The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-12-19 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
Vol. 6.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1809.
[No. 66.]
Published by Thomas Ritchie, nearly opposite the Globe Tavern, Richmond, Virginia.
CONDITIONS. —Five dollars a year, to be paid annually in advance. Those who wish to be considered as annual subscribers, must hereafter designate it at the time of subscribing, otherwise their papers will be discontinued at the expiration of the first year. No paper can be stopped until all arrearages have been paid off.—Good acceptances, in Richmond only, will be received in payment. The same rule as to Advertisements.
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE: The 5th Volume of the ENQUIRER, compleat, bound in boards.
VIRGINIA DEBATES , in the Convention, bound in calf, sheep and boards.
BURR'S TRIAL , for Treason and for a Misdemeanor, in boards—By D. Robertson.
LETTERS on the Subject of THE CATHOLICS —By Peter Pymley—from the 11th London Edition.
BLANKS , for Lawyers, Clerks, Sheriffs, Constables, Merchants, &c. &c. which will also be printed according to any form exhibited, at the shortest notice.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
A New Theory, or THE DIURNAL ROTATION OF THE EARTH:
Demonstrated upon Mathematical Principles, from the properties of the Epicyclid and the Epicycloid .
WITH AN APPLICATION OF THE THEORY, To the explanation of the various Phenomena of the Winds, Tides and of those Stony and Metallic concretions which have fallen from Heaven upon the surface of the Earth.
By JOHN WOOD, Author of Elements of Perspective , printed in London, in 1799.
December 14.
THE Public are respectfully informed, that JOHN FIELDS now occupies the stand of Geo. Watson, on the cross street leading to the Basin—where any thing in the "science" of OYSTERS, BEER, or RELISHES , are prepared in the best style by night or day, at a moment's warning.
December 11. 4t
WANTED for the ensuing year, a male House-Servant.—For one who is active, industrious and honest, liberal hire will be paid. Apply to the Editor of this paper.
December 14. tf
JUST RECEIVED , a general assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS of superior quality—Also, two PIANO FORTES .
J. DARMSDATT. Richmond, Dec. 14. 4t
BANK OF VIRGINIA. —The Stockholders are hereby notified that the first Monday in January, is the day appointed by law for a general meeting, for the purpose of choosing Directors of the Bank and the several offices of Discount and Deposit.
JOHN BROCKENBROUGH, Cashr. December 12. en9t
FEMALE EDUCATION , will be continued at Monticello the ensuing year, under the direction of Miss Terrell, who will teach reading, writing, arithmetic, drawing, grammar and geography. The School will be opened the 15th of January. Terms—for board & Tuition (each finding her own bedding and candles) $100 per annum, paid quarterly in advance. The most satisfactory testimonials of Miss Terrell's qualifications as a Teacher of the above branches of Education may be seen below. Particular attention will be paid to the morals and manners of Pupils placed at this School. It may be proper to add too, that they have before them an example of domestic economy, and steady industry in the boarding apartment.
HUMPHREY MILL. Caroline, Dec. 16, 1809. 3w
CAROLINE, Dec. 24, 1809.
WE the subscribers have this day attended an examination of the Female School, at Mr. Humphrey Mill's, under the Tuition of Miss Matilda Terrell; we have paid particular attention to the progress and attainments of the pupils, in Reading, Writing, Drawing, Grammar and Geography, and with pleasure we profess that we have received impressions highly favorable towards Miss Terrell, in her official capacity. At the same time from our acquaintance with the family of Mr. Mill, we cannot hesitate to say, that a genteel and favorable situation here offers itself to the public patronage; in a word, such a one as we, in the case of boarding out daughters, should deem every way eligible.
PETER NELSON.
ANDREW BROADBUSH.
AT the request of Mr. Robert Turner, we shall proceed positively to sell on the 6th of January next, at 11 o'clock A.M. on the premises, for ready money, to raise in the first place, about $1200 to discharge a deed of trust held by Mr. Daniel Couch on the property, and the residue for other purposes; all the HOUSES & LOTS late the property of Daniel Couch, situated on the cross street leading from the Bell Tavern to Mayo's bridge, now occupied by Andrew Hetherington, Samuel Bell and others—The Houses and lots will be sold separate, that is, a tenement at a time.
PROSSER & MONCURE, Auctrs. Richmond, December 16. tds
TWO hundred NEGROES for sale.—Will positively be sold at Christopher Owen's Tavern, in the town of Goshen in Middlesex county, the large quantity of Negroes belonging to the estate of Philip L. Gwynne, Esq. of Branton, deceased, among which are, House-Servants, Cooks, Carpenters, Blacksmiths, Coopers, &c. &c. and also, a Fox Grist with Chain, &c. and 24 of the most valuable Oxen belonging to said estate.
Thirty of the above Negroes will be sold for cash, the balance with the Oxen, &c. will be sold on a credit of nine months, the purchaser giving bond with approved security.
The Sale will commence on the 9th of January next, (if fair, if not, the next fair day) and will continue from day to day till all are sold.
The cash sales will commence on the first day.
All legal creditors are requested to produce the amount of any part of their respective claims.
ROBERT WHEAT.
Administrator, &c. of.
PHILIP L. GWYNNE, decd.
Wardville, Gloucester. Nov. 28 5
ELIAS V. LACHAIZE, TAYLOR; RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, and its vicinity, that he has commenced business in the house next to Mr. Neilson's store, main-street, where he hopes, by assiduity and attention to all commands, to merit a share of public patronage.
All orders executed after the newest and neatest fashions.
November 21. 2aw4w N. B. Three or four good Workmen wanted, to whom the highest wages will be given. Apply as above.
FASHIONABLE BOOT & SHOE-MAKERS.
THE Subscribers next door above Messrs. Prosser and Moncure's Vendue-Office, just from Philadelphia—have commenced the manufacture of Boots and Shoes , of the most fashionable shapes, neatly and faithfully made out of the best materials, selected with much care and attention in Philadelphia—Those who may favor them with their custom may rely upon being neatly fitted, and promptly attended to.
Orders from the Country shall be duly executed and are respectfully solicited. And they trust that by their assiduity and attention they will merit a share of patronage in the line of their profession.
CAMPBELL & PAUL.
Three or four good journeymen will meet employment as above.
November 14. 2m4f
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust executed by John Dennis, to the Subscriber, bearing date the 25th day of June 1807, of record in the County Court of Richmond, for the purpose of securing the debt due to Ezekiel Levy therein mentioned, Will be sold at the plantation at present occupied by the said John Dennis, on Fairham Creek, in the County of Richmond on the 3d day of January next, if fair, otherwise the next fair day, to the highest bidder, under the provisions of the act of Assembly passed last session entitled "An act concerning executions and for other purposes;" the following property conveyed by the said Deed, to wit: Schooner Henry of Tappahannock, with all her apparel and sundry negroes, whose names are, Sarah, Sam, George, Hannah, and Joe, three horses, ten head of cattle, and five feather beds and furniture, or so much of the said property as will raise the sum required.
B. MCCARTY, Trustee. Richmond County, Dec. 14. 3t
I HAVE REMOVED TO RICHMOND. BENJ. BOTTS. October 31.
BY virtue of the last will and testament of Robert Means, decd. will be sold to the highest bidder, on Wednesday, the 3rd day of January next, if fair, otherwise the next fair day, the LAND and PLANTATION belonging to the said Robert Means, decd. in the upper end of Henrico county, containing, according to the deeds, three hundred and seventy three acres, & lying on the Three-notched road, about a mile and a half above the short Pump. There are, on the premises, a two story dwelling-house, having two rooms below, with a passage, and two above, a granary, stable, kitchen, and an orchard of apple and peach trees. The lands will be sold according to the deeds, and the sale will take place at the dwelling-house. The terms will be, one half of the purchase money to be paid at the end of twelve months, and the other at the end of two years, from the day of the sale: The purchaser to give bond and approved security, with a deed of trust upon the property, to secure payment of the purchase money.
DANIEL CALL, Executor of the Testament and last Will of ROBERT MEANS, Decd. November 24. tds
MR. GILES'S SPEECH CONTINUED.
I will now proceed, Mr. President, to enquire whether the facts stated in the resolution are supported by the correspondence, upon which it is founded? In performing this task, I propose to read the whole of the correspondence which I conceive bears any material relation to the subject of the resolution, and no other, although the whole may not be entitled to, nor receive any animadversions from me; yet as my sole object is to get at the true exposition and meaning of the correspondence, if I should unfortunately omit, misconceive or misinterpret any material part of it, I shall have the consolation to reflect, that by presenting the whole, the means of my correction in either case will be presented to the Senate and the world; if the observations I propose now to make should ever find their way out of the walls of this chamber. I shall also present this correspondence in its responsible order, which will be found to be indispensable to the due comprehension of some of its most essential parts.
Permit me, then, sir, to call your attention first to the letter of Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith, dated the 11th October, 1809, page 32, 33, of the printed documents. For, sir, although this letter is not mentioned in the resolution, yet it furnishes the original of offensive insinuations, and is referred to and reiterated in the letter of the 23d of October, which is noticed in the resolution, and therefore the offensive expressions of the letter of the 11th are entitled to and shall receive the most accurate and critical attention and analysis.
The expressions alluded to are the following:—
"You have not in the conferences, we have hitherto held, distinctly announced any such complaint, and I have seen with pleasure, in this forbearance, on your part, an instance of that candor, which I doubt not, will prevail in all our communications, in as much as you could not but have thought it unreasonable to complain of the disavowal of an act, done under such circumstances, as could only lead to the consequences that have actually followed."
"It was not known when I left England, whether Mr. Erskine had, according to the liberty allowed him, communicated to you in extenso his original instructions. It now appears that he did not. But in reverting to his official correspondence, and particular to a despatch addressed on the 20th of April to his majesty's secretary of state for foreign affairs, I find that he there states that he had submitted to your consideration the three conditions specified in those instructions, as the ground work of an arrangement which, according to information received from this country, it was thought in England might be made, with a prospect of great mutual advantage. Mr. Erskine then reports verbatim et seriatim your observations upon each of the three conditions, and the reasons which induced you to think that others might be substituted in lieu of them. It may have been concluded between you that these latter were an equivalent for the original conditions; but the very act of substitution evidently shows that those original conditions were in fact very explicitly communicated to you, and by you of course laid before the President for his consideration. I need hardly add, that the difference between these conditions and those contained in the arrangement of the 18th and 19th of April, is sufficiently obvious to require no elucidation; nor need I draw the conclusion, which I consider as admitted by all absence of complaint on the part of the American government, viz: that under such circumstances his majesty had an undoubted and incontrovertible right to disavow the act of his minister. I must here allude to a supposition, which you more than once mentioned to me, and by which, if it had any the slightest foundation, this right might perhaps have been in some degree affected. You have informed me that you understood that Mr. Erskine had two sets of instructions, by which to regulate his conduct; and that upon one of them, which had not been communicated either to you or to the public, was to be rested the justification of the terms finally agreed upon between you and him. It is my duty, sir, solemnly to declare to you, and thro' you, to the President, that the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine, which you have made the basis of an official correspondence with the latter minister, and which was read by the former to the American minister in London, is the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement with this country on the matter to which it relates."
Mr. Jackson says:—
"You have not in the conferences, we have hitherto held, distinctly announced any such complaint, and I have seen with pleasure, in this forbearance, on your part, an instance of that candor, which I doubt not, will prevail in all our communications, in as much as you could not but have thought it unreasonable to complain of the disavowal of an act, done under such circumstances, as could only lead to the consequences that have actually followed."
First, let me ask, Mr. President, what were the consequences that actually followed this act? The obvious answer is, the disavowal of it. Who is it that must have tho't it unreasonable to complain of this disavowal? The answer is, Mr. Smith, Secretary of State. What are here suggested, as the materials for his thinking or upon which his thoughts must have been exercised? The answer is, the circumstances under which the act was done.
Mr. Smith then must have had a knowledge of these circumstances, upon which he exercised his thoughts—because it is impossible to exercise thoughts, or perform the act of thinking, upon circumstances, without the knowledge of those circumstances. What must have been the character of such circumstances as could only lead to the disavowal of the act done under them? Could it have been fair? Could it have been honorable? Certainly not—because an act done under circumstances, the character of which was fair and honorable, might merit a better destiny, than an unqualified disavowal; but this act was done under such circumstances within the knowledge of Mr. Smith as could only lead to a disavowal of it. The character of such circumstances must then have been dishonorable and scandalous, or certainly some other fate, than a disavowal of the act under them, might have attended it; but in this case, Mr. Jackson says, no better fate could attend the act; the circumstances were such as could only lead to a disavowal. Now, sir, after thus stripping this extraordinary sentence of all its disguises, and translating it into plain English; to what does it amount? Why, sir, certainly and unquestionably to this:—You, Mr. Smith, Secretary of State of the U. States, have entered into an arrangement with my predecessor, Mr. Erskine, under such scandalous and dishonorable circumstances, as could only lead to a disavowal of it; and you yourself were so well apprized of them, and so conscious of their inevitable operation, as even to think it unreasonable to complain of the disavowal. I defy gentlemen to give to this offensive paragraph any other fair and correct interpretation; and if this be the fair and correct one, can you conceive, sir, of an insult more outrageous and premeditated? And will you not be surprised, sir, to be told, that the insult does not stop here? That as offensive as it already appears, it does not stop here; that it is still further aggravated. Yes, sir, Mr. Jackson, not content with making this extraordinary and insolent communication in its ordinary form, underscores the words "could only" containing the point or act of the insult; thus aggravating the act either by the distrust thus manifested of Mr. Smith's mental perceptions, or by leading Mr. Smith to know, that the insult was known to, and intentionally given by Mr. Jackson; for the underscoring could not have had any other object in view.
