entry into the ports of France of American ships which have touched in England, or been destined to England; and he may either sequester or confiscate such vessels of the U. S. as shall infract these laws, after due promulgation and notice thereof; but beyond this, the United States hope and believe that his majesty will not go.
M. de Champagny will not fail to seize the distinction which these remarks present, between the authority of municipal regulations and that of public law, and will decide whether it does or does not offer a ground on which the good understanding, so long and so usefully maintained between the United States and France, may be preserved, and a degree of intercourse between them revived, which shall have the effect of reanimating their former industry.
Does his majesty fear that the balance of trade, arising from this renewed industry, would go to the advantage of England? means are certainly not wanting to prevent this consequence: would it not be entirely avoided by making it a condition of the commerce in question, that all ships leaving France shall take (in some article, or articles of her produce or manufacture) the full amount of the cargoes they bring hither?
Ships sailing under this regulation would or would not go voluntarily to England. If they went voluntarily, it would only be because that country afforded the best markets for the productions of France, in which case the habitual results would be entirely changed, and England, ceasing to receive a balance for her manufactures, would begin to pay one to the United States on the productions of France. Could
France wish a state of commerce more prosperous than this?
If, on the other hand, the American ships did not go voluntarily to England, but were captured and sent in for adjudication, it may be fairly presumed, that the United States could no longer hesitate about becoming a party to the war against England.
Thus in either case the interests of his majesty would be directly advanced by the measures: in the one, the wants of France & her colonies would not only be regularly supplied, but she would herself become an entrepot for the supply of the continent; in the other, the wishes of his majesty as expressed in Feb. last, would be directly promoted.
Mr. Armstrong has the honor of renewing to M. de Champagny the assurances of his very high consideration.
To his excellency M. de Champagny, Minister of exterior relations.
Extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to the Secretary of State dated Bourbon l'Archambault, 28th August, 1808.
"Since my arrival at this place I have been honored by the receipt of your dispatch of the 21st ult. and would immediately return to Paris to renew my discussions with M. de Champagny either personally, as you suggest, or by writing, had I not the most solemn conviction that any new experiment made at the present moment in either form and of official character, would certainly be useless and probably injurious."
Copies and Extracts of Letters from Mr. Madison to Mr. Pinkney.
Extracts of a letter from Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, to Mr. Pinkney, dated December 23d, 1807.
"Mr. Erskine having been so good as to let me know, that the mail of this evening will carry his dispatches to a British packet, which will sail from New York immediately on their arrival there, and other conveyances now falling, I avail myself of the opportunity to inclose you a copy of a message from the President to Congress, and their act in pursuance of it, laying an immediate embargo on our vessels and exports. The policy and the causes of the measure are explained in the message itself. But it may be proper to authorise you to assure the British government, as has been just expressed to its minister here, that the act is a measure of precaution only, called for by the occasion: that it is to be considered as neither hostile in its character, nor as justifying or inviting, or leading to hostility with any nation whatever, & particularly as opposing no obstacle whatever, to amicable negotiations and satisfactory adjustments with Great Britain, on the subjects of difference between the two countries."
"The suddenness of the present opportunity does not allow me time to add more than a newspaper containing a part of the proceedings of Congress in relation to the embargo."
"P. S. As you may be able to find conveyances to Paris, whither none will for some time offer hence, I request the favor of you to communicate to general Armstrong the contents of this letter, and through him, or otherwise, to Mr. Erving at Madrid."
Extracts of a letter from the same to the same, dated February 19, 1808.
"A vessel having been engaged to carry from the port of New York public dispatches and mercantile letters to Europe, I avail myself of the opportunity of forwarding you a series of gazettes which contain the proceedings of Congress, and such current information as will give you a view of our internal affairs. They will be put with this letter into the hands of Mr. Nourse, a passenger in the dispatch vessel, who will deliver them at London; and as the vessel, which will have previously touched at L'Orient, will, after waiting ten or twelve days at Falmouth, return to that port, and thence to the U. S. you will have an opportunity of sending thither any communications you may wish to make to Paris, as well as of transmitting to your government such as may follow up your correspondence,
which at the present period will be the more acceptable, the more it be frequent and full."
"My last, which was committed to the British packet, inclosed a copy of the act of embargo, and explained the policy of the measure. Among the considerations which enforced it was the probability of such decrees as were issued by the British government on the 11th November; the language of the British gazettes, with other indications, having left little doubt that such were meditated. The appearance of these decrees has had much effect in reconciling all descriptions among us to the embargo, and in fixing, in the friends of the measure, their attachment to its provident guardianship of our maritime interests."
"Mr. Erskine communicated a few days ago the several late decrees of his government, with expressions of the regret felt by his Britannic majesty at the necessity imposed on him for such an interference with neutral commerce, and assurances that his majesty would readily follow the example, in case the Berlin decree should be rescinded, or would proceed, pari passu with France, in relaxing the rigor of their measures. Mr. Erskine was asked whether his government distinguished between the operation of the French decree municipally on land, and its operation on the high seas. On this point he was unable to answer; as he also was to an enquiry, whether the late British decrees had reference to the late extension of the French decree with respect to the U. S. States. He seemed also, as is perhaps the case with his government, to have taken very little into consideration the violations of neutral commerce, and, through them, the vast injury to France, antecedent to the Berlin decree. It is probable that something further is to pass between us on this subject."
To be Continued.
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
REPORT.
The committee to whom was referred so much of the message of the President of the United States, of the 8th instant, as respects our relations with foreign powers.
REPORT IN PART—
After a period of twenty-five years of peace, hardly interrupted by transient hostilities, and of prosperity unparalleled in the history of nations; the U. S. are, for the first time since the treaty which terminated the revolutionary war, placed in a situation equally difficult, critical and dangerous.
Those principles recognized by the civilized world under the name of law of nations, which heretofore controlled belligerent powers, regulated the duties of neutrals and protected their rights, are now avowedly disregarded or forgotten by Great Britain and France. Each of those two nations captures and condemns all American vessels trading with her enemies or her enemy's allies; and every European power having become a party in the contest, the whole of our commerce with Europe and European colonies, becomes liable to capture by either one or the other. If there be any nominal exception, it is made on a condition of tribute, which only adds insult to the injury.
The only plea urged in justification of these hostilities, is that of retaliation, grounded on a presumed acquiescence of the United States in previous aggressions by the other party. Waving a discussion of the correctness of the principle of retaliation, a principle doubtful in itself, and altogether inadmissible to the extent to which it has been carried, and when operating on the neutral rather than on the enemy; it is altogether untrue that the United States have ever voluntarily acquiesced in the unlawful aggressions of either nation; omitted or delayed any measure calculated to obtain redress, or in any respect deviated from that impartiality to which they were bound by their neutrality. France has alluded to the violations of the national flag, and of the sovereignty of the United States, in the instance of Pierce's murder, of the outrage on the Chesapeake, and of the destruction of the Impetuous. The measures taken to obtain redress in those cases are of public notoriety, and it may be added, that with the exception of the last, those aggressions on the sovereignty of the United States did not affect their neutrality, & gave no right to France other of complaint or interference. Setting aside irregularities of less importance and easily chargeable to both nations,

such as the British order of June, 1803 and the decree of the French general Ferrand; the principal violations by England of the neutral rights of America, prior to the Berlin decree of Nov. 1806, and which, if acquiesced in, might have given grounds of complaint to France, are the capture of American vessels laden with colonial produce, founded on a renewal of that pretended principle generally called "the rule of 1756," the impressment of American seamen, compelled thereby to become the auxiliaries of England against France, and proclamation or nominal blockades, particularly that of the coast from the river Elbe to Brest, notified in May, 1806.
It will not be asserted, that the U. S. ever tacitly acquiesced in either of those pretensions. It will not be denied, that with respect to the two first, the most strenuous efforts were incessantly made to procure an alteration of the British system.
