The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-11-24 00:00:00

Wanted, at this office—a good JOURNEY-MAN PRINTER, and an APPRENTICE of respectable connections.
ROBERT GREENHOW, MERCHANT, in Williamsburg, will dispose of the valuable and most eligibly situated TENEMENT, on which he now resides, in this city, at a credit of one, two, three & four years; bonds with approved security, to be given by the purchaser, bearing interest from their dates, until paid. Or he will receive in exchange improved or unimproved LOTS, in and about the city of Richmond, at an agreed on price.
All the advantages attached to this property, cannot well be described in an advertisement. They are left to be judged of by those inclined to treat with him—suffice it, however, to say, that the dwelling-house is roomy and spacious, that it has every convenient out-house, necessary for those moving in the genteellest sphere; with a newly-erected store, for mercantile purposes; that it is situated on the south side of the main-street, in the centre of the city; distant from the court-house, market and church, 4 or 500 yards, that its front is open on the right and left, to two spacious public squares, at once adding to the prospect, and giving free circulation to the air: That the whole tenement is in a complete and perfect state of repair; and that the buildings stand insured against fire, by the Mutual Insurance Company, in Richmond: The premiums, quotas, &c. all duly settled up to the 1st of April last. To add to the convenience of such as may be inclined to possess this property, an acre of ground laid down in Clover, about 200 yards from his house, also, on the main-street, and a tract of Land, containing between 90 and 100 acres, covered with oak, hickory and pine, 3 1/2 miles from the town, yielding an inexhaustible supply of fuel, will be attached.
If he is successful in the disposition by sale, or exchange of this property, he will sell eight other Tenements, on the same terms; all of which are most eligibly situated, in different parts of the city, on the main-street; and except one, which has just undergone a thorough repair, all tenanted out to respectable tenants, punctual in their stipulated payment of rents; and which (he will convince those inclined to purchase,) do annually yield a revenue, on the price he has asked on them, of fully 8 per cent. free from all deductions, for the repair of natural decay.
These tenements are all in good order; & what operates greatly in their favor, they are scarcely ever untenant. Three of them are also insured, and all demandable premiums and quotas full paid.
My brother, Mr. George Greenhow, residing in Richmond, will, if applied to, give a more accurate description of the above-mentioned property, and negotiate with such as may feel disposed to treat for their purchase. Williamsburg, November 3. 4w
THE GRAND LODGE OF VIRGINIA.
WILL meet in the Mason's Hall, in the city of Richmond, at 6 o'clock, in the evening of the second Monday in Dec. next, being the 11th day of the month. November 21. (24MD)
M. & B. MYERS—OFFER FOR SALE
100 Boxes fresh Raisins, 20 Fruits Hard and Soft Shell Almonds, White and Brown Havana Sugars, Leaf and Muscovado Sugars by the bhd. or bbl. Choulon, Imperial, Hyson & Souchong Teas. Sherry and Madeira Wine, Cordials, Pennsylvania Rye Whiskey, Mustard, Pepper, Ginger, Cinnamon, Pimento, Bottle Corks, Havana Cigars, 8 by 10 and 10 by 12 Window Glass, White Lead and Spanish Brown, Green Copperas, Printing and Wrapping Paper, De Silver's Playing Cards, German Oznaburgs, Raven's Duck, Cotton Hosiery by the package or dozen, Cotton Cambricks, Shirting and Dimities, by package or piece, A few Bales of Woolens, consisting of—Strong Duffils, Plains, Half Thick & Kerseys With a constant supply of best Dutch Boiling Cloths. November 21. tf
I HAVE REMOVED TO RICHMOND.
October 31. BENJ. BOTTS. tf
WANTED to purchase or hire, a good house
SERVANT—Apply at the Enquirer Office. October 31. tf
ELIAS V. LACHAIZE, TAYLOR;
RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, and its vicinity, that he has commenced business in the house next to Mr. Neilson's store, main-street, where he hopes, by assiduity and attention to all commands, to merit a share of public patronage. All orders executed after the newest and neatest fashions. November 21. 2w4wtf
CASH will be given, for a good male House
SERVANT, and female COOK. October 31. tf
ON Wednesday, December 27, 1809—At
the late dwelling-house of Nathaniel Lancaster, dec'd. about ten miles above the court-house, in Prince Edward county, on Appomattox river: Will be sold, to the highest bidder, the following PROPERTY, belonging to the estate of the deceased, a valuable stock of Horses, Cattle, Hogs and Sheep, the plantation Utensils, household and kitchen Furniture, too tedious to mention.
Also: Nine valuable NEGROES; also, the crop of Corn, Wheat, Oats and Fodder. A credit of twelve months will be given the purchasers, on their giving bond, with approved security.
All those who have legal claims against the estate of the deceased, will be pleased to exhibit them duly authenticated, on or before the day of sale, to enable the administrators to make provision for their payment. All those who are indebted to the estate, will see the necessity of immediate payment, as it must be evident no indulgence can be given.
JOHN LANCASTER, } Adm'rs. ROBERT LANCASTER, } August 18. wtf
WAS Committed to the Jail of Northumberland County on the 17th day of May
last, a negro Fellow who calls himself Billy: he is about five feet, ten inches high, of a jet black complexion, he was sold from this County about fifteen years ago by Griffin Forester to a Mr. Jones of Bedford, and by him to a Mr. Scott of Hawkins County in the State of Tennessee. The owner is requested to apply, prove property, pay charges, or he will be sold to pay his prison fees according to law.
JOSEPH ROGERS, Jailor. North. County, Oct. 24. wtf
Europe.
At a meeting of the Common Council of the city of London, on the 26th of Sept. a motion was made for celebrating the 25th of October as a day of Jubilee, on account of his Majesty entering the 50th year of his reign, Mr. Waitman one of the members, after some preparatory remarks, continued—
He, for his part, had gone so much at large into the subject on a former occasion, that he felt some reluctance now to trouble the court at any length; but, although he hoped that he had briefly brought many most important subjects under their consideration, still there were many essential points which he had overlooked. When he mentioned to some of his friends, before the last court, that it was his intention to come forward and express a sincere opinion upon the subject, they most earnestly dissuaded him from doing it. It was not that they were not perfectly aware of the artful contrivance from which the business originated; they were not ignorant of the calamities which have befallen the country during the present reign, or of the folly of calling for a day of rejoicing in a period of unexampled affliction. They knew that the object of the contrivance was to set up a cry of loyalty, and throw the odium of disloyalty upon every one who ventured to express a difference of opinion. They, therefore, advised him not to furnish a handle to that party to excite an odium against him. Notwithstanding this advice, he had determined to speak his opinion.
Whatever odium there might be attached to opposing an artificial cry of loyalty, he had never been afraid of encountering it. As to popularity, if he should earn it, he would be content to wear it; but he never did, nor ever would decline speaking his real sentiments from any view connected with obtaining popularity. He did feel some self-applause in recollecting that he had resisted a cry which was set up from interested motives, and that he had preferred the risk of being unpopular to the desertion of his duty in that court as a representative of the city of London. With respect to going to church, he thought that was a very proper thing; but still he was a little surprised at the quarter from which it was proposed. As to the congratulatory address, he declared that he was utterly at a loss to conceive what topics of congratulation could be selected, and he should think it a most puzzling thing to shape any address of congratulation without filling it with the most gross and infamous falsehoods. When his Majesty first ascended the throne, we were a free, happy, and united people, and our public affairs were managed by the great Lord Chatham, the ablest minister this country ever produced. The taxes then amounted to very little more than seven millions annually, whereas they have now increased to seventy millions. In the commencement of the reign, the union and happiness of the people were much disturbed by the squabbles of the government. During Mr. Wilkes's time, or until the commencement of the American war, he could see no object of congratulation. Passing over then the earlier years of his majesty's reign, and coming directly to the American war, he must say that this was one of the most wicked and calamitous wars that ever the country had been engaged in; that the objects of the war, and America itself were lost; and that the debt of this country was increased to a prodigious extent. He could say more—that he believed that all the evils which have overrun the Continent of Europe, and reduced this country to great danger, might be directly traced to the wicked policy which dictated the American war. He therefore could not see room for congratulating his majesty on that portion of his reign which went down to the dismemberment of the empire and the loss of America. If we were to come to more modern times, and to look at the history of the last sixteen years, we should find that this country has been involved in a most bloody and calamitous war, for an object which the people never understood. The country knew when their fleets were in port, and when they were not; but they never knew what it was they were fighting for. The calamitous events of these bloody, expensive, and disastrous wars, were certainly not subjects to congratulate his Majesty upon. Were they to congratulate his Majesty upon the frequent suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and of the Constitution during his reign? Could we congratulate his majesty upon the Treason and Sedition Bills, in consequence of which many unfortunate young men suffered most severe punishment, for merely repeating what had been said with greater force at a former period, by the very Ministers who recommended the prosecution? If we were to return thanks to Almighty God, merely for prolonging the life of his majesty, we could not congratulate our Sovereign for having escaped bodily infirmity, nor yet could we congratulate him on his family, or on the success of the measures of his government. After such unexampled failures as this country has lately witnessed, it should rather be a time for the city to go on and point out to his Majesty the cause of those failures, than to fix this as a time to have a day of rejoicing. At the conclusion of the last war against France, after having incurred a fresh debt of two hundred millions, the nation was informed by the Secretary of War (Mr. Yorke) that "although we had gained battles, the objects of the war were lost, and that Europe was gone." Was it then for a war, attended with such expense, and so unfortunate in its results, that his majesty should be congratulated? Or was it the events of the present war—the Convention of Cintra—the unfortunate occurrences in Spain, or the Expedition to Walcheren, the most disgraceful one that was to be found in the annals of the country—that a congratulation was to be voted? He might therefore, ask what portion was it of his Majesty's long reign, which we could fix upon as the period for a complimentary address. If the Address of the City had been attended to on a former occasion, and a proper inquiry instituted respecting the shameful Convention of Cintra, the country would, pro-
bably, not have now to lament the loss which we have sustained in Spain, from the hasty advance and precipitate retreat of Lord Wellington. Now, although the Convention of Cintra had been felt as the most disgraceful to this country, yet there was no man hardy enough to stand up and say, that in this, that, or any other failure, which is recorded in the annals of British history, was any thing near so disgraceful and calamitous, as the last and most infamous Expedition, which was entrusted to Lord Chatham. There was nobody that would say, that the Income Tax, and the extension of the Excise Laws, were subjects upon which his Majesty should be congratulated.
As to the conduct of our military affairs, it was so extremely bad, that although we have double the number of Generals on our Staff that Bonaparte has, and maintained, very probably, at four times the expense, yet when it comes to select generals for the command of our expeditions, we select a Whitehead, a Dalrymple, or a Chatham. Could the Court see, with indifference, the waste of British blood which was occasioned by the folly of those who landed, or who had the execution of the objects of our Expeditions? It had been said, and very truly, that the valor of our soldiers and sailors had been conspicuous in the late wars. If so, the greater blame rested upon the government. If we had soldiers who would not fight, the wisest Government might fail in its objects; but when it is known that we have a brave army and navy that will execute well what ever they are called upon to do, the blame will rest exclusively on the Government, which, by the absurdity of its plans, and its selection of officers, makes British valour useless, and causes torrents of British blood to flow for no purpose. Among the many faults of the Government, he would maintain, that although we had 38 Ambassadors, who received 54,000l. per annum in pensions, in addition to their pay, yet in the very few Courts in which they would be received, it was almost always found that they were completely ignorant of their duty. We had lately an example of this in America, and in Sweden, although every other man in the country knew that a Revolution was probable, the British Ambassador alone appeared to know nothing of the matter. The never was a great country whose affairs had been so ill managed as the affairs of this country and yet ministers shewed great abilities in some things. They could easily discover all the means that would prevent surcharges from being evaded; and yet they never could discover the means by which the country's affairs in other respects could be managed with honor. At the very time that the taxes were to be levied with the utmost rigor, accounts to the amount of nine millions of money were yet unsettled at the Victualling office; and above seven millions of West India accounts were yet unexamined, notwithstanding the expense of the Commissioners appointed for that purpose.