In this impudent act of underscoring, Mr. Jackson reminds me, sir, of a set of miserable, conceited pretenders to wit, who, having great confidence in the acuteness of their own mental perceptions, and very little in that of their hearers, will kindly and compassionately explain the point of wit to their hearers, before they approach it in the recital of the story, to prepare and qualify the hearer's minds to join in the laugh intended to be produced by it. Yes, sir, this underscoring was as much as saying to Mr. Smith—I am afraid that I have so nicely wrapped this insult in the veil of mysteries and disguises, that it may escape observation from the obtuseness of your mental perception—but am determined it shall not.
The expressions alluded to are the following:—
"You have not in the conferences, we have hitherto held, distinctly announced any such complaint, and I have seen with pleasure, in this forbearance, on your part, an instance of that candor, which I doubt not, will prevail in all our communications, in as much as you could not but have thought it unreasonable to complain of the disavowal of an act, done under such circumstances, as could only lead to the consequences that have actually followed."
"It was not known when I left England, whether Mr. Erskine had, according to the liberty allowed him, communicated to you in extenso his original instructions. It now appears that he did not. But in reverting to his official correspondence, and particular to a despatch addressed on the 20th of April to his majesty's secretary of state for foreign affairs, I find that he there states that he had submitted to your consideration the three conditions specified in those instructions, as the ground work of an arrangement which, according to information received from this country, it was thought in England might be made, with a prospect of great mutual advantage. Mr. Erskine then reports verbatim et seriatim your observations upon each of the three conditions, and the reasons which induced you to think that others might be substituted in lieu of them. It may have been concluded between you that these latter were an equivalent for the original conditions; but the very act of substitution evidently shows that those original conditions were in fact very explicitly communicated to you, and by you of course laid before the President for his consideration. I need hardly add, that the difference between these conditions and those contained in the arrangement of the 18th and 19th of April, is sufficiently obvious to require no elucidation; nor need I draw the conclusion, which I consider as admitted by all absence of complaint on the part of the American government, viz: that under such circumstances his majesty had an undoubted and incontrovertible right to disavow the act of his minister. I must here allude to a supposition, which you more than once mentioned to me, and by which, if it had any the slightest foundation, this right might perhaps have been in some degree affected. You have informed me that you understood that Mr. Erskine had two sets of instructions, by which to regulate his conduct; and that upon one of them, which had not been communicated either to you or to the public, was to be rested the justification of the terms finally agreed upon between you and him. It is my duty, sir, solemnly to declare to you, and thro' you, to the President, that the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine, which you have made the basis of an official correspondence with the latter minister, and which was read by the former to the American minister in London, is the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement with this country on the matter to which it relates."
Mr. Jackson says:—
I have underscored it for you; you shall look at it; you shall know that I, Mr. Jackson, understand and mean it. I have wrapped it up in mystery and disguise, to be sure, but I will rend the veil, I will make an eyelet hole for you, that you shall look thro' and behold the insult in all its front of grossness and impudence.
But, sir, if Mr. Jackson had then known, as well as he now does, the dignified character, the high sensibility, and the correct intelligence of the Secretary of State, he would have found it more honorable to himself to have spared his insult altogether, or at least might have spared himself the trouble of underscoring. Sir, I conceive this insult so gross and outrageous that I am surprised how the Executive government could reconcile it to itself to proceed another step in the communications with Mr. Jackson. Certainly, sir, proceeding beyond this point manifests on the part of the Executive great moderation, great forbearance, and a condescension scarcely excusable, and, sir, I am perfectly sure, that nothing could have induced it, to consider such gross intimations argumentatively , but the ardent and sincere desire which has invariably actuated the present, as well as the last administration, to preserve peace, and cultivate harmony, and a good understanding with Great Britain. And, sir, we shall see in the course of this investigation, how it has been requited for this, as well as for all former acts of moderation, forbearance and condescension.
Let me now, sir, select out of the quotation, another extraordinary expression, for a few animadversions, in the following words:—"But the very act of substitution evidently shows that those original conditions were in fact very explicitly communicated to you, and by you, of course laid before the President for his consideration."
It is somewhat curious to observe, what stress Mr. Jackson placed through the whole of his correspondence, upon what he is here pleased to term "the very act of substitution," and demonstrates to every impartial mind how slender are the pretexts, with which Mr. Jackson is furnished, to apologise for, or rather to equivocate about the disavowal of Mr. Erskine's arrangement.
Let me, therefore, enquire, in what this horrible act of substitution, as Mr. Jackson would make it appear, consists? Why, sir, simply in this: That the three inadmissible conditions, mentioned in one of the despatches to Mr. Erskine, were verbally communicated to Mr. Smith, and insisted upon by Mr. Erskine, and that Mr. Smith in rejecting those conditions verbally, and with great propriety and frankness, told Mr. Erskine what conditions he might obtain.—Mr. Erskine upon a review of all his letters of instructions, finding it impossible to obtain his, the three conditions first proposed, conceived himself fully empowered to propose those which possibly might have been intimated to him by Mr. Smith in conversation; and the arrangement was accordingly and promptly made between these two gentlemen on the part of their respective governments. And now let me ask you, sir, what is there dishonorable, unfair, or even unusual in this proceeding, which is the whole amount of Mr. Jackson's "very act of substitution." Sir, it is very easy to see that Mr. Jackson keeps his ingenuity constantly upon the stretch, respecting this very act of substitution evidently with a view of producing an impression by the insinuation, that the Executive government of the U. S. had more than its share in that arrangement, and in fact was concerned in a dishonorable & scandalous combination with his predecessor, Mr. Erskine, for the purpose of producing the arrangement. Which insinuation, if true, must represent Mr. Erskine as a fool, a knave, or a traitor, or all three; and our Executive government still further lost to every honorable sentiment, and utterly destitute of even the most ordinary understanding. An insinuation so insidious and affronting cannot fail to excite the indignation and contempt of every patriotic heart in America. But fortunately for the Executive government, Mr. Erskine's previous explanation of this point to our government, strips the transaction of every shadow of a shade of a doubt, of which Mr. Jackson perhaps was not apprised at the time he was employed in devising the gross insinuation. Yes, sir, this was one miserable effort of Mr. Jackson to reproach our Executive government for an act, for which it merited and universally received the sincere applause and grateful thanks of the American people. It restored the Executive as it ought to have done, to universal confidence and utterly rooted out every doubt of its sincerity in its diplomatic intercourse with Great Britain, under which some of our misled and mistaken citizens for a while unfortunately labored. For the moment terms were proposed on the part of Great Britain which could with honor or propriety be accepted by the U. States, they were frankly and promptly accepted by the Executive, regardless of all consequences from any other quarter. Sir, there is another part of this quotation, which requires a few animadversions.
I allude, sir, to the first solemn declaration made to this government by Mr. Jackson, respecting the despatch, in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine. It is in the following words:—
"It is my duty, sir, solemnly to declare to you, and through you, to the President, that the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine which you have made the basis of an official correspondence with the latter minister, and which was read by the former to the American minister in London, is the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement with this country on the matter to which it relates."
The equivocal nature of this sentence consists in using the word "despatch," instead of the word "conditions." What does Mr. Jackson here solemnly declare to Mr. Smith?—Why, sir, that the "despatch" from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine, &c. is the only "despatch" by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine, &c. &c. not that these were the only conditions that were prescribed.—This, I have no doubt, is true.—It is astonishing to me that such extraordinary conditions should have ever found their way into one despatch, or any despatch.—I hope for the honor of Mr. Canning that he did not repeat them in any other despatch. But, sir, does Mr. Jackson here solemnly declare, that Mr. Erskine had received no other despatch in relation to this subject, in which some other conditions were prescribed, or some discretion to Mr. Erskine, authorising him to explain or modify those conditions, or if he thought proper, to substitute others in their stead? No, sir, there is no solemn declaration to this effect. Is it not then very probable, that this was the case? As the despatch in question is not, I believe, the only despatch brought to Mr. Erskine by Mr. Oakley—and as Mr. Oakley was sent for the express purpose of bringing despatches to Mr. Erskine, and as one of these despatches did not contain the conditions prescribed in the preceding despatch, is it not natural to conclude that this despatch did prescribe some other conditions, or give some discretion respecting those previously prescribed, or make some new explanation or modification of them? As the last despatch did not contain the same conditions with the first, is it not natural to conclude, that it did contain something else; and might not that something else be a full power to Mr. Erskine, which, either in its letter or spirit, would justify the arrangement finally concluded under it? This is so natural in itself, and is rendered so probable by Mr. Erskine's letter to Mr. Smith, dated the 14th Aug. 1809, that I think it fair to infer, that such was the real course of facts. For you will observe, sir, that Mr. Jackson in this first solemn declaration no where says, that Mr. Erskine had no discretion given him in relation to this subject in any other despatch; but simply that the despatch in question is the only one , in which the conditions are prescribed, &c. &c. &c. He may, notwithstanding this declaration, have had full powers or discretionary powers, as he probably had given him in some other despatch. In support of this conclusion, sir, let me beg your attention to Mr. Erskine's letter containing the expressions to which I allude, and which will be found in pages 2, 22, of the printed documents, in the following words:—
"Under these circumstances, therefore, finding that I could not obtain the recognition specified in Mr. Canning's despatch of the 23d January, January, (which formed but one part of his instructions to me) in the formal manner required, I considered that it would be in vain to lay before the government of the United States the despatch in question, which I was at liberty to have done in extenso had I thought proper: But as I had such strong grounds for believing, that the object of his majesty's government could be attained though in a different manner, and the spirit, or east, of my several letters of instructions be fully complied with, I felt a thorough conviction upon my mind, that I should be acting in conformity with his majesty's wishes, and accordingly, concluded the ante-provisional agreement , on his majesty's behalf, with the government of the United States."
"The disavowal by his majesty as a painful proof to me, that I had formed an erroneous judgment of his majesty's views and the intention of my instructions; and I have most severely to lament, that an act of mine (though unintentionally,) should produce an embarrassment in the relations between the two countries."
It is to be observed from this quotation, in the first place, sir, that Mr. Erskine explicitly disavows ever having shown the Executive government the despatch containing the inadmissible conditions; and thus entirely exculpates it from the odious imputation attempted to be thrown on it by Mr. Jackson, and for this respectful forbearance to our government, he is certainly entitled to the applause of his own. In the next place, Mr. Erskine explicitly states, that the despatch in question contained but one part of his instructions, and that he thought that from the spirit at least of his several letters of instructions , he was fully authorized to make the arrangement he had done. And I think there is very little doubt but he had—that Mr. Erskine still thinks so, there can be no doubt—for he no where says, he is now convinced, that his powers were limited by his majesty's views and the intentions of his instructions.—Whether or not he had formed an erroneous judgment of his majesty's views, or the intention of his instructions, I imagine, will depend very much upon the point of time, to which he judged he had formed is referable. If it be referred to the time of Mr. Oakley's mission, I am inclined to think, he had neither formed an erroneous judgment of his majesty's views, nor the intention of his instructions; but if he refers to the time of the disavowal, then, I think I pretty certain, he had formed an erroneous judgment of both—for I have no doubt but his majesty's views at least, had completely changed between these two periods of time, & the real cause of this change, and of the disavowal itself, is to be looked for in the occurrences which took place, both in Europe and in the U. States, during that interval. No, sir, the want of powers on the part of Mr. Erskine, is not the true cause of the disavowal. I will now venture to conjecture the true cause; and if it be the right one, the case will be a plain one; and all equivocations in the explanations rendered unnecessary.
To do this, sir, I must call your attention to the state of events in Europe and in the United States, at these different periods of time. Mr. Oakley's mission was immediately after the British government was apprized of the precipitate retreat of Sir John Moore's army from Spain, and the fortunate escape of the remains of it from Corunna—The affairs of Spain, which had before excited such high expectations in the British cabinet, were given up as hopeless, &c. &c. Contemporaneously with a knowledge of these events, the British government was also informed of the measures of resistance against her outrageous aggressions, contemplated by Congress; which she then believed would certainly be carried into effect, &c. &c. Such was the state of things at the

time of sending the despatches by Mr. Oakley. At the time of the disavowal, a new coalition had been formed; Austria had boldly entered into the war against France, and the Spaniards had been animated into further efforts at resistance, which excited new hopes of success, &c. &c.