It is true, that to the nominal proclamation blockades of England, the U. S. has opposed only spirited and repeated remonstrances, and that these had not always been successful. But the measures which a neutral nation may be supposed bound to take, against the infractions of its neutrality, must always bear a certain proportion to the extent and nature of the injury received, and to the means of opposition. It cannot certainly be pretended that a hasty resort to war should in every such instance have become the duty of America. Nor can the irregularities of England, in declaring a state of blockade, a certain extent of coast, part of which was not, and the whole of which could not, even by her powerful navy, be actually invested and blockaded, be pleaded in justification of that decree, by which France, without an efficient fleet, pretends to announce the blockade of the dominions of a power which has the incontestible command of the sea, and before no part of which, she can station a single vessel.
The Milan decree of 1807 can still less rest for its defence on the supposed acquiescence of the U. S. in the British orders of the preceding months, since those orders, which have not certainly been acquiesced in, were not even known in America at the date of the decree. And it is proper here to add, that the French have, particularly by the seizure of certain vessels in their ports, and by burning our ships on the high seas, gone even beyond the tenor of their own extraordinary edicts.
The allegation of an acquiescence in the Berlin decree of Nov. 1806, by which alone the British government pretends to justify the orders of council, is equally unfounded. In the note on that subject, addressed on the 31st of December 1806, by the British government to the American minister, after having stated that "they could not believe that the enemy would ever seriously attempt to enforce such a system," the following declaration is expressly made, "If, however, the enemy should carry these threats into execution, and if neutral nations, contrary to all expectation, should acquiesce in such usurpations, his majesty might probably be compelled, however reluctantly, to retaliate in his just defence." The two requisites necessary in the opinion of Great Britain to justify retaliation, are stated to be, the execution of the decree, and the acquiescence of neutral nations. Yet within eight days after, and in the face of that declaration, without waiting for ascertaining either of those facts, the retaliating British order of January 7th, 1807, was issued, which, contrary to the acknowledged law of nations, subjected to capture, vessels of the U. S. sailing from the ports of one belligerent to a port of another belligerent.
The U. S. in the mean while, and without delay, had taken the necessary steps to ascertain the manner in which the French government intend to execute their decree.
That decree might be construed merely as a municipal law forbidding the introduction of British merchandise, and the admission of vessels coming from England. Under that aspect, and if confined to that object, the neutral rights of America were not affected by its operation.
A belligerent may without any infraction of neutral rights forbid the admission into its ports of any vessel coming from the ports of his enemy. And France had undoubtedly the same right to exclude from her dominions every species of British merchandise, which the United States have exercised in forbidding the importation of certain species. Great Britain might be injured by such regulations; but America had no more right to complain of that part of the decree, than France had to object to the American non-importation act. So far indeed as respects the United States, they were placed by the municipal part of the decree in the same situation, in relation to France, in which they are placed in their intercourse with Great Britain by the permanent laws of that country. The French decree forbids American vessels to import British merchandise into France. The British navigation act forbids American vessels to import French merchandise into England. But that broad clause of the Berlin decree which declared the British islands in a state of blockade, though not followed by regulations to that effect, still threatened an
intended operation on the high seas. This if carried into effect would be a flagrant violation of the neutral rights of the United States, and as such they would be bound to oppose it. The minister of the United States at Paris, immediately applied for explanation on that subject; and the French minister of marine on the 24th December, 1806, seven days before the date of the above mentioned note of the British government, stated in answer, that the decree made no alterations in the regulations then observed in France with regard to neutral navigation, or to the commercial convention of the United States with France. That the declaration of the British islands being in a state of blockade did not change the existing French laws concerning maritime captures, and that American vessels could not be taken at sea for the mere reason of their being going to, or returning from an English port.
The execution of the decree complained of for several months, with those explanations: several vessels were arrested for having introduced articles of English growth or manufacture, and among them some which being actually from England, and laden with English colonial produce, had entered with forged papers, as if coming from the United States. But no alteration of the first construction given by the French government took place until the month of September, 1807. The first condemnation on the principle that the decree subjected neutral vessels to capture on the high seas, was that of the Horizon on the 10th of October following. Prior to that time there could have been no acquiescence in a decree infringing the neutral rights of the United States, because till that time it was explained, and what was more important, executed in such manner as not to infringe those rights, because until then no such infraction had taken place. The ministers of the United States at London, at the request of the British minister, communicated to him on the 18th October, 1807, the substance of the explanations received, and of the manner in which the decree was executed. For they were at that time ignorant of the change which had taken place.
It was on the 19th of September, 1807, that a new construction of the decree took place; an instruction having on that day been transmitted to the council of prizes by the minister of justice, by which that court was informed that French armed vessels were authorised, under that decree, to seize without exception, in neutral vessels, either English property or merchandise of English growth or manufacture. An immediate explanation having been asked from the French minister of foreign relations, he confirmed, in his answer of the 7th of October, 1807, the determination of his government to adopt that construction. Its first application took place on the 10th of the same month, in the case of the Horizon, of which the minister of the United States was not informed until the month of November; and on the twelfth of that month, he presented a spirited remonstrance against that infraction of the neutral rights of the United States. He had, in the meanwhile, transmitted to America the instruction to the council of prizes of the 18th of September. This was received on the 10th of December; and a copy of the decision in the case of the Horizon, having at the same time reached government, the President aware of the consequences which would follow that new state of things, communicated immediately to Congress the alteration of the French decrees, and recommended the embargo, which was accordingly laid on the 22d of December, 1807; at which time it was well understood, in this country, that the British orders of council, of November preceding had issued, although they were not officially communicated to our government.
On the 11th of that month those orders did actually issue declaring that all the ports of France, of her allies, & of any other country at war with England, and all other ports of Europe, from which, although not at war with England, the British flag was excluded, should thenceforth be considered as if the same were actually blockaded; that all trade in articles of the produce or manufactures of the said countries, should be deemed unlawful; and that every vessel trading from or to the said countries, together with all goods and merchandise on board, and also all articles of the produce or manufacture of the said countries, should be liable to capture and condemnation.
These orders cannot be defended on the ground of their being intended as retaliating on account of the Berlin decree, as constructed, and uniformly executed from its date to the 18th September, 1807, its construction and execution having till then infringed no neutral rights. For certainly the monstrous doctrine will not be asserted even by the
British government, that neutral nations are bound to resist, not only the acts of belligerent powers which violate their rights, but also those municipal regulations, which, however, they may injure the enemy, are lawful and do not affect the legitimate rights of the neutral. The only retaliation to be used in such cases, must be such as will operate on the enemy without infringing the rights of the neutral. If solely intended as a retaliation on the Berlin decree, as executed prior to the month of September, the British orders of council should have been confined to forbidding the introduction into Great Britain of French or enemy's merchandise, and the admission into British ports of neutral vessels coming from a French or other enemy's port. Indeed the ground of retaliation on account of any culpable acquiescence of neutrals in decrees violating their rights, is abandoned by the very tenor of the orders; their operation being extended to those countries from which the British flag was excluded, such as Austria, although such countries were neither at war with Great Britain, nor had passed any decree in any way affecting or connected with neutral rights.
Nor are the orders justifiable on the pretence of an acquiescence on the part of the United States, in the French decree as constructed and executed subsequent to the 18th September, 1807, when it became an evident infraction of their rights, and such as they were bound to oppose. For their minister at Paris immediately made the necessary remonstrances; and the orders were issued not only without having ascertained whether the United States would acquiesce in the injurious alteration of the French decree, but more than one month before that alteration was known in America. It may even be asserted that the alteration was not known in England when the orders of council were issued; the instruction of the 18th September, 1807, which gave the new and injurious construction, not having been promulgated in France, and its first publication having been made in December, 1807, and by the American government itself.
The British orders of council are, therefore, unjustifiable on the principle of retaliation, even giving to that principle all the latitude which has ever been avowedly contended for. They are in open violation of the solemn declaration made by the British ministers in December, 1806; that retaliation on the part of Great Britain would depend on the execution of an unlawful decree, and on the acquiescence of neutral nations in such infraction of their rights. And they were also issued, notwithstanding the official communication made by the ministers of the United States, that the French decree was construed and executed so as not to infringe their neutral rights, and without any previous notice or intimation denying the correctness of that statement.