In the very last year, above nine millions were added to the yearly expenditure; and when it was considered, that from the year 1797, to the present year, the taxes had increased from twenty three millions annually to seventy millions, without gaining a single object for which we entered into the war, he could not see how his majesty could be congratulated on such calamitous events. It was evidently impossible for the country to go on much longer under such a progressive and enormous accumulation of public burdens—These gentlemen on the other side, who were always calling for unanimity in that Court, were acting inconsistently, when they brought forward perpetually motions which must necessarily disturb that unanimity.
He had himself, for the whole of his political life, opposed, as far as he was able, the system which had brought so many calamities on the country. For the greater part of that time, he had been buffeted and humbled down as a Jacobin, and for many years he could only prevail on five members to divide with him. He, however, had never turned to the right hand or the left; but, regardless of whatever odium the gentlemen on the other side might excite against him, he had fearlessly pursued through life, and he should always continue to do it, that line of conduct which his sense of public duty pointed out, (loud applause from below the bar. The Lord Mayor called to order.)—Mr. W. said, these applauses were certainly irregular, and was happy to say, it was an irregularity which did not often take place. There were, however, occasions when it was too hard for men to conceal their feelings; and such demonstrations had been heard, sometimes, in the House of Commons itself. There were many gentlemen in that court, who agreed with him in the most essential points; and yet, because there were some shades of difference, they upon many occasions threw themselves into the arms of the enemy. Nothing could be more mischievous or dangerous, than such a course. Mr. Fox had elegantly observed in his history, that "it was much better to concede something to a friend, than every thing to an enemy." He wished that those who, on important points, thought as he did, were impressed with the truth of this sentiment. As to many on the other side, he might as well talk to stocks or stones, as to address them with any hopes of convincing them. They were evidently playing a game of trickery; they were fishing for themselves, while he had nothing to hope for or to fear from any government; and had never obtained or sought favors. He was astonished, that a gentleman who had given notice for a motion for the present day (Mr. Deputy Kemble,) should now feel differently from what he did upon the convention of Cintra.—On that occasion, he mentioned, "that his blood boiled with indignation, and that he was ready to go up to his majesty every week with a remonstrance on the subject." That burning zeal, however, must have now considerably cooled. The city of London could show no better proof of its loyalty to its sovereign upon the present occasion, than by pointing out to him those enemies who brought such disgrace and dangers upon the country.
An honorable and loyal Baronet (Sir Wm. Curtis) had, upon a former occasion complained of his personality; but he did not at that time recollect for what a number of years, he (Mr. Waitman) had been exposed to the personalities of that Hon. Baronet and his friends. He had, perhaps, forgotten, that when he was in a minority on the question of the Treason and Sedition Bills, gentlemen insisted upon a division, in order that it might be seen "who were the enemies of the country." As to what was called the monied interest, although he was himself a tradesman, he would never look much to the monied interest to support constitutional principles; nor to Bank Directors, who can get Acts of Parliament to prevent them paying their notes in cash, and who receive 5 per cent. for interest on a bit of paper intrinsically not worth a penny. On this subject he read a long passage from a speech of Lord Chatham, which had been often quoted, in which his Lordship says, "that he had the most perfect contempt for the Asiatic plunderers in Leaden hall street, and for the jobbers in Change-alley; they were generally a race of blood suckers and muck worms, who professed themselves ready to support every succeeding Administration, but to whom no Administration could place dependence. These men always appeared in support of any new war, or loan, or job, in which they could have any interest."—After a variety of other observations, he concluded by moving an amendment to the Report. The object of the amendment was to substitute a statement, "that the City knew how to distinguish between the beneficent intention of his Majesty, and the profligate wickedness of his advisers; and that in the present calamitous situation of affairs, it was not advisable to appoint a day of rejoicing." This amendment was negatived.
FROM THE LONDON GLOBE.
STATE OF SWEDEN.
While the final results of the negotiation carrying on in the vicinity of Vienna, still remain in suspense; and while ministers here at home are expiring amidst their own weakness, dissensions, and unpopularity; it may not be uninteresting to take a short survey of the great events which have recently taken place in the north of Europe. Though more remote, and of less immediate interest, than the transactions in Germany, Spain & Holland, they nevertheless bear the same revolutionary stamp and character, which distinguish, throughout every part of the continent, the commencement of the nineteenth century. Bonaparte, indeed, the scourge of so many nations, has not been the instrument of the deposition of the Swedish crown, which appears to have been effected altogether by internal and national causes. We may compassionate the individual fate of that unfortunate prince; but we must impartially confess the urgency and force of that political necessity which produced his fall. It was not, indeed, so much the ambition of his uncle, the duke of Sudermania, as the series of errors and calamities that marked Gustavus's government, which have placed Charles the XIIIth on the throne of his nephew. History does not record any revolution which has been effected with so little violence, opposition, or resistance. The nation, weary of the mal-administration of its sovereign, seems unanimously to have withdrawn their allegiance to his person, and to have called his uncle to assume the first place in the state. Gustavus, universally abandoned, is already forgotten. So completely, indeed, is he destitute of supporters, friends, or adherents, that it is probable, in him, the assertion of the prisons and graves of Kings being always common property, will not be verified, or realised. His insignificance secures him from further persecution, and will induce the States of Sweden to allow him to reside as an individual, without the limits of Swedish dominions. If, however, Charles the XIIIth has found it so easy to ascend the throne, he seems to have experienced, and he is likely to meet, the most serious obstacles in maintaining the Prerogatives of the crown, and still more, in extricating the country from that abyss of misfortune, into which the imprudent permacies of his predecessor has plunged it. Even the succession to the sovereignty itself, is up to the present time, unascertained and uncertain. The new king, declining in years and destitute of issue, may say of the States, as MACBETH said to the witches— "Upon my head they placed a fruitless crown, And put a barren sceptre in my gripe."
In order to remedy this extraordinary evil, a Prince of Holstein-Augustenbourg, collaterally related to the reigning Swedish House, has been solemnly invited to accept the crown, on the demise of his present majesty. Christian Augustus, on whom this choice has fallen, is only a soldier of fortune, in the service of Denmark; his elder brother, Frederick, the reigning Duke, having married a sister of Frederick the VIIIth, & a niece of George the IIIth. Nor does it yet appear, that the Prince, who is Viceroy or Governor-General of Norway, has given or can give a qualified acceptance of the dignity and Kingdom thus tendered him, referring his complete acquiescence or consent, to the time when peace shall be established between the crowns of Denmark and of Sweden.
That peace cannot, indeed, be in all probability, either very remote, or impeded by any serious difficulties; but a far more arduous and painful task for the new Swedish king, is to obtain from Russia such terms as may leave to him, and to his people, any shadow of security or of independence. Sweden, in 1809, presents, indeed, only the emaciated remains of departed power and greatness. Scarcely a century ago, in 1709, before the battle of Poltava, Charles XII possessed not only Finland and Carelia, but all the rich provinces that extend from thence to the mouths of the Vistula, and of the Oder. Even the ground upon which Petersburg itself is built, was part of his dominions. The Duchy of Pomerania, and considerable territories in Lower Saxony along the bank of the Elbe, which had been ceded and confirmed to Sweden by the peace of Westphalia, rendered the kings of that country powerful members of the German Empire. Charles XIII. is now reduced to the possession of that slender, sterile and
narrow portion of Scandinavia, included between Norway and the Baltic, or the Gulf of Bothnia. Alexander, master of all the Duchy of Finland, from the river Kymen to Abo; master of the fortresses of Helsingfors and Louisa; of the whole tract extending to Tornea, at the head of the Gulf of Bothnia, and even threatening to descend through the provinces on the western side, towards Stockholm, may be said almost to hold Sweden at his disposal. Even the Isle of Aland, which nature seems to have placed midway between the coasts of Finland and of Sweden, as an advanced post or bulwark, is in the hands of the Russians. From thence, if the British squadron, which now cruises at the entrance of the Gulf of Finland, were withdrawn, a Russian armament might, in three days, be landed in the province of Sudermania, and appear before Stockholm.
Under circumstances so deplorable, or rather desperate, without pecuniary resources, exhausted, drained and depopulated, it is not easy to see what terms can be obtained from Alexander, except such as he may be pleased spontaneously to grant. Assuredly none can be extorted from him. We may safely anticipate the cession of all the provinces that his arms have conquered. Sweden, then, whoever may nominally reign at present, or may eventually succeed to the throne, must sink to a level with the weakest European kingdoms; even with the revolutionary ones of Wirtemberg, or of Westphalia. Nothing, indeed, except the naval protection of Great Britain, or the more powerful support of Napoleon, can, according to all appearances, prevent Sweden from being, on the first rupture with Russia, overrun, subjected and swallowed up in that vast empire. To the Corsican, it is probable, if not certain, Charles XIII. has already applied, to extend his interposition, and to rescue him from Alexander's overwhelming influence. He must purchase such a mark of Napoleon's favor and aid, by the complete renunciation of all communication with England, and by shutting every Swedish port against us. In a word, by submitting to all the privations and sacrifices, under which Denmark, Prussia, and even Russia herself, continue to retain the name of states. Such is the probable termination to which the imprudence of Gustavus IV. and the errors of the present British ministers, will conduct the only Baltic power, which, up to this time, has continued in alliance with us.
ST. PETERSBURG, Sept. 6—The Court Gazette, contains the following article: "The Russian troops, composing the army of Moldavia, had been prevented from continuing their operations by the extraordinary height of the waters of the Danube. The astonishing increase of the Danube during the whole of the summer, presented insurmountable obstacles to every movement. Meanwhile, the commander in chief made every preparation for the passage of the army across the Danube."
"As soon as the river began to fall, a bridge was thrown over from the left bank to the Island opposite to Galatz, and a TETE DE PONT, was constructed on the Island. Batteries were erected at different points to cover the bridge; and seven WESTERS from the bridge, a basin of floating logs, chained together, was towed across the Danube. A fort was constructed at the entrance of the Seret into the Danube, consisting of a redoubt on the hill, and a floating battery below it."
"All the necessary preparations being thus completed, the passage was effected on the 27th July. The Turks made no attempt to oppose it; only a few skirmishes took place. "On the 30th July, Lieut. General Sals, who had made a forward movement from Galatz, advanced with the army under his command, in the direction of Isaktschie. On his approach, the Turks abandoned the castle and fort, and fled in the direction of Tultscha; a regiment of Cossacks went in pursuit of them."
"On the 2d of August, Lieut. General Sals, with his corps approached the fortress, and the Lieut. General took possession of it. This post is of the greatest importance to us in every point of view. Being in possession of it, our flotilla can act without any impediment against Ismail; and 44 of the vessels composing the flotilla, have already arrived at Tultscha."
"Lieut. General Platow took possession of Babad, on the 2d of August. The Turks saved themselves by flight, leaving behind them 12 pieces of cannon, and stores of every description."