In this country too, sir, it pains my heart to be compelled to recite the circumstances, our contemplated measures of resistance had been relaxed, and the whole country exhibited such scenes of divisions and disaffection as paralyzed in some degree the movements of the government. I wish, sir, I could throw a shade of oblivion over these unfortunate scenes, or recollect them only, as they furnish the strongest argument. Indeed, sir, they point with an infallible index to the course it now becomes us to pursue. Yes, sir, it is to these changes in the state of things you are to look for the real causes of the disavowal, and not to the want of competent instructions on the part of Mr. Erskine, and it would have been more dignified on the part of the British government to have told us so at once. She would then have said to us, the state of things is changed—at the time of giving the instructions, I was depressed from a combination of untoward events—I am now flushed with new hopes of elevation and of triumph.—Besides, you have convinced me that you are untrue to yourselves—that you will shrink from the assertion and support of your own rights—if you will not, I am not bound to respect them, &c. &c.—I was then down, I am now up, and therefore I cannot grant you, in a spirit of triumph, what I solemnly promised in a spirit of despondency—I now find this the most favorable moment for establishing my favorite doctrine of the despotism of the ocean; and I cannot, will not deprive myself of the advantage merely to avoid the imputation of bad faith. Yes, sir, this would have been a much more correct and dignified course on the part of Great Britain, than the miserable effort made by Mr. Canning in devising an ingenious mental retort, for converting the bad faith of his own government, in the disavowal of the arrangement, into a reproach upon ours, for the circumstances under which that arrangement was pretended to have been made. It is true, sir, that in the one case, there would have been an admission of male fides , which is barely attempted to be avoided by a miserable subterfuge in the other; but then the British cabinet would have had the consolation of having told the truth, taken the responsibility upon themselves and set as defiance; and we should have been left to our own remedy with a perfect understanding of the case. She would also have had the plea of necessity , the old fashioned plea of tyrants, and indeed of every body else, who has no better—but this is not Mr. Canning's mode of doing business—he chuses to act by tricks and contrivances; and, in the case of the disavowal, by a mental retort, flowing solely from his own visionary mental conceits, without a fact or pretext for its support.
Mr. President, I am told that Mr. Canning is a professed punster—but, sir, I would not condescend to make the observation here, had he not, after heaping upon us, during the whole of his administration, every injury and insult in his power, at the close of it placed us in a ludicrous situation by imposing on us an obligation, in a grave and serious concern to the nation, of expounding his equivoques, and unriddling his riddles—I really feel some condescension in being compelled in my place to hunt out for his and Mr. Jackson's meaning, through a transition of sentences, a collocation of words, and a shifting of verbiage—and indulge me, sir, with remarking, that I conceive the situation of a nation never can be more disastrous, calamitous and lamentable, than when its great and serious affairs are placed in the hands of a parcel of punsters. For, sir, men of minds of that description are too much employed in the pleasing amusement of looking out for coruscations of wit and sentiment, to have any leisure for the more dull and unpleasing business of observing and marking the great occurrences in human affairs, and of devising means of giving them a direction favorable to their own views, or to their country's interests. No, sir, this is too dull and plodding a pursuit for men of such light, flitting, brilliant imaginations, and if ever they unfortunately undertake it, they soon find the woful misapplication of talents. If, sir, any illustration were wanting of the correctness of these observations, it could no where be found better than in an attentive review of the historical events, which occurred during the late British administration—the administration of the energetic—the brilliant—the sarcastic—the factious—the joking Mr. Canning. He has carried his joking propensities far indeed—it may be truly said, he jests at scars of the blackest disgrace and ruin inflicted upon his bleeding country—upon a great nation, which probably would have received and certainly merited a better fate, if it had fortunately placed its destinies in better hands.
Sir, it appears to me that all the military enterprizes during his whole administration, from the abominable attack on Copenhagen down to the last expedition against the islands of Zealand, were nothing more than belligerent puns and coundrums. It has been constantly announced that some grand, secret expedition was on hand, and each succeeding one grander than the preceding, until the last expedition to Walcheren, which was the grandest of all; and when the secret really came out, it appeared, either that the object was abominable, or contemptible, and the means of executing even the contemptible object, upon experiment, were generally found incompetent.
Yet, Sir, probably, these enterprizes have cost the British nation the lives of fifty thousand brave officers and soldiers, and I will not undertake to count the millions of dollars. Sir, the same little minded course of policy has also been uniformly manifested during the same time against the U. S.—and in no respect more, than in the disavowal of Mr. Erskine's arrangement—in avoiding to avow the real motives for it—and in the unavailing attempt to cover the bad faith of the British government, into a reproach upon our own; and this was to be done by an ingenious mental device, prettily conceived by Mr. Canning, and adroitly executed by Mr. Jackson; who if not equal to Mr. Canning in the mysterious art of punning, I think can be very little way behind his prototype, in the art of equivoques. Sir, the disavowal, in my judgment, was not for the want of competent powers. Too great a share of the real causes of the disavowal unfortunately is attributable to ourselves, and now is the moment to relieve ourselves from the imputation.
(Speech to be concluded.)
Congress.
IN SENATE.
December 13.
Mr. Pohe presented a petition from the inhabitants of the Mississippi Territory east of Pearl river, praying for a division of the Territory.—Ordered to lie on the table.
December 14th.
Mr. Leib submitted the following motion, for consideration.
Resolved, That the President of the U. States be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate a copy of the correspondence between him and the Governor of Pennsylvania in the case of Gideon Olmsted.
The bill to prevent the abuse of the privileges & immunities enjoyed by Foreign Ministers within the U. States was, on motion of Mr. Giles, recommitted to a select committee.
The bill to extend the time for issuing and locating military warrants, was read a third time and passed.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 13.
Mr. Quincey from the committee appointed to wait on the President of the United States in pursuance of a resolution of the House of Monday last, reported that they had performed the duty assigned them, and that the President had expressed his disposition to comply with the request of the House as far as practicable.
THE "THIRD CONDITION."
Mr. Gold rose for the purpose of moving a resolution to call upon the Executive for information affecting, as he conceived, the resolution from the Senate respecting Mr. Jackson. To shew the object of his motion, Mr. G. quoted from the letter of the Secretary of State to Mr. Pinkney of the 23d November last, the following passage: "Another point in the despatch and not in the arrangement, is, that the British navy might capture our trade to ports prohibited by the United States. This condition too, appears to have had its origin in a mistake of your meaning in a conversation with Mr. Canning, as noted by yourself." On referring to the communications made and the correspondence presented to the House from the American minister, he did not find the despatch there referred to. He said he found also in Mr. Erskine's letter to Mr. Smith of the 14th August, that reference was made to the same subject, and the same point was stated by Mr. Canning to have been assented to by Mr. Pinkney. The subject might not otherwise be of the most important nature, but inasmuch as the resolution from the Senate seemed to point to the last resort of nations, war, it seemed to him important that the House should proceed circumspectly in the whole business; and it would certainly be seen by the House that it was proper to have the fullest information on the subject. Impressed himself with this idea, he offered the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to lay before this house such information contained in any despatch from the American minister in London, relative to the instructions of Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d day of January, 1809, and relative to any communications and conversations between the American minister and Mr. Canning antecedent or subsequent thereto on the same subject, as may not, in the opinion of the President, be improper to be communicated."
Mr. Bacon thought that the information asked for had no sort of connection with the resolution from the Senate, which related merely to the conduct of Mr. Jackson, and which was of course to be decided by the proceedings of the minister himself. In the consideration of that resolution, then, it would be immaterial to enquire what had given rise to the mistake of Mr. Canning. If the object of the resolution were to justify or accuse Mr. Canning, this information might be necessary. Suppose it should be ascertained that the proposition of Mr. Canning grew out of his own mistake or originated with him, it was impossible to see what bearing it had upon the proposition from the Senate, which went to make a pledge to the nation to support the Executive in any result which might be consequent on the course it had pursued. Though he was willing at all times to call for all necessary papers, he could not see the propriety of passing this resolution, which only called upon the Executive for such papers as he should think proper to communicate, and which he no doubt had already done without waiting for a request by the House.
Mr. Gold said that the House could not, as the gentleman supposed, have all the information on this subject already before it, for an express reference had been shown to a despatch from Mr. Pinkney which was not to be found among the papers communicated. The House had called for Mr. Canning's despatch to Mr. Erskine of 23d January, and would they not have all its concomitants?—Was it not of some importance to have all the papers which gave rise to it? Was it not proper, at this momentous crisis, that what our minister in London had thought proper to communicate, this House should also have? The great question of peace or war was not to be decided on feeble grounds. When the time came that war should become a question, every inch of ground would be strictly scrutinized. It was important on this occasion to see whether that condition in Mr. Canning's despatch which carried such hostile features on its face, might not be softened by the discovery that it originated in some degree in the agent of this country in England. A mistake arising under these circumstances would much soften the features of hostility. If the matter had been deemed by our minister of sufficient importance to be communicated to the Executive, was it not important also that Congress should have it? As the House had called for the despatch of Mr. Canning including that condition, was it not important that they should also have every thing relating to it?
Mr. Gardener observed that although the paper called for might not be necessary to the decision of the resolution from the Senate, it by no means followed that it was not necessary at all. The House were called upon to do more than merely to pass that resolution. If the honor and dignity of the nation had been sacrificed as was stated, if the ground taken by the Executive was correct, he trusted they would do more than pass a resolution; he trusted that they would abandon this paper system, by which the nation had sunk in the estimation of foreign powers. But before they took that ground, he trusted likewise that they would look before them at every step; that they
would be careful in all things that their quarrel was just. He said it was not to be concealed, and no American could conceal it from himself, that the third condition contained in the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine was such a one as the United States could not accede to. They could never call in the aid of any foreign nation to support their laws, because that would be to confess the impotence of the country to enforce its own acts. But, Mr. Gardener said, there were two parties to this question. That part of the world not yet under the control of Napoleon was to decide whether the United States or their adversary be right. To satisfy them and all men who love justice, he said that it was necessary that this government should make out the case in its own favor, and shew that the British government was in the wrong.—The British government had proposed that their navy should be expressly permitted to assist in executing a law to be passed by the Legislature of the United States. They had said also that in making this proposition they acted not from their own impulse but were warranted in suggesting it from its having been first proposed by our minister in London. If this be correct, said Mr. G. our government can have nothing to complain of. If our minister in London has told the British government that we were prepared to accede to such an arrangement, then assuredly there is nothing reprehensible in the British government's being willing to take as much as we were willing to surrender. On our part, therefore, it is important that the declaration of Mr. Canning should be repelled, that it should be made out to the world that the transaction did not come from the British government originally, and not from our minister—because in the latter case we should have no cause of complaint on that ground. Let me not be understood to say that I would place confidence in the declaration of Mr. Canning, and disbelieve our own government; but I merely wish to see the evidence which will clear the subject from all doubt. It is agreed by both parties, as appears from Mr. Smith's last letter to Mr. Pinkney, that there had been a conversation on the subject, but it is alleged that the meaning of our minister has been misrepresented. I wish to know what Mr. Pinkney did say and how Mr. Canning came so widely to misunderstand him—I am desirous that it should appear that the 3d proposition did not derive its origin from our government or from any agent of it abroad. It would appear extremely singular that a document which contains the means of putting down the statement of an adverse government should be in our possession, and that gentlemen should be unwilling to let it come forth. Let me tell the gentleman from Massachusetts, who, I believe, sir, is quite as much attached to the administration of the government as I am, that he does injustice by withholding from them the opportunity of justifying themselves. No doubt Mr. Pinkney has satisfactorily explained the matter to the Executive; and no doubt the same explanation would be satisfactory to us as to his share in the transaction. But, Mr. G. said, standing here as the advocate of the honor and dignity of the United States, he wished nothing to be withheld. The President would thank the House, as he ought to do, for calling for information on this one point, if it were made out clearly on the side of the government. If not made out in consequence of withholding information, gentlemen would see in what situation they would be placed. It was well known that in this country there were a great many sceptical captious people called federalists—and what would they say if the information asked was refused?—Why, that the administration dare not communicate it; that this must be a lame part of the story, and therefore was not published; they would say that the administration had given to the world so much as was favorable to themselves, and that what was otherwise had been withheld. If such should prove to be the fact, it would not be very honorable to the Executive. But, Mr. G. said, he had a confidence in the Executive, as he had said at the last session of Congress, and he would not surrender it till he was compelled to do so, and therefore he wished for the best evidence in his favor.
The President of the United States, in his message to Congress, had in strong terms imputed to the British government a breach of good faith; its minister too had been rejected on account of his alleged insolence. This Mr. G. said was the rolling of clouds which precede a storm, and which was not to pass over. Without producing some concession. If this nation was to go to war the people must first be satisfied that the cause was just. With a divided people it was in vain to think of going to war. He pledged himself to the House that that description of gentlemen called the minority would proceed to the examination of this subject with that pure spirit of patriotism which in alarming times become peculiarly necessary; that no petty disposition would be shown to embarrass the government, provided every thing, when examined, should appear to be fair and open.