The Berlin decree as expounded and executed subsequent to the 18th September, 1807, and the British orders of council of the 11th November ensuing, are therefore as they affect the United States co-temporaneous aggressions of the belligerent powers, equally unprovoked and equally indefensible on the presumed ground of acquiescence. These, together with the Milan decree of December, 1807, which filed the measure, would on the principle of self defence have justified immediate hostilities against both nations on the part of the United States. They thought it more eligible in the first instance by withdrawing their vessels from the ocean, to avoid war, at least, for a season, and at the same time, to snatch their immense and defenceless commerce from impending destruction.
Another appeal has in the mean time been made, under the authority vested in the President for that purpose, to the justice and true interest of France and England. The propositions made by the United States, and the arguments urged by their ministers are before Congress. By these, the very pretext of the illegal edicts was removed, and it is evident that a revocation by either nation on the ground on which it was asked, either must have produced, what both pretended to have in view, a restoration of the freedom of commerce and of the acknowledged principles of the law of nations: or in case of refusal by the other belligerent, would have carried into effect, in the most efficient manner, the ostensible object of the edicts, and made the United States a party in the war against him. The effort has been ineffectual. The propositions have been actually rejected by one of the belligerent powers, and remain unanswered by the other. In that state of things, what course ought the U. S. to pursue? Your committee can perceive no other alternative, but object and degrading submission; war with both nations; or a continuance and enforcement of the present suspension of commerce.
The first cannot require any discussion. But the pressure of the embargo, so sensibly felt, and the calamities inseparable from a state of war, naturally create a wish that some middle course might be discovered, which should avoid the evils of both, and not be inconsistent with national honor and independence. That illusion must be dissipated; and it is necessary that the people of the United States should fully understand the situation in which they are placed.
There is no other alternative but war with both nations, or a continuance of the present system. For war with one of the belligerents only would be submission to the edicts and will of the other; and a repeal in whole or in part of the embargo must necessarily be war or submission.
A general repeal without arming, would be submission to both nations. A general repeal and arming of our merchant vessels, would be war with both, and war of the worst kind, suffering the enemies to plunder us without retaliation upon them.
A partial repeal must, from the situation of Europe, necessarily be actual submission to one of the aggressors, and war with the other.
The last position, is the only one on which there can be any doubt; and it will be most satisfactorily demonstrated by selecting amongst the several modifications, which might be suggested, that which may on first view appear the least exceptionable; a proposition to repeal the embargo, so far only as relates to those powers, which have not passed or do not execute any decrees injurious to the neutral rights of the United States.
It is said that the adoption of that proposition would restore our commerce with the native powers of Asia and Africa, and with Spain, Portugal, Sweden and Russia. Let this be taken for granted, although the precise line of conduct now pursued by most of those nations, in relation to the U. S. is not correctly ascertained. So far as relates to any advantages which would result from that measure, if confined to its ostensible object, it will be sufficient to observe that the exports of articles of the domestic produce of the United States, during the year, ending the 30th September, 1807, amounted to $48,700,000, and that the portion exported to the countries above enumerated, falls short of seven millions; an amount too inconsiderable, when compared with the bulk of our exports, to deserve attention, even if a question affecting the independence of the nation was to be decided by considerations of immediate profit.
But the true effect of the proposition would be to open an indirect trade with Great Britain, through St. Bartholomew and Havannah, Lisbon, Cadiz or Gottemburg, would receive, at prices reduced by glutted markets and for want of competition, all the provisions, naval stores, raw materials for her manufactures, and other articles which she may want. Whether she would be satisfied with that favorable state of things, or whether, considering that boon as a pledge of unequal submission, she would, according to the tenor of other orders, interrupt our scanty commerce with Russia, and occasionally under some new pretext, capture rather than purchase cargoes intended for her own use, is equally uncertain and unimportant. Nor can it be doubted that a measure, which would supply exclusively one of the belligerents, would be war with the other. Considered merely as a question of profit, it would be much more eligible at once to raise the embargo in relation to Great Britain, as we would then, at least, have the advantages of a direct market with the consumer. But the proposition can only be defended on the ground that France is the only aggressor, and, that having no just reason to complain of England, it is our duty to submit to her orders. On that inadmissible supposition, it would not only be more candid, but also a more dignified, as well as more advantageous course, openly to join England, and to make war against France. The object would be clearly understood, an ally would be obtained, and the meanness of submission might be better palliated.
It appears unnecessary to pursue any further the examinations of propositions, which the difficult situation of the United States could alone have suggested, and which will prove more inadmissible, or impracticable, as the subject is more thoroughly investigated. The alternative is painful; it is between a continued suspension of commerce and war with both England and France. But the choice must ultimately be made between the two; and it is important that we should be prepared for either the one or the other.
The aggressions of England and France collectively affecting almost the whole of our commerce, and persisted in, notwithstanding repeated remonstrances, explanations and propositions the most candid and unexceptionable, are, to all intents and purposes, a maritime war waged by both nations against the U. S. It cannot be denied that the ultimate and only, effectual mode of resisting that warfare, if persisted in, is war. A permanent suspension of commerce, after repeated and unavailing efforts to obtain peace, would not properly be resistance; it would be withdrawing from the contest, and abandoning our indisputable right freely to navigate the ocean. The present unsettled state of the world, the extraordinary situation in which the U. S. are placed and the necessity, if war be resorted to, of making it at the same time against both nations, and these the two most powerful of the world, are the principle causes of hesitation. There would be none in resorting to that remedy, however calamitous, if a selection could be made on any principal of justice, or without a sacrifice of national independence.
On a question of such difficulty, involving the most important interests of the union, and which has not, perhaps, until lately, been sufficiently considered, your committee think the House alone competent to pronounce a decisive opinion; and they have, in this report, confined themselves to an exposition of the subject, and to such introductory resolutions, as will be equally applicable to either alternative.
The first of these, being merely declaratory of a determination not to submit to foreign aggressions, may, perhaps, at a first view, appear superfluous. It is, however, believed by the committee, that a pledge by the representatives of the nation, that they will not abandon its essential rights, will not at this critical moment be unacceptible. The misapprehensions which seem to have existed, and the misrepresentations which have been circulated, respecting the state of our foreign relations, render also such declaration expedient.
A d it may not be useless that every foreign nation should understand, that its aggressions never will be justified or encouraged by any description of American citizens. For the question for every citizen now is, whether he will rally round the government of his choice, or enlist under foreign banners? Whether he will be for his country, or against his country;
The committee respectfully submit the following resolutions:
1. Resolved, That the U. S. cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France. 2. Resolved, That it is expedient to pro-
hibit, by law, the admission into the ports of the United States of all public or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain or France, or to any other of the belligerent powers, having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the U. S. and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers, imported from any place in the possession of either.
3. Resolved That measures ought to be immediately taken for placing the country in a more complete state of defence. No business of importance done in the House of Representatives for the two last days.
Thursday, November 24.
A little after one o'clock, the galleries were opened, the house having finished their discussion on Mr. Randolph's resolutions.
Mr. Clopton from the committee of revision and unfinished business made a report, which, without reading, was ordered to be printed.
A bill heretofore presented was called up by Mr. Lewis, to authorize the proprietors of public lots in the City of Washington to subdivide the same; and that such subdivision should be admitted on record.
Mr. Nelson presented a memorial from the proprietor of some goods on which duty had been paid, but when, previous to their sale were destroyed, the petitioners prayed the remission of the duties paid.
After some debate upon the subject of reference, a motion prevailed to refer it to the committee of claims, 43 to 32.
About 2 o'clock the house adjourned.
Friday, November 25.
Some private petitions were presented and referred.
Mr. Elliott moved that a committee be appointed to wait on the president to request an official copy of his proclamation issued in April last respecting the evasions of the embargo laws in the neighborhood of Lake Champlain.
Mr. Morrow presented some other petitions from purchasers of public lands praying the extension of the time for paying of instalments. Referred.
Mr. Macon called up for reference a resolution respecting the expediency of amending the embargo laws.
Mr. Gardenier presented several memorials from the neighborhood of Lake Ontario, state of New York, praying for the repeal of the embargo laws, and the act supplementary thereto.