"After the fortress of Tultscha was taken possession of, both our flotillas, which were at Galatz and the mouth of the Danube, formed a junction. The Island of Tichatel was also occupied by our troops."
"The head quarters were transferred on the 5th of Aug. from Galatz to the outer side of the Danube."
From the Boston Gazette, Nov. 13.
Extract of a letter from capt. John Nichol, late of the ship Henrietta, to his owner in this town dated
PORTSMOUTH, Nov. 10, 1809.
"DEAR SIR, "I am sorry to inform you, that I was captured by a French privateer on the 12th October, in lat. 48, 40, and long. 20 W. after being out 8 days from Liverpool for New York, full of goods. The ship Laconia of this place, which left Liverpool the time I did, and was in company, was also taken, but having on board only salt and crates, was ransomed for nine thousand dollars; and myself, two passengers, and four of my crew, put on board her; the privateer ordering two of my men to remain on board the Henrietta, and taking on board the privateer my mate, cook and three seamen. I requested permission to be sent in with the ship; but they neither would permit me, nor my mate to return on board. Captain Bunker, of the ship Resolution, of New York, also came home with us; he had been captured three days before by the same privateer, and his ship destroyed, as she was from London in ballast, and not worth sending in. In fact the captain of the privateer told us, that he should take or destroy all American vessels he met with coming from England."
The Portsmouth paper of Saturday last, announces the arrival of the Laconia, with

the particulars of the piratical seizure of the ship Henrietta. They state in addition to those mentioned in Capt. Nichols's letter, that the privateer was called Le Decide, commanded by Capt. Briollet, out ten days from Bourdeaux; that they took the mate and two seamen from the Laconia, to be held as hostages for the sum of nine thousand dollars, which Capt. Walker had agreed to pay for their release, by bills upon his own in the United States; that the privateer attempted to sink the Resolution, but not succeeding set her on fire, M c Briollet declaring to Capt. Bunker, that orders had been lately received at all the ports, from the Emperor, to take or destroy all vessels bound to or from any of the enemy's ports, agreeable to the strictest construction of the Milan decree. The following is Capt. Briollet's receipt for the Henrietta:
"I the undersigned, capt. of the privateer Le Decide, of Bourdeaux, fitted out by M c Balgarie, jun. certify, that I have captured this day, the ship Henrietta, of Boston, captain John Nickols, in virtue of the laws of my government, finding the said ship in contravention of the imperial decree of the 17th December, 1807. Done at sea, on board the privateer Le Decide, 12th of October, 1809."
"BRIOLLET."
BALTIMORE, Nov. 20. —Arrived last evening the ship Congress. Clark, in 40 days from Dover, which place she left on the 7th of Oct. Our papers by this arrival are not of a recent date, although we might have expected papers to the evening of the 7th. The captain gives it as his opinion that the people of England are ripe for a revolution in consequence of the failure of the Walcheren expedition, and of the clouded prospect of Spanish affairs. The English channel swarms with French privateers—The Congress left London on the 25th Sept. but having shifted ballast was obliged to put into Dover, from which she sailed in company with the Henrietta for New York.
SOUTH AMERICA.
BUENOS AYRES, Aug. 3.
The wise Government of the Supreme Central Junta already appears to dawn in this vast and powerful empire—a country which has hitherto been corrupted by intrigues, and by the evil designs of those who have been invested with authority among us. No department has felt more the miserable effects of these political vices than the commercial. All the best principles of the mercantile interest have been abandoned, and the disorders which must necessarily attend such a state of things have been occasioned.
In this deplorable condition were affairs in these rich provinces until 30th of June last, when at the most seasonable period, to restore us to our meridian splendor, arrived D. Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros, Viceroy of these Provinces, in the frigate Proserpine. This worthy and honorable Chief, who has conferred so much benefit on the nation during his government of Carthagena, has come among us to be the depository of the confidence of the Supreme Central Junta, to convert irregularity into method, and essentially and principally to direct his views and to employ his power for the protection and augmentation of our commerce. In the few days he has resided here he has attended to this primary object of his mission, by giving directions that all foreign ships, whether belonging to England or elsewhere, should withdraw from our ports; and he has begun to put in activity the laws by which the Indies have been hitherto governed. By such means the merchants will be restored to their privileges, and will be enabled to pursue with advantage their occupations, under those early maxims of policy by which the prosperity of these countries has been secured.
PROCLAMATION
Of D. Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros Y. La Torre, Knight of the Spanish order of Charles the III Viceroy of the Provinces of Rio-de-la-Plata, and its dependencies, etc. to the Loyal Inhabitants of Buenos Ayres.
Faithful and generous Neighbors, and Inhabitants of Buenos Ayres.
The abundant and sincere expressions of joy that you have manifested from the moment of my arrival in the august capital of the Viceroyalty, afford me the most decisive proof of your invincible loyalty, and sentiments of honor by which you are animated.
In these I discover the homage which you owe to the Sovereign Majesty, which I represent, and the liveliest feelings of your tender regard for our Monarch. It shows me, that if you possess this reverence for me, who am only his shadow, it is on account of your profound respect for the substance from which that shadow is projected, which veneration has always been in perfect consistency with your character and conduct.
Finally, it gives me an authentic proof of the noble enthusiasm that reigns in your bosom, of your firm adherence to the great cause in which the parent state is engaged, and of all the social virtues which adorn you in your respective stations. Such is the source, and such are the effects of these extraordinary demonstrations of joy, which have exceeded all my expectations.
I should be deficient in my duty, if, under these circumstances, I did not acknowledge the grateful sensibility, and warm satisfaction which these affecting indications of your disposition have produced in myself. Nothing can ever efface from my memory the delight I experienced on the night of the 30th June. What a magnificent spectacle to every man capable of appreciating the sentiments of the heart to see a numerous people, composing all classes of society, impelled only by their fidelity, hastening to tender their voluntary services in terms the most affecting, and accompanied by every mark of loyalty, in the presence of the representative of their beloved Sovereign.
The tyrant who oppresses us can never enjoy such a scene of delight, with all his pomp and circumstance of splendor, his public entries and his triumphs—because, by force and violence, he can extort but cold and feeble applause, while yours is the natural result of the impassioned attachment, and ardent loyalty which you bestow on the memory of your august Prince.
Do not doubt, this act of yours, simple as it appears under all its character of energy, has no other thing to do with ostentation and vanity, but as being the ingenious manifestation of your loyal sentiments, it is the impenetrable wall to be opposed to the enemy. In vain will he endeavor to seduce you by his artifices, or to debilitate your strength by spreading the seeds of discord, among you—The impotency of his authority, and the inefficiency of his malicious expedients, will show to the world that Buenos Ayres is not the country where perfidy can hold her residence.
I assure you with all the frankness which belongs to my character, that I have the most perfect confidence in your loyalty, and that I am firmly persuaded that I have nothing to apprehend from those vile agents which the enemy of our liberty distributes every where, for the malignant purpose of imposing upon the ununsuspecting integrity of mankind. If his audacity should attempt to violate your happy soil with his offensive vermin, you will yourselves be vigilant to discover and destroy it.
To this gratifying reflection, which you so justly deserve, I may add another equally desirable. I am not less persuaded that the unity and
concord of your sentiments will be the stable support of my government, than that your submission to legitimate authority will give new vigor and new energy to the expedients of security circumstances require—and that all ranks among this generous people, animated with the same spirit, and full of the same enthusiasm, will swear with me to defend, to the last moment of their existence, the sacred rights of our beloved Monarch, Ferdinand the Seventh. Live then tranquil and happy, and rely always upon my most sincere and cordial endeavors, by all the means in my power, to augment your felicity.
Signed, BAL TASAR HIDALGO DE CISNEROS. Buenos Ayres, Aug. 2, 1809
DOMESTIC.
COMMERCE AND PATRIOTISM.
We have received several communications pointing out the names of mercantile houses, and the names of ships belonging to them, which have already sailed, and others that are now loading in the Delaware, with cargoes for England direct, in contempt of the laws of the land, and to the disgrace of the public morals.
We do not think that in a state of depravity so extensive, that it is rendering exact justice or service to direct public attention against a single object, or a single house, or a single ship; the spirit of profligacy is so general, that nothing less than the interposition of the great mass of the nation, by its representatives in congress, can save the country from such a vortex of vice and habitual turpitude, which has increased, that we shall become detestable in the eyes of the world, and degraded from a conviction of our depravity in our own eyes.
Nor is the effect of this depravity confined to British agents, for these come hither not to render credit but discredit to our laws, not to do us honor or advantage, but for their own profit; with British agency the system of England is in their eyes, an example every where to be followed; perjury, smuggling, forgery of papers, fraud on the revenue, false packages, false invoices, and all the circle of iniquitous impositions, and abandonment of morals and honor, are the familiar practices in England. The government of England, by orders of council, and by the proclamations of their colonial governments, openly invite the citizens of the U States to violate the laws, and hold out premiums for their disgrace; and we have seen in the case of Folger , and others, which we published a few days since, that there are Americans capable of as much depravity as any Englishmen among us or any other country; indeed when the state of Massachusetts, by its legislature, recommended hostility to the established law of the land; when a senator of the United States was so corrupt as to stand up the advocate and apologist of foreign outrage, the turpitude of the British agents appears to bear a shade less execrable upon the comparison.
Nor is the evil confined to these limits, the unfortunate infatuation of the tenth congress has furnished at once an excuse and a palliation of the violation of law.
Many who violated the public laws, produce the panic struck repeal of the embargo, as an evidence of its injustice, others now find an excuse in that panic struck act, for entering into measures to evade or violate the inefficient law which was substituted for the embargo.
And the lawyers, like the vultures near fields of battle, are ever ready to come in and rend their talons to demolish the fabric of law when once it has received a wound, & feed upon the torn carcasses of the body which sustains them.
The contamination extends to the officers of the government—constituted like other men, of unequal portions of faculty and integrity—like other men, as liable to be operated on by fear, interest, or favor; the indecision of Congress has extended the infatuation or encouraged the vices of many of them.
In our sea-ports the courts sit which are to try cases of violation of law; the juries are composed in many instances, of persons concerned in similar frauds, we have seen cases in which the relations of the defendants were impanelled as jurors—and could from the complexion of the jurors, as clearly set down the verdict before the case was opened, as after the pleadings were closed.
We have been informed of cases in which officers of the government were themselves implicated as participators in the profits arising from breaches of the law.
To single out one man, or one ship, or one house, or one lawyer, or one officer of the government, would nevertheless we think be not merely unjust, but futile; the remedy is above; congress possesses the power to declare and provide means for enforcing the law; but it is not by such imbecility or inattention as was exhibited by the tenth congress, that villainy can be repressed, or public officers taught to fulfil their duty; when the representatives of the people are unfaithful, or which is in effect the same thing when through panic , or false or erroneous information, or a true knowledge of their trust, and the best method of fulfilling it, they desert or betray their duty; the humbler officers of government calculate upon impunity for their criminal frailties, & veil them under a pretended imbecility, uncertainty, or ignorance.
It is now admitted on all hands—even by the infatuated part of the tenth congress, that the most fatal measure ever adopted, since the foundation of American independence, was the repeal of the embargo; it is now clear that it has done us no good, that it has neither procured us justice nor respect, and is as certain to every man of common sense, that had it been continued for six months longer that we should now have a free and unobstructed commerce with all the world.