Mr. G. concluded by hoping that, as it was important in this case to prove that Mr. Canning had erred, the House too should know what the Executive knew. They had as strong a right to know: The Executive received all information on our foreign relations, not that he alone was peculiarly entitled to it, but because it was most convenient that he should be the organ of communication with our ministers abroad.
Mr. Eppes said he should not have risen on the present occasion, but that it appeared to him that the course taken by the gentleman from New York was calculated to give to this resolution a very different aspect from that which it bore on the face of it; and was calculated to carry to the American people and nation an impression that the grounds of difference now existing between the U. States and G. Britain depended on what? On perhaps the least important point of collision which existed, viz. a tender of the British navy to enforce the laws of the U. States, thereby insinuating that they themselves were unable to enforce them—an insinuation made repeatedly on this floor; and which, when compared with the circumstances disclosed by the documents laid before Congress, was but a drop in the ocean to the immense field of British enormities, duplicity and deceit. Look, said he, at the letter of the Secretary of State in which are stated the grounds on which matters now rest. A new minister comes here, after the arrangement entered into and executed on our part is disavowed, and offers no explanations as to the motives of it. As to the affair of the Chesapeake—what have we there? The minister on this subject is charged with no proposition but such as has
been previously rejected, with none but such as the British government knew would be rejected with scorn in this country. When Mr. Rose was sent here to atone for the outrage on the Chesapeake, the first step taken by him was to require the annulling a proclamation issued to prevent the recurrence of similar events—and what is the proposition of Mr. Jackson in relation to it, after the proclamation has been virtually repealed? Why, he must have a formal acknowledgment of its repeal. It is a decisive proof that there is no sincere desire in the British government for a settlement of that point; because they propose terms dishonorable, terms which have been before rejected. There is another point of difference which should have entered into the view of the gentleman from New York. No proposition whatever has been made with respect to the Orders in Council, and it is declared that the principle of them they will never cease to maintain. Another point insisted on previous to any friendly arrangement is the express renunciation of the colonial trade not permitted in time of peace.—I have said thus much to remind the gentleman that it is not because Britain has tendered her aid to execute our laws, merely that we have cause of complaint against her, but because she has manifested a total want of good faith in refusing to fulfil an arrangement formally concluded, and by making propositions which she must know would be rejected, because they could not be honorably accepted. As to the resolution before the House, Mr. Eppes said he cared very little about it. He believed if the gentleman would take the trouble of looking over the documents of the last session, he would find the paper desired. But that no gentleman might have it in his power to say that he had not all the information before him that he could require, he should vote for the resolution.
Mr. Key said that whenever the representatives of the nation were called upon to act upon any momentous occasion, as the present certainly was, it was all important to them and to the people at large to possess all the information to be had compatibly with propriety. It was manifest that the Executive was possessed of information which might be beneficial, and therefore ought to be laid before Congress. He said he alluded particularly to the correspondence of Mr. Pinkney with the Executive on this subject. He said he had seen no account of what were the views taken by that gentleman of the instructions to Mr. Erskine. Mr. Pinkney, Mr. Key said, was a man of high character, of great talents, and of unquestioned zeal for his country's good; and it was impossible that he should have lost a moment in presenting to our government the views of the government of the nation to which he is our minister. Mr. Canning had said that he had communicated to Mr. Pinkney Mr. Erskine's instructions in extenso . So important a fact would certainly not have been omitted to be communicated by our minister—Mr. Key said he wished to see whether Mr. Canning had correctly stated what had taken place, and in what manner Mr. Pinkney had conveyed the information to our government. He had confidence enough in the Executive to submit to his discretion to lay before the House such part of this communication as he should think proper. But satisfied as he was that important documents must be in possession of the Executive, he wished, when called upon to act on a great question which would involve the dearest interests of the country, to be possessed of all the information possessed by the Executive on the subject. He therefore said he should vote for the resolution.
Mr. Rhea (T.) said he should vote against the resolution, because it called for information irrelevant to any question before the House, and because on a subject the consideration of which appeared to him to have been precluded by the arrangement entered into in April last. He said he found by the documents laid before the House that strenuous efforts had been made by Mr. Jackson to call up the discussion of it afresh on the principle that the arrangement concluded by Mr. Erskine was unauthorized, and entered into by our government with the knowledge of its being so. Mr. R. said he was against giving any color whatever to that opinion. He never was opposed to calling for necessary information; but the reason he had assigned was sufficient, if there were no other, to induce him to vote against the motion. Mr. Erskine having denied ever having given his government any reason to suppose, from any conversations he had held with members of the Executive, that they would agree to the third proposition, it seemed to be thought necessary to throw the burthen of it on Mr. Pinkney. The very nature of the proposition itself ought to induce gentlemen to reject every motion to enquire into it. He would spurn the idea of enquiring what Mr. Pinkney had thought of it, because it went to a point in itself wholly inadmissible; as much so as if the British government had proposed to Congress to prepare projects of laws for them. It had been stated by Mr. Jackson that the arrangement was disavowed because the instructions contained in the note of the 23d Jan. were not complied with, which instruction included this 3d proposition. And of course, this 3d proposition must be assented to before any negotiation could be brought to a conclusion. But, Mr. Rhea said, in his opinion all this was foreign to the resolution from the Senate, which merely respected the conduct of Mr. Jackson to this government, and whether this government had done right in the manner in which it had treated him. He further remarked that it was evidently not Mr. Pinkney but Mr. Canning who had mistaken the meaning of their mutual conversations, because Mr. Pinkney could not have had any doubts on the subject of such a proposal. And what had this House to do with Mr. Canning's mistakes? They were not going to erect an inquisition into the correctness or incorrectness of his idea; and therefore needed no information on the subject of them.
On the 27th day of May, Mr. R. said our minister had been made acquainted with Mr. Erskine's instructions; and the arrangement was made on the 19th April. So that it had been executed by the United States, prior to the time at which the instructions of Mr. Erskine were communicated to Mr. Pinkney. If Mr. Canning was at that time devising means of disavowing the arrangement, which he expected was entered into, what was that to the United States? That arrangement, he said, had been a plain matter of bargain, which after having executed with good faith by one party to it, was refused to be fulfilled by the other.
It had been said that the British government had a right to get from our minister whatever they could, and that therefore the 3d condition in Mr. C.'s despatch had been
prescribed. Where was the evidence that Mr. Pinkney had ever proposed or assented to it? Mr. Rhea's opinion of him was such, he said, that he could not permit himself to suppose that he would assent to such a proposition; and it was not treating him with justice to suppose so. Mr. R. said it was not for him to say, whether or not war would result from the present state of things—he wished not for war—but this consideration had no connection with the resolution; against which he should vote for reasons some of which he had assigned.
Mr. Gold said, that he had examined the documents communicated at the last session, and found no such despatch as that alluded to by the gentleman from Virginia; and if that gentleman, whom he always heard with pleasure, would recollect the state of things, at the last session, he would hardly believe that the Executive would have been justifiable in communicating any correspondence which might reveal hostile sentiments. That cause for forbearance did not now exist. He wished information from the fountain head, from Mr. Pinkney himself, who had been a party in the conversation alluded to; and he could perceive no reason why gentlemen should oppose it. He thanked the gentleman from Virginia for not limiting the discussion to that narrow point to which it was attempted to be confined by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon). Gentlemen would see that they had arrived at a point at which the whole correspondence on this odious offensive despatch from Mr. Canning should be communicated.
Mr. Quincey stated the motion before the House in one point of view, to shew its connection with the resolution from the Senate. We are called upon, said he, to state that it was the intention of Mr. Jackson to excite dissensions among the people through false and fallacious disguises. In making up this argument, as I understand it has been argued, it is stated that one of these disguises was that he had stated to the people of the U. S. that he had commenced an important negotiation. When, in fact, he was only authorized to propose certain conditions, the acceptance of one of which would be disgraceful to this country. It is almost impossible to enter into an examination of these disguises without taking up that condition and the circumstances under which it was proposed; for unquestionably it is a false disguise if a proposition be stated to have been originally proposed by our minister in London, which he never even assented to. The House ought not, however, to refuse the production of any paper thought necessary by any member in making up his opinion on matters before the House.
Mr. Bacon said that he now understood the specific ground on which the motion was introduced to be abandoned, and the paper called for was admitted not to be necessary to the consideration of the resolution from the Senate. The gentleman from N. York, (Mr. Gardener) had supported it on the ground that the paper might be necessary for the justification of administration. How? No imputation had been alleged against the British government by the Executive for making this 3d proposition; it had been simply rejected, as all admitted, on correct grounds. So far from being made the ground of any imputation against that government, it was expressly imputed to a mistake of Mr. Canning, not to a wilful misinterpretation, but a misapprehension of what had passed between him and Mr. Pinkney. The sole imputation of blame made on Mr. Canning is not that he originally proposed it, because he might in so doing have acted under a mistake, but that it was urged by Mr. Canning after the refusal by this government to admit it. Neither could Mr. P. see how the paper to be called for was necessary for the justification of Mr. Canning; for no charge had been brought against him on account of it. No supposition had ever been uttered in or out of the House that our minister had ever been authorized to assent to such a proposition; and if he had done so, the affair concerned only him. Mr. B. said he could not see how administration were concerned in it. Whether the nation was to go to war or not, would not at all depend on that point. He saw no reason to call for the paper. It might be necessary, as the gentleman from N. York, (Mr. Gardener) supposed, to stop the cavillings of captious federalists. The gentleman (said Mr. B.) is better acquainted with gentlemen of that description than I am, and therefore no doubt has characterised them correctly. It is not for me to say whether he has mistaken the character of his friends. But on that account I see no reason to vote for the motion.
Mr. Key said, the gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Rhea,) had seemed to suppose, because Mr. Canning's letter of the 27th of May, was subsequent to the arrangement, that the communication of the instructions to Mr. P. could have no bearing on the questions to be discussed. Mr. K. said, that he did not understand this to have been the first communication of the instructions, for Mr. Canning writes to Mr. P. on the 27th May, "Having had the honor to read to you in extenso the instructions, &c." Mr. K. said it was because the time when he first read them was not stated, that he wished to see Mr. Pinkney's letter on the subject. That gentleman, if he correctly recollected the nature of the communications from him, usually detailed the periods of time and substance of conversations in a clear and luminous manner. Not to travel over ground occupied by other gentlemen, Mr. Key said, he justified the call on the ground that the time at which the instructions given to Mr. Erskine were first read to Mr. P. was uncertain.
Mr. Gardener said, he had just heard from a gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Eppes,) very much to his surprise, that the proposition of this 3d condition was a matter of very trifling importance. Perhaps, Mr. G. said, he was fated to differ with gentlemen on points which concerned the honor of the country. He thought it extremely important, that it should be ascertained how this proposition came to be made by the British government, if without any previous indication on the part of the United States of a disposition to submit to it. He should, if such were the case, call it little short of an insulting proposition, as the making it necessarily implied a belief of the want of power in this government to carry into execution its own laws—an imputation to which he could never submit. But (said Mr. G.) the President of the U. States, in his message to Congress, has thought fit, possessing no doubt a view of the whole ground (to which I do not pretend, but shall strive to attain) in the face of the world, to charge the British government with persisting in refusing to ratify an agreement entered into by his minister, having competent power to make it—a charge which, if not retracted, will disgrace the British government for ever—for, what worse imputation can you attach to a go-

very soon, than the deliberate violation of a compact entered into? Note. It is therefore important, after issuing a state paper of a higher tone than any thing since the revolution, to that union which it ought to be the duty of government to establish among the people, if any serious consequences are to result, to show that we are in the right. The British government alleges, as I understand, that its minister here did not follow his instructions, but absolutely violated them, inasmuch as, among other things, he did not get the assent of the American government to stipulations which were to leave the British government at liberty to capture our vessels engaged in a certain trade. Now, inasmuch as he was instructed to make this a part of his arrangement, and failed to do so, therefore, say the British government, we are not bound by it. On the part of this government, it appears to have been contended, that a minister resident was possessed of sufficient powers to conclude such an arrangement. That question, Mr. G. said, he would not enter into now. If it were true, that the proposal that British armed vessels should capture American vessels engaged in a trade prohibited by American laws, so repugnant to every idea of propriety, did in fact come, as Mr. Canning says, first from America; and if, after it was made a condition by the British government, the government of the U. States refused to accede to it, after having so first proposed it, there was a want of good faith on the part of this government. If that fact should be ascertained, the British government would be justified in refusing to sanction the arrangement. Mr. G. wished to be understood, not as saying that such was the case, but merely stating the question on both sides. On this account, however, he considered it extremely important to ascertain how this proposition first received existence. He wished to know what Mr. Pinkney did say, and how Mr. Canning came to misunderstand him, if in fact he had misunderstood him. And for this purpose he wanted such papers as might be embraced by the motion before the House.