These subjects were referred to the committee of the whole house, to whom was referred the subject of the embargo.
Mr. Randolph at 12 o'clock called for the galleries to be cleared. He suggested it to be his intention to propose some resolutions which would require private deliberation.
The doors of the house of representatives were opened about half past 2 o'clock. The house took an order for lighting up fires in the furnaces below the hall. The resolution in favor of sundry inhabitants of Knox county, Kentucky, was agreed to, and a bill ordered to be brought in accordingly. Some other business of a local nature was done, when the house adjourned till Monday.
SECRET JOURNAL.
A supplemental journal of such proceedings as, during the time they were depending, were ordered to be kept secret, and respecting which the injunction of secrecy was afterwards removed by order of the house.
Tuesday, November 8.
The house being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk.
A confidential message in writing was received from the president of the United States by Mr. Coles, his secretary, who delivered in the same and withdrew.
Wednesday, November 9.
The house being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk, proceeded in the reading of the confidential message of the president of the United States, and the accompanying documents received on the 8th instant, and went through the same. The said message is in the words following to wit:
To the senate and house of representatives of the United States. The documents communicated with my public message of this day, contain such portions of the correspondences therein referred to of the respective ministers of the United States at Paris and London, as relate to the present state of affairs between those governments and the United States, and as may be made public. I now

communicate confidentially such supplementary portions of the same correspondence as I deem improper for publication, yet necessary to convey to congress full information on a subject of their deliberations so interesting to our country.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Nov. 8, 1808.
Ordered, That the said message and documents do lie on the table.
Wednesday, November 23.
The house being cleared of all persons except the members and clerk—
A motion was made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution:
Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy so far as it relates to the substance of the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the president's message of the 8th instant be taken off.
And on the question that the house do now proceed to take the said proposed resolution into consideration, it was resolved in the affirmative. Yeas one hundred and thirteen—Nay, one, (Adam Boyd.)
The motion was then modified by Mr. Randolph, and seconded, to read as follows:
Resolved, that the injunction of secrecy imposed on the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the president's message of the 8th inst. be taken off, with the exception of the extract of a letter from gen. Armstrong to the secretary of state, dated Paris, 27th Dec. 1807.
And on the question that the house do agree to the same, it passed in the negative. Yeas 31—Nays 82.
Another motion was then made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution.
Resolved, that the injunction of secrecy, so far as it relates to the substance of the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the President's message of the 8th inst. be taken off.
And on the question that the house do now proceed to take the same into consideration, an adjournment was called for and carried.
Thursday, November 24.
The house being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk, the house proceeded to take into further consideration, the resolution which Mr. Randolph submitted yesterday, in the following words, to wit:
Resolved, that the injunction of secrecy, so far as it relates to the substance of the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the president's message of the 8th inst. be taken off, with the exception of the extract of a letter from gen. Armstrong to the secretary of state, dated Paris, 27th Dec. 1807.
And on the question for consideration, it was resolved in the affirmative. The same being withdrawn, a motion was then made by Mr. Macon, and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution.
Resolved, that the injunction of secrecy imposed on the communications from the president, from our respective ministers at Paris and London, be taken off, and that the same be published with the exception of the extract of a letter from gen. Armstrong to the secretary of state, dated Paris, 27th Dec. 1807.
And on the question that the house do agree to the same, it passed in the negative, yeas 29—nays 82.
YEAS—John Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Davenport, Durell, Ely, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Hoge, R. Jackson, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Macon, Masters, Morrow, Moseley, Nelson, Quincy, Randolph, Russell, Shaw, Stedman, Sturges, Trigg, Upham, Van Rensselaer and D. R. Williams—29.
[And all the others present in the negative.]
A motion was then made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution:
Resolved, that the injunction of secrecy, so far as it relates to the substance of the communications from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the president's message of the 8th inst. be taken off, with the exception of the extract of a letter from gen. Armstrong to the secretary of state, dated Paris, 27th Dec. 1807.
And on the question that the house do agree to the same, it passed in the negative. Yeas 39—Nays 67.
YEAS—John Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Durell, Elliott, Ely, Gardenier, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Hoge, R. Jackson, Jenkins, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Macon, Masters, Milnor, Moseley, Mumford, Pitkin, Quincy, Randolph, Stanford, Stedman, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Talmadge, Trigg, Upham, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, D. R. Williams, N. Wilson—39.
[And all the others present in the negative.]
Friday, November 25.
The house being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk—
A motion was made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution:
"That the secret journal be published." The question was taken that the house do now proceed to consider the said proposed resolution, and resolved in the affirmative—Yeas 101—Nays 16.
YEAS—L. J. Alston, Bard, Blount, Boyd, Cook, Cutts, Deane, Findley, Green, Heister, Helms, Humphreys, Nicholas, Smilie, Whitehill, Winn—16.
[And all the others present in the affirmative.]
The question was then taken, that the house do agree to the said resolution, and resolved in the affirmative—Yeas 95—Nays 25.
YEAS—L. J. Alston, Bard, Blount, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, Cook, Deane, Durell, Findley, Green, Heister, Helms, Holland, Nicholas, Seaver, Smith, Smilie, Taylor, Whitehill, Winn—25.
[And all the others present in the affirmative.]
A motion was made by Mr. David R. Williams, and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution:
Resolved, that the injunction of secrecy, imposed on the letters and extracts of our ministers at Paris and London, accompanying the message of the president of the U. States, of the 8th inst. except the letter of Mr. Armstrong of the 27th of Dec. 1807, and the words contained in the parenthesis of Mr. Pinkney's letter of the 26th January, 1808, be removed.
It passed in the Negative—Yeas 43—Nays 72.
YEAS—Bassett, Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Durell, Elliott, Ely, Fisk, Gardenier, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Hoge, R. Jackson, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Macon, Masters, John Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Nelson, Pitkin, Quincy, Randolph, Riker, Russell, Shaw, Smith, Stedman, Sturges, Swart, Talmadge, Trigg, Upham, Van Courtlandt, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, D. R. Williams—43.
[And all the others present in the negative.]
On motion of Mr. Macon, and seconded, Ordered, That the secret journal of this day be published.
On motion, Ordered that the doors be now opened.
It will appear from the secret journal which is published, that the house have been engaged in conclave not on any great national question of defence, but on a question whether at this moment, the injunction of secrecy imposed by the President on communications which he has stated HE DEEMS IMPROPER TO BE PUBLISHED , should be violated—thus instead of acting, Mr. Randolph is occupying the time of the house, in efforts to embarrass and create between congress and the executive, a barrier against free communication. The public will properly appreciate this fruitless attempt to trammel the public proceedings, and sport with the feelings of the nation—Three days have been idly spent on this business, and all important proceedings at an entire stand. Monitor.
TUESDAY, Nov. 22.
Mr. Lewis presented a petition of the Washington and Alexandria turnpike company and of sundry other inhabitants of the county of Alexandria, Col. praying a revision of the act passed at the late session on the subject of the turnpike. Referred to the committee on the district of Columbia.
REVENUE CUTTERS.
The House went into committee of the whole—Mr. Helms in the chair; on the bill authorising the President to employ 12 additional revenue cutters; and after some time spent therein, the committee rose and reported the bill, which was, on motion of Mr. Pitkin recommitted to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
Mr. G. W. Campbell, from the committee appointed on the subject of our foreign relations, made a report.
On motion of Mr. Smilie, it was ordered that 5000 copies be printed for the use of the members.
OFFICERS OF CUSTOMS.
On motion of Mr. Van Allen, Resolved, that the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire whether any amendment ought to be made relative to the compensation of the officers of the customs now allowed by law, with leave to report thereon by bill or otherwise.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 23.
Some private business having been done of little importance.
Mr. Randolph moved that the galleries be cleared, as he had a motion to make which was of a confidential nature. The galleries were cleared and the doors remained closed until 5 o'clock, when the House adjourned with closed doors.
SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
November 22.
The Senate resumed the consideration of Mr. Hillhouse's resolution.
Mr. Pope spoke against it for an hour and three quarters.
Mr. White followed in a speech of three quarters of an hour; and
Mr. Moore concluded this day's debate in a speech of half an hour.