The example of congress, is as much as the law—if that body is wavering, so will the people, but particularly the public officers; if this congress on the other hand acts with a decision and dignity worthy of the nation, and they have in the history of the old congress an example and a precept, the people will cling to the laws and to the congress, and treason and traitors will disappear. Aurora.
The ship Augustus Cheever , has arrived at Salem in 58 days from Malta. Mr. Joseph Austin, of Boston, a passenger in her, informs that the Mediterranean is full of French privateers, which capture every American vessel they find, but, that most of them are recovered for their owners by the vigilance of the British cruisers. As many as sixteen French privateers had been recently sent into Malta by British cruisers. The Augustus did not stop at Gibraltar.
Capt. Miller, arrived at New York, in form, that on the 20th of Sept. he was at Hamburg, about which time the King of Westphalia made a demand of the Hamburgers of a sum of money, which was refused. The consequence was, that 600 Westphalian troops marched into the city, and the poor Hamburgers were forced to comply.
It was reported at Toningen, when capt. Miller sailed, that the Austrians had recommenced war against France. This confirms our former accounts.
The following article is copied from a late Malta press current. "In our former observations we expressed our persuasion that Malta would become the centre point of the commerce of the Mediterranean, and we believe are fully justified in our present opinion, that it is now become so, from political circumstances; the security and protection it affords to property; the small expenses incurred, and when the desired extent of ware houses shall have been obtained, we consider the trade of the island likely to be of great magnitude, while the state of the continent may be unsettled, and that it will always be of consequence under any circumstances."
Bos. Pal.
A committee of the Rhode Island Legislature made, at the late session, the following highly favorable statement respecting the Banks in that state:—The number of Banks in the state is thirteen, viz. Providence, Rhode Island, Exchange, Bristol, Washington, Warren, Smithfield, Newport, Roger Williams, Rhode Island Union, Rhode Island Central, Narragansett and Commercial:—They have only 334,849 dollars in bills, in circulation. To meet these, they have 410,314 dollars in specie in their vaults, besides bills of other banks. The deposits amount to 437,911 dollars.
The Legislature of Rhode Island has chosen a committee to confer with one to be appointed in Massachusetts, to ascertain the boundary line between the two States on the northern part of the State.
PHILADELPHIA, November 17.
MR. JACKSON.
It was rumored in town yesterday, that Mr. Jackson, the British Envoy, had addressed a Circular Letter to the members of the Diplomatic Corps in the United States, in which he endeavors to excuse his late correspondence with our Secretary of State, and stated that his object in those letters was not to vilify the government of the United States, but to justify his own government.
We give the above merely as rumour, having been unable to ascertain its authenticity. Nor do we think such a letter of importance. If any apology or explanation was necessary, it was due to our Government, and not to the Diplomatic Corps.
The whole correspondence will, in all probability, be laid before Congress at an early period, and we shall then be able to form a more correct opinion. Freeman's Journal.
From the Aurora.
Having been engaged in the finest woollen manufactures for many years, it gives me an opportunity of appreciating the extent of the effects which the subjugation of Spain by the French must have upon the woollen manufactures of England, and they may augment in a considerable measure, from the many useless efforts England has made to rouse the Spanish nation to resistance.
The woollen manufactures of England have ever been considered as the principal source of her wealth the supply of wool which she receives from Spain and Portugal, was therefore of the first consequence. The import amounted to 30,000 bags annually, of various qualities, from 2s. to 7s. & 6d per pound as charged to the manufacturer; before the French entered Spain, 6000 bags were of the first quality, from these were made more than 4,600,000 yards of cloth, employing in its various manipulations at least 90,000 men, women and children, and a capital of not less than £1,500,000 sterling in machinery, buildings, &c. The average price 10s per yard, total amount of sales 3,680,000 punds; add to this 10 per cent for factorage and merchant's profit, makes a total of 4,048,000—the original amount paid for wool, allowing only 9d. profit to the importer is 1,125,000, the advantage to Great Britain must therefore be 2,923,000 pounds sterling.
Some letters I have lately received from that country, give a truly deplorable account of their situation and sufferings arising solely from the scarcity of that article. In one parish 1500 hands have been thrown out of employ—fine wools at one guinea per pound, and scarce at such prices.
A better opportunity than the present never presented itself for establishing manufactures in this country. Spanish wool could be imported at less than half the English price, and mechanics are not wanting who can make all the necessary machinery. One who has lately arrived from England is alone equal to a host, and being a native of this country he cannot be suspected of any treacherous intentions. I knew him whilst in England, and the improvement he made in labour saving machinery, has benefited that country not less than two millions of dollars annually. His name is Isaac Stanford, a native of Connecticut.
It would be highly gratifying could the people of his country remove the veil enshrouding them, and properly view the high ground on which they stand. Will Americans, for the sake of a little tonnage, convey Spanish wool to England, when she can, by manufacturing, make millions of dollars.
G.
NEW YORK, Nov. 17. Mr. Jackson, the late British Minister, is expected in this city in a few days, where he intends to spend the winter.
NEW YORK, Nov. 17.
[From our Correspondent at Havana.]
HAVANNA, Sept. 20, 1809.
Messrs Lang & Turner—In order to save many of our countrymen, from suffering heavy losses, I forward to you herewith a copy of the new Order of the 19th inst. also a copy of the Royal Cedula, to which it refers.
You will see by this Cedula, that no vessel can enter without new negroes; and as there are not any to be had at this time in the United States, the vessels must proceed to foreign ports to get them. On their arrival here, the entry must be made in the Custom House; consequently their entry, or a transcript thereof, will be sufficient to produce against them in the U. S., to convict, provided any evil disposed person should in-
form, or prosecute them, after their return into this city.
I am, gentlemen, &c.
F. C.
Extract from the Royal Order, respecting the trade of Negroes, dated Aranjuez, 22d of April 1804.
I declare, for the benefit of my subjects, that the return freight of Negroes, which from their great scarcity or for other just cause, they have made from foreign ports, consisting of implements of husbandry, machineries and utensils for plantations, expressed in the 3d article of the Royal Order of year 1794, as well as boards for sugar boxes, staves, hoops and shooks, shall be free from all duty. The same is also to be understood, when imported by strangers, together with New negroes, but not alone.
In as much as I do hereby prohibit the entrance of foreign vessels into my ports, even with cargoes unless at the same time they carry new Negroes.
But it is not permitted, either to Spaniards or foreigners, to import iron or steel, even of the produce of Spain, under the pretext of their being necessary to repair said implements and utensils.
The Governor, Captain General and intendant of the royal Hacienda of this Island, yesterday in council decreed: That the foreign vessels now lying at the anchoring place, called Placer , in this port, and those to whom entrance has been granted on account of distress, be permitted to discharge such articles as are expressed in the Royal Order of the 30th April 1804. In consequence of which, the Consignees will deliver in a manifest of all their cargoes, or the disposition of such articles as are mentioned in that indulgence, which will expire on the 30th April 1810.
Havanna, Oct. 19, 1809.
(Signed)
ISLA.
The following sentences from the New York papers, respecting the new lights which they shed on the case of F. J. Jackson—the arguments of the "Federal Republican," to which these are an answer, will be readily understood from the tenor of the reply:
An awkward effort is first made to paralyse the public feeling by suggesting the fairness of waving all positive judgment until the whole correspondence is submitted to Congress. This is manifestly founded on the hope that the American people have lost all confidence, not merely in the measures, but also in the veracity of their government; otherwise it would be worse than puerile to entertain the hope that in an affair so interesting to their honor, they should neither feel sensibility to insult or express it.
We are next told, the affair is a mere disagreement as to matters of fact, which is represented as totally unimportant as to the substance of the pending negotiations, as if it were possible for a government grossly insulted by the reiterated insinuation of a doubt of its veracity to proceed in a negotiation with a minister so flagrantly forgetful of the respect due to himself and to those with whom he was treating. It were worse than idle to say any thing by way of refutation of remarks so preposterous.
As to the cases referred to, there is no analogy between them and the present. In the first case referred to, the variance between Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Canning altogether related to the nature of several conversations between them, in their relation of which both depended on their own memories, and which conversations, moreover, directly implicated themselves. In the case of Mr. Jackson the reference was altogether to his conduct pursued by Mr. Erskine, of which Mr. Jackson could not have had personal knowledge, which our government had. For the insinuation made by him, his only authority could be that of Mr. Erskine, in whom the confidence of a minister sent to supercede him for an alleged violation of instructions, one would imagine, would not have been implicit. But there is the strongest reason to believe that Mr. Erskine never said that he had communicated to our government the despatch of the 23d of January. Further, a recurrence to the letters of Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Canning will show that there was not on either side any impeachment of veracity.
As to the case of Yrujo, so far was our government from submitting to his indignities, that they actually refused to treat with him, and further forbade him the territory of Columbia, proceeding a step further than in the present instance. These essential facts are studiously omitted by the Federal Republican.
"The hasty publication of the rupture" is next inveighed against, and "the door to adjustment" is said to have been "intentionally closed." To this a plain fact will be the best answer. Mr. Jackson on the Saturday preceding the publication alluded to applied to the office of State for his passports.
Nat. Int.
NORFOLK, Nov. 20. —A French government schooner, named the Tytis , (No. 2) capt. Desmoulin, arrived in Hampton Roads on Friday night last, in 43 days from Bayonne, with dispatches for Mons. Tureau, the French Minister—She sails this day for Baltimore. Herald.
MD. LLOYD is re-elected Governor of the State of Maryland.
WINCHESTER, November 3.
The Memorial —The importance of the subject embraced in the Memorial to the Legislature, given in our paper of to day, will, it is hoped, induce a very general list of signatures. Copies of this memorial have been forwarded to almost every county in the state, and it is confidently expected, that the legislature will be disposed to remedy the evil complained of, if it shall appear to be the general wish of the people. The gentlemen to whom copies of Memorials have been forwarded, will, it is hoped, be vigilant in procuring signatures and forwarding them by the members of the respective counties to the Legislature.
To the Honorable the Speaker and Members of both Houses of the General Assembly of Virginia, the Memorial of sundry inhabitants of the county of respectfully sheveth.
THAT, with great satisfaction your memorialists have viewed the gradual improvement of the Judiciary System of their state, and testing the wisdom of Legislative measures, which regard such improvements, by the effect, do not hesitate to pronounce, that in most instances great advantages have been derived; but the adoption of the principle "of bringing justice home to every man's door," in a peculiar degree claims their approbation. Your memorialists, perceiving a disposition in the part of the Legislature, when lately organizing anew the general court, to realize in its extent this
important principle, by applying it to the courts of equity, regretted the embarrassment which the nature of these courts necessarily created, whilst they could not refuse their applause or that tender regard which was manifested for their constitutional rights. Time and events, however, have marked the present period as one free from every species of embarrassments, and not to improve the opportunity, is to abandon the most valuable effect of the principle, by which the late arrangement professes to be governed. Your memorialists have learned, that by death the court of appeals have been reduced to three members, and one vacancy created in the general court; by adding to the number of the former and filling the vacancy in the latter, provision may be made for all the Judges in office, and the ultimate object of establishing a superior court of chancery in every Judicial Circuit be obtained. The necessity of such an establishment, if it did not arise out of the principle adopted and acted upon already by the Legislature, would at once be apparent by examining the course of proceedings and the embarrassment necessarily attendant on such proceedings, where no blame can possibly attach to the honorable gentlemen who fill the office of chancellor.