The question was now taken on Mr. Gold's motion by Yeas and Nays, and carried, 85 to 56—majority in its favor 49.
Messrs. Gold and Key were appointed a committee to wait on the President with this resolution.
THURSDAY, December 14.
COUNTERVAILING COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS.
Mr. ATKIN, after a few observations, in which he declared the object of his motion to be to countervail the restrictions imposed by foreign nations on our commerce, laid upon the table the following resolutions.
Resolved, That the committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting, by law, the importation in foreign ships or vessels of all goods, wares and merchandise, not of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the country to which the ship belongs, excepting in the ships of such countries as by permanent regulations permit our ships and vessels as freely and beneficially as their own, to import into their ports and territories the produce and manufactures of foreign countries.
Resolved, That the committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of laying an additional impost duty on distilled spirits imported in foreign ships and vessels from ports or countries in which American vessels are not permitted by permanent regulations to a fair participation in such trade.
YAZOO CLAIMANTS.
Mr. Bacon presented the petition of the New-England Mississippi Land Company, praying for a compromise or settlement of the claim, which he moved to refer to the committee of claims.
This motion gave rise to a debate of more than an hour, of which a sketch will be given in our next. It was finally carried by Yeas and Nays, 60 to 54—majority 4.
NEW YORK, Dec. 13.—The arrival of the ship Eliza-Ann, captain Porter, in 34 days from Dublin, has put the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser , in possession of Irish papers to the 7th of November (the day of her sailing) containing London News of the 2d.
LONDON, October 24.—Despatches have been sent off to Marquis Wellesley, by a King's Messenger, who sailed from Plymouth in the Whiting schooner on Sunday last. It is rumored at the port whence the vessel sailed, that "those despatches contain orders for the total evacuation of Spain by the British; the last despatches from Marquis Wellesley, Mr. Frere and Lord Wellington, as well as communications from other well informed persons, having fully convinced government of the impossibility of effecting the deliverance of a people, who are so supinely callous to their own welfare." Whether this statement be accurate we have not the means of knowing, but the measure is, in our opinion, just such a one as ought to be adopted in the present crisis. Britain has made exertions which ought to have been more than sufficient for the emancipation of Spain, had the Spanish government called into action and given a proper direction to the energies of the nation. The opportunity has been lost, and it can never again be recalled!
The whole military force of France and Germany will soon be in the Peninsula.
October 26.—A report, which was circulated more than a week since, has been revived in the city, and with more confidence than at first—that some kind of negotiation has been carrying on, through an indirect channel, between the British government and that of France, the object of which is the re-establishment of a general peace. The Marquis Wellesley, it is said, is about to proceed to Paris in further pursuit of this grand object, the way to which, it is understood, has been smoothed by the mediation of a great Northern Power, and whose interference was the chief cause of the prolongation of the negotiations at Altenburg, which are now entirely closed. The evacuation of Spain is said to be the simple condition on which England is to be admitted a party in a General Congress of European Powers. The claims of Portugal as an independent state, to become subject to future discussion.— Sun.
Oct 29.—Despatches were received this morning from Lord Wellesley, dated on the 16th inst. He was preparing to return to this country immediately. Our army in Spain was recovering fast. The French have pushed a corps into La Mancha.
We learn from unimpeached authority, and we communicate the resolution with sincere regret, that Ministers have finally determined that the island of Walcheren is to be
retained at every risk & loss. The utmost exertions are also to be made for the preservation of Portugal; and all the disposable force in England is under orders for these two destinations. On Saturday an order was sent down to the Sussex district, for every regiment, except the 18th light horse, to hold itself in readiness for embarkation.
WITHEALL, Oct. 23.—The king has been pleased to constitute and appoint the Right Honorable Henry John Viscount Palmerston, to be his Majesty's Secretary at War.
DUBLIN, Nov. 3.—It is said that the exchange on Hamburg is increased 50 per cent.—Signature must be given as an acknowledgement for a single stiver, the value of a British penny. The Jews having, according to report, bought up all the hard cash in the country. There is to be a strong English party in Copenhagen. A request has been forwarded to all persons residing in Zealand to give up their plate. &c the government agreeing to guarantee its value.
By the remonstrances of the Russian Minister at Copenhagen, the privateers are called in. All Americans can now pass the Sound unmolested, on condition of paying the dues.
COPENHAGEN, Oct. 3.—According to the accounts of travellers we are assured that on the 11th of this month all the Swedish hosts will be shut to all English ships.
Advices from various sources concur in stating, that immediately after the signature of peace, the Emperor of Austria intends to proceed to Pest, where he will reside with his family, until the French troops have evacuated Vienna and Lower Austria.
CARLSRUHE, Oct. 18.—All the family of his Royal Highness the Grand Duke are assembled here to receive the Emperor Napoleon, and offer him their homage. It is said that the hereditary Grand Duke will accompany his Majesty to Strasburg.
Certain intelligence was received at our court to day, that the Emperor Napoleon left Schoenbrunn on the 15th, at four o'clock in the afternoon, and that orders had been given to proclaim peace at Vienna on the 16th with the greatest solemnity. One hundred cannon will be fired from the ramparts of this city on the occasion.
Extract of a letter from Dublin, dated Nov. 7.
"Since writing my letter the Packet has brought an account that an order in council is expected to appear immediately in the Gazette, prohibiting the landing of American produce that has been landed or warehoused in any place since they left America, except from British ships, or American ships with British license. This seems intended to drive you to your Embargo, which from experience, it is expected you cannot maintain."
LATEST FROM LISBON.
Captain Russell, of the ship Niagara, who arrived at Philadelphia on Tuesday last, left Lisbon on the 23d of October, at which time the British still lay at Badajoz and he did not hear that any thing material had taken place between the Spaniards and French. The latter probably lay still, waiting the troops that it was said were coming on from France.
NORFOLK, Dec. 15.
PECULATION.
The Pilot Boat Rapid, arrived here this morning from the Capes, spoke yesterday the brig Dart, captain Driscoll, 20 days from New-Orleans, bound to Baltimore.—Was informed by the captain of the Dart, that the Collector of the port of New-Orleans had appropriated one hundred and sixty thousand dollars of the public money to his own use, with which he went off in an English privateer Felluca, which cleared out for Pensacola. It was generally supposed at New Orleans, that the Captain of the privateer would dispatch him, and apply the money to his own use.— Herald.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, DECEMBER 19, 1809.
THE TIMES.
"These are the Times that try men's souls."
Paine's Crisis.
At this moment when the best rights and honor of the United States are at issue, it is incumbent upon every friend of his country—to turn his attention towards the best means of protection and redress. Dissensions and divisions have proved the bane of America. The British government would never have dared to have heaped so many wrongs and indignities upon our head, if they had not speculated upon our internal divisions, if they had not supposed, that there was an opposition party in this country, who in every emergency would stand by her, and resolutely set their face against every measure of resistance: The proofs of this disposition have been indeed imposing. When we survey the hosts of British agents in this country, who are at all times ready to obey the behests and support the interests of Britain, some from natural feeling and others from mercenary views—when we survey the number of native Americans, whom ambition or venality, the fear of France or the love of Britain, the spirit of party, or the fury of prejudice, have caused to desert the banners of their country, it is no wonder that Canning and Castlereagh, and Perceval and Liverpool, should persevere in their encroachments upon us. When we consider how easily the successive injuries of the British government have been denied or extenuated by a certain set of men, and their leading prints in this country—how the impression of our seamen, and the interruption of our commerce, have been palliated—how charitably the murderous attack on the Chesapeake has been forgotten—how boldly our Executive have been assailed for daring to reject the infamous propositions of Mr. Rose—what strong opposition the slightest shew of resistance to the British Orders in Council has experienced—how the embargo has been ridiculed in every shape—the legislature of Massachusetts have arrayed their strength against the Federal Government—and Mr. Timothy Pickering, a Senator of the U. States, has declared to the world, that notwithstanding all these wrongs, the British government has done us "no essential injury," is it surprising that Mr. Jackson should have
bearded our very Executive? Is it wonderful, that even Mr. J. should have met with so many supporters among the federal prints? The Federal party have it now in their power to show their zeal for the U. States. But we dread their decisions. Their leaders in Congress have already shown from the high ground of reason and of right. In the Senate of the U. S. Pickering & Lloyd, Hillhouse and Goodrich have voted against the Resolutions of Mr. Giles, without offering to urge a word against them, thus neither daring to abandon nor to justify the British Minister. In the House of Representatives, we see the curious spectacle of a party, dodging and wincing and throwing every petty objection in the way to embarrass the proceedings—calling for papers, which either cannot be official or which are utterly irrelevant to the subject before them.
Under these circumstances it is incumbent upon every friend of our rights, to rally around the government. No exertions should be spared—Not a nerve should be relaxed. Let every man be at his post.
The question is, what steps are we to take to vindicate our rights? To meet the aggressions of the European belligerents? To relieve our commerce from the embarrassments which enthrall it?
Shall we do nothing; leaving our commerce and rights to shift for themselves?
Shall we remain as we are—with the partial Non-Intercourse alone on our statute books?
Shall we retaliate upon the belligerents; According to the Resolutions of Mr. Troup? Shall we adopt one of the Alternatives, which are stated in the letter of the Secretary of the Treasury—reinstating the system of restriction, partially abandoned, in all its parts and with all the provisions necessary for its strict and complete execution?
OR, shall we resort to other, and energetic modes of resistance?
These are the principal alternatives, presented to us. Let us dismiss them with a few observations upon each.
1. Should we rescind our present Non-Intercourse regulations and do nothing, what will be the result? Insults the most gross and aggressions the most alarming, will be submitted to. Our rights on the high seas will be abandoned to the caprice and usurpation of belligerents. And as "submission never set bounds to encroachments," every vestige of our commerce may be sacrificed to the subsequent Orders of the British government. For as to France, she has too dear an interest in the multiplication of neutral bottoms, not to employ greater circumlocution and forbearance in her attacks upon the "Liberte de Mer," the Liberty of the Seas—Our national honor will become tarnished in the eyes of the world.
And where that honor is but another name for the vindication of our dearest rights, it should be as precious to us "as the ruddy drops that warm our hearts." In this definition of the term, let us have the pride of saying with Francis the 1st. "we have lost every thing but our honor." How much this precious principle has already been tarnished by the imbecility of the panic-struck 10th Congress, it is not for me to say—but it is for the present Congress of the U. States to be warned of the folly of their predecessors.
2. Let us remain as we are.
With the partial Non-Intercourse alone on our statute books, the results must be obvious to every observer. The Secretary of the Treasury assures us truly, that the provisions of this act, "particularly as modified by the act of last session, under an expectation, that the orders of council of Great Britain had been revoked, are inefficient and altogether inapplicable to existing circumstances—that exportation by land is not forbidden, and no bonds being required from vessels ostensibly employed in the coasting trade, nor any authority vested by law which justifies detention, those vessels daily sail for British ports without any other remedy but the precarious mode of instituting prosecutions against the apparent owners ." The consequence is, that knaves will be getting rich at the expense of honest men. The upright merchant, who observes the laws of his country, will carry on a circuitous trade, and his cargo will be burdened with additional freight, commission and expenses—on the contrary, the dishonest smuggler, who sails direct to G. Britain, is able to undersell him in all the markets.
These arguments prove irresistible, when they are taken in conjunction with the new orders, which are said to be about to be issued by the British Cabinet. These have in view, to interdict our produce from going from circuitous ports to England unless in British ships or in our own with British licenses—but to admit them when going direct from the U. S. We shall say nothing of the morality of an order which tempts our own people to violate the laws of their country. It is sufficient for us to ask, in the words of Mr. Madison's despatch to Mr. Pinkney of July 18th, 1808, "what would be the charge against the U. States, if they were by proclamation, to invite British subjects, those too expressly and particularly prohibited from leaving their country, to elude the prohibition, or to attempt by interested inducements, a smuggling violation or evasion of laws, on which G. Britain founds so material a part of her national policy." This question goes home to the conscience of the British Cabinet. They will not feel it—but our trade and our laws will feel it, if we continue as we now are.
3. Shall we take up Mr. Troup's resolutions, and attempt to play off their own weapons upon the belligerents—return the "contents of the poisoned chalice to their own lips?" That we have the right to retaliate their wanton and unjustifiable attacks, there can be no doubt—but these points occur as to Mr. Troup's resolutions: The British no longer profess to levy a tribute or tax upon our cargoes—exclusive of the price of a license for carrying on a certain trade. The Orders of Nov. 1807, have been, in this respect, altered by those of April, 1809. That insulting muqizatio , as it was insultingly called, is done away. The true git of retaliation, would therefore be, not for us to levy a tax upon the cargoes of such British ships, as might be brought in by our ships of war—but to prohibit their trade, fit out privateers, bring the violators into our ports, and confiscate them by due course of law.