No question taken.
November 23.
Mr. Hillhouse's resolution still under consideration.
Mr. Crawford opposed it in a speech of an hour and a half.
He was followed by Mr. Mitchill in a speech of about the same length, when
The House adjourned at about half past 2 o'clock, without taking a question.
November 24.
Mr. Hillhouse's resolution still under consideration.
Mr. Giles made a speech against the resolution of three hours and a quarter.
When the Senate adjourned.
THE subscriber begs leave to inform his friends & former customers, that he is well provided for the accommodation of twenty of the members of the General Assembly, on as good terms as any of the under-takers in his line. Also he can take in as many horses on the most reasonable terms.
NATHANIEL WHITE.
City Tavern, Richmond, Nov. 22d 1808.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1808.
There is no set of men, no matter of what political denomination they may be, provided they ever felt an emotion of patriotism, who can look upon the present posture of affairs, without the deepest impressions of pain.
In endeavoring to preserve peace and independence, we have become the object of insult, perfidy and oppression. Every thing which wisdom could suggest, which virtue could recommend, and which firmness could require, has been done. A more liberal and impartial policy between the belligerents of Europe, could not have been pursued, without an evident surrender of our neutral rights, and our national dignity. These powers, regardless of national law and the faith of treaties, have endeavored, not only to decay, but to force us into an alliance, subservient to their views, and destructive to our independence. They have thought proper to stop all commercial avenues to each other, and in doing this, they have virtually declared war upon neutral intercourse. In this state of things, what were we to do? To suffer our property, our citizens and our vessels to be lost by capture or destroyed by force? No—To form an alliance offensive and defensive with one of the belligerents? No—To trade under the arbitrary and oppressive orders of either, and thus dastardly abandon our immunities on the seas? No—What then? We reply that no other course could have been adopted than the embargo. This, without disposing more shades in the picture, is a correct general resemblance of our situation. If then, these were sufficient causes for the adoption of the embargo, and these clauses remain with additional force and severity, it surely would amount to a confession of absurd impolicy or national timidity, not to continue it.
Under these circumstances, we can but look around to enquire, if there is enough of that virtue of our forefathers, which resisted tribute in '76, to resist it in 1808. In this enquiry, the feelings of the patriot glow with indignation, to find men who are willing to bar their inheritance and the honor of their country, for the mean, precarious profits of a base and inglorious trade with a treacherous and inveterate enemy. That there are such men, no doubt can any longer remain—That the celebrated Essex Junta is of this character, is also true—When such men as these are in office, how justly may we exclaim, O tempora, O mores . Not content with exciting disaffection, and not content with inducing Great Britain to believe it, they are now determined to act up to their promise, and are resolved to submit to their injustice, or secede from the union.
We can but hope that the Eastern people will reflect and that they will not deserve the observation of Harrington, that they feel, but do not see ; that they are injured, but will not resent; that they have a country, but no patriotism. We trust that it is entirely a trick of faithless representatives, to bully the national council into their system of measures, but we also trust that the people have confidence in their government, and that when the situation of our country is properly & honestly considered, that that will be equally firm and indignant at European wrongs. The will of the majority has been hitherto admitted, as the pivot of our prosperity. If, however, they should determine to oppose, in order to gratify their wishes, or rather an infamous cupidity, why, let the punishment fall, as it inevitably will, upon such fool-hardy Tories. It must be admitted by every person who is conversant with the origin and progress of our situation, that these states have been the principal source of our troubles, and the principal cause why they have not been removed. They say that they are more affected by commercial restrictions, than any other proportion of the union, and every body knows that they were not the measures of choice with our government, but were forced upon us by Europe to preserve every thing that is essential to our commerce.
They were intended to secure commercial rights, and to advance commercial prosperity, but it seems that rather than bear this temporary suspension, they are willing to throw themselves into the arms of their enemies. They have already prevented the wisdom of our country from having its due operation, and have, in fact, invited our enemies to pursue their schemes of spoliation and oppression. But to admit for a moment that they are so unwise and disaffected as to persevere in this design, for it is absolutely impossible that their system, in regard to Great Britain, can succeed, WHAT WILL BE THE CONSEQUENCE? In order to give an air of truth to their clamors, they affect to be in want of bread, and to say that they are not a people of agriculture, but entirely depend upon commercial intercourse. After a separation, in which they would resemble the Cappadocians of old, and would make the second instance in the annals of the world, of a people refusing to be free, WHAT WOULD THEY DO? Form an independent monarchy and crown Timothy the first, King of the East, or would their political sympathy for Great Britain, induce them to return to their former colonial state; or would they propose what is firstly nearly the same thing, an alliance, offensive and defensive? This undoubtedly would be the only course they could pursue, in order to veer on the seas. But what, we fain would enquire, are the inducements to Great Britain to form such an alliance? It is true that both men and shipping would be acceptable, and it is equally true, that she would not stand upon a scruple in taking both, and destroying her envied and enterprising trade. What else? Nothing more! Provisions, they say, they cannot, or do not, derive from agriculture, and the credulity of no one can lead him to believe that G. Britain could or would furnish them. It is as much as they can do to keep off from themselves, the hollow-eyed monster of famine. After Great Britain had availed herself of these advantages, she would perceive that nothing remained, and consistent with her known per-
fidy and inhumanity, she would not care. The eastern people would then, from dire necessity, be obliged to do that, which all the powerful ties of patriotism, cannot induce them to do now—exchange the implements of navigation for those of husbandry, and to draw from the earth that subsistence which is refused from the sea, or to turn pilgrims and "plod their weary way" to those states who would not suffer their rights to be shown, themselves to be deluded, nor their property to be robbed.
It is surely a virtue that we never expected the American people would want, of supporting their government, their rights and the independence of their country. But we are told by Mr. Hillhouse that he does not see how the embargo preserves our honor, and that it is a measure more of self-oppression than self-defence. This false and rebellious idea, has no doubt, been industriously inspired into the minds of his constituents, until they have been really brought to believe that the measure was wantonly intended to injure them, and that there was no sort of immorality or illicitness in evading it. Does this come within the meaning of the constitution, which says that treason may consist in adhering to our enemies, and giving them aid and comfort?
We congratulate our republican brethren throughout the United States on the result of the Presidential Election in this State, just promulgated by the Executive. The Madison ticket, we are happy to say, has prevailed by a majority of five votes to one, over the Monroe and Pinckney tickets.
ERROR CORRECTED.
In the hurry of putting our paper to press the error noticed in the subjoined article from the Public Ledger, escaped us. We assure the Editor of that paper that there was no design of willfully misstating the language of the letter; and that it affords us pleasure to correct the mistake , if it was one, for we have not the paper copied from by us.
"In our paper of the 16th instant, we inserted an extract of a letter from a house in Jamaica, to a merchant of this place: "we wished to show those persons who talk of starving the British Islands, the absurdity of the attempt, and by which we hazarded the sale of our own provisions. "This letter, among other matter, has the following passage:—"From one place of our own we expect to sell two thousand "bushels of corn." The Virginian Argus has copied this letter, with a small alteration, inserting two hundred instead of two thousand bushels. Had figures been employed by us, or the Argus, the mistake might easily occur; and we do not "say that it has not been a mistake."
IN COUNCIL.
Monday, Nov. 28th, 1808.
The Governor and Council, pursuant to the first section of the act of assembly "to amend an act intitled an act to amend an act intitled an act, for appointing electors to choose a President and Vice President of the U. States," having examined the returns from the commissioners of the several counties appointed and commissioned in conformity with the directions of the aforesaid act of assembly, do hereby advertise and make known that the names and places of abode of the twenty-four persons having the greatest number of votes throughout the state as Electors of President and Vice President of the United States for the state of Virginia, are as follows, viz:
Joseph Goodwin, sen Nansemond. Benjamin Harrison, Prince George. Edward Pegram, sen. Dinwiddie. Richard Field, Brunswick. Col. Thomas Read, Charlotte. Joseph Eggleston, Amelia. Hugh Nelson, Albemarle. Col. George Penn, Patrick. Philip N. Nicholas, Richmond City. Judge Spencer Roane, Hanover. John Roane, King William. Robert Taylor, Orange. Gastavus B. Horner, Fauquier. Robert Nelson, York. Mann Page, Gloucester. Richard Barnes, Richmond County. John T. Brooke, Stafford. Hugh Holmes, Frederick. Osborne Sprigg, Hampshire. James Allen, Shenandoah. Archibald Stuart, Augusta. Andrew Russell, Washington. Gen. John Preston, Montgomery. William McKinley, Ohio.