Your memorialists beg leave to suggest, that the court at Staunton has jurisdiction over an immense territory, and the inhabitants of seven counties, to the West of the Blue Ridge, have little intercourse with that place; hence the difficulty and expense of forwarding, serving and returning process. To commence a suit in Staunton, when the defendants reside in Ohio, or Brooke county, unless the person concerned will deliver the process to the sheriff, and return it to the clerk, the case may remain for years continued for return. Where the claim is large, this trouble may be taken; but when it is recollected, that courts are for the convenience of the poor, as well as the rich, and that there are many unable to encounter such an expense as the delivery of process in person must occasion, the propriety of such an amendment, will be evident. To a candid mind, the case is too plain to admit of debate. Permit us concisely to mention the county courts, and to request an inspection of their dockets. The magistrates, whose worth and services entitle them to the thanks of their country go through the law causes, but the chancery remain untouched. Suppose an injunction granted, when with a dissolution or hearing take place? The different interlocutory orders, necessary to be made and served, deserve to be considered. We mean not to enumerate all our difficulties herein; to do this would be tedious. Members from the different counties can make them known, for they are felt by us all; and feeling, they will speak.
Your memorialists viewing the court of appeals as the one of dernier resort, as fixing the great rules of property and of conduct, hold the expense of two additional Judges as an object of minor consideration indeed, indeed, when compared to that confidence in the decision of the increased number, which is so important to the good government of a free people. Your memorialists, therefore, pray, that the Legislature may not forego the present auspicious period, which offers the means of improving our Judiciary System, by establishing a court of chancery in every judicial circuit, and of placing the court of appeals upon its old establishment as to numbers.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
NATCHEZ, Sept. 25th, 1809.
"The enclosed extract of the Regimental Orders of Lieutenant Col. Wm. R. Richards, of the Mississippi Militia, I wish you to republish. The sentiments contained in the orders are worthy of notice. The Colonel is a native of the state of Virginia."
Extract from the Regimental Orders of Lieut. Col. Wm. R. Richards, to the sixth Regiment of Militia, Mississippi Territory.
The lieutenant colonel commandant, flatters himself that the officers, non commissioned officers and privates of the regiment will duly consider the necessity of military discipline in our country; a necessity rendered the more urgent by the present critical posture of our foreign relations; and that they will feel themselves impelled by the strongest motives which can animate the bosoms of patriots, and of freemen, to attend with promptitude and punctuality at the time and place appointed for their review and inspection.
He takes this occasion to remind them that whilst he dictates of morality as well as in earnest prescribe to the American people, a just and pacific line of policy, the want of a reciprocal course of conduct on the part of foreign nations, the exorbitant and inadmissible pretensions of one more especially, whose government has recently added an act of unexampled perfidy to a long series of insult and injustice, found us to indulge the visionary hope, that the rights of independent sovereignty can long be maintained, without the exertion of our courage fortitude and self defence. These qualities, however admissible, without military ardour and military skill, are in themselves, feeble and ineffective; and only exhibit the melancholy spectacle of heroism and virtue impotently contending, in an unequal contest, with disciplined oppression.
Military discipline as applicable to our militia must be viewed as an object of inestimable importance by the friends of republican liberty, when it is considered as dispensing with the fatal necessity of a resort to standing armies, an expedient always dangerous to freedom and which the nature of our country probably renders impracticable. It is equally essential to the safety of republican institutions that a competent degree of military skill and discipline, as well as of political information, should be diffused among the people. It is a truth equally deducible from the laws of nature, and confirmed by the experience of history, that the frauds and corruptions of rulers in the canon on the one hand, and the violence of military usurpation on the other; afford the most efficient means of subverting popular liberty in all ages and nations. The one takes advantage of the folly, the other of the imbecility of mankind. To guard against both these sources of evil, it is necessary that the people should possess the means of self defence, as well as the information necessary for self government. For those to whom either the one or the other is implicitly and blindly confided, will in the end become the masters. Let no people therefore consider their liberties as resting on a sure and permanent basis, unless they are sufficiently enlightened to detect and expose the vipers of their rulers; and sufficiently expert in military discipline to defend their rights in the field against the most warlike invader. It should also be remembered that the

peculiarly exposed situation of our own ter- ritory almost surrounded on the one side by the colony of a government by no means friendly, on the other by numerous tribes of warlike savages, together with our remote position from our brethren in the states, leave us no temptations to repose in a false security. The Colonel indulges a well founded con- fidence, that the regiment which he has the honour to command will never lose sight of the momentous duties which bind them to themselves, their country and posterity, and that they will on this as well as all future occasions display that promptitude and ala- cricity in acquiring military discipline, which will qualify them to be the worthy defen- ders of the most free, the most enlightened and the most happy country on the globe.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, NOVEMBER 24, 1809.
POINTS IN DISPUTE BETWEEN GREAT- BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES.
No. II.
We have traced the different points and projects which have been called forth by the two great subjects in dispute between the two nations, viz: the impressment of sea- men and the colonial trade . There are o- ther permanent points for adjustment be- tween Great Britain and the U. States, as rules for the conduct of each during a STATE OF WAR —these are of great, though subordinate importance to the two first which have been mentioned.—Amongst the prin- cipal of which are 1, the case of Blockades , 2, of Contraband of War .—In these, as in the two first, no proposition has been urged by the last administration, which was not strictly warranted by the rights of the U. States, and the laws of nations.
1. Blockades .—The fictitious block- ades , says the Secretary of State in his letter of January 5, 1804, "proclaimed by G. Britain, and made the pretext for violat- ing the commerce of neutral nations, has been one of the greatest abuses ever com- mitted on the high seas. During the late war they were carried to an extravagance which would have been ridiculous, if in their effects they had not inflicted such se- rious and extensive injuries on neutral na- tions. Ports were proclaimed in a state of blockade previous to the arrival of any force at them, were considered in that state with- out regard to intermissions in the presence of the blockading force, and the proclama- tions left in operation after its final depar- ture , the British cruisers during the whole time seizing every vessel bound to such ports, at whichever distance from them , and the British prize courts pronouncing condem- nations whenever a knowledge of the procla- mations , at the time of sailing could be pre- sumed , although it might afterwards be known, that no real blockade existed. The whole scene was a perfect mockery, in which fact was sacrificed to form, and right to power and plunder. The U. States were among the greatest sufferers."
During the present war, the conduct of the British government has been still more outrageous than the last, although cases of this atrocious description had not occurred at the time of the composition of Mr. Mad- ison's letter. Among these, it is only ne- cessary to select the sweeping instructions of May 16, 1806, which put at once under blockade the whole Coast, from the Weser to Prest—a distance scarcely short of 1,200 miles, and more than the 3,000 ships of Bri- tain could effectively seal up. These orders were mischievous in themselves, but they were still more so, when they became the pretexts of the retaliatory French Berlin decree of November, 1806—out of which, the orders of January and November, and the Milan decree of December, 1807, have successively emerged. The late British order of council, which seal almost the entire continent of Europe against us, are in fact but a legitimate scion of this monstrous stock—and there is every reason to fear, though these orders may be rescinded by some future stipulation, yet unless there be some cotemporaneous provision against the abuses of this principle of blockade, that it may successively extend its cancerous roots into the very heart of our trade, and virtu- ally defeat the benefits of this repeal.
An evil of this alarming port required some serious remedy. But the one proposed by the last administration, was not only a gratuitous to the laws of nations, but to the impartial sentiments of G. Britain herself on similar occasions. It was a literal trans- cript from the 4th article of the treaty of the 17th June, 1801, between Russia and G. Britain, in the following terms: "In order to determine what characterizes a blocked port , that denomination is given only to a port, where there is by the disposition of the power which attacks it with ships station- ed or sufficiently near, an evident danger in entering ." Besides this general regula- tion, some provision was thought necessary, as to the notice to be given of a blockade.— Our minister was instructed to propose, that no vessel was to be "considered as violat- ing in any manner the blockade, unless on her approach towards such (blocked) port, she shall have been previously warned a- gainst entering the same;"—but as the Bri- tish government had persisted "in consider- ing a notification of a blockade, or even of an intended blockade, to a foreign govern- ment, or its ministers at London, as a no- tice to its citizens," some remedy was to be required for this abuse.
The 10th article in the treaty of Messrs. Monroe & Pinkney, though good in one re- spect, did not provide against these paper proclamations of blockade. No vessel, going to a blocked port, was to be captured, un- less she had known of the blockade—but what was to be a blockade , was not defined. In his critique , therefore, on the treaty, the Secretary of State thought it better to strike this clause from the treaty altogether, and to trust to the laws of nations, and to the treaties which had defined them.
2. Contraband of War .—This too had been used as a pretext for very serious ab- uses against the rights of neutral nations.— The efforts of Great Britain, as a belliger- ent nation, had been to enlarge the list of contraband, with a view of narrowing the trade of neutrals, as well as extending the field of maritime plunder . Not only naval and military stores , but the raw materials for them, have been put under their requi- sition. Nay, provisions themselves, which are of use to all nations, whether they are at war or in peace, were actually com- pressed, by the ingenuity of the British mi- nisters, into the famous treaty of Mr. Jay, as provisionally contraband , but under cer- tain circumstances "substituting pre-emp- tion for forfeiture."
Some provision on these points, so essenti-
al to a nation, that peculiarly produces the raw materials in a greater degree than any other, was therefore a desideratum —but were the terms, proposed by the last admin- istration , either contrary to the laws of na- tions, or to the previous stipulations of G. Britain? Far from it. The Secretary of State's enumeration of contraband articles is expressly copied from the treaty of 1781, between Russia and G. Britain—according to which contraband of war consists only of the following articles: "salt-petre, sulphur, cuirasses, pikes, swords, sword-belts, knap- sacks, saddles and bridles, cannons, mortars, fire-arms, pistols, bombs, grenades, bullets, fire locks, flints, matches and gun powder, excepting, however, the quantity of the said articles which may be necessary for the de- fence or use of the ship and those who com- pose the crew."
The 9th Art. of the treaty of Messrs. Pinkney & Monroe "was an improvement," in this respect, says the critique of the Se- cretary of State, "in the treaty of 1794; inasmuch as it excepts from the list of con- traband, tar and pitch , when not bound to a port of naval equipment; and when so bound, substitutes pre-emption for forfeiture. It has an advantage also, in the clause renouncing the principle of the British order, of June, 1803, against vessels returning from places to which they had carried contraband of war." He might have added also the excep- tion of provisions .
Besides the particulars, mentioned in the Russian treaty, this article recognises as con- traband, timber for ship building, copper in sheets, sail cloth, hemp, and cordage and in general (with the exception of un wrought iron and fir planks) and tar and pitch as above) "whatever may serve directly to the equipment of vessels." These additions met with the decided opposition of our gov- ernment, though if they had been persisted in, they would not have eventually defeated the adjustment with Great Britain. The tone of our Cabinet, on this head, is best explained by the words of the Secretary of State himself, in his critique . "So ineli- gible, indeed, in his (the President's) view is any step tending in the least to retard the progress of these principles, (combated by some, and unfavorable to all neutral na- tions,) that naval stores are to be left on a stipulated list of contraband, in the event of an inflexible refusal of the British gov- ernment to omit them; nor are they to be retained in any event , without an addition or explanation that will except turpentine and rosin , as well as tar and pitch , there being no plausible motive for the distinction; and the quantity and value of the two former exported from the United States, being found on enquiry, to make them of equal impor- tance with the two latter." So far, then, we observe not the least illiberality in the propositions of our government.