Another objection to Mr. Troup's resolution is, that it is likely to draw us into hostilities with G. Britain, without our previously resorting to an embargo—to get our ships and property safe into our ports. John Randolph never uttered a truer sentiment, than when he said, "If there is any wisdom left among us, the first step towards hostility, will always be an Embargo. Without such a precaution, go to war when you will, you go to the wall." Yes—an Embargo, which
this very ingenious gentleman ridiculed so much for its weakness, when it was put on, and which he cried up as such a strong measure, in these encomiastic strains from his speech on 6th March, 1806: "And does he call this a firm measure? What would have been a firm measure? An Embargo. That would have gone to the root of the evil. But that, sir, would not have suited your Proteus politicians. There could have been no evasion of that. But your slippery mercantile eels can slide over or under this provision, and leave the whole burthen of suffering to fall on the planter, the farmer, and the real American." The other modes of resistance will be touched in the next number.
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNALS OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
MONDAY, Dec. 11.
A report from the Committee for Courts of Justice (which lay on the table) was taken up & read in the following words:
The Committee for Courts of Justice have, according to order, had under their consideration several petitions to them referred, and have come to the following resolutions thereon:
1. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of David Doyle, praying that an act may pass, vesting in him the right of the commonwealth to the real estate whereof Richard Smyth died seized, and which it appears was intended by the said Richard to have been devised to the petitioner, is reasonable.
2. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of Ann Elliot Mackey, widow and relict and administratrix of Robert Mackey, deceased, and guardian of the children of the said deceased, praying that an act may pass, authorising a sale of a certain tract of land, lying in the county of Fairfax, whereof the said Robert Mackey died seized and intestate, and an application of the proceeds thereof for the benefit of the petitioner, and the children of the deceased, is reasonable.
3. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of sundry overseers of the poor and other inhabitants of Middlesex county, praying that an act may pass; directing the sale of a certain tract of land lying in the said county, and which was devised by the will of a certain Alexander Frazier for the benefit of a free school, and that the interest of the proceeds or the sale may be applied agreeably to the intention of the testator, is reasonable.
The said resolutions being a second time, were agreed to by the House.
A report from the committee for Courts of Justice (which lay on the table) was taken up and read in the following words:
The committee for Courts of Justice have, according to order, had under their consideration the petition of Wm. Howard to them referred, and have agreed upon a report, & come to a resolution thereon, as follows:
It appears to your committee, That in the year 1805, the petitioner was united in matrimony to a certain Elizabeth D... who was at that time supposed to be a virtuous woman and unallied in her reputation.
It further appears to your committee, That for more than two years past a report has prevailed in the neighborhood in which the petitioner and his wife the said Elizabeth resided, extremely unfavorable to the character of the latter, as a woman of virtue, and by the affidavit of a respectable witness, it further appears to your committee, that the said Elizabeth was detected in a carnal intercourse with a mulatto man.
It further appears to your committee, That the petitioner has resided in Amherst county upwards of twenty years, and has always therein, during that time, supported a respectable character as an honest, good and orderly man.
Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of the said Wm. Howard, praying that an act may pass for divorcing him from his said wife, is reasonable.
The said resolution being read a second time, was agreed to by the House.
Ordered, That a bill be brought in pursuant to the said resolution, and that the committee for Courts of Justice do prepare and bring in the same.
Mr. Madison, from the committee of Propositions and Grievances, made the following report:
The Committee of Propositions and Grievances have, according to order, had under their consideration sundry petitions to them referred, and have come to the following resolutions thereon:
1. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of sundry inhabitants of the town of Bethel, in the county of Amherst, praying to be allowed further time to build on and improve their lots within the same, is reasonable.
2. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of sundry inhabitants of the town of Berryville, in the county of Frederick, praying that a law may pass, incorporating trustees of an academy within the said town, is reasonable.
3. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of John Ashlin, of the county of Fluvanna, praying that he may be authorised by law, to erect a dam across the Rivanna river, from his own land on the north side thereof, to the land on the opposite shore, late the property of David Ross, is reasonable.
4. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of John Wimbley, of the county of Halifax, praying that the act passed at the 6th day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight, entitled, "An act authorising John Wimbley to erect a dam across Banister river," may be so modified as to suspend that provision of the aforesaid act which directs the section of locks through the said dam, until the navigation of the said river may become practicable by clearing out the bed thereof, is reasonable.
5. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of sundry owners of land and residents at the courthouses of Fauquier county, praying that a law may pass, establishing a town at the said courthouse, is reasonable.
6. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of Richard P. Richardson and Wm. P. Richardson, praying the establishment of a town on their lands in the county of Fauquier, is reasonable.
7. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of sundry inhabitants of the town of Clarkburg, in the county of Harrison, praying that a law may pass, incorporating the said town, and appointing new trustees therefor, is reasonable.
8. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of sundry inhabitants and lot-holders in the town of Moorefield, in the county of Hardy, praying that a law may pass, authorising the holders of lots in the said town, to elect new trustees for the same, is reasonable.
The said resolutions being read a second time, were agreed to by the House.
Mr. Cabell, from the Committee for Courts of Justice, made the following report:
The committee for Courts of Justice have, according to order, had under their consideration the petition of Wm. Croxton, to them referred, and have agreed upon a report and come to a resolution thereon, as follows:
It appears to your committee, That in the year 1794, the petitioner intermarried with a certain Mary Gamble, with whom he lived happily about fourteen years, and who in that time bore him several children; that in the year 1803, the said Mary became attached to a certain John Campbell, a neighbor of the petitioner, and a married man, with whom she has eloped from Brooke county, the residence of the petitioner, to
the state of Kentucky, where she is now living with the said Campbell, to whom it is reported she has been married.
It further appears to your committee, That the petitioner has always been considered in the neighborhood wherein he resided, as an honest, sober and respectable man, and as a kind and affectionate husband.
Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of the said Wm. Croxton, praying that an act may pass, divorcing him from his said wife Mary, is reasonable.
The said resolution being read a second time, was agreed to by the House.
A petition was presented from James G. Trotter, praying to be divorced from his wife Elizabeth: Also a petition of Leonard Owen, of Patrick county, praying to be divorced from his wife Nancy: Referred to the Committee for Courts of Justice.
A petition was presented from John Stokeley, of Wood county, and of sundry other persons, praying that the said John Stokeley may be authorised to erect a dam across a branch of the Ohio river from his land to Blennerhasset's island, for the purpose of working a water mill: Referred to the committee of Propositions and Grievances.
Ordered, That a writ of election issue to the county of Hanover, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of John Bowe, esq. one of the delegates returned to serve in this present General Assembly for the said county.
On motion, Resolved, That so much of the Governor's communication, as relates to the public property at the Point of Fork, and at the Buckingham Iron Works, be referred to the consideration of a committee, and that they report by bill or otherwise; and the same was referred to Messrs. Woodring, Lynch, Bernard, Patterson, Wilkinson, Otey, Fletcher and Jones (of Cumberland).
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "to amend the act, entitled an act, to organize and establish a Superior Court of Law in each county of this commonwealth," and that Messrs. Thompson, Craig, Byars, Ward, Ingles, Goodwin, Johnson (of Giles) and Shannon, do prepare and bring in the same.
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "to incorporate a company to establish a turnpike road from Fredericksburg to Swift Run Gap;" and that Messrs. R. Stuart, Crutchfield, Green, Rutherford, Mallory, Bryan, Strickler, Madeira, Simen, Claypoole and Meriwether, do prepare and bring in the same.
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "to amend the several acts relative to the James River Company;" and that Messrs. Stevenson, Cheatham, B. C. Stuart, Selden, Carter, Ferguson, Bernard, Payne, Preston, Cabell, Otey, Armistead and M'Campbell do prepare and bring in the same.
A representation from sundry persons living contiguous to James river and its navigable branches, was presented and read, stating many inconveniences and disadvantages which have arisen from the mode adopted by the James River Company for improving the navigation of the river and suggesting certain improvements therein: Ordered, that the said representation be referred to the committee appointed to bring in a bill on that subject.
TUESDAY, December 12.
Mr. M'Farlane from the committee of Claims made the following report:
The committee of Claims, he, according to order, had under their consideration several petitions to them referred, agreed to a report, and come to sundry resolutions thereon:
It appears to your committee from the petition of Sampson Henderson, formerly in the revolutionary war he enlisted in troops then raising in Virginia, and after considerable service, both to the north and south, he was wounded in the thigh by a musket shot, in attempt at the storming of Savannah; that consequence of the services he underwent while wounded he received he has become unable to make provision for either himself or family;
1. Resolved therefor as the opinion of this committee, that the pension of Sampson Henderson, praying to be placed on the pension list, is reasonable.
It appears also to your committee, from the petition of Ann Rudd, widow of John Rudd, decd. that her husband was placed on the pension list on the 21st of Jan'y 1809, in consequence of wounds received while in service; that on the 25th of November following he died, leaving her and six small children, without any possible means of support;
2. Resolved therefor, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of Ann Rudd, widow of John Rudd, decd. praying to be placed on the pension list, is reasonable.
3. Resolved also, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of John Harper, stating that he was a soldier in the first Virginia regiment during the revolutionary war, and wounded in the thigh at the capture of Stony Point, and praying to be placed on the pension list, be rejected.
The 1st and 2d resolutions being read a second time, were agreed to by the House.
The 3d resolution being read a second time, was, on motion, ordered to be laid upon the table.
Ordered, That bills be brought in pursuant to the 1st and 2d resolutions, and that the committee of Claims do prepare and bring in the same.
A petition was presented and read from Sarah Boxwell, praying to be divorced from her husband William Boxwell; Also a petition from Mary Gant, praying to be divorced from her husband Daniel Gant; Also a petition of Sally Dumas, praying to be divorced from her husband Benjamin Dumas; Also a petition from George Towe, stating that the petitioner is an alien, and under a supposition that he had done what was necessary to qualify him as a citizen of Virginia, had purchased real estate, and as a clergyman of the Presbyterian society, had solemnized the rights of matrimony in many cases, and praying the passage of an act, releasing the commonwealth's right to any land which he may have purchased; and also legalizing the said marriages: Referred to the committee for Courts of Justice.
(To be Continued.)
Richmond Theatre.
On Wednesday Evening, December 20, 1809, will be presented (for the first time here) a celebrated new Comedy called
MAN AND WIFE; OR MORE SECRETS THAN ONE.
To which will be added the favorite Musical Entertainment of SPRIGS OF LAUREL; OR THE RIVAL SOLDIERS.
Doors to be opened at 5, the Curtain to rise at 6 o'clock.
In future the days of performance will be on Monday, Wednesday, Friday and Saturday. DECEMBER 14, 1809
PURSUANT to the will of the late Ralph Wormley, esq. will be sold on Tuesday the 9th of January next for cash, at Urbanna, about fifteen or twenty SLAVES, belonging to the estate of the said deceased, and consisting of men, women, and children.
ELEANOR WORMLEY, Administratrix with the will annexed. JNO CHEW, Administrator. Middlesex, December 19. e. day

Europe.
CONTINUATION OF Foreign News received by the Woodrop Sims, via Norfolk.
LONDON, Nov. 5.
Sir Samuel Hood sailed from Portsmouth on Thursday afternoon, in the Centaur, 74 guns, accompanied by the Warspite, 74, hon. captain Blackwood, for the Mediterranean. It is said that Sir Samuel is to command a squadron of ten sail of the line, destined to attack the Russian navy, trade, and settlements in the Black Sea; and if such a design is entertained, certainly no more proper officer could be selected to execute it.
A deputation from the merchants engaged in the Baltic trade waited upon the board of admiralty on Tuesday, for the purpose of ascertaining whether they might safely continue their operations in that commerce. They were informed, that a convoy would be ready to sail for the Baltic on the 9th of November, and that Swedish licences would be delivered, which would remain valid until the 12th of December. This, probably is the period fixed by the treaty between Russia and Sweden, from which British ships are to be excluded from the ports of the latter.
Friday we received Dutch papers to the 1st inst. They contain the heads of all the intelligence that had transpired at Paris on the 26th ult. The conditions of the peace were then as little known as when it was first announced. They would probably remain so until after they were communicated to the senate. The out-works of Vienna, it should seem, were demolished on the 16th. Bonaparte had taken his departure three or four hours before this intelligence was received on the Austrian capital. The following are the most important articles they contain:
AMSTERDAM, Oct. 31. —We have received letters and news-papers from Paris to the 26th. They contain nothing of importance, except that, according to the letter from Munich of the 21st, his majesty the Emperor Napoleon, left Schoenbrunn on the 16th at noon, and arrived at Passau on the 18th, where he inspected the French troops, and the Redoubts of Tulln, Abersberg, Eckartsau, Wagram, Rivoli, Alexander and Eugene. On the 20th, in the morning, his majesty arrived at the Castle of Nymphenburg, near Munich. In the evening he went with their majesties the king & queen of Bavaria, to the Theatre. The Castle, the fine avenue leading from Nymphenburg to Munich, and the whole of the city were illuminated. On the 20th, his majesty accompanied the king of Bavaria, on a hunting party, half a league from Munich.