Attest, DANL. L. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council
FROM THE SPIRIT OF '76.
(Published by desire.)
The following letter we think proper to publish, though it has been received, at a late hour for publication, yet obviously intended by the writer to have been published before the election. Its object is to shield the writer from the charge of inconsistency.
TO GEORGE HAY, Esq.
PRESIDENT OF THE MONROE STANDING COMMITTEE, RICHMOND.
SIR,
I was surprised at seeing my name upon the Monroe electoral ticket in a late paper—it was taking a liberty no circumstance known to me, authorised to insert it.
My name is dragged very reluctantly into the papers on the subject of the approaching election: I was apprised in the month of April last, that the attention of the committee had been directed to me, as an elector; I did not hesitate to direct, most positively and unequivocally, that some other individual should be sought for that purpose, for that I had insuperable objections to acting. Whether this information was communicated I know not; but I do know that it was directed to be, and ought to have been by the gentleman who recommended me.
I should not now trouble the public with a line upon the subject, did I not think it a duty I owe to Mr. Monroe, to inform him and the world that it is not from any want of confidence in his virtue, wisdom or patriotism that I decline the office. And a
duty I owe to myself to vindicate my reputation from the inconsistency, of acting as one of the corresponding committee for the county of Henry, to promote the election of Mr. Madison, and at the same time being in nomination on the Monroe ticket; for it will not be known that my name appears on that ticket without my approbation.
Had I believed or did I now believe, that Mr. Monroe could be elected by a republican majority, no one would support him with more zeal than myself; my exertions would be stimulated by the most unfeigned personal regard and would be ardent and unremitted. But this I do not believe can be effected, and I consider a schism amongst the republicans much more alarming than the election of any respectable republican to the presidency—it is their policy and in my opinion their duty to rally round any individual of this description, rather than divide and subdivide until they reduce their strength, loose their preponderance and again subject us to federal men, federal measures.
That Mr. Madison is a man of this description, will not I suppose be denied—that he has a stronger interest with the republicans, I believe to be a fact, and this belief, no matter how I came by it, is to me as sufficient a motive to govern my conduct as if it were founded upon the most irrefragable proof.
My confidence in Mr. Madison is undiminished, I believe that he will discharge the duties of the office with ability and integrity, if elected. I have no doubt but that Mr. Monroe would also; but at the same time that I feel the most unbounded confidence in Mr. Monroe, and the highest respect and esteem for many of his friends (as they are called) with whom I have the honor to be personally acquainted.
As a party I disapprove of the course they have pursued and am not disposed to go with them.
You will therefore no longer consider me as in nomination as an elector.
Yours respectfully,
P. R. GILMER.
Henry, 15th Oct. 1808.
The Federal Ticket for Electors of President and Vice President, has succeeded in Rhode Island by 400 majority.
In Delaware, the Legislature has appointed three Federal Electors—James Booth, Nicholas Ridgely, Daniel Rodney.
DIED—On Friday last, at Mrs. Timberlake's in Hanover, after a long and painful illness, Mrs. MARTHA HOBSON, wife of Matthew Hobson, of Buckingham.
RALEIGH, (N. C.) Nov. 24.
The following gentlemen have been chosen Electors in this State, who will certainly vote for Mr. Madison as President, viz: Col. Joseph Taylor, Kemp Pummer, Gen. Thomas Wynne, Gen. Joseph Riddick, Henry I. Toole, Samuel Ashe, James Rainey, Robert Cleveland, (Gen. Weirborn having declined in his favor) Peter Forney, William Love and Judge Locke.
Col. Christmas (the Republican candidate) had a majority of votes in the Hillsborough district; but, owing to the mistake of the Sheriff of Chatham (mentioned in our last) in holding two separate elections on the Friday instead of Thursday, it is uncertain how the election will be decided. If the votes given at these separate elections are to be considered as lost, Mr. McKenzie, the Federal candidate, would have the majority. It is supposed this matter will be brought before the legislature.
John Winslow, elected in the Fayetteville district, and William G.ston, in the Newbern district, it is supposed will vote for Mr. Pinckney as President.
The Grand Lodge OF VIRGINIA
WILL meet, in its Mason's Hall, in this city, at 6 o'clock, in the evening of the second Monday in December next. Nov. 25th, 1808 (idm.)
The securities if James T. Tuckerm, extend the time expressed in the 3d. col. 4th page, of this day's paper to the 10th of December, November 29th.
Notice,
I hereby given, that I have settled my accounts as administrator of the estate of Daniel Gargill, dec'd and paid a way all the money I have had in my hands to the creditors and legatees of said Gargill; therefore look on myself not to be liable for any thing that has not been made known before this date; as I think myself clear of my administration. FRANCIS BARNE, S x .
November 26th, 1808. (2 d )
THE subscriber having furnished himself with an elegant assortment of mountains and other materials; begs leave to inform the public that he has commenced the
CABINET MAKING BUSINESS, upon an extensive scale, in the house near Snook bridge, next door to Samuel Pleasants, Jr's. printing office, where he will keep a constant supply of furniture for sale upon reasonable terms—and where furniture in his line will be made upon the shortest notice, and in the most approved fashions, or upon any model which may be directed. The subscriber will also keep on hand, a constant supply of Fancy and Windsor CHAIRS of all descriptions, for sale upon reasonable terms. C s M. PERRY.
Richmond, November 28th, 1808. (2 d ) N. B. Coach and Sign Painting, done at his shop on the shortest notice and in the very best manner.
JUST PUBLISHED.
By SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, And for sale at his Printing Office, Richmond, by the gross, dozen or single,
The Virginia Almanack, FOR THE YEAR OF OUR LORD 1809:
Being the first after Bissexstile or Leap Year, and thirty-third of American Independence. Adapted to the latitude and meridian of Richmond. Calculated by Benjamin Bates of Hanover County, Virginia.
Containing, in addition to the Astronomical Calculations, a great variety of useful and entertaining matter.
A liberal discount will be made to wholesale purchasers.

Boarding, Lodging & Entertainment.
THE subscriber is now keeping a boarding house in the commodious & conveniently situated house lately occupied by Major James Gibbon, on the main street, opposite to Harris's brick buildings, where she will accommodate ladies and gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter or year, with gentle board, lodging and entertainment. No exertions shall be wanting on her part, to give satisfaction to those who will favor her with their company.
Anna Byrd. Richmond, August 3, 1808.
Mount Comfort, FOR SALE.
SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post-office at Montague's Tavern—there are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered—The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen, a Kitchen, Smoke House, Stable, Ice House, &c. on the Hill—And on the river bank, a store house, with a commodious Store and Counting Room and an excellent Granary—all of which—except the Stable—have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands as good, if not the best view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock, and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble—It is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, where it is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually—it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character—I would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on, or exchange for other lands without improvements. For further particulars apply to Reuben M. Garnett, or to
Carter Wood, Mount Comfort. June 1, 1808
Penitentiary Store.
SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808.
MATRESSES
OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond. J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808
FOR SALE,
On private contract, the fine, high bred running horse DOCTOR, Late the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Pill Box, by Pantaloone. Also, A FILLY, 3 years old, by Preakness, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay, is in high health and perfectly sound, six years old, a beautiful Bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful, except in two instances, which accident prevented. The Filly is untried, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Apply to John Tyler. Green Way, Sept. 6, 1808.
THE FIRST VOL. OF ROBERTSON'S REPORT
OF THE TRIAL OF A. BURR,
Is just received and ready for delivery to subscribers at this office—A few copies for sale, Sept. 27.