There were other points , in relation to a state of war , which were brought forward for discussion—but on these, the proposi- tions of our government were modelled on our rights, and these points are not of such a na- ture, as to defeat an adjustment of differen- ces. Such is an attempt to make provision against the practice of British cruisers, in hovering and taking stations for the pur- pose of surprising the trade going in and out of our harbors; "on which, however, the treaty was silent, except so far as to add two miles to our maritime jurisdiction—even this was clogged by a proviso "requiring the consent of the other belligerent nations, as necessary to exempt their vessels from search and seizure." Such also, is the at- tempt to provide, in the case of a captured vessel, for her immediate trial, and for an indemnification to be allowed to the owners in case of wrongful capture—for the search of vessels with the least possible injury, or insult to the Captain and mariners—for the exclusion of pirates from the ports of each other—for the prevention of the sub- jects of either from taking military com- missions or displaying hostile acts against the other—for the reception of ships of war in the ports of the other, our govern- ment in this case wishing to put it on the ground of "the most favored nation," as in that way, we might limit the number of for- eign armed vessels in our ports—and for the delivery of deserters—and for several other miscellaneous cases. On these points, our government had taken a ground which would neither have baffled the negotiation, nor entrenched upon the rights of Britain.
So far for the provisions intended to meet the events growing out of a state of war — in which one of the parties might be engaged. In the next number, we shall briefly dispatch the terms, which we were wil- ling to accept, in the commercial inter- course , &c. between the two countries.
Mr. Jackson's appeal to the People. The British ex-minister has at length at- tained the acme of folly and presumption. Instead of resting his case on the bosom of his own government—he has sought to lodge a justification in the hearts of a foreign na- tion—Instead of submitting to the determina- tion of our own government on a diplomatic question, he has been indecorous enough to resist their authority, and like Genet appeal from them to the people of the U. States.— Be it so. Let the people pass upon him! The people of the U. S. are too sagacious not to see the real drift and aim of the fol- lowing circular, ostensibly addressed to the commercial agents—they are too wise, not to see that it is really addressed to themselves. The object is a stale and favorite one with the British government—to estrange the peo- ple from their constituted authorities—to sow suspicions of their integrity or fitness—to or to divide the people themselves, and to rally a party around the interests of Britain. It is of the same character as the surrepti- tious communication of Canning to Mr. Pink- ney, which was published last winter at Bos- ton.
The very tenor of this circular points out the persons for whom it is written and pub- lished.—Let the people duly appreciate this diplomatic finesse of the honorable P. J. Jack- son!
We have subjoined such remarks upon the statements and reasonings of the Circular, as have occurred to us on a hasty perusal.— This vindication is even more feeble, than his conduct was indecorous and insulting.
GEORGE-TOWN, (Col.) Nov. 12. The following letter addressed to the Bri- tish consuls in the United States, by Mr. Jackson, we publish, as we did the article from the Nat. Intelligencer on the same subject, without comment. We re- serve our remarks until the whole cor- respondence appears, when we promise to make such observations as the nature of the case may require.— Ind. Amer.
WASHINGTON, Nov. 13, 1809.
Sir—I have to inform you, with much regret, that the facts which it has been my duty to
state in my official correspondence with Mr. Smith have been deemed by the President of the United States, to afford a sufficient motive for breaking off an important nego- tiation, and for putting an end to all com- munication whatever with me, as the min- ister charged with that negotiation, so inter- esting to both nations, and on one most ma- terial point of which an answer has not even been returned to an official and written over- ture.
[Why does not the British Minister stop here? Why does he go on to state the points of controversy , between him and the President of the U. States, and attempt to justify himself at the expense of our gov- ernment? If he had no other object in view, than to inform the British agents, that they must no longer address him at Washington, but to New York, he would merely have stated the fact, that the Presi- dent of the United States had put an end to all communication with him, and the reso- lution, that he had thereupon adopted, of re- moving his head quarters to New York.
But the terms of this paragraph are of- fensive. Instead of merely avowing the fact of his dismissal, they convey, with a sub- tlety, more peculiarly worthy of his cause, strong and direct reproaches against the Ex- ecutive. Why is this negotiation represented as so "important?" "So interesting to both nations?"—why add, that "on one most material point," he had even gone the length of presenting "an official and written overture" to which, "an answer has not even been returned?" The design is most gross and palpable. It is to persuade the people of the United States, that their Ex- ecutive is so indifferent to their interests as even to risk the peace of the country, upon a mere point of etiquette.
As to the "official and written overture, on one most material point," it is plain, this expression conveys an erroneous imputation. There is no risk in asserting, that no "o- vertures" were made by him, and of course no "answer" could have been "returned," un- til his gross insinuations had been made a- gainst the veracity & faith of our government Then , they had something else to do than to reply to the overtures of an insulting min- ister—they had to look to the dignity and respect, which was due to the government.]
One of the facts alluded to has been ad- mitted by the Secretary of State himself in his letter to me of the 19th October, viz.— That the three conditions, forming the sub- stance of Mr. Erskine's original instruction, were submitted to him by that gentleman. The other, viz: That, that instruction is the only one in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, is known to me by the instructions which I have myself received.
[The three conditions forming the sub- stance of Mr. E's original instructions were submitted to Mr. Smith. In this, at all, the question? Mr. Erskine might have known that they were the substance —but was Mr. Smith to know what E. knew? The only point is this—did the Secretary of State know, that these were the substance —that they were the sine qua non of an adjustment? What avails it, that these were the substance of the instructions, if he did not know it?
Even if he knew that these were the sub- stance of certain instructions received by Mr. E: what of that? Did he know that these were the only instructions received? Is any thing more common among diplomatic men, as well as the bargaining transactions of private life, than to have two sets of prop- ositions, one to be produced at the outset, and the other to be reserved as an ultimatum ? —How was Mr. Smith to know, that this was not the case, in the present transaction? Had Mr. Erskine have told him, that on such a day he had received dispatches con- taining such and such propositions, was Mr. S. to know that he had not received others ? But surely every doubt must have vanished, when Mr. E. came forward to lay other pro- positions before us, accompanied by solemn assurances that he was " authorised " to make them.
But there is an important dilemma growing out of the last part of this paragraph. The fact , made known to Jackson "by the in- structions" which he had himself received viz: that this was the only instruction which Er- skine had had upon the subject, is altogether different from the fact that this instruction had been laid before our government. The last is argument only, and a very poor one, as we have shown, drawn from the former. Here then is the dilemma—either, Jack- son was directed by his "instructions," not only to state the first fact , but to urge the latter insinuation , or he was not. If he was, his cabinet is justly entitled to the odium of bringing forward charges against our executive, of a want of veracity, and of faith. If he was not, it remains for his own govern- ment to punish this gross transgression of his instructions. In any event, should his cabinet not disavow his conduct, it is an affair for the two governments to settle be- tween them.]
In stating these facts and in adhering to them, as my duty imperiously enjoined me to do, in order to repel the frequent charges of ill faith which have been made against his Majesty's government, I could not im- agine that offence would be taken at it by the American government, as most certainly none could be intended on my part; and this view of the subject has been made known to Mr. Smith. But as I am informed by him that no further communication will be re- ceived from me, I conceive that I have no alternative left which is consistent with the King's dignity, but to withdraw altogether from this city, and await elsewhere the ar- rival of his majesty's commands upon the unlocked for turn which has thus been given to his affairs in this country.
[In stating these facts, and in adher- ing to them!—Mr. J. did more—he insin- uated, that "Mr. E's instructions were at the time made known to this government." He even advanced one step further—he repeated this insinuation , after this government had solemnly pledged itself, that they had no such knowledge.]
[As my duty imperiously enjoined me to do! Is it then the duty of a foreign min- ister, to give the lie direct to the government to which he is deputed? When was all courtesy and respect, struck out of the list of ministerial duties? But surely it is meet, for the negotiator of the confederation of Co- penhagen, to cant about his duties and the Laws of Nations.]
The same fundamental error pervades all his other assertions. Had he confined him- self to the fact which he says was made known to him in his "instructions," our gov- ernment would have "en too liberal to have taken "offence" at it—but when he goes on to offer the grossest insinuations against its honour and veracity, it was surely high time to resent the offence , which was committed.
"He had no alternative left but to with- draw altogether from this city!" He had another—he might have withdrawn alto- gether from the territories of the United States! "Consistent with the king's dig- nity!" Where is this vaunted dignity?— Does it consist in the enslavement of 4,000, 000 of the Irish Catholics—in the plunder of the Asiatic provinces—in the murder of the Danes—or on the being represented by such a minister as F. J. Jackson? Yet if we "give to airy nothing a local habitation and a name," is not his majesty's dignity just as safe in the city of Washington, as in New York? Or was his representative a- fraid, least he should share the disgrace of Chevalier Yrujo—the disgrace of being for- bidden to enter the territory of Columbia? "Elsewhere," why not at Halifax! why not at Quebec? If F. J. J. really represents the "king's dignity," it seems more con- sistent with it, to disdain the obligation of owing any asylum or any hospitalities to any part of the territories of a government, which had determined to hold no further in- tercourse with it.]
I mean in the interval to make New York the place of my residence where you will henceforward please to direct your com- munications to me, as I shall be accompanied by every member of his majesty's mission. I am, &c.
(Signed) F. J. JACKSON. [Every member of his Majesty's mission! This is dignity with a vengeance.]
Without wishing to lift a voice in vindication of the conduct of the French Privateers—their destruction of our vessels without trial , their car- rying off the seamen as hostages for the payment of compulsory bills of ransom —it is premature to charge their conduct upon the French Govern- ment, until we have seen how its tribunals decide in these cases.
Some weeks since, an adjudication took place, at Norfolk, by which these forced bills of ran- som were non-suited .
MARRIED, On Saturday, the 18th inst. by the Rev'd. John D. Blair, Mr. JOHN GUNN, to the amiable and accomplished Miss ANN ELIZA MCCRAW, eldest daughter of Samuel McCraw, Esq. all of this city.
MARRIED, on Thursday evening the 23rd In- stant, Mr. JOHN KENNEDY of this City, to Miss MARIA ANN RICHARDSON of James City county.
Richmond Theatre.
The public are respectfully informed, in future there will be no postponement on account of weather.
On This Evening, November 24, 1809, will be presented, the celebrated Comedy of
THE HEIR AT LAW.
AFTER THE PLAY, THE ORIGINAL EPILOGUE, BY THE COMPANY.
To which will be added, the universally admired Musical Farce, of the
LOCK AND KEY.
NOVEMBER 24, 1809.
GLOBE TAVERN.—The subscriber having taken the Globe-Tavern, and furnished it in the best manner, informs his friends and the public, that every attention calculated to accom- modate and please those who call on him, shall be paid.
A few genteel boarders can be accommodated.
RATES, &c. Annual Boarders 40 $ a year. One dollar per day for gentlemen. Half a dollar per day for Horses, and All other charges equally moderate.
PETER MOSELEY. November 24. 4t
N. B. A few members of the Assembly may be comfortably provided with board
EDWARD HALLAM.