"Letters from Vienna of the 15th mention, that the articles of the treaty of peace had not then been signed; but the public formed some conjectures respecting their purport, from the fact, that the preceding week, the Registers of the Austrian Chancery were sealed up by the French commissioners, and together with several cuments found among them relative to Tyrol, Upper Austria, Salzburg, Carinthia, Goritz & Trieste, were packed up & sent off."
"This morn' the following note was placarded: 'According to the notification from the French imperial commandant of this city to the government of Lower Austria, the fortifications of Vienna will be (the 15th of October) blown up, by command of his majesty the Emperor of the French—the government of Lower Austria therefore have to give the public immediate notice of the circumstance.' 'In consequence of this command,' add the letters alluded to, 'every precaution has been used for the security of the public wealth by preventing the streets from being clogged by the inhabitants, and leaving notices at all houses situated near the bastions. The time fixed for the explosion is between 8 and 9 o'clock for four hours. The works that are to be demolished are those which have been erected at the Burg, Karthuser, and Schottensteins, and which have, with heavy hearts, been carried on for a long period. But as it is only the out works, not the walls of the city, that are to be destroyed, and as the quantity of powder has been carefully calculated, so as merely to demolish them without blowing the materials to any distance, the shock of the explosion will make very little impression on the city. Yesterday evening the horse guards, and this morning the last of the foot guards, marched out. The entrenched camp at Sitz will, it is said, be demolished this afternoon.'
CITY ADDRESS TO THE KING.
TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY: The humble and dutiful address of the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of London in common council assembled:
"Most Gracious Sovereign, "We, the lord mayor, aldermen and commons of the city of London, in common council assembled, approach your majesty's sacred presence with our most lively and unfeigned congratulations on the recent anniversary of your majesty's accession to the throne of these realms; with joy and gladness we hailed the day on which your majesty entered into the fiftieth year of your majesty's reign, not only over the persons, but in the hearts of your majesty's subjects."
"When it pleased the almighty ruler of princes to place the sceptre in your majesty's hands, the brave, free, and loyal people, with your majesty, was ordained to govern, received with pleasure your majesty's first declaration to the great council of the nation, that 'born and educated a Briton, the peculiar happiness of your majesty's life would ever consist in promoting the welfare of your people, and your majesty's resolution to maintain our most excellent constitution, both in church and state, with an assurance that the civil and religious rights of the subjects were equally dear to your majesty with the most valuable prerogatives of the crown.'
"We experience and acknowledge the blessings of this security to our religion and laws, and the great charter of liberties which in virtue of the glorious revolution your majesty's illustrious house was chosen to defend. Through the lapse of nearly half a century your majesty has proved yourself, on every occasion, unwearied in the maintenance and practices of all the principles so graciously pledged."
"It is a proud subject for your majesty's faithful citizens of London to record, that in the midst of all our unexampled struggles, your majesty is enabled to say, now, as at the commencement of your majesty's reign, that your majesty can see with joy of heart the commerce of these kingdoms, that great source of our riches, and fixed object of your majesty's never failing care and protection, flourishing to an extent unknown in any former war."
"Deeply impressed with gratitude to Almighty God for the innumerable blessings he has been pleased to pour down upon this highly favoured nation, and more particularly for his wonderful and great goodness, in having continued his divine protection to your majesty until this joyful period, we, your majesty's faithful citizens of London, have implored Heaven to accept our fervent prayers of praise and thanksgiving, and to continue that same providential care and protection to your majesty for many years yet to come."
"Bene, Sire, that it is the warmest wish and most fervent prayer of your Majesty's Citizens of London, that Providence may long continue to this nation a distinguishing mark of divine favour, and that in the fulness of time, when your Majesty shall be called from your earthly to a celestial crown, the memory and example of so beloved a sovereign may secure to a grateful people the imitation of your Majesty's virtues in the successors of your Royal House, till time shall be no more."
"Signed by order of the Court, HENRY WOODTHROPE"
To which Address his Majesty was pleased to return the following most gracious answer: "I thank you for this testimony of your zeal and affection for me and my government. It has ever been my anxious care to maintain the rights and privileges of every class of my subjects; and it is a great satisfaction to me to reflect that, in the midst of all our unexampled struggles, and notwithstanding the duration of the wars in which, for the safety of my people, I have been engaged, the commerce and manufactures of my City of London have been carried to an extent unknown at any former period." They were all received very graciously, and had the honour to kiss his majesty's hand. After which his majesty was pleased to create the Lord Mayor a Baronet, and conferred the honor of Knighthood on William Plomer, Esq. Alderman.
CHARACTER OF THE NEW MINISTRY.
We have hitherto forbore to express any opinion on the composition of the new administration, because nothing is more unpleasant to us than that freedom of censure which the papers devoted to the respective parties seem to consider it as a point of duty to exercise on this occasion. Where any paper has connected itself with its peculiar patrons, it very naturally follows and maintains their fortunes with the zeal of advocacy. The public become the judges between the opposite pleadings, and considering both of them as mere pleadings, it does apply too strict a rule to their respective statements. A paper seeking only truth, and maintaining what it deems to be right, has a more difficult and unpleasant task—it must praise with moderation, and censure without respect of persons. It is considered as an enemy by both parties, and has no other support than the public.
It is now well known from the polished statement of Mr. Canning, that from the evident declining health of the duke of Portland, Mr. Canning was anxious to provide an equal successor to him as the head of the administration. Marquis Wellesley was accordingly proposed, but there was a strong party of the cabinet against this arrangement. Lord Liverpool, as it is stated, feared lest the activity of the marquis (for active he certainly is) might disturb, if not totally extinguish, that quiet dependence and tranquil submission which had hitherto but too much characterized the ministry. It may not be, perhaps, unnecessary to add, that the original constitution of the ministry belonged, in great part, to the late and present earls of Liverpool, and that as one ministry had been dismissed for a contumacious opposition to the royal pleasure, due care was taken that such should not be the fault of its successors. The age of the duke of Portland rendered him a mere nominal head, and if the conscious talent of Mr. Canning occasionally made him troublesome, there was still strength enough in the cabinet to reduce him to discipline. We do not state these points with any purpose to offend; our object is merely to illustrate in some small degree, the present state of the cabinet.
When Mr. Canning found, that secretly by some, and openly by others, he was thwarted in all his attempts to introduce the marquis Wellesley in the cabinet—when that part of the cabinet in opposition to him set up Mr. Perceval as their man—and when there was another secret counteraction going forward on the parts of two noble lords, Mr. Canning resolved upon bringing things to a conclusion, and decidedly demanded, what he had certainly a right to demand, the dismissal of Lord Castlereagh, and the avowed preference of himself to Mr. Perceval.—The duke of Portland, anxious only for peace and tranquility, after endeavoring in vain to dissuade Mr. Canning, and to reconcile the parties, consented to Mr. Canning's proposal: but as the notification of it to Lord Castlereagh must have necessarily led to farther divisions and disputes, it was agreed to suspend the execution of it till parliament had been prorogued. Mr. Canning and the duke of Portland had still the majority in the cabinet, and therefore were enabled to carry their own measures.—Lord Liverpool, we believe, remained neutral, content if he could merely execute his own duty, and keep the cabinet together.
After the failure of the expedition to the Scheldt, and the progressive growth of the dissensions in the cabinet, Mr. Canning deemed it necessary to demand the abovementioned notification to Lord Castlereagh, and after some difficulty it was at length made. The immediate consequences are too well known to require a detail. The statements of all the parties have been given to the public, and an unprejudiced judge cannot but condemn them both, and Mr. Canning much more than Lord Castlereagh. As to the effects of this proceeding on the cabinet, to say it in a word, the ministry fell to pieces, and it is now necessary either to mend it, or to compose it anew.
Mr. Perceval, as the agent of Lord Liverpool, (we see no reason for keeping back this circumstance) was induced to attempt a measure, which was always as nugatory in reality as it is promising in appearance. This was a coalition of the two or rather three parties, the Grenvilles, the Foxes, and the remains of the broken cabinet. The Grenvilles, connected by general principles, and their former public life, with the greater part of these men, were not very averse; they obeyed the call to consultation, and however they may now choose to disguise their condescension, it was certainly not their fault that the coalition did not succeed. Mr. Perceval did not offer enough. His brief was indorsed for a temporary. E. Grey, on the part of the Foxes, decidedly rejected all overtures, and though Earl Grey in no great favor with us, we cannot deny that his conduct was more manly and more consistent with his principles than that of Lord Grenville.—The refusal of Lord Grenville and Grey rendered it necessary for Lord Liverpool to look around him, and it was at length determined, that without Mr. Canning. Mr. Sydenham, the early friend and military secretary of the marquis in India, has been sent upon this errand, and according to the statements in the ministerial papers, every thing is waiting for his decision.—The present composition of the cabinet is therefore only temporary.
Such is the present state of things, and it remains only to suggest a few more points, as to what will be the probable event. In the first place, as Mr. Canning is a very considerable degree sacrificed himself to the sent to accept the oil-rent seat at the expense & on the condition of the exclusion of Mr. Canning. It appears to us that the marquis Wellesley will be compelled by the mere point of honor to decline the proposals made to him.
If the marquis Wellesley do not join the administration, there is certainly an end of it, inasmuch as his wealth, and the connections subsisting upon his former situation and patronage in the East Indies, have given him a parliamentary weight, which, added to that of the treasury, may enable the new administration to keep their ground. The marquis Wellesley, a man scarcely known twelve years since, is now nearly the first man in the kingdom—so sure is the influence of wealth, and so powerful the effect of our Indian connections. The time, perhaps, is not far distant, when England will repay India, and in the same coin, the servitude under which we have long held her. It sometimes
happens to nations as to individuals, that the servant and master change stations, & a man comes to wear the livery of his master.
Accounts, however, are stated to have been received, that the marquis has persuaded himself to accept the proposals made to him. We confess that we cannot believe it—We have frequently expressed our opinion as to the character and talents of Marquis Wellesley—that he has more activity than progress—more ostentation than solid virtues—a restless spirit of doing something, with little discrimination as to the comparative value of the cost and the acquisition—but as a man of honor, we can entertain no doubt of him, and really he does appear to us, under all the circumstances of the case, supposing the published statements to be authentic, that he cannot in honor become the head of an administration from which Mr. Canning is to be excluded.—Bell's Weekly Messenger, Nov. 5.
FROM THE SPANISH PAPERS.
SEVILLE, Oct. 10. —Ney has concentrated his forces in Valladolid, Salamanca, and Toro; he complains of the impossibility of maintaining himself there, or of making any movement, on account of the numerous detachments which surround him, and cut off his supplies and ammunition: our parties have not met with any French on this side of Talavera. Sult has evacuated Placencia, and the whole of the North of Estramadura, and gone to Toledo. Several cartridges have left Madrid, with a number of persons in the French interest.
According to all the accounts received from Catalonia, it is not to be doubted, that on the 22nd September a most obstinate battle was fought near Gerona, and that the auxiliary army, under the command of General Blake, obtained the inestimable advantage of introducing into that city a considerable supply of provisions and ammunition.
Our correspondent in Catalonia advises us of the French fleet having sailed from Toulon, with the design of relieving Barcelona; but adm. Collingwood, with the English fleet, being in those seas, it is very probable that he will save it half the voyage.
From the French and Dutch Papers.
PARIS, Oct. 19. —We are assured that her Majesty the empress, has received a telegraphic despatch announcing the conclusion of peace with Austria on the 14th Oct. the anniversary of the battle of Jena.
Oct. 20.—The intelligence of the conclusion of peace with Austria having reached Versailles on the 18th, at night, the whole town was illuminated. It was announced here this morning, by a discharge of 100 pieces of cannon, and last night published in all the theatres. At the opera house, the triumph of Trajan was given, and when the actress who acted the part of Paulina pronounced the verse— "Romains cetez a Cesar qu'il faut en rendre grace" (Romans, it's to Cesar that thanks ought to be returned for it) the whole house rang with peals of applause, and repeated shouts of "Long live the Emperor."
Oct. 23.—His imperial majesty has left Schoenbrunn, attended by the dukes of Bassieres, Frioul, and Rivigo, and other gentlemen of distinction. The imperial horse guards precede his Majesty on his journey through Upper Austria and Bavaria.
Oct. 25.—An article from Antwerp, after describing the rejoicings which had taken place in that city, on account of the conclusion of peace between Austria and France, states, under the date of October 22. "We are this moment informed that his imperial and royal majesty will arrive within a few days in our city; his excellency the minister of marine is just arrived."
ST. PETERSBURGH, Sept. 20.—The fortress of Israel continues to be closely blockaded by our troops, under the orders of General Waisiew.
ANTWERP, Oct. 24.—A telegraphic despatch, which was yesterday received, states that the emperor has already arrived at Fontainebleau.
BAYONNE, October 19.—The day before yesterday arrived in this place 200 draft horses, belonging to the imperial mews.—We understand that several corps of troops will shortly pass through this town on their march to Spain. A great number of them have already reached Angouleme.