IN pursuance to a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Archibald C. Randolph,
to secure the payment of a certain sum of money therein mentioned, due to Samuel Harris, will be exposed for sale, at Jefferson, on the 23rd of December next, one MULATTO GIRL, named Priscilla, for cash, which after defraying the expenses of said trust, and the debt specified, the residue if any, to be returned as the law directs. ALBAN GILPIN, Trustee. Powhatan, Oct. 20th, 1808.
RUNAWAY from the subscriber, the 1st August last,
a Negro Fellow EDMUND, who has a pretty general acquaintance, and well known inclined to be of a yellowish complexion, has a slight scar on one of his cheeks, 28 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, a tolerable stout active, bony fellow, slop shouldered, his mouth and lips are large and prominent; he is accustomed to the management of young horses, and is a carriage driver. He was purchased out of Page's estate, near Hanover Town, 10 or 11 years ago—previous to that period, he had been hired by Paul Thilman, dec. and used to train horses. It is conjectured he is gone to that part of the country—He is well acquainted in Richmond and Manchester. I will give Twenty Dollars for his delivery, or Ten for lodging him in any jail, besides what the law allows. ED. DILLON. Price Edward, 24th Oct. 1808.
Notice.
A PETITION will be presented to the next General Assembly, praying that the land whereof John McMurry died seized, may be sold for the payment of his just debts. Wm. OVERTON, Adm'r. of John McMurry Charlotte, Oct 12, 1808.
NOTICE is hereby given,
that a petition will be presented to the next Assembly, to alter the Seice fixed on by the commissioners for the public buildings in the county of Nelson. October 17th, 1808.
For Sale,
Twenty-five Tons Sweden and American Iron, Eighty Bundles Nail Rods, Eighty Kegs Paint, white, red and yellow, Twenty-five Boxes Window glass, 10, 12, American and English Powder, Spanish Indigo, Pipes by the Box, Sweet Oil by the Box and Retail, A few Sacks Salt, Shot of all sizes, with our usual assortment of GROCERIES, &c. Russell & Wallace. Richmond, Nov. 3d, 1808.
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY.
THE annual meeting of stockholders will be held at Mr. Brooks's Tavern in Manchester, on the first Monday in December next—Special matters of business important to the interest of the company require a full meeting; hence it is expected, that such members as cannot attend in person will appoint deputies to act for them. JAMES BRANDER, Clk. Nov 7, 1808.
A Tutor Wanted.
A YOUNG GENTLEMAN who understands the Latin and English languages grammatically, and who unites therewith a competent knowledge of Arithmetic, Geography and the Mathematics, will meet with encouragement on application to the subscribers. To such a character, coming well recommended, a liberal salary will be given by Joseph Carter, and Joseph Carter, Jr. Coroloman Lancaster county } Oct. 29, 1808. } 4w
Notice is hereby given,
THAT an application will be made by the President and Directors of the Potomack Company, to the Legislature of Virginia, to pass acts, to enable the Company to make Bye Laws, for regulating their concerns, and for the safe transportation of articles which may be brought down the rivers Shenandoah and Potomack, and the branches thereof. By order, JOS. CARLETON, Treasurer Potomack Company. George Town, District of Columbia, November 8, 1808. 2w
Notice is hereby given,
That a petition will be presented to the next General Assembly of Virginia, by Richard Denby, in behalf of himself and others, to vest in them, certain lands in Monongalia county, belonging to the estate of Capt. James Lang, deceased. Nov. 12, 1808. tma
To Rent,
THREE Houses on the main street, one between Messrs. Ellis and Allan, and Mr. Manuel Judah, one opposite the Eagle Tavern, now occupied by Mr. Simpson Morris, the other is occupied by Mr. Benjamin Duval, next door to Gallego, Richard & Co's. office; of the two first, possession may be given immediately, and of the other the first of January next. Also, a house situated in the alley, between the street going to Shockoe warehouse and that going to Mayo's Bridge; possession to be had immediately. JOSEPH GALLEGCO. Richmond, Oct. 6, 1808. (ti)
Notice.
THE ensuing General Assembly will be petitioned to pass a law, authorising the county of Fluvanna to build a toll bridge across the Rivanna river, at the most convenient site, near the town of Columbia, and to alter the road so as to pass by said bridge. Fluvanna, Sept. 30, 1808. tf
One Thousand Pounds WANTED,
FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer. September 8, 1808. tf
Notice.
FOR LEASE OR SALE, A House with 6 rooms, Well finished, with the necessary offices, and a new garden paled in, situated about 7 miles from Manchester, on the turnpike road, and a good stand for a tavern. With the tenement may be had 100 acres of land adjoining, nearly the whole of which is in timber. Should a person of good character, well qualified for a publican, apply, I would prefer a lease of the premises—and as an encouragement to such an one, I would let it go cheap, or I would sell the same. The terms will be made known, in either case, on application to the subscriber, near the same. William Sowell. Chesterfield county, Oct. 20th, 1808. tf
FOR SALE AT S. PLEASANTS' BOOK STORE
HENING'S New Virginia Justice,
CONTAINING The Duties of a Justice of Peace, &c. together with a variety of useful precedents, adapted to the laws now in force. Also, forms of conveyancing, such as deeds of bargain and sale, lease and re-lease, mortgage, trust, &c.
LAND, NEGROES, STOCK, &c. FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to the last will and testament of Benjamin Toler, dec. W. & L. RE SOLD, at public auction, on Tuesday the 20th day of December next, if fair, if no, the next fair day, (and continue from day to day until all are sold) on the premises, that valuable
Tract of Land,
In Caroline county, called the GOOSE PONDS, lying immediately on Pamunkey river, containing 842 Acres, more or less. The quality of the land, the buildings, water and neighborhood, renders it an object worthy the attention of any person wishing to purchase; a crop of wheat is sown thereon, and immediate possession will be given—Terms of sale, one fourth in ready money, and the balance at the expiration of twelve months, to be secured by a deed of trust upon the land, with a bond and approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid—Also, at the same time and place, will be sold, about
16 Likely Negroes,
Among which is a valuable Blacksmith—the stock of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, the crops of Tobacco, Corn, Wheat, Fodder, &c. for which twelve months credit will be given, for all sums above twenty dollars, on receiving bonds with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid, and for all sums under twenty dollars, cash.—And on Tuesday the sixth day of the same month, WILL BE SOLD, in Hanover Town, on the premises, the
House and Lot,
In good repair, whereon Dr. Christie at present resides, for which twelve months credit will be allowed, on the purchaser giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid. Possession may be had on the first day of January, 1809.—Bond creditors may find to their interest to attend those sales. Matthew Toler, Administrator with the will annexed of Benjamin Toler, dec. Hanover, October 31, 1808. wds
Notice.
INTEND to make application to the next General Assembly of the commonwealth of Virginia, in order to obtain a divorce. ANN ALDRICKS. Loudoun, Oct. 12th, 1808. 5w*
Notice is hereby given,
Those persons who have put into the hands of James Thompson, late Constable of the City of Richmond, any bonds, notes, or accounts, which are not satisfied, are requested to make application to the subscribers for such claims, on or before the first day of December next, after which period, the securities of said Thompson will not consider themselves responsible for any claim after that date. JAMES THOMPSON, RICHARD THOMPSON, JAMES MCCLURE. Richmond, Nov. 21st, 1808. (ti)
A Tract of Land,
containing one hundred acres, whereon the said David H Thacker now lives, which he purchased of the aforesaid John Grube. The subscriber will convey such title to the above tract of land, as is vested in him by the said deed of trust. JOHN WINN, Secy. Nov. 12th, 1808. (wds)
Buckingham County, September Court, 1808.
Henry Bagby and Peter Guerrant ex secutors of Elizabeth Fearn deceased, Plaintiffs. AGAINST. Theoderick Scruggs and William Palmer, Defendants. ON the motion of the plaintiffs by counsel and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant, Scruggs, is not an inhabitant of this state, It is ordered and decreed, that unless he shall appear here on or before December court next and answer the plaintiffs' bill, (the same will then be taken for confessed, as to him, and the matter thereof decreed accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy, R. Eldridge, Jr. D. C.