HAS received by the last arrivals from Eu- rope, and for sale next door above the Eagle Tavern—a fresh and general supply of Garden Seeds, viz:
CABBAGES. Solid Celery, Early York, Round Spinage, Early Sugar Loaf, Pepper Grass, Early heart-shaped, Early Spring, Drum Head, and Winter Cress. Green and Yellow Double Pot Mary- Savoy. gold, PEAS. Pot Marjoram, Early Frame, Blood Beet, Early Hot Spur, Orange Carrot, Canadian, Spring and Winter Marrowfatt, Turnips, Glory of England, and White Mustard and Blue Prussian. Seed. SNAPS. BEANS. Early six weeks, Large white Kid- Early China Dwarf, ney, Early Speckled, Cranberry, Early Dun. Speckled and LETTUCE. Arbour. Imperial, CORN. Brown Dutch, Early Frame, Grand Admiral, Do. Canadian, Mouse Ear, Do. Sweet, and Ice. Do. Silesia. RADISH. Little Dwarf Clo- Salmon Purple, ver, White and Black. Large Red, do. and CUCUMBER. Timothy Seed. Early Frame, Also Fifteen Tierces Long Green, Rice, and Prickley. Ten Boxes Sperma- Large White Indiv. ceti Candles. November 24. tf
FOR SALE,
30 Hds. brown Sugar, 50 boxes fresh Raisins, 100 bbls. do. do. 50 boxes Soap, 20 Hds. Loaf Sugar, 10 casks Sherry Wine, 15 000 Prime Green 10 do. Malaga do. Coffee, 30 bags Pepper, 2000 Yards Twilled 25 bags Race Ginger, Sacking, 100 ream Writing Pa- 10 Ton Hoop Iron, per, 50 lb. Sewing Silk, 15 boxes Chocolate, 6 Hds. Rye Whiskey, Blistered Steel, 10 Gross Eagle Playing Shot, Shoes, Gauging Cards, Rods, 8 Boxes Refined Salt Winter Strained Oil, Petre, &c. &c. 15 bbls. Tanner's Oil, APPLY TO— HOVEY & SIZER. November 24. 3t
ALL those who have legal claims against the estate of Alexander Frezer, dec'd. will be pleased to exhibit them duly authenticated to Jno McDonald, administrator, or to Peter Ralston, who is authorized by me, on or before the first day of January next, to enable him to make pro- vision for their payment. As there are some wearing apparel and other articles which were left with the deceased to be cleaned and dressed the owners of them will please call at J. McDon- ald's, and take them away. November 24. 3t
La Vigne, the man, by fate & Heav'n design'd, To set to rights, the Heads of all Mankind!
ALEXANDER C. D'LA VIGNE, Imperial Operator, and Original Inventor of Fash- ions, (with deference to the superior taste of the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond,) begs leave to inform them, he has re-commenced his o- perations, in a style that will, at once, excite appro- bation and admiration, at his
TEMPLE OF FASHIONS;
Where the most beautiful and estimable part of the creation, can be supplied with ornaments to suit ALL complexions, taste and contour, and prove to the world the fallacy of the celebrated Poet's assertion:
"Beauty when unadorn'd, adorn'd the most."
Mankind in general are hereby informed, that he is prepared to repair the damages of old age, and render abortive the effects of wrinkles, in short, youth shall be renewed in the aged, and prime manhood displayed in all its loveliness.
P. S. A Journeyman of approved talents, and an Apprentice wanted. November 24. 3t
EDUCATION.—The SCHOOL at the Forge Mill, will be continued the ensuing year, un- der the direction of Richard and Brooke Hill, in which will be taught Reading, Writing, Gram- mar, Arithmetic, Geography, the use of the Globes, Mathematics, with its application to surveying, &c. Ferguson's and Blair's Lectures, and the Latin language. The price for board will be $75—Tuition $5, to be paid quarterly; each boarder finding his own bed. Books will be fur- nished, if requested, by parents and guardians. The School will begin on the 15th January, and end on the 15th Dec. following. King and Queen, Nov. 24. wfw
NOTICE.—MUTUAL ASSURANCE SO- CIETY.—ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING. The Annual General Meeting of the Mutual As- s

Miscellaneous.
JUNIUS.
(From the London Independent Whig.)
FROM THE LAST MITCHELL AND MILLER'S REPOSITORY, For August, September and October, 1809.
FULTON'S LECTURE, And demonstration of the practicability of sub-marine navigation and of destroying Ships by his ARTIFICIAL TORPEDOES.
On the 12th of February, 1809, Mr. Fulton explained to a select audience at Kalorama, the seat of Joel Barlow, Esq. the principle of his machine and inventions to destroy ships of war, by blowing them to pieces and sinking them, when they enter our ports and harbors.
In the display of mechanical and practical talent, which Mr. F. made on this occasion, he treated at large on the following subjects: 1. his method of sub-marine navigation. 2. his manner of shooting barbed harpoons into ships. 3. his construction of the Artificial Torpedo, and the use of that destructive engine, to sink ships by exploding gun powder under their bottoms.
The description of the boat for navigating under water, was aided by a model and drawings. Though the practicability of adjusting the specific gravity of the sub-marine boat and apparatus, to the fluid on which she moves, was sufficiently proved; and although a voyage actually made along the coast of France, had fully shewed that the chamber of the vessel could contain air enough to support the lives of three or four persons for several hours, the ingenious projector candidly owned that the difficulty and hazard of working these diving machines, added to the expense of their construction, seemed to him insurmountable obstacles to their application to an extensive or practical purpose.
Mr. F. repeated the experiment which had been originally made by him and Capt. Whitley at New York, of piercing a piece of timber, by a harpoon discharged by force of gun powder from a blunderbuss. Such a gun loaded with one of these instruments, about four feet in length, ragged at the sharpened end, and attached to a strong cord, was discharged with force enough to penetrate through a thick plank, and to require cutting out in order to its removal.
In explaining this part of the subject, Mr. F. gave a beautiful sketch and delineation of the manner in which they might be anchored in the harbor at New York, so as to endanger hostile ships that might sail thro' the channel in which they lie concealed. And he explained the three modes of applying them to vessels. 1. By harpooning a vessel under sail, whereby the Torpedo would be drawn under her bottom, by her motion through the water. 2. sending them down the stream, to be carried under her bottom by the current, while she lays at anchor; and 3. by anchoring them here and there in the channels through which vessels must pass, and fitting them a lock so connected with an external trigger or handle, that the collision between flint and steel shall take place on the slightest touch from a vessel's bottom striking against the trigger of the torpedo, as it lies anchored about 12 or 14 feet below the surface.
The result which Mr. F. anticipated from the application of this invention, is far more extensive than the temporary defence of our harbors in the approaching war, should war really come on. He expects the system to be adopted as an initial mode of defence by other nations—the minor maritime powers against the stronger, till it operates the total destruction of military navies.
ANOTHER SPECIES
OF ATMOSPHERIC STONE, DESCENDING, IN CRUSTED WITH ICE
The following facts, relative to a fall of meteoric stones, mixed with hail, are translated from the Gazette de Sante, of Paris, for September 1st. 1808. They present a new case, and enlarge our views of this curious subject.
On Sunday, 31st July, 1808, a violent storm occurred over St. Germain-en-Laye, about six o'clock in the evening. A squall from the west, accompanied with lightning and several loud claps of thunder, preceded a fall of rain, mixed with sleet, and followed by hail stones, the mean size of which was larger than hens' eggs. Within seven minutes, seventy five panes of glass in one house, fronting that quarter were broken, although a high row of trees sheltered the windows. The trees were bruised, fruit was beaten off, and lagunes cut to pieces.
This fact calls loudly for the consideration of scientific observers. The stone has nothing in common with those collected at L'Argile in 1803, at Besancon in 1798, at Sienna in 1794, at Juillac in 1790 at Aire in 1750, at Mont in 1750, at Enniskerry in 1692, &c. &c. Those stones were composed of flint, iron, nickel, sulphur, magnesia, & a little clay. They all had a blackish varnish, indicating an electric or volcanic fusion.
To his royal highness the Duke of York, Sir,
If, on your retreat from office, you had gone into actual retirement, I should not now have the pleasure to disturb you: I would respect the shelter which misfortune reserves for the lowest of mortals, and leave you in that privacy which is equally suited to the moderation of your talents and your virtues.
I know that, to your delicacy of feeling, nothing is likely to be more unexpected, or perhaps, more painful, than a public charge of the cardinal virtues. The double accusation of piety and patriotism is, it must be owned, rather oppressive for the blushing humility of a man who has hitherto succeeded in concealing his virtues from the suspicion of even his most intimate friends.
I must be permitted to pause in your panegyric:—an old man's imagination sinks before the task of following you thro' your course of glory; and, in an age when every thing seems full of alteration, it is no slight gratification to have discovered so striking an example of a total defiancy of change, a mind steadily pursuing its original impulse; turning neither to the right nor to the left; neither to be awed by the chilling formality of reason, nor ashamed by the sneering impertinence of ridicule.
But you have enemies in the natural state of merit. Your enemies may endeavor to represent any thing more than a due contempt of those restrictions which vulgar minds may hold sacred.
Other candidates for fashionable fame have exercised their faculties upon parts of the system; your royal highness may have a few superiors at the gaming table, or the Four-in-Hand Club, the race-course, or the stew—but, for the range of the universal science, you are without a competitor!
You can easily conceive that patriotism like yours would feel somewhat restless in retirement; a consciousness of superior abilities naturally urges to their exertion.
But it is absurd to esteem it by the conception of common men. You have, probably, some secret instinct, some dark and prophetic consciousness that you have not yet fulfilled the end of your being, and paid your debt to your country.
Report has even gone so far as to say, that the appointment of Lord Chatham to the command of the expedition is nothing more than an ingenious contrivance for your royal highness's immediate and public resumption of authority.
Beware: I warn you, beware of taking on you the command of the army; it will be your ruin. But you must earn your fate by some humbler crime!
Beware of intruding yourself into command; the last army of the empire must not be again trusted with you before an enemy. I dread to look upon the consequence. You have made me feel more than I thought so many years had left to me!
Why, when such a man as Chatham is employed, is such a man as Ferguson thrown out of service? It is because he took the single resolution of doing his duty with equal heroism in the senate and in the field!
ties of the army are contrary and hostile to the rights of the people?
It may be for your interest to meditate on those charges. I have still some hopes of you: and my opinion is opposite to mine. Your friends attribute your past conduct to a persevering folly—your enemies to an obstinate vice.
It is my Lord Chatham a man fit to be put at the head of a British expedition?—What are his merits? Where are the exploits of successful intrepidity or practised skill?
But I once more warn you to beware of receiving your character by any sudden experiment on popular applause!—If it be true that from Chatham's incapacity you look to his success, and from that to your assuming the command with some comparative éclat, no language can be strong enough for your reprobation.
JUST LANDED, and for sale by the subscriber, at his Grocery Store:
Gun-Powder TEA, of superior quality, Do. in canisters of 2lb. and 2lb 1/2 each, Imperial Esling, Young Hyson do. and Hyson Chulang, Souchong Patre and Pico Souchong, 100 Dozen bottles best Caret WINE, 50 Doz. Champagne and Burgundy, Best old Madeira, Sicily do. Sherry, Lisbon, Tenerife and Malaga Wine, And Pine Apple Cheese.
Aubin Laforest. Also 80, 60, 40, FF and FFF Brandy Wine Gun-Powder. November 17.
HIRING OF NEGROES. WILL be hired publicly in Milton on the 2nd day of January next, near a hundred Negroes belonging to Mrs. Sally Carter, among them are three valuable carpenters—those persons who are now in possession of said negroes, on hire, are earnestly requested to send them to Milton the day before the next hiring.
William Anderson, Agent for SALLY CARTER. Milton, Nov. 17.
FOR SALE—One thousand acres Land lying in the lower end Buckingham county, on both sides of Buffalo creek, and on the road leading from Ca-Ira to New-Canton within half a mile of navigation, on Willie's river, and about two from Ca-Ira.
For terms apply to Mr. Linneas Bolling, of the aforesaid county, who is fully authorised, by the subscriber, to treat with any person wishing to purchase.
SUSANNA WILCOX. Chellow, November 3.
HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE. ON the 27th instant, will be sold, at Public Auction, at Shirley, in the county of Charles City, all the Household and Kitchen FURNITURE, belonging to the estate of the late Chas. Carter; consisting of a variety of articles.
Williams Cart R. Execr. of Robert Carter, Deceased. November 17.
BATTESEA PAPER MILLS—Those who wish to encourage the manufactures of their own state are informed, that they can be supplied with Paper Manufactured in Petersburgh, in any quantities.
PRICES AS FOLLOWS: Fine Letter Paper Vellum, $ 4 75; Do. do. Laid, 4 50; Fools Cap No. 1, 4 37 1/2; Do. do. No. 2, 3 37 1/2; Do. do. No. 3, 3 12 1/2; Foho Post Vellum, 9 50; Do. Laid, 9 00; Fine Printing Medium, 5 50; Do. do. 4 50; Excellent Wrapping Paper, 1 12 1/2.
Orders for any of the above qualities, addressed to the subscribers, executed at the shortest notice.
BANISTER & Co. August 4.
IN COUNCIL, September 19th, 1809. It is advised, that from and after the first day of January next, the Auditor be instructed, in every case, where any claim by virtue of an order or certificate of court, is presented to him, a person whose name is not mentioned therein, to require such person to produce, also, an order or power of attorney from the individual in whose favor such order or certificate of court was made, together with an affidavit of one witness at least, certified by a magistrate or notary public, that such individual actually signed and acknowledged the same.
Extract from the Journals, DANIEL L. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council. September 23.
WHOLESALE & RETAIL CHEAP SHOE STORE. The subscriber has this day opened a Store, next door to the Market-Street Tavern, where he offers for sale, two thousand pairs of SHOES, consisting of Ladies Morocco Shoes of every color, Kid, Fanny and Figured Lamb-Skin, do. Gentlemen's wear, half and seal skin fine Shoes, morocco and leather Pumps, right and left, French edge, of a superior quality; children's Shoes of different kinds and colours; coarse men's and women's Shoes; one trunk of excellent Boot Legs; yellow, green and black morocco Morocco Skins; 500 lbs. fresh Clover Seed, 100 bushels Irish Potatoes, one barrel Onions.
N. B. Boots and Shoes made at the shortest notice, and in the most fashionable style. All orders from the country gratefully received and punctually attended to by Wm. H. HUBBARD. A constant supply of Shoes and Leather from New York. November 10.
EDWARD HALLAM, HAS just received, from New York, and for sale at the store lately occupied by Daniel Triplett, a supply of Fresh GROCERIES viz: Gun-Powder in cases of 3 lbs. each, TEAS, Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson, 5 Green Coffee and fresh Smoked and Pickled Chocolate, Salmon, Loaf and brown sugars, Hair Powder, Old Antigua Rum, Roll and Pot Pomatum, Cognac and old Peach Windsor and Brown Brandy, Soap, Holland Gin, superior quality, Liverpool Ware, Canton China, Liquor Colouring, Large and small sets, Madeira and Sherry, Plain and Cut Glass, Wines, Best Spanish Segars, N. Longs, cloves, mace, Shot assorted, Gin, Pepper, Race, and Gun Powder, Ground Ginger, Writing Paper, Wafers, Best London Mustard, Crehore's & Deselver's Do. white in seed, superfine Playing Cards, Rice, Pearl Barley, Cotton & Wool Cards, Fresh Currants & cranberries, New-England Cheese, Raisins and Almonds, superior quality, Anchores, Olives, Capers, 15 dozen Salt Petred Hams, Flotant Indigo, Sack Salt, Salt Petre, Fig Blue, Bar-Iron, Alum and Copperas. Taz above articles will be sold low for Cash or Country Produce. Nov. 3.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN-AWAY, from the Subscriber, in the city of Richmond, on the 20th of October last, a Negro Man named BILLY, supposed to be about five feet nine or ten inches high; stout, well made, a little bow-legged, has a full face; about twenty years of age; was purchased of Cyrus Currie of Northumberland County; was raised in Lancaster County, on the Curriewinton plantation by Mr. Carter; he is called by the negroes of that place, waiting in Billy; he is well acquainted at Shirley, on James River, where it is likely he is lurking at this time. I will give the above reward if secured in jail in the City of Richmond, or sixty dollars if secured in any jail in the state of Virginia, and information given to Joseph Carter, of Richmond, or John Winn, of Charlottesville. October 27.
THOS. WINN, Jr. October 27.
VIRGINIA:—At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the City of Richmond, the first day of September 1809. John P. Smith, Plt against Elisha Jenny, Jacob Jenny, Philip Care, Bernard Hooe, Jr. Philip Slaughter and Fleming Bailes, Defs. The defendant Elisha Jenny not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by counsel, It is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city.
A Copy, Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. November 17.
NOTICE.—The subscriber being extremely desirous of settling his affairs, in this place, particularly, as relates to paying his creditors—Offers for sale, until the 24th December next, privately, or if not so sold, before that day, will then sell, at public auction, on the premises, all his HOUSES and LOTS, on Carey Street. Or he will barter said Property, for Lands in the Western country, by a small proportion of the value of said property being paid in cash. And on said day and place, will sell all his Household and Kitchen FURNITURE, &c. Should any person incline to treat for said property before the said day of sale, by application to the subscriber, they will be shown the premises. November 14.
JAMES HURTT. tds
THE SUBSCRIBER, HAVING taken the whole of the large brick building, belonging to the estate of the late Mr. Wm. Price, on the street leading from the Capitol, will be prepared to accommodate from fifteen to twenty of the Members of the next Assembly. October 1.
JUDITH NELSON. tds
FOOT FASHIONABLE SHOE-MAKERS.
THE Subscribers have above Messrs. Presser and Moncure's Vendue Office, just from Philadelphia—have commenced the manufacture of Boots and Shoes of the most fashionable shapes, neatly and justly made out of the best materials, selected with much care and attention in Philadelphia—Those who may favor them with their custom may rely upon being neatly fitted, and promptly attended to. Orders from the Country shall be duly executed and are respectfully solicited. And they trust that by their assiduity and attention they will merit a share of patronage in the line of their profession. GAMPBELL & PAUL.
Two Apprentices from 12 to 15 years of age, wanted. November 14.
NEW STORE. THE Subscriber is now opening opposite the Globe-Tavern, a general assortment of Piece and Fancy Goods, amongst which are Superfine and Common Broad Clothes, White and Colored Habits, Do. do. Cassimeres, Cambric Muslins, Do. do. Coatings, Plain and Leeted Mull, Flannels, Fancy Vestings, Spider Nett, & Fancy Red and Black Bombazetts, Crapes, do. Woollen, Cotton and Knotted & Sprig Leno Silk Hosiery, Diagonal and Veined Gingham, Cotton do. do. Shirting, Elegant Worked Dresses, Irish Linen and Dowling, Dittos Silk Shawls and Fine and Common Handkerchiefs, Printed Calicoes, Black plaid and plain Velvets Coats, Umbr-brellas, Threads, Colored Lustro, Sewing Silks, Extra Plain Silk and Fancy Long White and Colored Kid Gloves, Satin and Crapes. JOHN WOOD. November 14.
FOUND! A Sum of money—The owner may have it by giving satisfactory evidence of his right, and paying the cost of advertising. Apply at this Office. November 7.
CARD—DOCTOR LEWIS, lately from the West-Indies, has opened his Office, at Manchester, in the house of Mr. L. Bishop, for the practice of Physic, Surgery, and Midwifery. He hopes from his success and experience, to merit the patronage of a liberal public. N. B. Private families may be supplied with Medicines, with suitable directions. Advice for the poor, gratis. September 26.
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY. The Annual Meeting of Stockholders, will be held at Brooks's Tavern, in Manchester, on the first Monday in December next. Such members as cannot attend in person, will, it is expected, appoint their proxies. The under-signed requires to be furnished, as soon as possible, with the necessary evidence of shares sold and purchased, since the last meeting, in order that transfers may be made on the company books and shares duly represented. JAMES BRANDER, Cfk. November 7.
LOUDOUN LAND FOR SALE. FOR SALE, on Thursday, the 21st of Dec. next, on the premises, the TRACT OF LAND, on which the late Judge Jones resided, in Loudoun county, with about 25 SLAVES, and the stock of Horses, Cattle and Hogs, on the estate.
The tract contains nearly two thousand acres, & possesses many advantages which entitle it to the attention of those who may wish to reside in that highly improved part of our country. Two merchant mills are in the neighborhood, one on the adjoining estate, and the other within two miles. It is 35 miles from Alexandria, and forty from George-Town. The new Turnpike from Alexandria, crosses a corner of the land, and terminates at the nearest merchant mill. The tract is remarkably well watered, Little river passing through the middle of it, and many small streams on each side, emptying into that river. About 50 or 60 acres are already well set with timber, & at least 300 are capable of being made excellent meadow. It will be divided into tracts of different dimensions, to suit the convenience of purchasers.
A credit of one, two and three years will be allowed bonds with approved security and a deed of trust on the land, will be required. The Negroes are supposed to be very valuable, some of them being good house servants, and the others principally young men and women. For them the same term of credit will be allowed. JAMES MONROE, Executor of the late JOSEPH JONES, the Elder. Albemarle, Oct. 27.
THE subscribers offer for sale, a very general assortment of GROCERIES, which they will dispose of on moderate terms, for cash, country produce, or approved paper. Also, 62 Kegs F and FF Brandy Wine Gun-Powder. WHITE & SHELTON. October 10.
ON the 21st day of December next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be sold, at the dwelling-house of the late George Garner, in the county of Westmoreland, about sixteen likely NEGROES, and the present year's crop of corn, &c. which property will be sold pursuant to a deed of trust, made by George Garner for the purpose of securing the payment of his debts. The sale will be on a credit of twelve months, the purchasers giving bond with approved security. If the negroes and crops do not sell for a sufficient sum to pay the debts of the said Garner, the subscribers will, on the day after the sale of the negroes and crops, sell all or so much of the land conveyed in trust for the above purpose, as will make a sum sufficient for the payment of the debts of the said George Garner. All such creditors as may exhibit their claims to the subscribers before the said 21st of December next, properly authenticated, and which the subscribers may consider legal and just, may purchase at the said sale, and shall be allowed a discount of 10 per cent. against their purchase. THOS. STOWERS, } Trustees. JAMES COX, } Westmoreland County, } October 24.
THE SUBSCRIBER, OFFERS FOR SALE, a Tract of LAND, lying in Hanover county, on the waters of Cedar and Mill creeks; containing, by estimation, 475 acres, adjoining the lands of col. John Thompson, dec'd. John Thornton, Mary Clough and others: There is a quantity of good meadow Land attached to this tract, a small dwelling-house newly built. A minute description is deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed no one will buy without first viewing the premises. The terms of sale are, one-third of the purchase money to be paid on the day of sale, the other two-thirds, in two annual payments; the purchaser giving bonds with approved security; also, a deed of trust on the land. If the above land is not sold privately by the 22nd of December next, I shall on that day offer it for sale, at public auction, on the premises. Wm. WINGFIELD. Hanover Nov. 17. N. B. Possession of the above land will be given on the first day of January next.