Marshal Ney, duke of Elchingen, is shortly expected here from Spain.
The following is a more particular list of the Ministers of State who have been created Dukes: The Minister Secretary of State, Duke of Bassano.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Duke of Cadore.
The Minister of General Police, Duke of Otranto.
The Minister of Finance, Duke of Gaeta.
The Minister of War, Duke of Velltri.
The Minister of Justice, Duke of Massa and Carrara.
It is worthy of remark, that in all the creations of the new nobles of Bonaparte, this extraordinary man has selected their titles from the conquered countries. We do not find in his list of princes, dukes or counts, one solitary title emanating from any place in France.—N. Y. Public Advertiser.
EDWARD HALLAM
Has received by the last arrivals from Europe, and for sale next door above the Eagle Tavern—a fresh and general supply of Garden Seeds, viz
  CABBAGES. Early York, Early Sugar Loaf, Early Heart-shaped, Drum Head, Green and Yellow Savoy.  PEAS. Early Frame, Early Hot Spur, Canadian, Marrowfat, Glory of England, and Blue Prussian.  SNAPS. Early six weeks, Early China Dwarf, Early Speckled, Early Dun.  LETTUCE. Imperial, Brown Dutch, Grand Admiral, Mouse Ear, and Ice.  RADISH. Salmon Purple, White and Black.  CUCUMBER. Early Frame, Long Green, and Prickley. Large White Indivie.  EDUCATION. The subscriber intends to continue his school in the Forks of Hanover, the ensuing year, where he offers to teach spelling, reading, writing, arithmetic, English grammar, geography, the use of the globes, rhetoric, natural philosophy, geometry, and the French language. The price for board, tuition and washing, will be $7.50 payable half yearly. The term will commence the tenth of January, and end the tenth of Dec. Vacation one month, beginning the tenth of June. This school will be critically examined in June and December.  
November 27, 1809. JAMES BARKS, Jr. wfr
HIRING OF NEGROES.
WILL be hired publicly in Milton on the 2nd day of January next, near a hundred Negroes belonging to Mrs. Sally Carter, among them are three valuable carpenters—those persons who are now in possession of said negroes, on hire, are earnestly requested to send them to Milton the day before the next hiring.
WILLIAM ANDERSON, Agent for SALLY CARTER. Milton, Nov. 17. wfr
ENOCH SULLIVAN has removed his Shop and business, to the same house occupied by Wm. McCoy, watch-maker, opposite Mr. Wm. Cook's.
December 1. wfr
VIRGINIA: At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the City of Richmond, the 7th day of Sept. 1809.
William B. Giles acting for the benefit of the representatives of John Tabb deceased, Plaintiff—Against John Poindexter, jun. Valentine Meriwether and Nelson Harris, Defendants.
THE defendant Valentine Meriwether not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by counsel, It is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff; & that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city.
A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. s. November 3. wfr
VIRGINIA: To wit:—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 13th day of July 1809.
William Evans, Thomas R. Evans, Sally Evans, Peter and Elizabeth his wife, Thomas Evans and Dice Evans infants under the age of twenty-one years by Thomas R. Evans their next friend, Harry Gardner and Stephen Prince and Elizabeth his wife, Plaintiffs—Against William Blake, Thomas Evans, senior, John Evans and Thomas Evans, jun. Defendants.
THE defendant John Evans not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Country on the motion of the Plaintiffs by their counsel; It is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the Plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this City.
A Copy. ANTY ROBINSON, c. c. Nov. 14. wfr
IN CHANCERY. —Northumberland County Court 13th November, 1809.
Joseph Rogers, Bt. Against Elizabeth B. Baker, Virginia Baker, Walter C. Baker and Homer W. Bt. defts.
THE Defendants Elizabeth B. Baker, Virginia Baker and Walter C. Baker not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff, It is decreed and ordered: That the said defendants appear here on the first day of March Court next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted for two months successively in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county: And it is further ordered, That the defendant Webb retain in his hands any money he may have belonging to the estate of the late Doctor Corban Baker, till the further order of the court.
Attest FLEMING BATES, c. n. c. wfr
IN CHANCERY. —Northumberland County Court 14th November, 1809.
James Smith, Bt. Against Elizabeth B. Baker, Virginia Baker, Walter Baker and Samuel Blackwell, defts.
THE Defendants Elizabeth B. Baker, Virginia Baker and Walter Baker not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of this court that they are not inhabitants of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff, It is decreed and ordered, That the said defendants appear here on the first day of March Court next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted for two months successively in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county.
Attest FLEMING BATES, c. n. c. wfr
THE SUBSCRIBER gives Notice, that with a view to the education of his own Children, he has determined to remove his family to the City of Richmond.—He has rented the House at present occupied by the Chancellor, and proposes taking 10 or 12 young boys or girls into his family as boarders.
He pledges himself that the most rigid attention shall be paid to the morals and general welfare of such as may be committed to his care.—The situation he has chosen is high and healthy, and sufficiently convenient to the Academy. He expects to be in readiness to receive boarders by the 10th of January; in the mean time any communications on this subject may be addressed to him at Columbia.
His price for board is $120 per annum; one third to be paid in advance, one third in six months, and the balance at the end of the year, each boarder finding his bed.
RO. QUARLES. wfr
EDUCATION. —The subscribers propose opening a Boarding-School, on Wednesday, the 10th day of January next, at the late dwelling of their father, the Rev'd. Matthew Maury, in the county of Albemarle, where they will instruct Young Gentlemen, in the Latin, Greek, French and English Languages, upon the following terms: Their price for board will be eighty dollars, for tuition, $33.1.3, and for washing & mending $12, payable half yearly, each boarder finding his own bedding. The qualifications of one of the subscribers have been proven by five years experience in this line of business. The other has been educated in the same School, and wants nothing but a few months experience to render his qualifications fully equal. The advantages of the situation are manifestly great, it being in the heart of a healthy and polished neighborhood, and far removed from every incentive to vice and dissipation. The subscribers, deeply impressed with the great importance of the duties which they have assigned themselves, pledge all their powers for their performance. They have a tolerably extensive and well selected historical Library, which shall, (during the winter nights,) be used under their superintendence, for the benefit of their pupils. Should any of those gentlemen, who have patronized the labors of F. P. Maury, at the Green Springs, in Louisa, choose to place their sons or wards with the subscribers, their bedding, books, &c. shall be removed to this place gratis. Communications directed to the subscribers, Lindsay's Store, Albemarle county, will be immediately attended to.
THOMAS W. MAURY, FRANCIS F. MAURY. wfr
December 12. wfr
ROBT. JOHNSTON , in addition to his stock of GOODS on hand, has received a complete and general assortment, which he will sell low for cash or negotiable notes, amongst which are, IRON MONGERY & CUTLERY , of every description, White Lead in kegs, Window Glass, Glue, Sawdust, Spoons, Horns, Whips, Brushes, Seythe Blades, Seine Twine, Imperial & Young Hysse Tea, Coffee and Loaf Sugar, Ozanbures, Russian Sheeting, Cotton Shirting, Cambries, Patent Suspenders, Umbrellas, superfine and coarse Cloths, Kennebec, Flannels, &c. washed and side shirtings, Manchester Cords, Wool Hats, Carpeting, Mattresses, Ladies Morocco cork sole Shoes, &c. &c. Wants to hire or purchase, a young Woman, who can cook and wash. November 24. wfr
VALUABLE LAND—FOR SALE. —The subscriber, intending to remove to one of the southern states in the course of fifteen or eighteen months, offers for sale, the tract of LAND on which he now dwells. It contains, by a late survey, about eleven hundred and eighty acres, of which six hundred and fourteen, are yet in woods. The soil is peculiarly suited to the production of wheat, and is excellent for corn and tobacco. The situation is remarkably healthy, and is only one mile from the navigation of Appomattox. Those who wish to purchase a good Tract of Land, at a reasonable price, are invited to view this property. If it should not be sold, by private contract, before the sixth day of January next, it will then be put up to the highest bidder, at Farmville, on a credit of one and two years.
PETER JOHNSTON. Prince Edward, Nov. 18. wfr
CHEESE, HATS, SALT-PETRE, GUN-POWDER. —A consignment of Coloured Cheese of superior quality, in casks and boxes, just received. A large and general assortment of gentlemen's SALT-PETRE. English refined SALT-PETRE. F and FF glazed and rough GUN-POWDER. FOR SALE, BY— D. J. BURR. December 1. wfr
FOR SALE. —By virtue of a decree of the Superior Court of Chancery for the Richmond district, pro nounced on the 21st September, 1809, will be sold on the premises, on Saturday the 30th of this month, to the highest bidder, the BRICK HOUSE & LOT OF GROUND adjoining thereto, situated on Shockoe Hill on the main street leading to the turnpike road, and at present occupied by Mr. Joseph Carter as a Grocery.—The sale is made to raise a sum of money, interest and costs, due from John B. Wynn to James Gowen, assignee of James Innis, as particularly mentioned in said decree. JOHN F. PRICE, Commissioner. Richmond, December 9. tds
THE SUBSCRIBERS having connected themselves in Business under the firm of MURPHY & CRUMP , Offer For Sale, in the store lately occupied by Mr. Wm. Temple, four doors above the Bell-Tavern, a general and well selected assortment of GROCERIES, CHINA, GLASS, & STONE WARE , which they will sell low for cash or exchange for country produce. They also tender their services to the public as COMMISSION MERCHANTS . Any business committed to their care will be attended to with possible dispatch. WILL: MURPHY, JOSHUA CRUMP. Richmond, December 7. 2 wfr
JOHNSON AND REAT, JEWELLERS & SILVERSMITHS.
AT the crescent sign, opposite the Eagle-Tavern.—Have just received an additional supply of ARTICLES in their line, (which with their former stock will render their assortment very complete) consisting of— Pearl Bar-Rings, Ear-Rings & Drops, Breast-Pins, Bracelets and Finger-Rings.
Jet Breast-Pins, Bracelets, Ear-Rings & Necklaces, tortoise-shell Combs of the most approved patterns, gold Watch-Chains, Seals and Keys of the latest patterns, Ear-Rings, Finger-Rings, Breast-Pins, Bracelets, Buttons, Lockets and Miniature Settings.
Silver Tea Pots, Coffee Pots, Sugar Dishes, Shot Bowls, Cream-Pots, Cams and Goblets, Table Desert, Tea and Salt Spoons, Soup, Toddy, cream and mustard Lades, Salt-Stands, Timbels, Coral & Bell, Tea Tongs & Pencil Cases, silver mounted Dukes, Swords and Snuff Boxes. Posed Castors of various prices, Candle-sticks, Fruit Baskets, Tea-Pots, Sugar Dishes, Cream-Pots, Salt-Stands, Table Spoons and Tea-Tongs. Black Tin Tea Pots and Tea Caddies, together with sundry other articles too tedious to enumerate here, all of which they offer on moderate terms. Orders for work strictly attended to.—The highest price given for old silver and gold. December 7. wfr
ON the 21st day of December next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be sold, at the dwelling-house of the late George Garner, in the county of Westmoreland, about sixteen likely NEGROES, and the present year's crop of corn, &c. which property will be sold pursuant to a deed of trust, made by George Garner for the purpose of securing the payment of his debts. The sale will be on a credit of twelve months, the purchasers giving bond with approved security. If the negroes and crops do not sell for a sufficient sum to pay the debts of the said Garner, the subscribers will, on the day after the sale of the negroes and crops, sell all or so much of the land conveyed in trust for the above purpose, as will make a sum sufficient for the payment of the debts of the said George Garner. All such creditors as may exhibit their claims to the subscribers before the said 21st of December next, properly authenticated, and which the subscribers may consider legal and just, may purchase at the said sale, and shall be allowed a discount of their claims, against their purchase. THOS. STOWERS, } Trustees, JAMES COX, } Westmoreland County, October 24. tds
NEW STORE.
THE Subscriber is now opening opposite the Globe-Tavern, a general assortment of Piece and Fancy Goods, amongst which are Superfine and Common White and Colored Habits, do. Broad Cloths, bit. do. Do. do. Cassemeres, Cambick Muslins, Do. do. Contings, Plain and Leaded Mull do. Flannels, Fancy Vesting, Spider Nett, & Fancy Reel and Black Bombazets, Graps, do. Worsted, Cotton and Knotted & Sprig Leno Silk Hosiery, Diagonal and Veined Ginghams, Cotton do. Shirting, Elegant Worked Dress Irish Linen and Dow, do. Silk Shawls and Fine and Common Handkerchiefs, Printed Calicoes, Black plaid and plain Velvets Cords, Umbrillas, Linstrug, brellas, Threads, Plain Silk and Fancy Sewing Silks, Extra Cut Velvets, White long White and Colored Kid Gloves, Satin and Grape.
JOHN WOOD. November 14. wfr
THE subscribers offer for sale, every general assortment of GROCERIES, which they will dispose of on moderate terms, for cash, country produce, or approved paper. Also, 62 Kgs