Buckingham County Oct. Court, 1808.
Daniel and William Guerrant for the benefit of James Rea and others, their trustees, Plaintiffs. AGAINST. Ezekiel Hudnall and Peter Guerrant, Defendants. ON the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendant, Hudnall, is not an inhabitant of this state, It is ordered and decreed, that unless the said Hudnall shall appear here on or before January court next and answer the bill to the plaintiffs, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed, as to him, and decree the matter thereof accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy—Test, R. Eldridge, Jr. D. C.
Blank Notes
AND POWERS OF ATTORNEY, used in depositing stock in the Bank of Virginia, for sale at this office.
Virginia, to wit:
In a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg the 5th day of July, 1808. Thomas Wilkinson, surviving husband and administrator of Alice, his late wife, a daughter of William Barrett, deceased, Thomas Hare, surviving husband and administrator of his late wife, Mary, another daughter of the said William Barrett, Peter Wilkinson and Purvis, his wife, another daughter of the said William Barrett, Martha B. Barrett, Nancy or Ann Barrett, and William Barrett, three other children of the said William Barrett, & William Hawkins, administrator of John Graves, Pits.
AGAINST
Philip Watkins, Frederick Watkins, Samuel Watkins, Reuben Vaughan & Alice his wife, and John E. Bailey, Defts. THE defendant, Philip Watkins, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the Pits, by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on or before the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the Pits; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Richmond newspapers for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
And may be had at Jacob Johnson's book store, adjoining the Market Bridge, PARTS 3, OF VOL. 1, OF HENING AND MUNFORD'S REPORTS, CONTAINING The Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound, in calf. Price to subscribers $5—to non-subscribers $6. The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the prospectus. Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, and receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. Richmond, Oct. 29, 1808. wtf
Just Published,
And for sale at Jacob Johnson's Book store, adjoining the Market bridge, [Price $4 50] Ainsworth's English and Latin Dictionary, by Thomas Morell. In the press, and will be published in a few days, GREEK LEXICON and WALKER'S DICTIONARY abridged. Just received, American Foolscap, Hot pressed and Wove LETTER PAPER. The highest price given for all kinds of clean Linen and Cotton RAGS. Richmond, Nov. 13. wim
The High Bred Imported Horse,
Sir Peter Teazle, The property of J. Taylor Esq of Mount Airy and the subscriber, WILL STAND the next ensuing season, at my stable in Albemarle county. The terms and other particulars will be made known in due time. William Woods. Iberia, Oct. 15, 1808. w5t
Notice.
ALL persons indebted to Robert Hill, dec. and Hill and Read, late of New Canton, and William Hill of New York, either by bond, note, book account, or otherwise, are hereby requested to make arrangements for settlement of the same, on or before 1st January, 1809, with Moncrieffe Hill, adm'r. to Robert Hill, dec. or Charles Oakley. New Canton, Oct. 1808. w1J.
Military Lands
IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio. Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds—For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to William Du-Val. Buckingham, January 20, 1808. wtf
The following Slaves,
to wit: Solomon, Snkey and her child, Arthur and Scipio, or so many thereof as will be sufficient to raise the sum of £308, with interest thereon from the 2d day of April last, and the costs necessarily incurred by carrying the said trust into execution, which sum is due to Messrs. Lyle, Scott and Saunders. Richard B. Goode. 5th Nov. 1808. wds
I WISH TO HIRE
A MIDDLE aged WOMAN, who understands house business. Richmond, Oct 25, 1808. John Winston. w2m
Fifa & Casa Executions,
For sale at this office.
Louisa County Court, October 10th, 1808.
Susanna Davis, Plaintiff AGAINST John Tisdale, James Trevillian and Samuel Henson, Defendants. THE defendant, John Tisdale, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff by her counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the second Monday in January next and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse in this county on some court day. A copy—Teste, Jn. Poinexter, C. L. C.
WE the subscribers, Judges of the General Court,
have pursuant to law allotted the Judges of the respective District Courts as follows: Robert White, Jr. and Archibald Stuart, esqrs., to the Districts of Winchester, Hardy and Monongalia court house; John Tyler and Paul Carrington, Jr. esqrs., to the Districts of Richmond, Petersburg, Brunswick courthouse and Suffolk; Richard Parker and Edmund Winston, esqrs., to the Districts of Prince Edward courthouse, Franklin, Washington court house, and the Sweet Springs in Botetourt county; Joseph Prentis and William Nelson, esqrs., to the Districts of Northumberland, King & Queen, Williamsburg and Accomack courthouses.—And Francis T. Brooke and Hugh Holmes, esqrs., to Staunton, Charlottesville, Fredericksburg and Haymarket districts at the next succeeding terms thereof.
Witness our hands and seals this 11th day of November,
one thousand eight hundred and eight. Jos. Prentis, (Seal) Jno. Tyler, (Seal) Wm. Nelson, (Seal) Robt. White, jr. (Seal) Paul Carrington, jr. (Seal) Francis T. Brooke, (Seal) Published by order of the Judges. WILSON ALLEN, C. G. C.
Deserter.
DESERTED from the service of the United States, on the 6th inst. a private in the 5th Regiment of Infantry, named Daniel L. Bradley, 19 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, dark complexion, hazel eyes, and dark hair—He was born in Charles City county, Virginia, and is a farmer by profession. The said Bradley had on at the time of his desertion, the uniform of the United States Light Infantry. A reward of ten dollars will be given to any person who will deliver the said deserter to me, or to any officer in the service of the U. States. EDWARD DILLARD, Capt. 5th U. S. Reg't. Infantry. November 25, 1808. tf
20 Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the Subscriber on the night of the 17th inst. a stout well set negro man called BILLY, alias BILLY LEWIS; he is about five feet six or seven inches high, a native of the Eastern shore of Maryland, clothed with a fur hat, (large crown and small brim) a long grey coat, a snuff coloured round jacket, a blue pair of pantaloons; also, a light coloured pair of velvet pantaloons, a red striped and a mixed homespun waistcoat, and several pair of new coarse shoes. The said negro was for some time confined in the jail of this city, has been accustomed to a sea-faring life, and may endeavor to pass as a free man; when spoken to, he has a down look, with a smiling countenance and quick delivery. Whoever will deliver the said slave, or apprehend and confine him in any Jail, so that I recover him again, shall receive the above reward with all legal costs. HENRY METTERT. Richmond, 19th May, 1806. 2
Negroes to be Hired out; and Cattle, Sheep, Horses, Hogs, and Crops to be sold.
ON Thursday the 29th day of December next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, will be hired out, for the ensuing year, at Richland, in the county of Mecklenburg, 25 Likely Negroes. At the same time and place, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at public auction, all the Stock of Cattle, (consisting of seventy or eighty head, among which are several valuable yoke of young steers,) Sheep, Horses and Hogs; about 400 Barrels of Corn, 15 Stacks of Oats, the Crop of Wheat, and all the Plantation Utensils. Twelve months credit will be allowed on all sums exceeding twenty dollars, bonds with good security being given, bearing interest from the date, which interest is to be remitted, in case of punctual payment of the principal. Ten per cent deduction will be made for cash. WM. MUNFORD. Richmond, Nov. 24th, 1808. tds
25 Likely Negroes.
At the same time and place, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at public auction, all the Stock of Cattle, (consisting of seventy or eighty head, among which are several valuable yoke of young steers,) Sheep, Horses and Hogs; about 400 Barrels of Corn, 15 Stacks of Oats, the Crop of Wheat, and all the Plantation Utensils. Twelve months credit will be allowed on all sums exceeding twenty dollars, bonds with good security being given, bearing interest from the date, which interest is to be remitted, in case of punctual payment of the principal. Ten per cent deduction will be made for cash. WM. MUNFORD. Richmond, Nov. 24th, 1808. tds
Just received at this office,
Part 3d of vol. 9th—or No. 18 of Dr. Rees' New Cyclopaedia. Subscribers to the above work are requested to apply for their books. Subscription still open.
Pamphlets, CARDS,
HAND-BILLS, LAWYERS, CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANKS, &c. ARE NEATLY AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE.